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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Introduction to the Science of Sociology, by
+Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Introduction to the Science of Sociology
+
+Author: Robert E. Park
+ Ernest W. Burgess
+
+Release Date: April 4, 2009 [EBook #28496]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INTRODUCTION TO SOCIOLOGY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Curtis Weyant, Josephine Paolucci and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
+(This file was produced from images generously made
+available by Case Western Reserve University Preservation
+Department Digital Library.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION TO THE SCIENCE OF SOCIOLOGY
+
+THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
+CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
+
+THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY
+NEW YORK
+
+THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
+LONDON
+
+THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA
+TOKYO, OSAKA, KYOTO, FUKUOKA, SENDAI
+
+THE MISSION BOOK COMPANY
+SHANGHAI
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION TO THE SCIENCE OF SOCIOLOGY
+
+_By_
+
+ROBERT E. PARK AND ERNEST W. BURGESS
+
+THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
+CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
+
+COPYRIGHT 1921 BY
+THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
+
+All rights Reserved
+
+Published September 1921
+
+Transcriber's Note: Minor typos have been corrected. Footnotes have been
+moved to the end of the chapters. Italicized letters, such as (_a_),
+have been changed to unitalicized (a) for easier reading.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The materials upon which this book is based have been collected from a
+wide range of sources and represent the observation and reflection of
+men who have seen life from very different points of view. This was
+necessary in order to bring into the perspective of a single volume the
+whole wide range of social organization and human life which is the
+subject-matter of a science of society.
+
+At the same time an effort has been made to bring this material within
+the limits of a very definite series of sociological conceptions which
+suggest, at any rate, where they do not clearly exhibit, the fundamental
+relations of the parts to one another and to the concepts and contents
+of the volume as a whole.
+
+The _Introduction to the Science of Sociology_ is not conceived as a
+mere collection of materials, however, but as a systematic treatise. On
+the other hand, the excerpts which make up the body of the book are not
+to be regarded as mere illustrations. In the context in which they
+appear, and with the headings which indicate their place in the volume,
+they should enable the student to formulate for himself the principles
+involved. An experience of some years, during which this book has been
+in preparation, has demonstrated the value to the teacher of a body of
+materials that are interesting in themselves and that appeal to the
+experience of the student. If students are invited to take an active
+part in the task of interpretation of the text, if they are encouraged
+to use the references in order to extend their knowledge of the
+subject-matter and to check and supplement classroom discussion by their
+personal observation, their whole attitude becomes active rather than
+passive. Students gain in this way a sense of dealing at first hand with
+a subject-matter that is alive and with a science that is in the making.
+Under these conditions sociology becomes a common enterprise in which
+all members of the class participate; to which, by their observation and
+investigation, they can and should make contributions.
+
+The first thing that students in sociology need to learn is to observe
+and record their own observations; to read, and then to select and
+record the materials which are the fruits of their readings; to
+organize and use, in short, their own experience. The whole organization
+of this volume may be taken as an illustration of a method, at once
+tentative and experimental, for the collection, classification, and
+interpretation of materials, and should be used by students from the
+very outset in all their reading and study.
+
+Social questions have been endlessly discussed, and it is important that
+they should be. What the student needs to learn, however, is how to get
+facts rather than formulate opinions. The most important facts that
+sociologists have to deal with are opinions (attitudes and sentiments),
+but until students learn to deal with opinions as the biologists deal
+with organisms, that is, to dissect them--reduce them to their component
+elements, describe them, and define the situation (environment) to which
+they are a response--we must not expect very great progress in
+sociological science.
+
+It will be noticed that every single chapter, except the first, falls
+naturally into four parts; (1) the introduction, (2) the materials, (3)
+investigations and problems, and (4) bibliography. The first two parts
+of each chapter are intended to raise questions rather than to answer
+them. The last two, on the other hand, should outline or suggest
+problems for further study. The bibliographies have been selected mainly
+to exhibit the recognized points of view with regard to the questions
+raised, and to suggest the practical problems that grow out of, and are
+related to, the subject of the chapter as a whole.
+
+The bibliographies, which accompany the chapters, it needs to be said,
+are intended to be representative rather than authoritative or complete.
+An attempt has been made to bring together literature that would exhibit
+the range, the divergence, the distinctive character of the writings and
+points of view upon a single topic. The results are naturally subject to
+criticism and revision.
+
+A word should be said in regard to chapter i. It seemed necessary and
+important, in view of the general vagueness and uncertainty in regard to
+the place of sociology among the sciences and its relation to the other
+social sciences, particularly to history, to state somewhere, clearly
+and definitely, what, from the point of view of this volume, sociology
+is. This resulted finally in the imposition of a rather formidable essay
+upon what is in other respects, we trust, a relatively concrete and
+intelligible book. Under these circumstances we suggest that, unless the
+reader is specially interested in the matter, he begin with the chapter
+on "Human Nature," and read the first chapter last.
+
+The editors desire to express their indebtedness to Dr. W. I. Thomas for
+the point of view and the scheme of organization of materials which have
+been largely adopted in this book.[1] They are also under obligations to
+their colleagues, Professor Albion W. Small, Professor Ellsworth Faris,
+and Professor Leon C. Marshall, for constant stimulus, encouragement,
+and assistance. They wish to acknowledge the co-operation and the
+courtesy of their publishers, all the more appreciated because of the
+difficult technical task involved in the preparation of this volume. In
+preparing copy for publication and in reading proof, invaluable service
+was rendered by Miss Roberta Burgess.
+
+Finally the editors are bound to express their indebtedness to the
+writers and publishers who have granted their permission to use the
+materials from which this volume has been put together. Without the use
+of these materials it would not have been possible to exhibit the many
+and varied types of observation and reflection which have contributed to
+present-day knowledge of social life. In order to give this volume a
+systematic character it has been necessary to tear these excerpts from
+their contexts and to put them, sometimes, into strange categories. In
+doing this it will no doubt have happened that some false impressions
+have been created. This was perhaps inevitable and to be expected. On
+the other hand these brief excerpts offered here will serve, it is
+hoped, as an introduction to the works from which they have been taken,
+and, together with the bibliographies which accompany them, will serve
+further to direct and stimulate the reading and research of students.
+The co-operation of the following publishers, organizations and
+journals, in giving, by special arrangement, permission to use
+selections from copyright material, was therefore distinctly appreciated
+by the editors:
+
+D. Appleton & Co.; G. Bell & Sons; J. F. Bergmann; Columbia University
+Press; George H. Doran Co.; Duncker und Humblot; Duffield & Co.;
+Encyclopedia Americana Corporation; M. Giard et Cie; Ginn & Co.;
+Harcourt, Brace & Co.; Paul B. Hoeber; Houghton Mifflin Co.; Henry Holt
+& Co.; B. W. Huebsch; P. S. King & Son; T. W. Laurie, Ltd.; Longmans,
+Green & Co.; John W. Luce & Co.; The Macmillan Co.; A. C. McClurg & Co.;
+Methuen & Co.; John Murray; Martinus Nijhoff; Open Court Publishing Co.;
+Oxford University Press; G. P. Putnam's Sons; Rütten und Loening;
+Charles Scribner's Sons; Frederick A. Stokes & Co.; W. Thacker & Co.;
+University of Chicago Press; University Tutorial Press, Ltd.;
+Wagnerische Univ. Buchhandlung; Walter Scott Publishing Co.; Williams &
+Norgate; Yale University Press; American Association for International
+Conciliation; American Economic Association; American Sociological
+Society; Carnegie Institution of Washington; _American Journal of
+Psychology_; _American Journal of Sociology_; _Cornhill Magazine_;
+_International Journal of Ethics_; _Journal of Abnormal Psychology_;
+_Journal of Delinquency_; _Nature_; _Pedagogical Seminary_; _Popular
+Science Monthly_; _Religious Education_; _Scientific Monthly_;
+_Sociological Review_; _World's Work_; _Yale Review_.
+
+CHICAGO
+June 18, 1921
+
+
+
+
+TABLE OF CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER I. SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
+ PAGE
+I. Sociology and "Scientific" History 1
+
+II. Historical and Sociological Facts 6
+
+III. Human Nature and Law 12
+
+IV. History, Natural History, and Sociology 16
+
+V. The Social Organism: Humanity or Leviathan? 24
+
+VI. Social Control and Schools of Thought 27
+
+VII. Social Control and the Collective Mind 36
+
+VIII. Sociology and Social Research 43
+
+ _Representative Works in Systematic Sociology and Methods of
+ Sociological Research_ 57
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 60
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 60
+
+
+CHAPTER II. HUMAN NATURE
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Human Interest in Human Nature 64
+ 2. Definition of Human Nature 65
+ 3. Classification of the Materials 68
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. The Original Nature of Man
+ 1. Original Nature Defined. _Edward L. Thorndike_ 73
+ 2. Inventory of Original Tendencies. _Edward L. Thorndike_ 75
+ 3. Man Not Born Human. _Robert E. Park_ 76
+ 4. The Natural Man. _Milicent W. Shinn_ 82
+ 5. Sex Differences. _Albert Moll_ 85
+ 6. Racial Differences. _C. S. Myers_ 89
+ 7. Individual Differences. _Edward L. Thorndike_ 92
+
+ B. Human Nature and Social Life
+ 1. Human Nature and Its Remaking. _W. E. Hocking_ 95
+ 2. Human Nature, Folkways, and the Mores. _William G. Sumner_ 97
+ 3. Habit and Custom, the Individual and the General Will.
+ _Ferdinand Tönnies_ 100
+ 4. The Law, Conscience, and the General Will. _Viscount Haldane_ 102
+
+ C. Personality and the Social Self
+ 1. The Organism as Personality. _Th. Ribot_ 108
+ 2. Personality as a Complex. _Morton Prince_ 110
+ 3. The Self as the Individual's Conception of His Rôle.
+ _Alfred Binet_ 113
+ 4. The Natural Person versus the Social and Conventional Self.
+ _L. G. Winston_ 117
+ 5. The Divided Self and Moral Consciousness. _William James_ 119
+ 6. Personality of Individuals and of Peoples. _W. v. Bechterew_ 123
+
+ D. Biological and Social Heredity
+ 1. Nature and Nurture. _J. Arthur Thomson_ 126
+ 2. Inheritance of Original Nature. _C. B. Davenport_ 128
+ 3. Inheritance of Acquired Nature: Tradition. _Albert G. Keller_ 134
+ 4. Temperament, Tradition, and Nationality. _Robert E. Park_ 135
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+
+ 1. Conceptions of Human Nature Implicit in Religious and
+ Political Doctrines 139
+ 2. Literature and the Science of Human Nature 141
+ 3. Research in the Field of Original Nature 143
+ 4. The Investigation of Human Personality 143
+ 5. The Measurement of Individual Differences 145
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 147
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 154
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 155
+
+
+CHAPTER III. SOCIETY AND THE GROUP
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Society, the Community, and the Group 159
+ 2. Classification of the Materials 162
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Society and Symbiosis
+ 1. Definition of Society. _Alfred Espinas_ 165
+ 2. Symbiosis (literally "living together"). _William M. Wheeler_ 167
+ 3. The Taming and the Domestication of Animals.
+ _P. Chalmers Mitchell_ 170
+
+ B. Plant Communities and Animal Societies
+ 1. Plant Communities. _Eugenius Warming_ 173
+ 2. Ant Society. _William E. Wheeler_ 180
+
+ C. Human Society
+ 1. Social Life. _John Dewey_ 182
+ 2. Behavior and Conduct. _Robert E. Park_ 185
+ 3. Instinct and Character. _L. T. Hobhouse_ 190
+ 4. Collective Representation and Intellectual Life.
+ _Émile Durkheim_ 193
+
+ D. The Social Group
+ 1. Definition of the Group. _Albion W. Small_ 196
+ 2. The Unity of the Social Group. _Robert E. Park_ 198
+ 3. Types of Social Groups. _S. Sighele_ 200
+ 4. _Esprit de Corps_, Morale, and Collective Representations
+ of Social Groups. _William E. Hocking_ 205
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. The Scientific Study of Societies 210
+ 2. Surveys of Communities 211
+ 3. The Group as a Unit of Investigation 212
+ 4. The Study of the Family 213
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 217
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 223
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 224
+
+
+CHAPTER IV. ISOLATION
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Geological and Biological Conceptions of Isolation 226
+ 2. Isolation and Segregation 228
+ 3. Classification of the Materials 230
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Isolation and Personal Individuality
+ 1. Society and Solitude. _Francis Bacon_ 233
+ 2. Society in Solitude. _Jean Jacques Rousseau_ 234
+ 3. Prayer as a Form of Isolation. _George Albert Coe_. 235
+ 4. Isolation, Originality, and Erudition. _T. Sharper Knowlson_ 237
+
+ B. Isolation and Retardation
+ 1. Feral Men. _Maurice H. Small_ 239
+ 2. From Solitude to Society. _Helen Keller_ 243
+ 3. Mental Effects of Solitude. _W. H. Hudson_ 245
+ 4. Isolation and the Rural Mind. _C. J. Galpin_ 247
+ 5. The Subtler Effects of Isolation. _W. I. Thomas_. 249
+
+ C. Isolation and Segregation
+ 1. Segregation as a Process. _Robert E. Park_ 252
+ 2. Isolation as a Result of Segregation.
+ _L. W. Crafts and E. A. Doll_ 254
+
+ D. Isolation and National Individuality
+ 1. Historical Races as Products of Isolation. _N. S. Shaler_ 257
+ 2. Geographical Isolation and Maritime Contact. _George Grote_ 260
+ 3. Isolation as an Explanation of National Differences.
+ _William Z. Ripley_ 264
+ 4. Natural versus Vicinal Location in National Development.
+ _Ellen C. Semple_ 268
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Isolation in Anthropogeography and Biology 269
+ 2. Isolation and Social Groups 270
+ 3. Isolation and Personality 271
+
+ _Bibliography: Materials for the Study of Isolation_ 273
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 277
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 278
+
+
+CHAPTER V. SOCIAL CONTACTS
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Preliminary Notions of Social Contact 280
+ 2. The Sociological Concept of Contact 281
+ 3. Classification of the Materials 282
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Physical Contact and Social Contact
+ 1. The Frontiers of Social Contact. _Albion W. Small_ 288
+ 2. The Land and the People. _Ellen C. Semple_ 289
+ 3. Touch and Social Contact. _Ernest Crawley_ 291
+
+ B. Social Contact in Relation to Solidarity and to Mobility
+ 1. The In-Group and the Out-Group. _W. G. Sumner_. 293
+ 2. Sympathetic Contacts versus Categoric Contacts. _N. S. Shaler_ 294
+ 3. Historical Continuity and Civilization. _Friedrich Ratzel_ 298
+ 4. Mobility and the Movement of Peoples. _Ellen C. Semple_ 301
+
+ C. Primary and Secondary Contacts
+ 1. Village Life in America (from _the Diary of a Young Girl_).
+ _Caroline C. Richards_ 305
+ 2. Secondary Contacts and City Life. _Robert E. Park_. 311
+ 3. Publicity as a Form of Secondary Contact. _Robert E. Park_ 315
+ 4. From Sentimental to Rational Attitudes. _Werner Sombart_ 317
+ 5. The Sociological Significance of the "Stranger." _Georg Simmel_ 322
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Physical Contacts 327
+ 2. Touch and the Primary Contacts of Intimacy 329
+ 3. Primary Contacts of Acquaintanceship 330
+ 4. Secondary Contacts 331
+
+ _Bibliography: Materials for the Study of Social Contacts_ 332
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 336
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 336
+
+
+CHAPTER VI. SOCIAL INTERACTION
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. The Concept of Interaction 339
+ 2. Classification of the Materials 341
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Society as Interaction
+ 1. The Mechanistic Interpretation of Society. _Ludwig Gumplowicz_ 346
+ 2. Social Interaction as the Definition of the Group in Time
+ and Space. _Georg Simmel_ 348
+
+ B. The Natural Forms of Communication
+ 1. Sociology of the Senses: Visual Interaction. _Georg Simmel_ 356
+ 2. The Expression of the Emotions. _Charles Darwin_ 361
+ 3. Blushing. _Charles Darwin_ 365
+ 4. Laughing. _L. Dugas_ 370
+
+ C. Language and the Communication of Ideas
+ 1. Intercommunication in the Lower Animals. _C. Lloyd Morgan_ 375
+ 2. The Concept as the Medium of Human Communication.
+ _F. Max Müller_ 379
+ 3. Writing as a Form of Communication. _Charles H. Judd_ 381
+ 4. The Extension of Communication by Human Invention.
+ _Carl Bücher_ 385
+
+ D. Imitation
+ 1. Definition of Imitation. _Charles H. Judd_ 390
+ 2. Attention, Interest, and Imitation. _G. F. Stout_ 391
+ 3. The Three Levels of Sympathy. _Th. Ribot_ 394
+ 4. Rational Sympathy. _Adam Smith_ 397
+ 5. Art, Imitation, and Appreciation. _Yrjö Hirn_ 401
+
+ E. Suggestion
+ 1. A Sociological Definition of Suggestion. _W. v. Bechterew_ 408
+ 2. The Subtler Forms of Suggestion. _Albert Moll_ 412
+ 3. Social Suggestion and Mass or "Corporate" Action.
+ _W. v. Bechterew_ 415
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. The Process of Interaction 420
+ 2. Communication 421
+ 3. Imitation 423
+ 4. Suggestion 424
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 425
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 431
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 431
+
+
+CHAPTER VII. SOCIAL FORCES
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Sources of the Notion of Social Forces 435
+ 2. History of the Concept of Social Forces 436
+ 3. Classification of the Materials 437
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Trends, Tendencies, and Public Opinion
+ 1. Social Forces in American History. _A. M. Simons_ 443
+ 2. Social Tendencies as Social Forces. _Richard T. Ely_ 444
+ 3. Public Opinion and Legislation in England. _A. V. Dicey_ 445
+
+ B. Interests, Sentiments, and Attitudes
+ 1. Social Forces and Interaction. _Albion W. Small_ 451
+ 2. Interests. _Albion W. Small_ 454
+ 3. Social Pressures. _Arthur F. Bentley_ 458
+ 4. Idea-Forces. _Alfred Fouillée_ 461
+ 5. Sentiments. _William McDougall_ 464
+ 6. Social Attitudes. _Robert E. Park_ 467
+
+ C. The Four Wishes: A Classification of Social Forces
+ 1. The Wish, the Social Atom. _Edwin B. Holt_ 478
+ 2. The Freudian Wish. _John B. Watson_ 482
+ 3. The Person and His Wishes. _W. I. Thomas_ 488
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Popular Notions of Social Forces 491
+ 2. Social Forces and History 493
+ 3. Interests, Sentiments, and Attitudes as Social Forces 494
+ 4. Wishes and Social Forces 497
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 498
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 501
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 502
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII. COMPETITION
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Popular Conceptions of Competition 505
+ 2. Competition a Process of Interaction 507
+ 3. Classification of the Materials 511
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. The Struggle for Existence
+ 1. Different Forms of the Struggle for Existence.
+ _J. Arthur Thomson_ 513
+ 2. Competition and Natural Selection. _Charles Darwin_ 515
+ 3. Competition, Specialization, and Organization. _Charles Darwin_ 519
+ 4. Man: An Adaptive Mechanism. _George W. Crile_ 522
+
+ B. Competition and Segregation
+ 1. Plant Migration, Competition, and Segregation. _F. E. Clements_ 526
+ 2. Migration and Segregation. _Carl Bücher_ 529
+ 3. Demographic Segregation and Social Selection.
+ _William Z. Ripley_ 534
+ 4. Inter-racial Competition and Race Suicide. _Francis A. Walker_ 539
+
+ C. Economic Competition
+ 1. Changing Forms of Economic Competition. _John B. Clark_ 544
+ 2. Competition and the Natural Harmony of Individual Interests.
+ _Adam Smith_ 550
+ 3. Competition and Freedom. _Frédéric Bastiat_ 551
+ 4. Money and Freedom. _Georg Simmel_ 552
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Biological Competition 553
+ 2. Economic Competition 554
+ 3. Competition and Human Ecology 558
+ 4. Competition and the "Inner Enemies": the Defectives, the
+ Dependents, and the Delinquents 559
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 562
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 562
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 563
+
+
+CHAPTER IX. CONFLICT
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. The Concept of Conflict 574
+ 2. Classification of the Materials 576
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Conflict as Conscious Competition
+ 1. The Natural History of Conflict. _W. I. Thomas_ 579
+ 2. Conflict as a Type of Social Interaction. _Georg Simmel_ 582
+ 3. Types of Conflict Situations. _Georg Simmel_ 586
+
+ B. War, Instincts, and Ideals
+ 1. War and Human Nature. _William A. White_ 594
+ 2. War as a Form of Relaxation. _G. T. W. Patrick_ 598
+ 3. The Fighting Animal and the Great Society.
+ _Henry Rutgers Marshall_ 600
+
+ C. Rivalry, Cultural Conflicts, and Social Organization
+
+ 1. Animal Rivalry. _William H. Hudson_ 604
+ 2. The Rivalry of Social Groups. _George E. Vincent_ 605
+ 3. Cultural Conflicts and the Organization of Sects.
+ _Franklin H. Giddings_ 610
+
+ D. Racial Conflicts
+ 1. Social Contacts and Race Conflict. _Robert E. Park_ 616
+ 2. Conflict and Race Consciousness. _Robert E. Park_ 623
+ 3. Conflict and Accommodation. _Alfred H. Stone_ 631
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. The Psychology and Sociology of Conflict, Conscious
+ Competition, and Rivalry 638
+ 2. Types of Conflict 639
+ 3. The Literature of War 641
+ 4. Race Conflict 642
+ 5. Conflict Groups 643
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 645
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 660
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 661
+
+
+CHAPTER X. ACCOMMODATION
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Adaptation and Accommodation 663
+ 2. Classification of the Materials 666
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Forms of Accommodation
+ 1. Acclimatization. _Daniel G. Brinton_ 671
+ 2. Slavery Defined. _H. J. Nieboer_ 674
+ 3. Excerpts from the Journal of a West India Slave Owner.
+ _Matthew G. Lewis_ 677
+ 4. The Origin of Caste in India. _John C. Nesfield_ 681
+ 5. Caste and the Sentiments of Caste Reflected in Popular Speech.
+ _Herbert Risley_ 684
+
+ B. Subordination and Superordination
+ 1. The Psychology of Subordination and Superordination.
+ _Hugo Münsterberg_ 688
+ 2. Social Attitudes in Subordination: Memories of an Old Servant.
+ _An Old Servant_ 692
+ 3. The Reciprocal Character of Subordination and Superordination.
+ _Georg Simmel_ 695
+ 4. Three Types of Subordination and Superordination.
+ _Georg Simmel_ 697
+
+ C. Conflict and Accommodation
+ 1. War and Peace as Types of Conflict and Accommodation.
+ _Georg Simmel_ 703
+ 2. Compromise and Accommodation. _Georg Simmel_ 706
+
+ D. Competition, Status, and Social Solidarity
+ 1. Personal Competition, Social Selection, and Status.
+ _Charles H. Cooley_ 708
+ 2. Personal Competition and the Evolution of Individual Types.
+ _Robert E. Park_ 712
+ 3. Division of Labor and Social Solidarity. _Émile Durkheim_ 714
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Forms of Accommodation 718
+ 2. Subordination and Superordination 721
+ 3. Accommodation Groups 721
+ 4. Social Organization 723
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 725
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 732
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 732
+
+
+CHAPTER XI. ASSIMILATION
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Popular Conceptions of Assimilation 734
+ 2. The Sociology of Assimilation 735
+ 3. Classification of the Materials 737
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Biological Aspects of Assimilation
+ 1. Assimilation and Amalgamation. _Sarah E. Simons_ 740
+ 2. The Instinctive Basis of Assimilation. _W. Trotter_ 742
+
+ B. The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures
+ 1. The Analysis of Blended Cultures. _W. H. R. Rivers_ 746
+ 2. The Extension of Roman Culture in Gaul. _John H. Cornyn_ 751
+ 3. The Competition of the Cultural Languages. _E. H. Babbitt_ 754
+ 4. The Assimilation of Races. _Robert E. Park_ 756
+
+ C. Americanization as a Problem in Assimilation
+ 1. Americanization as Assimilation 762
+ 2. Language as a Means and a Product of Participation 763
+ 3. Assimilation and the Mediation of Individual Differences 766
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Assimilation and Amalgamation 769
+ 2. The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures 771
+ 3. Immigration and Americanization 772
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 775
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 783
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 783
+
+
+CHAPTER XII. SOCIAL CONTROL
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Social Control Defined 785
+ 2. Classification of the Materials 787
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. Elementary Forms of Social Control
+ 1. Control in the Crowd and the Public. _Lieut. J. S. Smith_ 800
+ 2. Ceremonial Control. _Herbert Spencer_ 805
+ 3. Prestige. _Lewis Leopold_ 807
+ 4. Prestige and Status in South East Africa. _Maurice S. Evans_ 811
+ 5. Taboo. _W. Robertson Smith_ 812
+
+ B. Public Opinion
+ 1. The Myth. _Georges Sorel_ 816
+ 2. The Growth of a Legend. _Fernand van Langenhove_ 819
+ 3. Ritual, Myth, and Dogma. _W. Robertson Smith_ 822
+ 4. The Nature of Public Opinion. _A. Lawrence Lowell_ 826
+ 5. Public Opinion and the Mores. _Robert E. Park_ 829
+ 6. News and Social Control. _Walter Lippmann_ 834
+ 7. The Psychology of Propaganda. _Raymond Dodge_ 837
+
+ C. Institutions
+ 1. Institutions and the Mores. _W. G. Sumner_ 841
+ 2. Common Law and Statute Law. _Frederic J. Stimson_ 843
+ 3. Religion and Social Control. _Charles A. Ellwood_ 846
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Social Control and Human Nature 848
+ 2. Elementary Forms of Social Control 849
+ 3. Public Opinion and Social Control 850
+ 4. Legal Institutions and Law 851
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 854
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 862
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 862
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII. COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Collective Behavior Defined 865
+ 2. Social Unrest and Collective Behavior 866
+ 3. The Crowd and the Public 867
+ 4. Crowds and Sects 870
+ 5. Sects and Institutions 872
+ 6. Classification of the Materials 874
+
+II. Materials
+ A. Social Contagion
+ 1. An Incident in a Lancashire Cotton Mill 878
+ 2. The Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages. _J. F. C. Hecker_ 879
+
+ B. The Crowd
+ 1. The "Animal" Crowd 881
+ a) The Flock. _Mary Austin_ 881
+ b) The Herd. _W. H. Hudson_ 883
+ c) The Pack. _Ernest Thompson Seton_ 886
+ 2. The Psychological Crowd. _Gustave Le Bon_ 887
+ 3. The Crowd Defined. _Robert E. Park_ 893
+
+ C. Types of Mass Movements
+ 1. Crowd Excitements and Mass Movements: The Klondike Rush.
+ _T. C. Down_ 895
+ 2. Mass Movements and the Mores: The Woman's Crusade.
+ _Annie Wittenmyer_ 898
+ 3. Mass Movements and Revolution
+ a) The French Revolution. _Gustave Le Bon_ 905
+ b) Bolshevism. _John Spargo_ 909
+ 4. Mass Movements and Institutions: Methodism.
+ _William E. H. Lecky_ 915
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Social Unrest 924
+ 2. Psychic Epidemics 926
+ 3. Mass Movements 927
+ 4. Revivals, Religious and Linguistic 929
+ 5. Fashion, Reform, and Revolution 933
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 934
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 951
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 951
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV. PROGRESS
+
+I. Introduction
+ 1. Popular Conceptions of Progress 953
+ 2. The Problem of Progress 956
+ 3. History of the Concept of Progress 958
+ 4. Classification of the Materials 962
+
+II. Materials
+
+ A. The Concept of Progress
+ 1. The Earliest Conception of Progress. _F. S. Marvin_ 965
+ 2. Progress and Organization. _Herbert Spencer_ 966
+ 3. The Stages of Progress. _Auguste Comte_ 968
+ 4. Progress and the Historical Process. _Leonard T. Hobhouse_ 969
+
+ B. Progress and Science
+ 1. Progress and Happiness. _Lester F. Ward_ 973
+ 2. Progress and Prevision. _John Dewey_ 975
+ 3. Progress and the Limits of Scientific Prevision.
+ _Arthur J. Balfour_ 977
+ 4. Eugenics as a Science of Progress. _Francis Galton_ 979
+
+ C. Progress and Human Nature
+ 1. The Nature of Man. _George Santayana_ 983
+ 2. Progress and the Mores. _W. G. Sumner_ 983
+ 3. War and Progress. _James Bryce_ 984
+ 4. Progress and the Cosmic Urge
+ a) The _Élan Vitale. Henri Bergson_ 989
+ b) The _Dunkler Drang. Arthur Schopenhauer_ 994
+
+III. Investigations and Problems
+ 1. Progress and Social Research 1000
+ 2. Indices of Progress 1002
+
+ _Selected Bibliography_ 1004
+ _Topics for Written Themes_ 1010
+ _Questions for Discussion_ 1010
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] See _Source Book for Social Origins_. Ethnological materials,
+psychological standpoint, classified and annotated bibliographies for
+the interpretation of savage society (Chicago, 1909).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES[2]
+
+
+I. SOCIOLOGY AND "SCIENTIFIC" HISTORY
+
+Sociology first gained recognition as an independent science with the
+publication, between 1830 and 1842, of Auguste Comte's _Cours de
+philosophie positive_. Comte did not, to be sure, create sociology. He
+did give it a name, a program, and a place among the sciences.
+
+Comte's program for the new science proposed an extension to politics
+and to history of the positive methods of the natural sciences. Its
+practical aim was to establish government on the secure foundation of an
+exact science and give to the predictions of history something of the
+precision of mathematical formulae.
+
+ We have to contemplate social phenomena as susceptible of
+ prevision, like all other classes, within the limits of
+ exactness compatible with their higher complexity.
+ Comprehending the three characteristics of political science
+ which we have been examining, prevision of social phenomena
+ supposes, first, that we have abandoned the region of
+ metaphysical idealities, to assume the ground of observed
+ realities by a systematic subordination of imagination to
+ observation; secondly, that political conceptions have ceased
+ to be absolute, and have become relative to the variable state
+ of civilization, so that theories, following the natural course
+ of facts, may admit of our foreseeing them; and, thirdly, that
+ permanent political action is limited by determinate laws,
+ since, if social events were always exposed to disturbance by
+ the accidental intervention of the legislator, human or divine,
+ no scientific prevision of them would be possible. Thus, we may
+ concentrate the conditions of the spirit of positive social
+ philosophy on this one great attribute of scientific
+ prevision.[3]
+
+Comte proposed, in short, to make government a technical science and
+politics a profession. He looked forward to a time when legislation,
+based on a scientific study of human nature, would assume the character
+of natural law. The earlier and more elementary sciences, particularly
+physics and chemistry, had given man control over external nature; the
+last science, sociology, was to give man control over himself.
+
+ Men were long in learning that Man's power of modifying
+ phenomena can result only from his knowledge of their natural
+ laws; and in the infancy of each science, they believed
+ themselves able to exert an unbounded influence over the
+ phenomena of that science.... Social phenomena are, of course,
+ from their extreme complexity, the last to be freed from this
+ pretension: but it is therefore only the more necessary to
+ remember that the pretension existed with regard to all the
+ rest, in their earliest stage, and to anticipate therefore that
+ social science will, in its turn, be emancipated from the
+ delusion.... It [the existing social science] represents the
+ social action of Man to be indefinite and arbitrary, as was
+ once thought in regard to biological, chemical, physical, and
+ even astronomical phenomena, in the earlier stages of their
+ respective sciences.... The human race finds itself delivered
+ over, without logical protection, to the ill-regulated
+ experimentation of the various political schools, each one of
+ which strives to set up, for all future time, its own immutable
+ type of government. We have seen what are the chaotic results
+ of such a strife; and we shall find that there is no chance of
+ order and agreement but in subjecting social phenomena, like
+ all others, to invariable natural laws, which shall, as a
+ whole, prescribe for each period, with entire certainty, the
+ limits and character of political action: in other words,
+ introducing into the study of social phenomena the same
+ positive spirit which has regenerated every other branch of
+ human speculation.[4]
+
+In the present anarchy of political opinion and parties, changes in the
+existing social order inevitably assume, he urged, the character, at the
+best, of a mere groping empiricism; at the worst, of a social convulsion
+like that of the French Revolution. Under the direction of a positive,
+in place of a speculative or, as Comte would have said, metaphysical
+science of society, progress must assume the character of an orderly
+march.
+
+It was to be expected, with the extension of exact methods of
+investigation to other fields of knowledge, that the study of man and of
+society would become, or seek to become, scientific in the sense in
+which that word is used in the natural sciences. It is interesting, in
+this connection, that Comte's first name for sociology was _social
+physics_. It was not until he had reached the fourth volume of his
+_Positive Philosophy_ that the word sociological is used for the first
+time.
+
+Comte, if he was foremost, was not first in the search for a positive
+science of society, which would give man that control over men that he
+had over external nature. Montesquieu, in his _The Spirit of Laws_,
+first published in 1747, had distinguished in the organization of
+society, between form, "the particular structure," and the forces, "the
+human passions which set it in motion." In his preface to this first
+epoch-making essay in what Freeman calls "comparative politics,"
+Montesquieu suggests that the uniformities, which he discovered beneath
+the wide variety of positive law, were contributions not merely to a
+science of law, but to a science of mankind.
+
+ I have first of all considered mankind; and the result of my
+ thoughts has been, that amidst such an infinite diversity of
+ laws and manners, they are not solely conducted by the caprice
+ of fancy.[5]
+
+Hume, likewise, put politics among the natural sciences.[6] Condorcet
+wanted to make history positive.[7] But there were, in the period
+between 1815 and 1840 in France, conditions which made the need of a new
+science of politics peculiarly urgent. The Revolution had failed and the
+political philosophy, which had directed and justified it, was bankrupt.
+France, between 1789 and 1815, had adopted, tried, and rejected no less
+than ten different constitutions. But during this period, as Saint-Simon
+noted, society, and the human beings who compose society, had not
+changed. It was evident that government was not, in any such sense as
+the philosophers had assumed, a mere artefact and legislative
+construction. Civilization, as Saint-Simon conceived it, was a part of
+nature. Social change was part of the whole cosmic process. He proposed,
+therefore, to make politics a science as positive as physics. The
+subject-matter of political science, as he conceived it, was not so
+much political forms as social conditions. History had been literature.
+It was destined to become a science.[8]
+
+Comte called himself Saint-Simon's pupil. It is perhaps more correct to
+say Saint-Simon formulated the problem for which Comte, in his _Positive
+Philosophy_, sought a solution. It was Comte's notion that with the
+arrival of sociology the distinction which had so long existed, and
+still exists, between philosophy, in which men define their wishes, and
+natural science, in which they describe the existing order of nature,
+would disappear. In that case ideals would be defined in terms of
+reality, and the tragic difference between what men want and what is
+possible would be effaced. Comte's error was to mistake a theory of
+progress for progress itself. It is certainly true that as men learn
+what is, they will adjust their ideals to what is possible. But
+knowledge grows slowly.
+
+Man's knowledge of mankind has increased greatly since 1842. Sociology,
+"the positive science of humanity," has moved steadily forward in the
+direction that Comte's program indicated, but it has not yet replaced
+history. Historians are still looking for methods of investigation which
+will make history "scientific."
+
+ No one who has watched the course of history during the last
+ generation can have felt doubt of its tendency. Those of us who
+ read Buckle's first volume when it appeared in 1857, and almost
+ immediately afterwards, in 1859, read the _Origin of Species_
+ and felt the violent impulse which Darwin gave to the study of
+ natural laws, never doubted that historians would follow until
+ they had exhausted every possible hypothesis to create a
+ science of history. Year after year passed, and little progress
+ has been made. Perhaps the mass of students are more skeptical
+ now than they were thirty years ago of the possibility that
+ such a science can be created. Yet almost every successful
+ historian has been busy with it, adding here a new analysis, a
+ new generalization there; a clear and definite connection where
+ before the rupture of idea was absolute; and, above all,
+ extending the field of study until it shall include all races,
+ all countries, and all times. Like other branches of science,
+ history is now encumbered and hampered by its own mass, but its
+ tendency is always the same, and cannot be other than what it
+ is. That the effort to make history a science may fail is
+ possible, and perhaps probable; but that it should cease,
+ unless for reasons that would cause all science to cease, is
+ not within the range of experience. Historians will not, and
+ even if they would they can not, abandon the attempt. Science
+ itself would admit its own failure if it admitted that man, the
+ most important of all its subjects, could not be brought within
+ its range.[9]
+
+Since Comte gave the new science of humanity a name and a point of view,
+the area of historical investigation has vastly widened and a number of
+new social sciences have come into existence--ethnology, archaeology,
+folklore, the comparative studies of cultural materials, i.e., language,
+mythology, religion, and law, and in connection with and closely related
+with these, folk-psychology, social psychology, and the psychology of
+crowds, which latter is, perhaps, the forerunner of a wider and more
+elaborate political psychology. The historians have been very much
+concerned with these new bodies of materials and with the new points of
+view which they have introduced into the study of man and of society.
+Under the influences of these sciences, history itself, as James Harvey
+Robinson has pointed out, has had a history. But with the innovations
+which the new history has introduced or attempted to introduce, it does
+not appear that there have been any fundamental changes in method or
+ideology in the science itself.
+
+ Fifty years have elapsed since Buckle's book appeared, and I
+ know of no historian who would venture to maintain that we had
+ made any considerable advance toward the goal he set for
+ himself. A systematic prosecution of the various branches of
+ social science, especially political economy, sociology,
+ anthropology, and psychology, is succeeding in explaining many
+ things; but history must always remain, from the standpoint of
+ the astronomer, physicist, or chemist, a highly inexact and
+ fragmentary body of knowledge.... History can no doubt be
+ pursued in a strictly scientific spirit, but the data we
+ possess in regard to the past of mankind are not of a nature to
+ lend themselves to organization into an exact science,
+ although, as we shall see, they may yield truths of vital
+ importance.[10]
+
+History has not become, as Comte believed it must, an exact science, and
+sociology has not taken its place in the social sciences. It is
+important, however, for understanding the mutations which have taken
+place in sociology since Comte to remember that it had its origin in an
+effort to make history exact. This, with, to be sure, considerable
+modifications, is still, as we shall see, an ambition of the science.
+
+
+II. HISTORICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL FACTS
+
+Sociology, as Comte conceived it, was not, as it has been characterized,
+"a highly important point of view," but a fundamental science, i.e., a
+method of investigation and "a body of discoveries about mankind."[11]
+In the hierarchy of the sciences, sociology, the last in time, was first
+in importance. The order was as follows: mathematics, astronomy,
+physics, chemistry, biology including psychology, sociology. This order
+represented a progression from the more elementary to the more complex.
+It was because history and politics were concerned with the most complex
+of natural phenomena that they were the last to achieve what Comte
+called the positive character. They did this in sociology.
+
+Many attempts have been made before and since Comte to find a
+satisfactory classification of the sciences. The order and relation of
+the sciences is still, in fact, one of the cardinal problems of
+philosophy. In recent years the notion has gained recognition that the
+difference between history and the natural sciences is not one of
+degree, but of kind; not of subject-matter merely, but of method. This
+difference in method is, however, fundamental. It is a difference not
+merely in the interpretation but in the _logical character_ of facts.
+
+Every historical fact, it is pointed out, is concerned with a unique
+event. History never repeats itself. If nothing else, the mere
+circumstance that every event has a _date_ and _location_ would give
+historical facts an individuality that facts of the abstract sciences do
+not possess. Because historical facts always are located and dated, and
+cannot therefore be repeated, they are not subject to experiment and
+verification. On the other hand, a fact not subject to verification is
+not a fact for natural science. History, as distinguished from natural
+history, deals with individuals, i.e., individual events, persons,
+institutions. Natural science is concerned, not with individuals, but
+with classes, types, species. All the assertions that are valid for
+natural science concern classes. An illustration will make this
+distinction clear.
+
+Sometime in October, 1838, Charles Darwin happened to pick up and read
+Malthus' book on _Population_. The facts of "the struggle for
+existence," so strikingly presented in that now celebrated volume,
+suggested an explanation of a problem which had long interested and
+puzzled him, namely, the origin of species.
+
+This is a statement of a historical fact, and the point is that it is
+not subject to empirical verification. It cannot be stated, in other
+words, in the form of a hypothesis, which further observation of other
+men of the same type will either verify or discredit.
+
+On the other hand, in his _Descent of Man_, Darwin, discussing the rôle
+of sexual selection in evolution of the species, makes this observation:
+"Naturalists are much divided with respect to the object of the singing
+of birds. Few more careful observers ever lived than Montagu, and he
+maintained that the 'males of songbirds and of many others do not in
+general search for the female, but, on the contrary, their business in
+spring is to perch on some conspicuous spot, breathing out their full
+and amorous notes, which, by instinct, the female knows and repairs to
+the spot to choose her mate.'"
+
+This is a typical statement of a fact of natural history. It is not,
+however, the rather vague generality of the statement that makes it
+scientific. It is its representative character, the character which
+makes it possible of verification by further observation which makes it
+a scientific fact.
+
+It is from facts of this kind, collected, compared, and classified,
+irrespective of time or place, that the more general conclusions are
+drawn, upon which Darwin based his theory of the "descent of man." This
+theory, as Darwin conceived it, was not an _interpretation_ of the facts
+but an _explanation_.
+
+The relation between history and sociology, as well as the manner in
+which the more abstract social sciences have risen out of the more
+concrete, may be illustrated by a comparison between history and
+geography. Geography as a science is concerned with the visible world,
+the earth, its location in space, the distribution of the land masses,
+and of the plants, animals, and peoples upon its surface. The order, at
+least the fundamental order, which it seeks and finds among the objects
+it investigates is _spatial_. As soon as the geographer begins to
+compare and classify the plants, the animals, and the peoples with
+which he comes in contact, geography passes over into the special
+sciences, i.e., botany, zoölogy, and anthropology.
+
+History, on the other hand, is concerned with a world of events. Not
+everything that happened, to be sure, is history, but every event that
+ever was or ever will be significant is history.
+
+Geography attempts to reproduce for us the visible world as it exists in
+space; history, on the contrary, seeks to re-create for us in the
+present the significance of the past. As soon as historians seek to take
+events out of their historical setting, that is to say, out of their
+time and space relations, in order to compare them and classify them; as
+soon as historians begin to emphasize the typical and representative
+rather than the unique character of events, history ceases to be history
+and becomes sociology.
+
+The differences here indicated between history and sociology are based
+upon a more fundamental distinction between the historical and the
+natural sciences first clearly defined by Windelband, the historian of
+philosophy, in an address to the faculty of the University of Strassburg
+in 1894.
+
+ The distinction between natural science and history begins at
+ the point where we seek to convert facts into knowledge. Here
+ again we observe that the one (natural science) seeks to
+ formulate laws, the other (history) to portray events. In the
+ one case thought proceeds from the description of particulars
+ to the general relations. In the other case it clings to a
+ genial depiction of the individual object or event. For the
+ natural scientist the object of investigation which cannot be
+ repeated never has, as such, scientific value. It serves his
+ purpose only so far as it may be regarded as a type or as a
+ special instance of a class from which the type may be deduced.
+ The natural scientist considers the single case only so far as
+ he can see in it the features which serve to throw light upon a
+ general law. For the historian the problem is to revive and
+ call up into the present, in all its particularity, an event in
+ the past. His aim is to do for an actual event precisely what
+ the artist seeks to do for the object of his imagination. It is
+ just here that we discern the kinship between history and art,
+ between the historian and the writer of literature. It is for
+ this reason that natural science emphasized the abstract; the
+ historian, on the other hand, is interested mainly in the
+ concrete.
+
+ The fact that natural science emphasizes the abstract and
+ history the concrete will become clearer if we compare the
+ results of the researches of the two sciences. However finespun
+ the conceptions may be which the historical critic uses in
+ working over his materials, the final goal of such study is
+ always to create out of the mass of events a vivid portrait of
+ the past. And what history offers us is pictures of men and of
+ human life, with all the wealth of their individuality,
+ reproduced in all their characteristic vivacity. Thus do the
+ peoples and languages of the past, their forms and beliefs,
+ their struggles for power and freedom, speak to us through the
+ mouth of history.
+
+ How different it is with the world which the natural sciences
+ have created for us! However concrete the materials with which
+ they started, the goal of these sciences is theories,
+ eventually mathematical formulations of laws of change.
+ Treating the individual, sensuous, changing objects as mere
+ unsubstantial appearances (phenomena), scientific investigation
+ becomes a search for the universal laws which rule the timeless
+ changes of events. Out of this colorful world of the senses,
+ science creates a system of abstract concepts, in which the
+ true nature of things is conceived to exist--a world of
+ colorless and soundless atoms, despoiled of all their earthly
+ sensuous qualities. Such is the triumph of thought over
+ perception. Indifferent to change, science casts her anchor in
+ the eternal and unchangeable. Not the change as such but the
+ unchanging form of change is what she seeks.
+
+ This raises the question: What is the more valuable for the
+ purposes of knowledge in general, a knowledge of law or a
+ knowledge of events? As far as that is concerned, both
+ scientific procedures may be equally justified. The knowledge
+ of the universal laws has everywhere a practical value in so
+ far as they make possible man's purposeful intervention in the
+ natural processes. That is quite as true of the movements of
+ the inner as of the outer world. In the latter case knowledge
+ of nature's laws has made it possible to create those tools
+ through which the control of mankind over external nature is
+ steadily being extended.
+
+ Not less for the purposes of the common life are we dependent
+ upon the results of historical knowledge. Man is, to change the
+ ancient form of the expression, the animal who has a history.
+ His cultural life rests on the transmission from generation to
+ generation of a constantly increasing body of historical
+ memories. Whoever proposes to take an active part in this
+ cultural process must have an understanding of history.
+ Wherever the thread is once broken--as history itself
+ proves--it must be painfully gathered up and knitted again into
+ the historical fabric.
+
+ It is, to be sure, true that it is an economy for human
+ understanding to be able to reduce to a formula or a general
+ concept the common characteristics of individuals. But the more
+ man seeks to reduce facts to concepts and laws, the more he is
+ obliged to sacrifice and neglect the individual. Men have, to
+ be sure, sought, in characteristic modern fashion, "to make of
+ history a natural science." This was the case with the
+ so-called philosophy of history of positivism. What has been
+ the net result of the laws of history which it has given us? A
+ few trivial generalities which justify themselves only by the
+ most careful consideration of their numerous exceptions.
+
+ On the other hand it is certain that all interest and values of
+ life are concerned with what is unique in men and events.
+ Consider how quickly our appreciation is deadened as some
+ object is multiplied or is regarded as one case in a thousand.
+ "She is not the first" is one of the cruel passages in _Faust_.
+ It is in the individuality and the uniqueness of an object that
+ all our sense of value has its roots. It is upon this fact that
+ Spinoza's doctrine of the conquest of the passions by knowledge
+ rests, since for him knowledge is the submergence of the
+ individual in the universal, the "once for all" into the
+ eternal.
+
+ The fact that all our livelier appreciations rest upon the
+ unique character of the object is illustrated above all in our
+ relations to persons. Is it not an unendurable thought, that a
+ loved object, an adored person, should have existed at some
+ other time in just the form in which it now exists for us? Is
+ it not horrible and unthinkable that one of us, with just this
+ same individuality should actually have existed in a second
+ edition?
+
+ What is true of the individual man is quite as true of the
+ whole historical process: it has value only when it is unique.
+ This is the principle which the Christian doctrine successfully
+ maintained, as over against Hellenism in the Patristic
+ philosophy. The middle point of their conception of the world
+ was the fall and the salvation of mankind as a unique event.
+ That was the first and great perception of the inalienable
+ metaphysical right of the historian to preserve for the memory
+ of mankind, in all their uniqueness and individuality, the
+ actual events of life.[12]
+
+Like every other species of animal, man has a natural history.
+Anthropology is the science of man considered as one of the animal
+species, _Homo sapiens_. History and sociology, on the other hand, are
+concerned with man as a person, as a "political animal," participating
+with his fellows in a common fund of social traditions and cultural
+ideals. Freeman, the English historian, said that history was "past
+politics" and politics "present history." Freeman uses the word
+politics in the large and liberal sense in which it was first used by
+Aristotle. In that broad sense of the word, the political process, by
+which men are controlled and states governed, and the cultural process,
+by which man has been domesticated and human nature formed, are not, as
+we ordinarily assume, different, but identical, procedures.
+
+All this suggests the intimate relations which exist between history,
+politics, and sociology. The important thing, however, is not the
+identities but the distinctions. For, however much the various
+disciplines may, in practice, overlap, it is necessary for the sake of
+clear thinking to have their limits defined. As far as sociology and
+history are concerned the differences may be summed up in a word. Both
+history and sociology are concerned with the life of man as man.
+History, however, seeks to reproduce and interpret concrete events as
+they actually occurred in time and space. Sociology, on the other hand,
+seeks to arrive at natural laws and generalizations in regard to human
+nature and society, irrespective of time and of place.
+
+In other words, history seeks to find out what actually happened and how
+it all came about. Sociology, on the other hand, seeks to explain, on
+the basis of a study of other instances, the nature of the process
+involved.
+
+By nature we mean just that aspect and character of things in regard to
+which it is possible to make general statements and formulate laws. If
+we say, in explanation of the peculiar behavior of some individual, that
+it is natural or that it is after all "simply human nature," we are
+simply saying that this behavior is what we have learned to expect of
+this individual or of human beings in general. It is, in other words, a
+law.
+
+Natural law, as the term is used here, is any statement which describes
+the behavior of a class of objects or the character of a class of acts.
+For example, the classic illustration of the so-called "universal
+proposition" familiar to students of formal logic, "all men are mortal,"
+is an assertion in regard to a class of objects we call men. This is, of
+course, simply a more formal way of saying that "men die." Such general
+statements and "laws" get meaning only when they are applied to
+particular cases, or, to speak again in the terms of formal logic, when
+they find a place in a syllogism, thus: "Men are mortal. This is a
+man." But such syllogisms may always be stated in the form of a
+hypothesis. If this is a man, he is mortal. If a is b, a is also
+c. This statement, "Human nature is a product of social contact," is a
+general assertion familiar to students of sociology. This law or, more
+correctly, hypothesis, applied to an individual case explains the
+so-called feral man. Wild men, in the proper sense of the word, are not
+the so-called savages, but the men who have never been domesticated, of
+which an individual example is now and then discovered.
+
+To state a law in the form of a hypothesis serves to emphasize the fact
+that laws--what we have called natural laws at any rate--are subject to
+verification and restatement. Under the circumstances the exceptional
+instance, which compels a restatement of the hypothesis, is more
+important for the purposes of science than other instances which merely
+confirm it.
+
+Any science which operates with hypotheses and seeks to state facts in
+such a way that they can be compared and verified by further observation
+and experiment is, so far as method is concerned, a natural science.
+
+
+III. HUMAN NATURE AND LAW
+
+One thing that makes the conception of natural history and natural law
+important to the student of sociology is that in the field of the social
+sciences the distinction between natural and moral law has from the
+first been confused. Comte and the social philosophers in France after
+the Revolution set out with the deliberate purpose of superseding
+legislative enactments by laws of human nature, laws which were to be
+positive and "scientific." As a matter of fact, sociology, in becoming
+positive, so far from effacing, has rather emphasized the distinctions
+that Comte sought to abolish. Natural law may be distinguished from all
+other forms of law by the fact that it aims at nothing more than a
+description of the behavior of certain types or classes of objects. A
+description of the way in which a class, i.e., men, plants, animals, or
+physical objects, may be expected under ordinary circumstances to
+behave, tells us what we may in a general way expect of any individual
+member of that class. If natural science seeks to predict, it is able to
+do so simply because it operates with concepts or class names instead,
+as is the case with history, with concrete facts and, to use a logical
+phrase, "existential propositions."
+
+ That the chief end of science is descriptive formulation has
+ probably been clear to keen analytic minds since the time of
+ Galileo, especially to the great discoverers in astronomy,
+ mechanics, and dynamics. But as a definitely stated conception,
+ corrective of misunderstandings, the view of science as
+ essentially descriptive began to make itself felt about the
+ beginning of the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and
+ may be associated with the names of Kirchhoff and Mach. It was
+ in 1876 that Kirchhoff defined the task of mechanics as that of
+ "describing completely and in the simplest manner the motions
+ which take place in nature." Widening this a little, we may say
+ that the aim of science is to describe natural phenomena and
+ occurrences as exactly as possible, as simply as possible, as
+ completely as possible, as consistently as possible, and always
+ in terms which are communicable and verifiable. This is a very
+ different rôle from that of solving the riddles of the
+ universe, and it is well expressed in what Newton said in
+ regard to the law of gravitation: "So far I have accounted for
+ the phenomena presented to us by the heavens and the sea by
+ means of the force of gravity, but I have as yet assigned no
+ cause to this gravity.... I have not been able to deduce from
+ phenomena the _raison d'être_ of the properties of gravity and
+ I have not set up hypotheses." (Newton, _Philosophiae naturalis
+ principia Mathematica_, 1687.)
+
+ "We must confess," said Prof. J. H. Poynting (1900, p. 616),
+ "that physical laws have greatly fallen off in dignity. No long
+ time ago they were quite commonly described as the Fixed Laws
+ of Nature, and were supposed sufficient in themselves to govern
+ the universe. Now we can only assign to them the humble rank of
+ mere descriptions, often erroneous, of similarities which we
+ believe we have observed.... A law of nature explains nothing,
+ it has no governing power, it is but a descriptive formula
+ which the careless have sometimes personified." It used to be
+ said that "the laws of Nature are the thoughts of God"; now we
+ say that they are the investigator's formulae summing up
+ regularities of recurrence.[13]
+
+If natural law aims at prediction it tells us what we can do. Moral
+laws, on the other hand, tell us, not what we can, but what we ought to
+do. The civil or municipal law, finally, tells us not what we can, nor
+what we ought, but what we must do. It is very evident that these three
+types of law may be very intimately related. We do not know what we
+ought to do until we know what we can do; and we certainly should
+consider what men can do before we pass laws prescribing what they must
+do. There is, moreover, no likelihood that these distinctions will ever
+be completely abolished. As long as the words "can," "ought," and "must"
+continue to have any meaning for us the distinctions that they represent
+will persist in science as well as in common sense.
+
+The immense prestige which the methods of the natural sciences have
+gained, particularly in their application to the phenomena of the
+physical universe, has undoubtedly led scientific men to overestimate
+the importance of mere conceptual and abstract knowledge. It has led
+them to assume that history also must eventually become "scientific" in
+the sense of the natural sciences. In the meantime the vast collections
+of historical facts which the industry of historical students has
+accumulated are regarded, sometimes even by historians themselves, as a
+sort of raw material, the value of which can only be realized after it
+has been worked over into some sort of historical generalization which
+has the general character of scientific and ultimately, mathematical
+formula.
+
+"History," says Karl Pearson, "can never become science, can never be
+anything but a catalogue of facts rehearsed in a more or less pleasing
+language until these facts are seen to fall into sequences which can be
+briefly resumed in scientific formulae."[14] And Henry Adams, in a
+letter to the American Historical Association already referred to,
+confesses that history has thus far been a fruitless quest for "the
+secret which would transform these odds and ends of philosophy into one
+self-evident, harmonious, and complete system."
+
+ You may be sure that four out of five serious students of
+ history who are living today have, in the course of their work,
+ felt that they stood on the brink of a great generalization
+ that would reduce all history under a law as clear as the laws
+ which govern the material world. As the great writers of our
+ time have touched one by one the separate fragments of admitted
+ law by which society betrays its character as a subject for
+ science, not one of them can have failed to feel an instant's
+ hope that he might find the secret which would transform these
+ odds and ends of philosophy into one self-evident, harmonious,
+ and complete system. He has seemed to have it, as the Spanish
+ say, in his inkstand. Scores of times he must have dropped his
+ pen to think how one short step, one sudden inspiration, would
+ show all human knowledge; how, in these thickset forests of
+ history, one corner turned, one faint trail struck, would
+ bring him on the highroad of science. Every professor who has
+ tried to teach the doubtful facts which we now call history
+ must have felt that sooner or later he or another would put
+ order in the chaos and bring light into darkness. Not so much
+ genius or favor was needed as patience and good luck. The law
+ was certainly there, and as certainly was in places actually
+ visible, to be touched and handled, as though it were a law of
+ chemistry or physics. No teacher with a spark of imagination or
+ with an idea of scientific method can have helped dreaming of
+ the immortality that would be achieved by the man who should
+ successfully apply Darwin's method to the facts of human
+ history.[15]
+
+The truth is, however, that the concrete facts, in which history and
+geography have sought to preserve the visible, tangible, and, generally
+speaking, the experiential aspects of human life and the visible
+universe, have a value irrespective of any generalization or ideal
+constructions which may be inferred from or built up out of them. Just
+as none of the investigations or generalizations of individual
+psychology are ever likely to take the place of biography and
+autobiography, so none of the conceptions of an abstract sociology, no
+scientific descriptions of the social and cultural processes, and no
+laws of progress are likely, in the near future at any rate, to
+supersede the more concrete facts of history in which are preserved
+those records of those unique and never fully comprehended aspects of
+life which we call _events_.
+
+It has been the dream of philosophers that theoretical and abstract
+science could and some day perhaps would succeed in putting into
+formulae and into general terms all that was significant in the concrete
+facts of life. It has been the tragic mistake of the so-called
+intellectuals, who have gained their knowledge from textbooks rather
+than from observation and research, to assume that science had already
+realized its dream. But there is no indication that science has begun to
+exhaust the sources or significance of concrete experience. The infinite
+variety of external nature and the inexhaustible wealth of personal
+experience have thus far defied, and no doubt will continue to defy, the
+industry of scientific classification, while, on the other hand, the
+discoveries of science are constantly making accessible to us new and
+larger areas of experience.
+
+What has been said simply serves to emphasize the instrumental character
+of the abstract sciences. History and geography, all of the concrete
+sciences, can and do measurably enlarge our experience of life. Their
+very purpose is to arouse new interests and create new sympathies; to
+give mankind, in short, an environment so vast and varied as will call
+out and activate all his instincts and capacities.
+
+The more abstract sciences, just to the extent that they are abstract
+and exact, like mathematics and logic, are merely methods and tools for
+converting experience into knowledge and applying the knowledge so
+gained to practical uses.
+
+
+IV. HISTORY, NATURAL HISTORY, AND SOCIOLOGY
+
+Although it is possible to draw clear distinctions in theory between the
+purpose and methods of history and sociology, in practice the two forms
+of knowledge pass over into one another by almost imperceptible
+gradations.
+
+The sociological point of view makes its appearance in historical
+investigation as soon as the historian turns from the study of "periods"
+to the study of institutions. The history of institutions, that is to
+say, the family, the church, economic institutions, political
+institutions, etc., leads inevitably to comparison, classification, the
+formation of class names or concepts, and eventually to the formulation
+of law. In the process, history becomes natural history, and natural
+history passes over into natural science. In short, history becomes
+sociology.
+
+Westermarck's _History of Human Marriage_ is one of the earliest
+attempts to write the natural history of a social institution. It is
+based upon a comparison and classification of marriage customs of widely
+scattered peoples, living under varied physical and social conditions.
+What one gets from a survey of this kind is not so much history as a
+study of human behavior. The history of marriage, as of any other
+institution, is, in other words, not so much an account of what certain
+individuals or groups of individuals did at certain times and certain
+places, as it is a description of the responses of a few fundamental
+human instincts to a variety of social situations. Westermarck calls
+this kind of history sociology.[16]
+
+ It is in the firm conviction that the history of human
+ civilization should be made an object of as scientific a
+ treatment as the history of organic nature that I write this
+ book. Like the phenomena of physical and psychical life those
+ of social life should be classified into certain groups and
+ each group investigated with regard to its origin and
+ development. Only when treated in this way can history lay
+ claim to the rank and honour of a science in the highest sense
+ of the term, as forming an important part of Sociology, the
+ youngest of the principal branches of learning.
+
+ Descriptive historiography has no higher object than that of
+ offering materials to this science.[17]
+
+Westermarck refers to the facts which he has collected in his history of
+marriage as phenomena. For the explanation of these phenomena, however,
+he looks to the more abstract sciences.
+
+ The causes on which social phenomena are dependent fall within
+ the domain of different sciences--Biology, Psychology, or
+ Sociology. The reader will find that I put particular stress
+ upon the psychological causes, which have often been deplorably
+ overlooked, or only imperfectly touched upon. And more
+ especially do I believe that the mere instincts have played a
+ very important part in the origin of social institutions and
+ rules.[18]
+
+Westermarck derived most of his materials for the study of marriage from
+ethnological materials. Ethnologists, students of folklore (German
+_Völkerkunde_), and archaeology are less certain than the historians of
+institutions whether their investigations are historical or
+sociological.
+
+Jane Harrison, although she disclaims the title of sociologist, bases
+her conception of the origin of Greek religion on a sociological theory,
+the theory namely that "among primitive peoples religion reflects
+collective feeling and collective thinking." Dionysius, the god of the
+Greek mysteries, is according to her interpretation a product of the
+group consciousness.
+
+ The mystery-god arises out of those instincts, emotions,
+ desires which attend and express life; but these emotions,
+ desires, instincts, in so far as they are religious, are at the
+ outset rather of a group than of individual consciousness....
+ It is a necessary and most important corollary to this
+ doctrine, that the form taken by the divinity reflects the
+ social structure of the group to which the divinity belongs.
+ Dionysius is the Son of his Mother because he issues from a
+ matrilinear group.[19]
+
+This whole study is, in fact, merely an application of Durkheim's
+conception of "collective representations."
+
+Robert H. Lowie, in his recent volume, _Primitive Society_, refers to
+"ethnologists and other historians," but at the same time asks: "What
+kind of an historian shall the ethnologist be?"
+
+He answers the question by saying that, "If there are laws of social
+evolution, he [the ethnologist] must assuredly discover them," but at
+any rate, and first of all, "his duty is to ascertain the course
+civilization has _actually_ followed.... To strive for the ideals of
+another branch of knowledge may be positively pernicious, for it can
+easily lead to that factitious simplification which means
+falsification."
+
+In other words, ethnology, like history, seeks to tell what actually
+happened. It is bound to avoid abstraction, "over-simplification," and
+formulae, and these are the ideals of another kind of scientific
+procedure. As a matter of fact, however, ethnology, even when it has
+attempted nothing more than a description of the existing cultures of
+primitive peoples, their present distribution and the order of their
+succession, has not freed itself wholly from the influence of abstract
+considerations. Theoretical problems inevitably arise for the solution
+of which it is necessary to go to psychology and sociology. One of the
+questions that has arisen in the study, particularly the comparative
+study, of cultures is: how far any existing cultural trait is borrowed
+and how far it is to be regarded as of independent origin.
+
+ In the historical reconstruction of culture the phenomena of
+ distribution play, indeed, an extraordinary part. If a trait
+ occurs everywhere, it might veritably be the product of some
+ universally operative social law. If it is found in a
+ restricted number of cases, it may still have evolved through
+ some such instrumentality acting under specific conditions that
+ would then remain to be determined by analysis of the cultures
+ in which the feature is embedded.... Finally, the sharers of a
+ cultural trait may be of distinct lineage but through contact
+ and borrowing have come to hold in common a portion of their
+ cultures....
+
+ Since, as a matter of fact, cultural resemblances abound
+ between peoples of diverse stock, their interpretation commonly
+ narrows to a choice between two alternatives. Either they are
+ due to like causes, whether these can be determined or not; or
+ they are the result of borrowing. A predilection for one or the
+ other explanation has lain at the bottom of much ethnological
+ discussion in the past; and at present influential schools both
+ in England and in continental Europe clamorously insist that
+ all cultural parallels are due to diffusion from a single
+ center. It is inevitable to envisage this moot-problem at the
+ start, since uncompromising championship of either alternative
+ has far-reaching practical consequences. For if every parallel
+ is due to borrowing, then sociological laws, which can be
+ inferred only from independently developing likenesses, are
+ barred. Then the history of religion or social life or
+ technology consists exclusively in a statement of the place of
+ origin of beliefs, customs and implements, and a recital of
+ their travels to different parts of the globe. On the other
+ hand, if borrowing covers only part of the observed parallels,
+ an explanation from like causes becomes at least the ideal goal
+ in an investigation of the remainder.[20]
+
+An illustration will exhibit the manner in which problems originally
+historical become psychological and sociological. Tyler in his _Early
+History of Mankind_ has pointed out that the bellows used by the negro
+blacksmiths of continental Africa are of a quite different type from
+those used by natives of Madagascar. The bellows used by the Madagascar
+blacksmiths, on the other hand, are exactly like those in use by the
+Malays of Sumatra and in other parts of the Malay Archipelago. This
+indication that the natives of Madagascar are of Malay origin is in
+accordance with other anthropological and ethnological data in regard to
+these peoples, which prove the fact, now well established, that they are
+not of African origin.
+
+Similarly Boas' study of the Raven cycle of American Indian mythology
+indicated that these stories originated in the northern part of British
+Columbia and traveled southward along the coast. One of the evidences
+of the direction of this progress is the gradual diminution of
+complexity in the stories as they traveled into regions farther removed
+from the point of origin.
+
+All this, in so far as it seeks to determine the point of origin,
+direction, speed, and character of changes that take place in cultural
+materials in the process of diffusion, is clearly history and ethnology.
+
+Other questions, however, force themselves inevitably upon the attention
+of the inquiring student. Why is it that certain cultural materials are
+more widely and more rapidly diffused than others? Under what conditions
+does this diffusion take place and why does it take place at all?
+Finally, what is the ultimate source of customs, beliefs, languages,
+religious practices, and all the varied technical devices which compose
+the cultures of different peoples? What are the circumstances and what
+are the processes by which cultural traits are independently created?
+Under what conditions do cultural fusions take place and what is the
+nature of this process?
+
+These are all fundamentally problems of human nature, and as human
+nature itself is now regarded as a product of social intercourse, they
+are problems of sociology.
+
+The cultural processes by which languages, myth, and religion have come
+into existence among primitive peoples have given rise in Germany to a
+special science. Folk-psychology (_Völkerpsychologie_) had its origin in
+an attempt to answer in psychological terms the problems to which a
+comparative study of cultural materials has given rise.
+
+ From two different directions ideas of folk-psychology have
+ found their way into modern science. First of all there was a
+ demand from the different social sciences
+ [_Geisteswissenschaften_] for a psychological explanation of
+ the phenomena of social life and history, so far as they were
+ products of social [_geistiger_] interaction. In the second
+ place, psychology itself required, in order to escape the
+ uncertainties and ambiguities of pure introspection, a body of
+ objective materials.
+
+ Among the social sciences the need for psychological
+ interpretation first manifested itself in the studies of
+ language and mythology. Both of these had already found outside
+ the circle of the philological studies independent fields of
+ investigation. As soon as they assumed the character of
+ comparative sciences it was inevitable that they should be
+ driven to recognize that in addition to the historical
+ conditions, which everywhere determines the concrete form of
+ these phenomena, there had been certain fundamental psychical
+ forces at work in the development of language and myth.[21]
+
+The aim of folk-psychology has been, on the whole, to explain the
+genesis and development of certain cultural forms, i.e., language, myth,
+and religion. The whole matter may, however, be regarded from a quite
+different point of view. Gabriel Tarde, for example, has sought to
+explain, not the genesis, but the transmission and diffusion of these
+same cultural forms. For Tarde, communication (transmission of cultural
+forms and traits) is the one central and significant fact of social
+life. "Social" is just what can be transmitted by imitation. Social
+groups are merely the centers from which new ideas and inventions are
+transmitted. Imitation is the social process.
+
+ There is not a word that you say, which is not the
+ reproduction, now unconscious, but formerly conscious and
+ voluntary, of verbal articulations reaching back to the most
+ distant past, with some special accent due to your immediate
+ surroundings. There is not a religious rite that you fulfil,
+ such as praying, kissing the icon, or making the sign of the
+ cross, which does not reproduce certain traditional gestures
+ and expressions, established through imitation of your
+ ancestors. There is not a military or civil requirement that
+ you obey, nor an act that you perform in your business, which
+ has not been taught you, and which you have not copied from
+ some living model. There is not a stroke of the brush that you
+ make, if you are a painter, nor a verse that you write, if you
+ are a poet, which does not conform to the customs or the
+ prosody of your school, and even your very originality itself
+ is made up of accumulated commonplaces, and aspires to become
+ commonplace in its turn.
+
+ Thus, the unvarying characteristic of every social fact
+ whatsoever is that it is imitative. And this characteristic
+ belongs exclusively to social facts.[22]
+
+Tarde's theory of transmission by imitation may be regarded, in some
+sense, as complementary, if not supplementary, to Wundt's theory of
+origins, since he puts the emphasis on the fact of transmission rather
+than upon genesis. In a paper, "Tendencies in Comparative Philology,"
+read at the Congress of Arts and Sciences at the St. Louis Exposition in
+1904, Professor Hanns Oertel, of Yale University, refers to Tarde's
+theory of imitation as an alternative explanation to that offered by
+Wundt for "the striking uniformity of sound changes" which students of
+language have discovered in the course of their investigation of
+phonetic changes in widely different forms of speech.
+
+ It seems hard to maintain that the change in a syntactical
+ construction or in the meaning of a word owes its universality
+ to a simultaneous and independent primary change in all the
+ members of a speech-community. By adopting the theory of
+ imitative spread, all linguistic changes may be viewed as one
+ homogeneous whole. In the second place, the latter view seems
+ to bring linguistic changes into line with the other social
+ changes, such as modifications in institutions, beliefs, and
+ customs. For is it not an essential characteristic of a social
+ group that its members are not co-operative in the sense that
+ each member actively participates in the production of every
+ single element which goes to make up either language, or
+ belief, or customs? Distinguishing thus between _primary_ and
+ _secondary_ changes and between the _origin_ of a change and
+ its _spread_, it behooves us to examine carefully into the
+ causes which make the members of a social unit, either
+ consciously or unconsciously, willing to accept the innovation.
+ What is it that determines acceptance or rejection of a
+ particular change? What limits one change to a small area,
+ while it extends the area of another? Before a final decision
+ can be reached in favor of the second theory of imitative
+ spread it will be necessary to follow out in minute detail the
+ mechanism of this process in a number of concrete instances; in
+ other words to fill out the picture of which Tarde (_Les lois
+ de l'imitation_) sketched the bare outlines. If his assumptions
+ prove true, then we should have here a uniformity resting upon
+ other causes than the physical uniformity that appears in the
+ objects with which the natural sciences deal. It would enable
+ us to establish a second group of uniform phenomena which is
+ psycho-physical in its character and rests upon the basis of
+ social suggestion. The uniformities in speech, belief, and
+ institutions would belong to this second group.[23]
+
+What is true of the comparative study of languages is true in every
+other field in which a comparative study of cultural materials has been
+made. As soon as these materials are studied from the point of view of
+their similarities rather than from the point of view of their
+historical connections, problems arise which can only be explained by
+the more abstract sciences of psychology or sociology. Freeman begins
+his lectures on _Comparative Politics_ with the statement that "the
+comparative method of study has been the greatest intellectual
+achievement of our time. It has carried light and order into whole
+branches of human knowledge which before were shrouded in darkness and
+confusion. It has brought a line of argument which reaches moral
+certainty into a region which before was given over to random
+guess-work. Into matters which are for the most part incapable of
+strictly external proof it has brought a form of strictly internal proof
+which is more convincing, more unerring."
+
+Wherever the historian supplements _external_ by _internal_ proof, he is
+in a way to substitute a sociological explanation for historical
+interpretation. It is the very essence of the sociological method to be
+comparative. When, therefore, Freeman uses, in speaking of comparative
+politics, the following language he is speaking in sociological rather
+than historical terms:
+
+ For the purposes then of the study of Comparative Politics, a
+ political constitution is a specimen to be studied, classified,
+ and labelled, as a building or an animal is studied,
+ classified, and labelled by those to whom buildings or animals
+ are objects of study. We have to note the likenesses, striking
+ and unexpected as those likenesses often are, between the
+ political constitutions of remote times and places; and we
+ have, as far as we can, to classify our specimens according to
+ the probable causes of those likenesses.[24]
+
+Historically sociology has had its origin in history. It owes its
+existence as a science to the attempt to apply exact methods to the
+explanation of historical facts. In the attempt to achieve this,
+however, it has become something quite different from history. It has
+become like psychology with which it is most intimately related, a
+natural and relatively abstract science, and auxiliary to the study of
+history, but not a substitute for it. The whole matter may be summed up
+in this general statement: history interprets, natural science explains.
+It is upon the interpretation of the facts of experience that we
+formulate our creeds and found our faiths. Our explanations of
+phenomena, on the other hand, are the basis for technique and practical
+devices for controlling nature and human nature, man and the physical
+world.
+
+
+V. THE SOCIAL ORGANISM: HUMANITY OR LEVIATHAN?
+
+After Comte the first great name in the history of sociology is Spencer.
+It is evident in comparing the writings of these two men that, in
+crossing the English Channel, sociology has suffered a sea change. In
+spite of certain similarities in their points of view there are profound
+and interesting differences. These differences exhibit themselves in the
+different ways in which they use the term "social organism."
+
+Comte calls society a "collective organism" and insists, as Spencer
+does, upon the difference between an organism like a family, which is
+made up of independent individuals, and an organism like a plant or an
+animal, which is a physiological unit in which the different organs are
+neither free nor conscious. But Spencer, if he points out the
+differences between the social and the biological organisms, is
+interested in the analogy. Comte, on the other hand, while he recognizes
+the analogy, feels it important to emphasize the distinctions.
+
+Society for Comte is not, as Lévy-Bruhl puts it, "a polyp." It has not
+even the characteristics of an animal colony in which the individuals
+are physically bound together, though physiologically independent. On
+the contrary, "this 'immense organism' is especially distinguished from
+other beings in that it is made up of separable elements of which each
+one can feel its own co-operation, can will it, or even withhold it, so
+long as it remains a direct one."[25]
+
+On the other hand, Comte, although he characterized the social
+_consensus_ and solidarity as "collective," nevertheless thought of the
+relations existing between human beings in society--in the family, for
+example, which he regards as the unit and model of all social
+relations--as closer and more intimate than those which exist between
+the organs of a plant or an animal. The individual, as Comte expressed
+it, is an abstraction. Man exists as man only by participation in the
+life of humanity, and "although the individual elements of society
+appear to be more separable than those of a living being, the social
+_consensus_ is still closer than the vital."[26]
+
+Thus the individual man was, in spite of his freedom and independence,
+in a very real sense "an organ of the Great Being" and the great being
+was humanity. Under the title of humanity Comte included not merely all
+living human beings, i.e., the human race, but he included all that body
+of tradition, knowledge, custom, cultural ideas and ideals, which make
+up the social inheritance of the race, an inheritance into which each of
+us is born, to which we contribute, and which we inevitably hand on
+through the processes of education and tradition to succeeding
+generations. This is what Comte meant by the social organism.
+
+If Comte thought of the social organism, the great being, somewhat
+mystically as itself an individual and a person, Herbert Spencer, on the
+other hand, thought of it realistically as a great animal, a leviathan,
+as Hobbes called it, and a very low-order leviathan at that.[27]
+
+Spencer's manner of looking at the social organism may be illustrated in
+what he says about growth in "social aggregates."
+
+ When we say that growth is common to social aggregates and
+ organic aggregates, we do not thus entirely exclude community
+ with inorganic aggregates. Some of these, as crystals, grow in
+ a visible manner; and all of them on the hypothesis of
+ evolution, have arisen by integration at some time or other.
+ Nevertheless, compared with things we call inanimate, living
+ bodies and societies so conspicuously exhibit augmentation of
+ mass, that we may fairly regard this as characterizing them
+ both. Many organisms grow throughout their lives; and the rest
+ grow throughout considerable parts of their lives. Social
+ growth usually continues either up to times when the societies
+ divide, or up to times when they are overwhelmed.
+
+ Here, then, is the first trait by which societies ally
+ themselves with the organic world and substantially distinguish
+ themselves from the inorganic world.[28]
+
+In this same way, comparing the characteristic general features of
+"social" and "living bodies," noting likeness and differences,
+particularly with reference to complexity of structure, differentiation
+of function, division of labor, etc., Spencer gives a perfectly
+naturalistic account of the characteristic identities and differences
+between societies and animals, between sociological and biological
+organizations. It is in respect to the division of labor that the
+analogy between societies and animals goes farthest and is most
+significant.
+
+ This division of labour, first dwelt upon by political
+ economists as a social phenomenon, and thereupon recognized by
+ biologists as a phenomenon of living bodies, which they called
+ the "physiological division of labour," is that which in the
+ society, as in the animal, makes it a living whole. Scarcely
+ can I emphasize enough the truth that in respect of this
+ fundamental trait, a social organism and an individual organism
+ are entirely alike.[29]
+
+The "social aggregate," although it is "discrete" instead of
+"concrete"--that is to say, composed of spatially separated units--is
+nevertheless, because of the mutual dependence of these units upon one
+another as exhibited in the division of labor, to be regarded as a
+living whole. It is "a living whole" in much the same way that the plant
+and animal communities, of which the ecologists are now writing so
+interestingly, are a living whole; not because of any intrinsic
+relations between the individuals who compose them, but because each
+individual member of the community, finds in the community as a whole, a
+suitable milieu, an environment adapted to his needs and one to which he
+is able to adapt himself.
+
+Of such a society as this it may indeed be said, that it "exists for the
+benefit of its members, not its members for the benefit of society. It
+has ever to be remembered that great as may be the efforts made for the
+prosperity of the body politic, yet the claims of the body politic are
+nothing in themselves, and become something only in so far as they
+embody the claims of its component individuals."[30]
+
+In other words, the social organism, as Spencer sees it, exists not for
+itself but for the benefit of the separate organs of which it is
+composed, whereas, in the case of biological organism the situation is
+reversed. There the parts manifestly exist for the whole and not the
+whole for the parts.
+
+Spencer explains this paradoxical conclusion by the reflection that in
+social organisms sentience is not localized as it is in biological
+organisms. This is, in fact, the cardinal difference between the two.
+There is no _social sensorium_.
+
+ In the one (the individual), consciousness is concentrated in a
+ small part of the aggregate. In the other (society), it is
+ diffused throughout the aggregate: all the units possess the
+ capacities for happiness and misery, if not in equal degrees,
+ still in degrees that approximate. As then, there is no social
+ sensorium, the welfare of the aggregate, considered apart from
+ that of the units, is not an end to be sought. The society
+ exists for the benefit of its members; not its members for the
+ benefit of the society.[31]
+
+The point is that society, _as distinct from the individuals_ who
+compose it, has no apparatus for feeling pain or pleasure. There are no
+_social_ sensations. Perceptions and mental imagery are individual and
+not social phenomena. Society lives, so to speak, only in its separate
+organs or members, and each of these organs has its own brain and organ
+of control which gives it, among other things, the power of independent
+locomotion. This is what is meant when society is described as a
+collectivity.
+
+
+VI. SOCIAL CONTROL AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
+
+The fundamental problem which Spencer's paradox raises is that of social
+control. How does a mere collection of individuals succeed in acting in
+a corporate and consistent way? How in the case of specific types of
+social group, for example an animal herd, a boys' gang, or a political
+party, does the group control its individual members; the whole dominate
+the parts? What are the specific _sociological_ differences between
+plant and animal communities and human society? What kind of differences
+are _sociological differences_, and what do we mean in general by the
+expression "sociological" anyway?
+
+Since Spencer's essay on the social organism was published in 1860,[32]
+this problem and these questions, in one form or another, have largely
+absorbed the theoretical interest of students of society. The attempts
+to answer them may be said to have created the existing schools into
+which sociologists are divided.
+
+A certain school of writers, among them Paul Lilienfeld, Auguste
+Schäffle, and René Worms, have sought to maintain, to extend, or modify
+the biological analogy first advanced by Spencer. In doing so they have
+succeeded sometimes in restating the problem but have not solved it.
+René Worms has been particularly ingenious in discovering identities and
+carrying out the parallelism between the social and the biological
+organizations. As a result he has reached the conclusion that, as
+between a social and a biological organism, there is no difference of
+kind but only one of degree. Spencer, who could not find a "social
+sensorium," said that society was conscious only in the individuals who
+composed it. Worms, on the other hand, declares that we must assume the
+existence of a social consciousness, even without a sensorium, because
+we see everywhere the evidence of its existence.
+
+ Force manifests itself by its effects. If there are certain
+ phenomena that we can only make intelligible, provided we
+ regard them as the products of collective social consciousness,
+ then we are bound to assume the existence of such a
+ consciousness. There are many illustrations ... the attitude
+ for example, of a crowd in the presence of a crime. Here the
+ sentiment of indignation is unanimous. A murderer, if taken in
+ the act, will get summary justice from the ordinary crowd. That
+ method of rendering justice, "lynch law," is deplorable, but it
+ illustrates the intensity of the sentiment which, at the
+ moment, takes possession of the social consciousness.
+
+ Thus, always in the presence of great and common danger the
+ collective consciousness of society is awakened; for example
+ France of the Valois after the Treaty of Troyes, or modern
+ France before the invasion of 1791 and before the German
+ invasion in 1870; or Germany, herself, after the victories of
+ Napoleon I. This sentiment of national unity, born of
+ resistance to the stranger, goes so far that a large proportion
+ of the members of society do not hesitate to give their lives
+ for the safety and glory of the state, at such a moment the
+ individual comprehends that he is only a small part of a large
+ whole and that he belongs to the collectivity of which he is a
+ member. The proof that he is entirely penetrated by the social
+ consciousness is the fact that in order to maintain its
+ existence he is willing to sacrifice his own.[33]
+
+There is no question that the facts of crowd excitement, of class,
+caste, race, and national consciousness, do show the way in which the
+individual members of a group are, or seem to be, dominated, at certain
+moments and under certain circumstances, by the group as a whole. Worms
+gives to this fact, and the phenomena which accompany it, the title
+"collective consciousness." This gives the problem a name, to be sure,
+but not a solution. What the purpose of sociology requires is a
+description and an explanation. Under what conditions, precisely, does
+this phenomenon of collective consciousness arise? What are the
+mechanisms--physical, physiological, and social--by which the group
+imposes its control, or what seems to be control, upon the individual
+members of the group?
+
+This question had arisen and been answered by political philosophers, in
+terms of political philosophy, long before sociology attempted to give
+an objective account of the matter. Two classic phrases, Aristotle's
+"Man is a political animal" and Hobbes's "War of each against all,"
+_omnes bellum omnium_, measure the range and divergence of the schools
+upon this topic.
+
+According to Hobbes, the existing moral and political order--that is to
+say the organization of control--is in any community a mere artefact, a
+control resting on consent, supported by a prudent calculation of
+consequences, and enforced by an external power. Aristotle, on the other
+hand, taught that man was made for life in society just as the bee is
+made for life in the hive. The relations between the sexes, as well as
+those between mother and child, are manifestly predetermined in the
+physiological organization of the individual man and woman. Furthermore,
+man is, by his instincts and his inherited dispositions, predestined to
+a social existence beyond the intimate family circle. Society must be
+conceived, therefore, as a part of nature, like a beaver's dam or the
+nests of birds.
+
+As a matter of fact, man and society present themselves in a double
+aspect. They are at the same time products of nature and of human
+artifice. Just as a stone hammer in the hand of a savage may be regarded
+as an artificial extension of the natural man, so tools, machinery,
+technical and administrative devices, including the formal organization
+of government and the informal "political machine," may be regarded as
+more or less artificial extensions of the natural social group.
+
+So far as this is true, the conflict between Hobbes and Aristotle is not
+absolute. Society is a product both of nature and of design, of instinct
+and of reason. If, in its formal aspect, society is therefore an
+artefact, it is one which connects up with and has its roots in nature
+and in human nature.
+
+This does not explain social control but simplifies the problem of
+corporate action. It makes clear, at any rate, that as members of
+society, men act as they do elsewhere from motives they do not fully
+comprehend, in order to fulfil aims of which they are but dimly or not
+at all conscious. Men are activated, in short, not merely by interests,
+in which they are conscious of the end they seek, but also by instincts
+and sentiments, the source and meaning of which they do not clearly
+comprehend. Men work for wages, but they will die to preserve their
+status in society, or commit murder to resent an insult. When men act
+thus instinctively, or under the influence of the mores, they are
+usually quite unconscious of the sources of the impulses that animate
+them or of the ends which are realized through their acts. Under the
+influence of the mores men act typically, and so representatively, not
+as individuals but as members of a group.
+
+The simplest type of social group in which we may observe "social
+control" is in a herd or a flock. The behavior of a herd of cattle is,
+to be sure, not so uniform nor so simple a matter as it seems to the
+casual observer, but it may be very properly taken as an illustration of
+the sort of follow-the-leader uniformity that is more or less
+characteristic of all social groups. We call the disposition to live in
+the herd and to move in masses, gregariousness, and this gregariousness
+is ordinarily regarded as an instinct and undoubtedly is pretty largely
+determined in the original nature of gregarious animals.
+
+There is a school of thought which seeks in the so-called gregarious
+instincts an explanation of all that is characteristically social in the
+behavior of human beings.
+
+ The cardinal quality of the herd is homogeneity. It is clear
+ that the great advantage of the social habit is to enable large
+ numbers to act as one, whereby in the case of the hunting
+ gregarious animal strength in pursuit and attack is at once
+ increased to beyond that of the creatures preyed upon, and in
+ protective socialism the sensitiveness of the new unit to
+ alarms is greatly in excess of that of the individual member of
+ the flock.
+
+ To secure these advantages of homogeneity, it is evident that
+ the members of the herd must possess sensitiveness to the
+ behaviour of their fellows. The individual isolated will be of
+ no meaning, the individual as a part of the herd will be
+ capable of transmitting the most potent impulses. Each member
+ of the flock tending to follow its neighbour and in turn to be
+ followed, each is in some sense capable of leadership; but no
+ lead will be followed that departs widely from normal
+ behaviour. A lead will be followed only from its resemblance to
+ the normal. If the leader go so far ahead as definitely to
+ cease to be in the herd, he will necessarily be ignored.
+
+ The original in conduct, that is to say, resistiveness to the
+ voice of the herd, will be suppressed by natural selection; the
+ wolf which does not follow the impulses of the herd will be
+ starved; the sheep which does not respond to the flock will be
+ eaten.
+
+ Again, not only will the individual be responsive to impulses
+ coming from the herd, but he will treat the herd as his normal
+ environment. The impulse to be in and always to remain with the
+ herd will have the strongest instinctive weight. Anything which
+ tends to separate him from his fellows, as soon as it becomes
+ perceptible as such, will be strongly resisted.[34]
+
+According to sociologists of this school, public opinion, conscience,
+and authority in the state rest upon the natural disposition of the
+animal in the herd to conform to "the decrees of the herd."
+
+ Conscience, then, and the feelings of guilt and of duty are the
+ peculiar possessions of the gregarious animal. A dog and a cat
+ caught in the commission of an offence will both recognize that
+ punishment is coming; but the dog, moreover, knows that he has
+ done _wrong_, and he will come to be punished, unwillingly it
+ is true, and as if dragged along by some power outside him,
+ while the cat's sole impulse is to escape. The rational
+ recognition of the sequence of act and punishment is equally
+ clear to the gregarious and to the solitary animal, but it is
+ the former only who understands that he has committed a
+ _crime_, who has, in fact, the _sense of sin_.[35]
+
+The concepts upon which this explanation of society rests is
+_homogeneity_. If animals or human beings act under all circumstances in
+the same way, they will act or seem to act, as if they had a common
+purpose. If everybody follows the crowd, if everyone wears the same
+clothes, utters the same trite remarks, rallies to the same battles
+cries and is everywhere dominated, even in his most characteristically
+individual behavior, by an instinctive and passionate desire to conform
+to an external model and to the wishes of the herd, then we have an
+explanation of everything characteristic of society--except the
+variants, the nonconformists, the idealists, and the rebels. The herd
+instinct may be an explanation of conformity but it does not explain
+variation. Variation is an important fact in society as it is in nature
+generally.
+
+Homogeneity and like-mindedness are, as explanations of the social
+behavior of men and animals, very closely related concepts. In "like
+response to like stimulus," we may discern the beginning of "concerted
+action" and this, it is urged, is the fundamental social fact. This is
+the "like-mindedness" theory of society which has been given wide
+popularity in the United States through the writings of Professor
+Franklin Henry Giddings. He describes it as a "developed form of the
+instinct theory, dating back to Aristotle's aphorism that man is a
+political animal."
+
+ Any given stimulus may happen to be felt by more than one
+ organism, at the same or at different times. Two or more
+ organisms may respond to the same given stimulus simultaneously
+ or at different times. They may respond to the same given
+ stimulus in like or in unlike ways; in the same or in different
+ degrees; with like or with unlike promptitude; with equal or
+ with unequal persistence. I have attempted to show that in like
+ response to the same given stimulus we have the beginning, the
+ absolute origin, of all concerted activity--the inception of
+ every conceivable form of co-operation; while in unlike
+ response, and in unequal response, we have the beginning of all
+ those processes of individuation, of differentiation, of
+ competition, which in their endlessly varied relations to
+ combination, to co-operation, bring about the infinite
+ complexity of organized social life.[36]
+
+Closely related, logically if not historically, to Giddings' conception
+of "like-mindedness" is Gabriel Tarde's conception of "imitation." If
+for Giddings "like response to like stimulus" is the fundamental social
+fact, for Tarde "imitation" is the process through which alone society
+exists. Society, said Tarde, exists in imitation. As a matter of fact,
+Tarde's doctrine may be regarded as a corollary to Giddings'. Imitation
+is the process by which that like-mindedness, by which Giddings explains
+corporate action, is effected. Men are not born like-minded, they are
+made so by imitation.
+
+ This minute inter-agreement of minds and wills, which forms the
+ basis of the social life, even in troublous times--this
+ presence of so many common ideas, ends, and means, in the minds
+ and wills of all members of the same society at any given
+ moment--is not due, I maintain, to organic heredity, which
+ insures the birth of men quite similar to one another, nor to
+ mere identity of geographical environment, which offers very
+ similar resources to talents that are nearly equal; it is
+ rather the effect of that suggestion-imitation process which,
+ starting from one primitive creature possessed of a single idea
+ or act, passed this copy on to one of its neighbors, then to
+ another, and so on. Organic needs and spiritual tendencies
+ exist in us only as potentialities which are realizable under
+ the most diverse forms, in spite of their primitive similarity;
+ and, among all these possible realizations, the indications
+ furnished by some first initiator who is imitated determine
+ which one is actually chosen.[37]
+
+In contrast with these schools, which interpret action in terms of the
+herd and the flock--i.e., men act together because they act alike--is
+the theory of Émile Durkheim who insists that the social group has real
+corporate existence and that, in human societies at least, men act
+together not because they have like purposes but a _common purpose_.
+This common purpose imposes itself upon the individual members of a
+society at the same time as an ideal, a wish and an obligation.
+Conscience, the sense of obligation which members of a group feel only
+when there is conflict between the wishes of the individual and the will
+of the group, is a manifestation, _in_ the individual consciousness, of
+the collective mind and the group will. The mere fact that in a panic or
+a stampede, human beings will sometimes, like the Gadarene swine, rush
+down a steep place into the sea, is a very positive indication of
+like-mindedness but not an evidence of a common purpose. The difference
+between an animal herd and a human crowd is that the crowd, what Le Bon
+calls the "organized crowd," the crowd "in being" to use a nautical
+term, is dominated by an impulse to achieve a purpose that is common to
+every member of the group. Men in a state of panic, on the other hand,
+although equally under the influence of the mass excitement, act not
+corporately but individually, each individual wildly seeking to save his
+own skin. Men in a state of panic have like purposes but no common
+purpose. If the "organized crowd," "the psychological crowd," is a
+society "in being," the panic and the stampede is a society "in
+dissolution."
+
+Durkheim does not use these illustrations nor does he express himself in
+these terms. The conception of the "organized" or "psychological" crowd
+is not his, but Le Bon's. The fact is that Durkheim does not think of a
+society as a mere sum of particulars. Neither does he think of the
+sentiments nor the opinions which dominate the social group as private
+and subjective. When individuals come together _under certain
+circumstances_, the opinions and sentiments which they held as
+individuals are modified and changed under the influence of the new
+contacts. Out of the fermentation which association breeds, a new
+something (_autre chose_) is produced, an opinion and sentiment, in
+other words, that is not the sum of, and not like, the sentiments and
+opinions of the individuals from which it is derived. This new sentiment
+and opinion is public, and social, and the evidence of this is the fact
+that it imposes itself upon the individuals concerned as something more
+or less external to them. They feel it either as an inspiration, a sense
+of personal release and expansion, or as an obligation, a pressure and
+an inhibition. The characteristic social phenomenon is just this control
+by the group as a whole of the individuals that compose it. This fact of
+control, then, is the fundamental social fact.
+
+ Now society also gives the sensation of a perpetual dependence.
+ Since it has a nature which is peculiar to itself and different
+ from our individual nature, it pursues ends which are likewise
+ special to it; but, as it cannot attain them except through our
+ intermediacy; it imperiously demands our aid. It requires that,
+ forgetful of our own interests, we make ourselves its
+ servitors, and it submits us to every sort of inconvenience,
+ privation, and sacrifice, without which social life would be
+ impossible. It is because of this that at every instant we are
+ obliged to submit ourselves to rules of conduct and of thought
+ which we have neither made nor desired, and which are sometimes
+ even contrary to our most fundamental inclinations and
+ instincts.
+
+ Even if society were unable to maintain these concessions and
+ sacrifices from us except by a material constraint, it might
+ awaken in us only the idea of a physical force to which we must
+ give way of necessity, instead of that of a moral power such as
+ religions adore. But as a matter of fact, the empire which it
+ holds over consciences is due much less to the physical
+ supremacy of which it has the privilege than to the moral
+ authority with which it is invested. If we yield to its orders,
+ it is not merely because it is strong enough to triumph over
+ our resistance; it is primarily because it is the object of a
+ venerable respect.
+
+ Now the ways of action to which society is strongly enough
+ attached to impose them upon its members, are, by that very
+ fact, marked with a distinctive sign provocative of respect.
+ Since they are elaborated in common, the vigour with which they
+ have been thought of by each particular mind is retained in all
+ the other minds, and reciprocally. The representations which
+ express them within each of us have an intensity which no
+ purely private states of consciousness could ever attain; for
+ they have the strength of the innumerable individual
+ representations which have served to form each of them. It is
+ society who speaks through the mouths of those who affirm them
+ in our presence; it is society whom we hear in hearing them;
+ and the voice of all has an accent which that of one alone
+ could never have. The very violence with which society reacts,
+ by way of blame or material suppression, against every
+ attempted dissidence, contributes to strengthening its empire
+ by manifesting the common conviction through this burst of
+ ardour. In a word, when something is the object of such a state
+ of opinion, the representation which each individual has of it
+ gains a power of action from its origins and the conditions in
+ which it was born, which even those feel who do not submit
+ themselves to it. It tends to repel the representations which
+ contradict it, and it keeps them at a distance; on the other
+ hand it commands those acts which will realize it, and it does
+ so, not by a material coercion or by the perspective of
+ something of this sort, but by the simple radiation of the
+ mental energy which it contains.[38]
+
+But the same social forces, which are found organized in public opinion,
+in religious symbols, in social convention, in fashion, and in
+science--for "if a people did not have faith in science all the
+scientific demonstrations in the world would be without any influence
+whatsoever over their minds"--are constantly re-creating the old order,
+making new heroes, overthrowing old gods, creating new myths, and
+imposing new ideals. And this is the nature of the cultural process of
+which sociology is a description and an explanation.
+
+
+VII. SOCIAL CONTROL AND THE COLLECTIVE MIND
+
+Durkheim is sometimes referred to, in comparison with other contemporary
+sociologists, as a realist. This is a reference to the controversy of
+the medieval philosophers in regard to the nature of concepts. Those who
+thought a concept a mere class-name applied to a group of objects
+because of some common characteristics were called nominalists. Those
+who thought the concept was _real_, and not the name of a mere
+collection of individuals, were realists. In this sense Tarde and
+Giddings and all those writers who think of society as a collection of
+actually or potentially _like-minded_ persons would be nominalists,
+while other writers like Simmel, Ratzenhofer, and Small, who think of
+society in terms of interaction and social process may be called
+realists. They are realist, at any rate, in so far as they think of the
+members of a society as bound together in a system of mutual influences
+which has sufficient character to be described as a process.
+
+Naturally this process cannot be conceived of in terms of space or
+physical proximity alone. Social contacts and social forces are of a
+subtler sort but not less real than physical. We know, for example, that
+vocations are largely determined by personal competition; that the
+solidarity of what Sumner calls the "in" or "we" group is largely
+determined by its conflict with the "out" or "other" groups. We know,
+also, that the status and social position of any individual inside any
+social group is determined by his relation to all other members of that
+group and eventually of all other groups. These are illustrations of
+what is meant concretely by social interaction and social process and it
+is considerations of this kind which seem to justify certain writers in
+thinking of individual persons as "parts" and of society as a "whole" in
+some other sense than that in which a dust heap is a whole of which the
+individual particles are parts.
+
+ Society not only continues to exist _by_ transmission, _by_
+ communication, but it may fairly be said to exist _in_
+ transmission, _in_ communication. There is more than a verbal
+ tie between the words common, community, and communication.[39]
+
+Communication, if not identical with, is at least a form of, what has
+been referred to here as social interaction. But communication as Dewey
+has defined the term, is something more and different than what Tarde
+calls "inter-stimulation." Communication is a process by which we
+"transmit" an experience from an individual to another but it is also a
+process by which these same individuals get a common experience.
+
+ Try the experiment of communicating, with fullness and
+ accuracy, some experience to another, especially if it be
+ somewhat complicated, and you will find your own attitude
+ toward your experience changing; otherwise you resort to
+ expletives and ejaculations. Except in dealing with
+ commonplaces and catch phrases one has to assimilate,
+ imaginatively, something of another's experience in order to
+ tell him intelligently of one's own experience. All
+ communication is like art.[40]
+
+Not only does communication involve the creation, out of experiences
+that are individual and private, of an experience that is common and
+public but such a common experience becomes the basis for a common and
+public existence in which every individual, to greater or less extent,
+participates and is himself a part. Furthermore, as a part of this
+common life, there grows up a body of custom, convention, tradition,
+ceremonial, language, social ritual, public opinion, in short all that
+Sumner includes under the term "mores" and all that ethnologists include
+under the term "culture."
+
+The thing that characterizes Durkheim and his followers is their
+insistence upon the fact that all cultural materials, and expressions,
+including language, science, religion, public opinion, and law, since
+they are the products of social intercourse and social interaction, are
+bound to have an objective, public, and social character such as no
+product of an individual mind either has or can have. Durkheim speaks of
+these mental products, individual and social, as representations. The
+characteristic product of the individual mind is the percept, or, as
+Durkheim describes it, the "individual representation." The percept is,
+and remains, a private and an individual matter. No one can reproduce,
+or communicate to another, subjective impressions or the mental imagery
+in the concrete form in which they come to the individual himself. My
+neighbor may be able to read my "thoughts" and understand the motives
+that impel me to action better than I understand myself, but he cannot
+reproduce the images, with just the fringes of sense and feeling with
+which they come to my mind.
+
+The characteristic product of a group of individuals, in their efforts
+to communicate is, on the other hand, something objective and
+understood, that is, a gesture, a sign, a symbol, a word, or a concept
+in which an experience or purpose that was private becomes public. This
+gesture, sign, symbol, concept, or representation in which a common
+object is not merely indicated, but in a sense created, Durkheim calls a
+"collective representation."
+
+Dewey's description of what takes place in communication may be taken as
+a description of the process by which these collective representations
+come into existence. "To formulate an experience," as Dewey says,
+"requires getting outside of it, seeing it as another would see it,
+considering what points of contact it has with the life of another so
+that it may be gotten into such form that he can appreciate its
+meaning." The result of such a conscious effort to communicate an
+experience is to transform it. The experience, after it has been
+communicated, is not the same for either party to the communication. To
+publish or to give publicity to an event is to make of that event
+something other than it was before publication. Furthermore, the event
+as published is still something different from the event as reflected in
+the minds of the individuals to whom the publication is addressed.
+
+It will be evident upon reflection that public opinion is not the
+opinion of all, nor even of a majority of the persons who compose a
+public. As a matter of fact, what we ordinarily mean by public opinion
+is never the opinion of anyone in particular. It is composite opinion,
+representing a general tendency of the public as a whole. On the other
+hand, we recognize that public opinion exists, even when we do not know
+of any individual person, among those who compose the public, whose
+private and personal opinion exactly coincides with that of the public
+of which he or she is a part.
+
+Nevertheless, the private and personal opinion of an individual who
+participates in making public opinion is influenced by the opinions of
+those around him, and by public opinion. In this sense every opinion is
+public opinion.
+
+Public opinion, in respect to the manner in which it is formed and the
+manner in which it exists--that is to say relatively independent of the
+individuals who co-operate to form it--has the characteristics of
+collective representation in general. Collective representations are
+objective, in just the sense that public opinion is objective, and they
+impose themselves upon the individual as public opinion does, as
+relatively but not wholly external forces--stabilizing, standardizing,
+conventionalizing, as well as stimulating, extending, and generalizing
+individual representations, percepts.
+
+ The collective representations are exterior to the individual
+ consciousness because they are not derived from the individuals
+ taken in isolation but from their convergence and union
+ (concours).... Doubtless, in the elaboration of the common
+ result, each (individual) bears his due share; but the private
+ sentiments do not become social except by combining under the
+ action of the forces _sui generis_ which association develops.
+ As a result of these combinations, and of the mutual
+ alterations which result therefrom, they (the private
+ sentiments) become something else (_autre chose_). A chemical
+ synthesis results, which concentrates, unifies, the elements
+ synthetized, and by that very process transforms them.... The
+ resultant derived therefrom extends then beyond (_deborde_) the
+ individual mind as the whole is greater than the part. To know
+ really what it is, one must take the aggregate in its totality.
+ It is this that thinks, that feels, that wills, although it may
+ not be able to will, feel, or act save by the intermediation of
+ individual consciousnesses.[41]
+
+This, then, after nearly a century of criticism, is what remains of
+Comte's conception of the social organism. If society is, as the
+realists insist, anything more than a collection of like-minded
+individuals, it is so because of the existence (1) of a social process
+and (2) of a body of tradition and opinion--the products of this
+process--which has a relatively objective character and imposes itself
+upon the individual as a form of control, social control. This process
+and its product are the social consciousness. The social consciousness,
+in its double aspect as process and product, is the social organism. The
+controversy between the realists and the nominalists reduces itself
+apparently to this question of the objectivity of social tradition and
+of public opinion. For the present we may let it rest there.
+
+Meanwhile the conceptions of the social consciousness and the social
+mind have been adopted by writers on social topics who are not at all
+concerned with their philosophical implications or legitimacy. We are
+just now seeing the first manifestations of two new types of sociology
+which call themselves, the one rural and the other urban sociology.
+Writers belonging to these two schools are making studies of what they
+call the "rural" and the "urban" minds. In using these terms they are
+not always quite certain whether the mind of which they are thinking is
+a collective mind, in Durkheim's realistic sense of the word, or whether
+it is the mind of the typical inhabitant of a rural or an urban
+community, an instance of "like-mindedness," in the sense of Giddings
+and the nominalists.
+
+A similar usage of the word "mind," "the American mind," for example, is
+common in describing characteristic differences in the attitudes of
+different nations and their "nationals."
+
+ The origin of the phrase, "the American mind," was political.
+ Shortly after the middle of the eighteenth century, there began
+ to be a distinctly American way of regarding the debatable
+ question of British Imperial control. During the period of the
+ Stamp Act agitation our colonial-bred politicians and statesmen
+ made the discovery that there was a mode of thinking and
+ feeling which was native--or had by that time become a second
+ nature--to all the colonists. Jefferson, for example, employs
+ those resonant and useful words "the American mind" to indicate
+ that throughout the American colonies an essential unity of
+ opinion had been developed as regards the chief political
+ question of the day.[42]
+
+Here again, it is not quite clear, whether the American mind is a name
+for a characteristic uniformity in the minds of individual Americans;
+whether the phrase refers rather to an "essential unity of opinion," or
+whether, finally, it is intended to cover both the uniformity and the
+unity characteristic of American opinion.
+
+Students of labor problems and of the so-called class struggle, on the
+other hand, use the term "psychology" in much the same way that the
+students of rural and urban sociology use the term "mind." They speak of
+the "psychology" of the laboring class, the "psychology" of the
+capitalistic class, in cases where psychology seems to refer
+indifferently either to the social attitudes of the members of a class,
+or to attitude and morale of the class as a whole.
+
+The terms "class-conscious" and "class-consciousness," "national" and
+"racial" consciousness are now familiar terms to students although
+they seem to have been used, first of all, by the so-called
+"intelligentsia", who have been the leaders in the various types of mass
+movement to which these terms apply. "Consciousness," in the sense in
+which it is here used, has a similar, though somewhat different,
+connotation than the word "mind" when applied to a group. It is a name
+not merely for the attitudes characteristic of certain races or classes,
+but for these attitudes when they are in the focus of attention of the
+group, in the "fore-consciousness" to use a Freudian term. In this sense
+"conscious" suggests not merely the submergence of the individual and
+the consequent solidarity of the group, but it signifies a mental
+mobilization and preparedness of the individual and of the group for
+collective or corporate action. To be class-conscious is to be prepared
+to act in the sense of that class.
+
+There is implicit in this rather ambiguous popular usage of the terms
+"social mind" and "social consciousness" a recognition of the dual
+aspect of society and of social groups. Society may be regarded at the
+same time from an individualistic and a collectivistic point of view.
+Looking at it from the point of view of the individual, we regard as
+social just that character of the individual which has been imparted to,
+and impressed upon, him as a result of his participation in the life of
+the group. Social psychology, from Baldwin's first studies of the
+development of personality in the child to Ellwood's studies of the
+society in its "psychological aspects" has been mainly concerned with
+the investigation of the effects upon the individual of his contacts
+with other individuals.[43]
+
+On the other hand, we have had, in the description of the crowd and the
+public by Le Bon, Tarde, Sighele, and their successors, the beginnings
+of a study of collective behavior and "corporate action." In these two
+points of view we seem to have again the contrast and the opposition,
+already referred to, between the nominalistic and realistic conceptions
+of society. Nominalism represented by social psychology emphasizes, or
+seems to emphasize, the independence of the individual. Realism,
+represented by collective psychology, emphasizes the control of the
+group over the individual, of the whole over the part.
+
+While it is true that society has this double aspect, the individual and
+the collective, it is the assumption of this volume that the touchstone
+of society, the thing that distinguishes a mere collection of
+individuals from a society is not like-mindedness, but corporate action.
+We may apply the term social to any group of individuals which is
+capable of consistent action, that is to say, action, consciously or
+unconsciously, directed to a common end. This existence of a common end
+is perhaps all that can be legitimately included in the conception
+"organic" as applied to society.
+
+From this point of view social control is the central fact and the
+central problem of society. Just as psychology may be regarded as an
+account of the manner in which the individual organism, as a whole,
+exercises control over its parts or rather of the manner in which the
+parts co-operate together to carry on the corporate existence of the
+whole, so sociology, speaking strictly, is a point of view and a method
+for investigating the processes by which individuals are inducted into
+and induced to co-operate in some sort of permanent corporate existence
+which we call society.
+
+To put this emphasis on corporate action is not to overlook the fact
+that through this corporate action the individual member of society is
+largely formed, not to say created. It recognized, however, that if
+corporate action tends to make of the individual an instrument, as well
+as an organic part, of the social group, it does not do this by making
+him "like" merely; it may do so by making him "different." The division
+of labor, in making possible an ever larger and wider co-operation among
+men, has indirectly multiplied individual diversities. What
+like-mindedness must eventually mean, if it is to mean anything, is the
+existence of so much of a consensus among the individuals of a group as
+will permit the group to act. This, then, is what is meant here by
+society, the social organism and the social group.
+
+Sociology, so far as it can be regarded as a fundamental science and not
+mere congeries of social-welfare programs and practices, may be
+described as the science of collective behavior. With this definition it
+is possible to indicate in a general and schematic way its relation to
+the other social sciences.
+
+Historically, sociology has had its origin in history. History has been
+and is the great mother science of all the social sciences. Of history
+it may be said nothing human is foreign to it. Anthropology, ethnology,
+folklore, and archaeology have grown up largely, if not wholly, to
+complete the task which history began and answer the questions which
+historical investigation first raised. In history and the sciences
+associated with it, i.e., ethnology, folklore, and archaeology, we have
+the concrete records of that human nature and experience which sociology
+has sought to explain. In the same sense that history is the concrete,
+sociology is the abstract, science of human experience and human nature.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 1]
+
+On the other hand, the technical (applied) social sciences, that is,
+politics, education, social service, and economics--so far as economics
+may be regarded as the science of business--are related to sociology in
+a different way. They are, to a greater or lesser extent, applications
+of principles which it is the business of sociology and of psychology to
+deal with explicitly. In so far as this is true, sociology may be
+regarded as fundamental to the other social sciences.
+
+
+VIII. SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL RESEARCH
+
+Among the schools which, since Comte and Spencer, have divided
+sociological thinking between them the realists have, on the whole,
+maintained the tradition of Comte; the nominalists, on the other hand,
+have preserved the style and manner, if not the substance, of Spencer's
+thought. Later writers, however, realist as well as nominalist, have
+directed their attention less to society than to societies, i.e., social
+groups; they have been less interested in social progress than in
+social process; more concerned with social problems than with social
+philosophy.
+
+This change marks the transformation of sociology from a philosophy of
+history to a science of society. The steps in this transition are
+periods in the history of the science, that is:
+
+1. The period of Comte and Spencer; sociology, conceived in the grand
+style, is a philosophy of history, a "science" of progress (evolution).
+
+2. The period of the "schools"; sociological thought, dispersed among
+the various schools, is absorbed in an effort to define its point of
+view and to describe the kinds of facts that sociology must look for to
+answer the questions that sociology asks.
+
+3. The period of investigation and research, the period into which
+sociology is just now entering.
+
+Sociological research is at present (1921) in about the situation in
+which psychology was before the introduction of laboratory methods, in
+which medicine was before Pasteur and the germ theory of disease. A
+great deal of social information has been collected merely for the
+purpose of determining what to do in a given case. Facts have not been
+collected to check social theories. Social problems have been defined in
+terms of common sense, and facts have been collected, for the most part,
+to support this or that doctrine, not to test it. In very few instances
+have investigations been made, disinterestedly, to determine the
+validity of a hypothesis.
+
+Charles Booth's studies of poverty in London, which extended over
+eighteen years and were finally embodied in seventeen volumes, is an
+example of such a disinterested investigation. It is an attempt to put
+to the test of fact the popular conception of the relation between wages
+and welfare. He says:
+
+ My object has been to attempt to show the numerical relation
+ which poverty, misery, and depravity bear to regular earnings
+ and comparative comfort, and to describe the general conditions
+ under which each class lives.
+
+ If the facts thus stated are of use in helping social reformers
+ to find remedies for the evils which exist, or do anything to
+ prevent the adoption of false remedies, my purpose is answered.
+ It was not my intention to bring forward any suggestions of my
+ own, and if I have ventured here and there, and especially in
+ the concluding chapters, to go beyond my programme, it has been
+ with much hesitation.
+
+ With regard to the disadvantages under which the poor labour,
+ and the evils of poverty, there is a great sense of
+ helplessness: the wage earners are helpless to regulate their
+ work and cannot obtain a fair equivalent for the labour they
+ are willing to give; the manufacturer or dealer can only work
+ within the limits of competition; the rich are helpless to
+ relieve want without stimulating its sources. To relieve this
+ helplessness a better stating of the problems involved is the
+ first step.... In this direction must be sought the utility of
+ my attempt to analyze the population of a part of London.[44]
+
+This vast study did, indeed, throw great light, not only upon poverty in
+London, but upon human nature in general. On the other hand, it raised
+more questions than it settled and, if it demonstrated anything, it was
+the necessity, as Booth suggests, for a restatement of the problem.
+
+Sociology seems now, however, in a way to become, in some fashion or
+other, an experimental science. It will become so as soon as it can
+state existing problems in such a way that the results in one case will
+demonstrate what can and should be done in another. Experiments are
+going on in every field of social life, in industry, in politics, and in
+religion. In all these fields men are guided by some implicit or
+explicit theory of the situation, but this theory is not often stated in
+the form of a hypothesis and subjected to a test of the negative
+instances. We have, if it is permitted to make a distinction between
+them, investigation rather than research.
+
+What, then, in the sense in which the expression is here used, is social
+research? A classification of problems will be a sort of first aid in
+the search for an answer.
+
+1. _Classification of social problems._--Every society and every social
+group, _capable of consistent action_, may be regarded as an
+organization of the wishes of its members. This means that society rests
+on, and embodies, the appetites and natural desires of the individual
+man; but it implies, also, that wishes, in becoming _organized_, are
+necessarily disciplined and controlled in the interest of the group as a
+whole.
+
+Every such society or social group, even the most ephemeral, will
+ordinarily have (a) some relatively formal method of defining its aim
+and formulating its policies, making them explicit, and (b) some
+machinery, functionary, or other arrangement for realizing its aim and
+carrying its policies into effect. Even in the family there is
+government, and this involves something that corresponds to legislation,
+adjudication, and administration.
+
+Social groups, however, maintain their organizations, agencies, and all
+formal methods of behavior on a basis and in a setting of instinct, of
+habit, and of tradition which we call human nature. Every social group
+has, or tends to have, its own culture, what Sumner calls "folkways,"
+and this culture, imposing its patterns upon the natural man, gives him
+that particular individuality which characterizes the members of groups.
+Not races merely but nationalities and classes have marks, manners, and
+patterns of life by which we infallibly recognize and classify them.
+
+Social problems may be conveniently classified with reference to these
+three aspects of group life, that is to say, problems of (a)
+organization and administration, (b) policy and polity (legislation),
+and (c) human nature (culture).
+
+a) Administrative problems are mainly practical and technical. Most
+problems of government, of business and social welfare, are technical.
+The investigations, i.e., social surveys, made in different parts of the
+country by the Bureau of Municipal Research of New York City, are
+studies of local administration made primarily for the purpose of
+improving the efficiency of an existing administrative machine and its
+personnel rather than of changing the policy or purpose of the
+administration itself.
+
+b) Problems of policy, in the sense in which that term is used here,
+are political and legislative. Most social investigations in recent
+years have been made in the interest of some legislative program or for
+the purpose of creating a more intelligent public opinion in regard to
+certain local problems. The social surveys conducted by the Sage
+Foundation, as distinguished from those carried out by the New York
+Bureau of Municipal Research, have been concerned with problems of
+policy, i.e., with changing the character and policy of social
+institutions rather than improving their efficiency. This distinction
+between administration and policy is not always clear, but it is always
+important. Attempts at reform usually begin with an effort to correct
+administrative abuses, but eventually it turns out that reforms must go
+deeper and change the character of the institutions themselves.
+
+c) Problems of human nature are naturally fundamental to all other
+social problems. Human nature, as we have begun to conceive it in recent
+years, is largely a product of social intercourse; it is, therefore,
+quite as much as society itself, a subject for sociological
+investigation. Until recent years, what we are now calling the human
+factor has been notoriously neglected in most social experiments. We
+have been seeking to reform human nature while at the same time we
+refused to reckon with it. It has been assumed that we could bring about
+social changes by merely formulating our wishes, that is, by "arousing"
+public opinion and formulating legislation. This is the "democratic"
+method of effecting reforms. The older "autocratic" method merely
+decreed social changes upon the authority of the monarch or the ruling
+class. What reconciled men to it was that, like Christian Science, it
+frequently worked.
+
+ The oldest but most persistent form of social technique is that
+ of "ordering-and-forbidding"--that is, meeting a crisis by an
+ arbitrary act of will decreeing the disappearance of the
+ undesirable or the appearance of the desirable phenomena, and
+ the using arbitrary physical action to enforce the decree. This
+ method corresponds exactly to the magical phase of natural
+ technique. In both, the essential means of bringing a
+ determined effect is more or less consciously thought to reside
+ in the act of will itself by which the effect is decreed as
+ desirable and of which the action is merely an indispensable
+ vehicle or instrument; in both, the process by which the cause
+ (act of will and physical action) is supposed to bring its
+ effect to realization remains out of reach of investigation; in
+ both, finally, if the result is not attained, some new act of
+ will with new material accessories is introduced, instead of
+ trying to find and remove the perturbing causes. A good
+ instance of this in the social field is the typical legislative
+ procedure of today.[45]
+
+2. _Types of social group._--The varied interests, fields of
+investigation, and practical programs which find at present a place
+within the limits of the sociological discipline are united in having
+one common object of reference, namely, _the concept of the social
+group_. All social problems turn out finally to be problems of group
+life, although each group and each type of group has its own
+distinctive problems. Illustrations may be gathered from the most
+widely separated fields to emphasize the truth of this assertion.[46]
+
+Religious conversion may be interpreted from one point of view as a
+change from one social group to another. To use the language of
+religious sentiment, the convert "comes out of a life of sin and enters
+into a life of grace." To be sure, this change involves profound
+disturbances of the personality, but permanence of the change in the
+individual is assured by the breaking up of the old and the
+establishment of new associations. So the process by which the immigrant
+makes the transition from the old country to the new involves profound
+changes in thought and habit. In his case the change is likely to take
+place slowly, but it is not less radical on that account.
+
+The following paragraph from a recent social survey illustrates, from a
+quite different point of view, the manner in which the group is involved
+in changes in community life.
+
+ In short, the greatest problem for the next few years in
+ Stillwater is the development of a _community consciousness_.
+ We must stop thinking in terms of city of Stillwater, and
+ country outside of Stillwater, and think in terms of
+ _Stillwater Community_. We must stop thinking in terms of small
+ groups and think in terms of the entire community, no matter
+ whether it is industry, health, education, recreation or
+ religion. Anything which is good will benefit the entire
+ community. Any weakness will be harmful to all. Community
+ co-operation in all lines indicated in this report will make
+ this, indeed, the Queen of the St. Croix.[47]
+
+In this case the solution of the community problem was the creation of
+"community consciousness." In the case of the professional criminal the
+character of the problem is determined, if we accept the description of
+a writer in the _Atlantic Monthly_, by the existence among professional
+criminals of a primary group consciousness:
+
+ The professional criminal is peculiar in the sense that he
+ lives a very intense emotional life. He is isolated in the
+ community. He is in it, but not of it. His social life--for all
+ men are social--is narrow; but just because it is narrow, it is
+ extremely tense. He lives a life of warfare and has the
+ psychology of the warrior. He is at war with the whole
+ community. Except his very few friends in crime he trusts no
+ one and fears everyone. Suspicion, fear, hatred, danger,
+ desperation and passion are present in a more tense form in his
+ life than in that of the average individual. He is restless,
+ ill-humored, easily roused and suspicious. He lives on the
+ brink of a deep precipice. This helps to explain his passionate
+ hatred, his brutality, his fear, and gives poignant
+ significance to the adage that dead men tell no tales. He holds
+ on to his few friends with a strength and passion rare among
+ people who live a more normal existence. His friends stand
+ between him and discovery. They are his hold upon life, his
+ basis of security.
+
+ Loyalty to one's group is the basic law in the underworld.
+ Disloyalty is treason and punishable by death; for disloyalty
+ may mean the destruction of one's friends; it may mean the
+ hurling of the criminal over the precipice on which his whole
+ life is built.
+
+ To the community the criminal is aggressive. To the criminal
+ his life is one of defense primarily. The greater part of his
+ energy, of his hopes, and of his successes, centres around
+ escapes, around successful flight, around proper covering-up of
+ his tracks, and around having good, loyal, and trustworthy
+ friends to participate in his activities, who will tell no
+ tales and keep the rest of the community outside. The criminal
+ is thus, from his own point of view--and I am speaking of
+ professional criminals--living a life of defensive warfare with
+ the community; and the odds are heavy against him. He therefore
+ builds up a defensive psychology against it--a psychology of
+ boldness, bravado, and self-justification. The good
+ criminal--which means the successful one, he who has most
+ successfully carried through a series of depradations against
+ the enemy, the common enemy, the public--is a hero. He is
+ recognized as such, toasted and feasted, trusted and obeyed.
+ But always by a little group. They live in a world of their
+ own, a life of their own, with ideals, habits, outlook,
+ beliefs, and associations which are peculiarly fitted to
+ maintain the morale of the group. Loyalty, fearlessness,
+ generosity, willingness to sacrifice one's self, perseverance
+ in the face of prosecution, hatred of the common enemy--these
+ are the elements that maintain the morale, but all of them are
+ pointed against the community as a whole.[48]
+
+The manner in which the principle of the primary group was applied at
+Sing Sing in dealing with the criminal within the prison walls is a
+still more interesting illustration of the fact that social problems are
+group problems.[49]
+
+Assuming, then, that every social group may be presumed to have its own
+(a) administrative, (b) legislative, and (c) human-nature
+problems, these problems may be still further classified with reference
+to the type of social group. Most social groups fall naturally into one
+or the other of the following classes:
+
+a) The family.
+
+b) Language (racial) groups.
+
+c) Local and territorial communities: (i) neighborhoods, (ii) rural
+communities, (iii) urban communities.
+
+d) Conflict groups: (i) nationalities, (ii) parties, (iii) sects, (iv)
+labor organizations, (v) gangs, etc.
+
+e) Accommodation groups: (i) classes, (ii) castes, (iii) vocational,
+(iv) denominational groups.
+
+The foregoing classification is not quite adequate nor wholly logical.
+The first three classes are more closely related to one another than
+they are to the last two, i.e., the so-called "accommodation" and
+"conflict" groups. The distinction is far-reaching, but its general
+character is indicated by the fact that the family, language, and local
+groups are, or were originally, what are known as primary groups, that
+is, groups organized on intimate, face-to-face relations. The conflict
+and accommodation groups represent divisions which may, to be sure, have
+arisen within the primary group, but which have usually arisen
+historically by the imposition of one primary group upon another.
+
+ Every state in history was or is a _state of classes_, a polity
+ of superior and inferior social groups, based upon distinctions
+ either of rank or of property. This phenomenon must, then, be
+ called the "State."[50]
+
+It is the existence at any rate of conflict and accommodation within the
+limits of a larger group which distinguishes it from groups based on
+primary relations, and gives it eventually the character described as
+"secondary."
+
+When a language group becomes militant and self-conscious, it assumes
+the character of a nationality. It is perhaps true, also, that the
+family which is large enough and independent enough to be
+self-conscious, by that fact assumes the character of a clan. Important
+in this connection is the fact that a group in becoming group-conscious
+changes its character. External conflict has invariably reacted
+powerfully upon the internal organization of social groups.
+
+Group self-consciousness seems to be a common characteristic of conflict
+and accommodation groups and distinguishes them from the more elementary
+forms of society represented by the family and the local community.
+
+3. _Organization and structure of social groups._--Having a general
+scheme for the classification of social groups, it is in order to
+discover methods of analysis that are applicable to the study of all
+types of groups, from the family to the sect. Such a scheme of analysis
+should reveal not only the organization and structure of typical groups,
+but it should indicate the relation of this organization and structure
+to those social problems that are actual and generally recognized. The
+sort of facts which are now generally recognized as important in the
+study, not merely of society, but the problems of society are:
+
+a) Statistics: numbers, local distribution, mobility, incidence of
+births, deaths, disease, and crime.
+
+b) Institutions: local distribution, classification (i.e., (i)
+industrial, (ii) religious, (iii) political, (iv) educational, (v)
+welfare and mutual aid), communal organization.
+
+c) Heritages: the customs and traditions transmitted by the group,
+particularly in relation to religion, recreation and leisure time, and
+social control (politics).
+
+d) Organization of public opinion: parties, sects, cliques, and the
+press.
+
+4. _Social process and social progress._--Social process is the name for
+all changes which can be regarded as changes in the life of the group. A
+group may be said to have a life when it has a history. Among social
+processes we may distinguish (a) the historical, (b) the cultural,
+(c) the political, and (d) the economic.
+
+a) We describe as historical the processes by which the fund of social
+tradition, which is the heritage of every permanent social group, is
+accumulated and transmitted from one generation to another.
+
+History plays the rôle in the group of memory in the individual. Without
+history social groups would, no doubt, rise and decline, but they would
+neither grow old nor make progress.
+
+Immigrants, crossing the ocean, leave behind them much of their local
+traditions. The result is that they lose, particularly in the second
+generation, that control which the family and group tradition formerly
+exercised over them; but they are, for that very reason, all the more
+open to the influence of the traditions and customs of their adopted
+country.
+
+b) If it is the function of the historical process to accumulate and
+conserve the common fund of social experience, it is the function of the
+cultural process to shape and define the social forms and the social
+patterns which each preceding generation imposes upon its successors.
+
+ The individual living in society has to fit into a pre-existing
+ social world, to take part in the hedonistic, economic,
+ political, religious, moral, aesthetic, intellectual activities
+ of the group. For these activities the group has objective
+ _systems_, more or less complex sets of schemes, organized
+ either by traditional association or with a conscious regard to
+ the greatest possible efficiency of the result, but with only a
+ secondary, or even with no interest in the particular desires,
+ abilities and experiences of the individuals who have to
+ perform these activities.
+
+ There is no pre-existing harmony whatever between the
+ individual and the social factors of personal evolution, and
+ the fundamental tendencies of the individual are always in some
+ disaccordance with the fundamental tendencies of social
+ control. Personal evolution is always a struggle between the
+ individual and society--a struggle for self-expression on the
+ part of the individual, for his subjection on the part of
+ society--and it is in the total course of this struggle that
+ the personality--not as a static "essence" but as a dynamic,
+ continually evolving set of activities--manifests and
+ constructs itself.[51]
+
+c) In general, standards of behavior that are in the mores are not the
+subject of discussion, except so far as discussion is necessary to
+determine whether this or that act falls under one or the other of the
+accepted social sanctions. The political as distinguished from the
+cultural process is concerned with just those matters in regard to which
+there is division and difference. Politics is concerned with issues.
+
+The Negro, particularly in the southern states, is a constant theme of
+popular discussion. Every time a Negro finds himself in a new situation,
+or one in which the white population is unaccustomed to see him, the
+thing provokes comment in both races. On the other hand, when a
+southerner asks the question: "Would you want your daughter to marry a
+Negro?" it is time for discussion to cease. Any questions of relations
+between the races can always be immediately disposed of as soon as it is
+seen to come, directly or indirectly, under the intolerable formula.
+Political questions are matters of compromise and expediency.
+Miscegenation, on the other hand, is contrary to the mores. As such the
+rule against it is absolute.
+
+The political process, by which a society or social group formulates its
+wishes and enforces them, goes on within the limits of the mores and is
+carried on by public discussion, legislation, and the adjudication of
+the courts.
+
+d) The economic process, so far as it can be distinguished from the
+production and distribution of goods, is the process by which prices are
+made and an exchange of values is effected. Most values, i.e., my
+present social status, my hopes of the future, and memory of the past,
+are personal and not values that can be exchanged. The economic process
+is concerned with values that can be treated as commodities.
+
+All these processes may, and do, arise within most but not every society
+or social group. Commerce presupposes the freedom of the individual to
+pursue his own profit, and commerce can take place only to the extent
+and degree that this freedom is permitted. Freedom of commerce is,
+however, limited on the one hand by the mores and on the other by formal
+law, so that the economic process takes place ordinarily within
+limitations that are defined by the cultural and the political
+processes. It is only where there is neither a cultural nor a political
+order that commerce is absolutely free.
+
+The areas of (1) the cultural, (2) the political, (3) the economic
+processes and their relations to one another may be represented by
+concentric circles.
+
+In this representation the area of widest cultural influences is
+coterminous with the area of commerce, because commerce in its widest
+extension is invariably carried on under some restraints of custom and
+customary law. Otherwise it is not commerce at all, but something
+predacious outside the law. But if the area of the economic process is
+almost invariably coterminous with the widest areas of cultural
+influence, it does not extend to the smaller social groups. As a rule
+trade does not invade the family. Family interests are always personal
+even when they are carried on under the forms of commerce. Primitive
+society, within the limits of the village, is usually communistic. All
+values are personal, and the relations of individuals to one another,
+economic or otherwise, are preordained by custom and law.
+
+The impersonal values, values for exchange, seem to be in any given
+society or social group in inverse relation to the personal values.
+
+The attempt to describe in this large way the historical, cultural,
+political, and economic processes, is justified in so far as it enables
+us to recognize that the aspects of social life, which are the
+subject-matter of the special social sciences, i.e., history, political
+science, and economics, are involved in specific forms of change that
+can be viewed abstractly, formulated, compared, and related. The attempt
+to view them in their interrelations is at the same time an effort to
+distinguish and to see them as parts of one whole.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 2
+
+a = area of most extended cultural influences and of commerce; b =
+area of formal political control; c = area of purely personal
+relationships, communism.]
+
+In contrast with the types of social change referred to there are other
+changes which are unilateral and progressive; changes which are
+described popularly as "movements," mass movements. These are changes
+which eventuate in new social organizations and institutions.
+
+All more marked forms of social change are associated with certain
+social manifestations that we call social unrest. Social unrest issues,
+under ordinary conditions, as an incident of new social contacts, and is
+an indication of a more lively tempo in the process of communication and
+interaction.
+
+All social changes are preceded by a certain degree of social and
+individual disorganization. This will be followed ordinarily under
+normal conditions by a movement of reorganization. All progress implies
+a certain amount of disorganization. In studying social changes,
+therefore, that, if not progressive, are at least unilateral, we are
+interested in:
+
+(1) Disorganization: accelerated mobility, unrest, disease, and crime as
+manifestations and measures of social disorganization.
+
+(2) Social movements (reorganization) include: (a) crowd movements
+(i.e., mobs, strikes, etc.); (b) cultural revivals, religious and
+linguistic; (c) fashion (changes in dress, convention, and social
+ritual); (d) reform (changes in social policy and administration);
+(e) revolutions (changes in institutions and the mores).
+
+5. _The individual and the person._--The person is an individual who has
+status. We come into the world as individuals. We acquire status, and
+become persons. Status means position in society. The individual
+inevitably has some status in every social group of which he is a
+member. In a given group the status of every member is determined by his
+relation to every other member of that group. Every smaller group,
+likewise, has a status in some larger group of which it is a part and
+this is determined by its relation to all the other members of the
+larger group.
+
+The individual's self-consciousness--his conception of his rôle in
+society, his "self," in short--while not identical with his personality
+is an essential element in it. The individual's conception of himself,
+however, is based on his status in the social group or groups of which
+he is a member. The individual whose conception of himself does not
+conform to his status is an isolated individual. The completely isolated
+individual, whose conception of himself is in no sense an adequate
+reflection of his status, is probably insane.
+
+It follows from what is said that an individual may have many "selves"
+according to the groups to which he belongs and the extent to which each
+of these groups is isolated from the others. It is true, also, that the
+individual is influenced in differing degrees and in a specific manner,
+by the different types of group of which he is a member. This indicates
+the manner in which the personality of the individual may be studied
+sociologically.
+
+Every individual comes into the world in possession of certain
+characteristic and relatively fixed behavior patterns which we call
+instincts. This is his racial inheritance which he shares with all
+members of the species. He comes into the world, also, endowed with
+certain undefined capacities for learning other forms of behavior,
+capacities which vary greatly in different individuals. These individual
+differences and the instincts are what is called original nature.[52]
+
+Sociology is interested in "original nature" in so far as it supplies
+the raw materials out of which individual personalities and the social
+order are created. Both society and the persons who compose society are
+the products of social processes working in and through the materials
+which each new generation of men contributes to it.
+
+Charles Cooley, who was the first to make the important distinction
+between primary and secondary groups, has pointed out that the intimate,
+face-to-face associations of primary groups, i.e., the family, the
+neighborhood, and the village community, are fundamental in forming the
+social nature and ideals of the individual.[53]
+
+There is, however, an area of life in which the associations are more
+intimate than those of the primary group as that group is ordinarily
+conceived. Such are the relations between mother and child, particularly
+in the period of infancy, and the relations between men and women under
+the influence of the sexual instinct. These are the associations in
+which the most lasting affections and the most violent antipathies are
+formed. We may describe it as the area of touch relationships.
+
+Finally, there is the area of secondary contacts, in which relationships
+are relatively impersonal, formal, and conventional. It is in this
+region of social life that the individual gains, at the same time, a
+personal freedom and an opportunity for distinction that is denied him
+in the primary group.
+
+As a matter of fact, many, if not most, of our present social problems
+have their source and origin in the transition of great masses of the
+population--the immigrants, for example--out of a society based on
+primary group relationships into the looser, freer, and less controlled
+existence of life in great cities.
+
+ The "moral unrest" so deeply penetrating all western societies,
+ the growing vagueness and indecision of personalities, the
+ almost complete disappearance of the "strong and steady
+ character" of old times, in short, the rapid and general
+ increase of Bohemianism and Bolshevism in all societies, is an
+ effect of the fact that not only the early primary group
+ controlling all interests of its members on the general social
+ basis, not only the occupational group of the mediaeval type
+ controlling most of the interests of its members on a
+ professional basis, but even the special modern group dividing
+ with many others the task of organizing permanently the
+ attitudes of each of its members, is more and more losing
+ ground. The pace of social evolution has become so rapid that
+ special groups are ceasing to be permanent and stable enough to
+ organize and maintain organized complexes of attitudes of their
+ members which correspond to their common pursuits. In other
+ words, society is gradually losing all its old machinery for
+ the determination and stabilization of individual
+ characters.[54]
+
+Every social group tends to create, from the individuals that compose
+it, its own type of character, and the characters thus formed become
+component parts of the social structure in which they are incorporated.
+All the problems of social life are thus problems of the individual; and
+all problems of the individual are at the same time problems of the
+group. This point of view is already recognized in preventive medicine,
+and to some extent in psychiatry. It is not yet adequately recognized in
+the technique of social case work.
+
+Further advance in the application of social principles to social
+practice awaits a more thoroughgoing study of the problems, systematic
+social research, and an experimental social science.
+
+
+REPRESENTATIVE WORKS IN SYSTEMATIC SOCIOLOGY AND METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL
+RESEARCH
+
+
+I. THE SCIENCE OF PROGRESS
+
+(1) Comte, Auguste. _Cours de philosophie positive_, 5th ed. 6 vols.
+Paris, 1892.
+
+(2) ----. _Positive Philosophy._ Translated by Harriet Martineau, 3d ed.
+London, 1893.
+
+(3) Spencer, Herbert. _Principles of Sociology._ 3d ed. 3 vols. New
+York, 1906.
+
+(4) Schaeffle, Albert. _Bau und Leben des socialen Körpers._ 2d ed., 2
+vols. Tuebingen, 1896.
+
+(5) Lilienfeld, Paul von. _Gedanken über die Socialwissenschaft der
+Zukunft._ 5 vols. Mitau, 1873-81.
+
+(6) Ward, Lester F. _Dynamic Sociology._ 2 vols. New York, 1883.
+
+(7) De Greef, Guillaume. _Introduction à la sociologie._ 3 vols. Paris,
+1886.
+
+(8) Worms, René. _Organisme et société._ Paris, 1896.
+
+
+II. THE SCHOOLS
+
+A. _Realists_
+
+(1) Ratzenhofer, Gustav. _Die sociologische Erkenntnis._ Leipzig, 1898.
+
+(2) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ Chicago, 1905.
+
+(3) Durkheim, Émile. _De la Division du travail social._ Paris, 1893.
+
+(4) Simmel, Georg. _Soziologie._ Untersuchungen über die Formen der
+Vergesellschaftung. Leipzig, 1908.
+
+(5) Cooley, Charles Horton. _Social Organization._ A study of the larger
+mind. New York, 1909.
+
+(6) Ellwood, Charles A. _Sociology and Its Psychological Aspects._ New
+York and London, 1912.
+
+
+B. _Nominalists_
+
+(1) Tarde, Gabriel. _Les Lois de l'imitation._ Paris, 1895.
+
+(2) Giddings, Franklin H. _The Principles of Sociology._ New York, 1896.
+
+(3) Ross, Edward Alsworth. _The Principles of Sociology._ New York,
+1920.
+
+
+C. _Collective Behavior_
+
+(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. New York,
+1903.
+
+(2) Sighele, Scipio. _Psychologie des sectes._ Paris, 1898.
+
+(3) Tarde, Gabriel. _L'Opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901.
+
+(4) McDougall, William. _The Group Mind._ Cambridge, 1920.
+
+(5) Vincent, George E. _The Social Mind and Education._ New York, 1897.
+
+
+III. METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION
+
+
+A. _Critical Observation on Methods of Research_
+
+(1) Small, Albion W. _The Meaning of Social Science._ Chicago, 1910.
+
+(2) Durkheim, Émile. _Les Règles de la méthode sociologique._ Paris,
+1904.
+
+(3) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and
+America._ "Methodological Note," I, 1-86. 5 vols. Boston, 1918-20.
+
+
+B. _Studies of Communities_
+
+(1) Booth, Charles. _Labour and Life of the People: London._ 2 vols.
+London, 1891.
+
+(2) ----. _Life and Labour of the People in London._ 9 vols. London,
+1892-97. 8 additional vols. London, 1902.
+
+(3) _The Pittsburgh Survey._ Edited by Paul U. Kellogg. 6 vols. Russell
+Sage Foundation. New York, 1909-14.
+
+(4) _The Springfield Survey._ Edited by Shelby M. Harrison. 3 vols.
+Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1918-20.
+
+(5) _Americanization Studies of the Carnegie Corporation of New York._
+Edited by Allen T. Burns. 10 vols. New York, 1920-21.
+
+(6) Chapin, F. Stuart. _Field Work and Social Research._ New York, 1920.
+
+
+C. _Studies of the Individual_
+
+(1) Healy, William. _The Individual Delinquent._ Boston, 1915.
+
+(2) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and
+America._ "Life Record of an Immigrant," Vol. III. Boston, 1919.
+
+(3) Richmond, Mary. _Social Diagnosis._ Russell Sage Foundation. New
+York, 1917.
+
+
+IV. PERIODICALS
+
+(1) _American Journal of Sociology._ Chicago, University of Chicago
+Press, 1896-.
+
+(2) _American Sociological Society, Papers and Proceedings._ Chicago,
+University of Chicago Press, 1907-.
+
+(3) _Annales de l'institut international de sociologie._ Paris, M. Giard
+et Cie., 1895.
+
+(4) _L'Année sociologique._ Paris, F. Alcan, 1898-1912.
+
+(5) _The Indian Journal of Sociology._ Baroda, India, The College,
+1920-.
+
+(6) _Kölner Vierteljahrshefte für Sozialwissenschaften._ Leipzig and
+München, Duncker und Humblot, 1921-.
+
+(7) _Rivista italiana di sociologia._ Roma, Fratelli Bocca, 1897-.
+
+(8) _Revue del'institut de sociologie._ Bruxelles, l'Institut de
+Sociologie, 1920-. [Successor to _Bulletin del'institut de sociologie
+Solvay_. Bruxelles, 1910-14.]
+
+(9) _Revue internationale de sociologie._ Paris, M. Giard et Cie.,
+1893-.
+
+(10) _The Sociological Review._ Manchester, Sherratt and Hughes, 1908-.
+[Preceded by Sociological Papers, Sociological Society, London, 1905-7.]
+
+(11) _Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und
+Volkswirtschaft im deutschen Reiche._ Leipzig, Duncker und Humblot,
+1877-.
+
+(12) _Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft._ Berlin, G. Reimer, 1898-.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. Comte's Conception of Humanity
+
+2. Herbert Spencer on the Social Organism
+
+3. The Social Process as Defined by Small
+
+4. Imitation and Like-mindedness as Fundamental Social Facts
+
+5. Social Control as a Sociological Problem
+
+6. Group Consciousness and the Group Mind
+
+7. Investigation and Research as Illustrated by the Pittsburgh Survey
+and the Carnegie Americanization Studies
+
+8. The Concept of the Group in Sociology
+
+9. The Person, Personality, and Status
+
+10. Sociology in Its Relation to Economics and to Politics
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. What do you understand was Comte's purpose in demanding for sociology
+a place among the sciences?
+
+2. Are social phenomena susceptible to scientific prevision? Compare
+with physical phenomena.
+
+3. What is Comte's order of the sciences? What is your explanation for
+the late appearance of sociology in the series?
+
+4. What do you understand by the term "positive" when applied to the
+social sciences?
+
+5. Can sociology become positive without becoming experimental?
+
+6. "Natural science emphasizes the abstract, the historian is interested
+in the concrete." Discuss.
+
+7. How do you distinguish between the historical method and the method
+of natural science in dealing with the following phenomena: (a)
+electricity, (b) plants, (c) cattle, (d) cities?
+
+8. Distinguish between history, natural history, and natural science.
+
+9. Is Westermarck's _Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_ history,
+natural history, or sociology? Why?
+
+10. "History is past politics, politics is present history." Do you
+agree? Elaborate your position.
+
+11. What is the value of history to the person?
+
+12. Classify the following formulas of behavior under either (a)
+natural law (social law in the scientific sense), and (b) moral law
+(customary sanction, ethical principles), (c) civil law: "birds of a
+feather flock together"; "thou shalt not kill"; an ordinance against
+speeding; "honesty is the best policy"; monogamy; imitation tends to
+spread in geometric ratio; "women first"; the Golden Rule; "walk in the
+trodden paths"; the federal child-labor statute.
+
+13. Give an illustration of a sociological hypothesis.
+
+14. Of the following statements of fact, which are historical and which
+sociological?
+
+Auguste Comte suffered from myopia.
+
+"Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains."
+
+"Science works not at all for nationality or its spirit. It makes
+entirely for cosmopolitanism."
+
+15. How would you verify each of the foregoing statements? Distinguish
+between the sociological and historical methods of verification.
+
+16. Is the use of the comparative method that of history or that of
+natural science?
+
+17. "The social organism: humanity or Leviathan?" What is your reaction
+to this alternative? Why?
+
+18. What was the difference in the conception of the social organism
+held by Comte and that held by Spencer?
+
+19. "How does a mere collection of individuals succeed in acting in a
+corporate and consistent way?" What was the answer to this question
+given by Hobbes, Aristotle, Worms?
+
+20. "Man and society are at the same time products of nature and of
+human artifice." Explain.
+
+21. What are the values and limitations of the following explanations of
+the control of the group over the behavior of its members: (a)
+homogeneity, (b) like-mindedness, (c) imitation, (d) common
+purpose?
+
+22. What bearing have the facts of a panic or a stampede upon the
+theories of like-mindedness, imitation, and common purpose as
+explanations of group behavior?
+
+23. "The characteristic social phenomenon is just this control by the
+group as a whole of the individuals which compose it. This fact of
+control is the fundamental social fact." Give an illustration of the
+control of the group over its members.
+
+24. What is the difference between group mind and group consciousness as
+indicated in current usage in the phrases "urban mind," "rural mind,"
+"public mind," "race consciousness," "national consciousness," "class
+consciousness"?
+
+25. What do you understand by "a group in being"? Compare with the
+nautical expression "a fleet in being." Is "a fleet in being" a social
+organism? Has it a "social mind" and "social consciousness" in the sense
+that we speak of "race consciousness", for example, or "group
+consciousness"?
+
+26. In what sense is public opinion objective? Analyze a selected case
+where the opinion of the group as a whole is different from the opinion
+of its members as individuals.
+
+27. For what reason was the fact of "social control" interpreted in
+terms of "the collective mind"?
+
+28. Which is the social reality (a) that society is a collection of
+like-minded persons, or (b) that society is a process and a product of
+interaction? What is the bearing upon this point of the quotation from
+Dewey: "Society may fairly be said to exist in transmission"?
+
+29. What three steps were taken in the transformation of sociology from
+a philosophy of history to a science of society?
+
+30. What value do you perceive in a classification of social problems?
+
+31. Classify the following studies under (a) administrative problems
+or (b) problems of policy or (c) problems of human nature: a survey
+to determine the feasibility of health insurance to meet the problem of
+sickness; an investigation of the police force; a study of attitudes
+toward war; a survey of the contacts of racial groups; an investigation
+for the purpose of improving the technique of workers in a social
+agency; a study of the experiments in self-government among prisoners in
+penal institutions.
+
+32. Is the description of great cities as "social laboratories" metaphor
+or fact?
+
+33. What do you understand by the statement: Sociology will become an
+experimental science as soon as it can state its problems in such a way
+that the results in one instance show what can be done in another?
+
+34. What would be the effect upon political life if sociology were able
+to predict with some precision the effects of political action, for
+example, the effect of prohibition?
+
+35. Would you favor turning over the government to control of experts as
+soon as sociology became a positive science? Explain.
+
+36. How far may the politician who makes a profession of controlling
+elections be regarded as a practicing sociologist?
+
+37. What is the distinction between sociology as an art and as a
+science?
+
+38. Distinguish between research and investigation as the terms are used
+in the text.
+
+39. What illustrations in American society occur to you of the (a)
+autocratic and (b) democratic methods of social change?
+
+40. "All social problems turn out finally to be problems of group life."
+Are there any exceptions?
+
+41. Select twelve groups at random and enter under the heads in the
+classification of social groups. What groups are difficult to classify?
+
+42. Study the organization and structure of one of the foregoing groups
+in terms of (a) statistical facts about it; (b) its institutional
+aspect; (c) its heritages; and (d) its collective opinion.
+
+43. "All progress implies a certain amount of disorganization." Explain.
+
+44. What do you understand to be the differences between the various
+social processes: (a) historical, (b) cultural, (c) economic,
+(d) political?
+
+45. What is the significance of the relative diameters of the areas of
+the cultural, political, and economic processes?
+
+46. "The person is an individual who has status." Does an animal have
+status?
+
+47. "In a given group the status of every member is determined by his
+relation to every other member of that group." Give an illustration.
+
+48. Why are the problems of the person, problems of the group as well?
+
+49. What does the organization of the bibliography and the sequence of
+the volumes referred to suggest in regard to the development of
+sociological science?
+
+50. How far does it seem to you that the emphasis upon process rather
+than progress accounts for the changes which have taken place in the
+sociological theory and point of view?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[2] From Robert E. Park, "Sociology and the Social Sciences," _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XXVI (1920-21), 401-24; XXVII (1921-22), 1-21;
+169-83.
+
+[3] Harriet Martineau, _The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte_,
+freely translated and condensed (London, 1893), II, 61.
+
+[4] Harriet Martineau, _op. cit._, II, 59-61.
+
+[5] Montesquieu, Baron M. de Secondat, _The Spirit of Laws_, translated
+by Thomas Nugent (Cincinnati, 1873), I, xxxi.
+
+[6] David Hume, _Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding_, Part II, sec.
+7.
+
+[7] Condorcet, _Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrès de l'esprit
+humain_ (1795), 292. See Paul Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als
+Sociologie_ (Leipzig, 1897), Part I, pp. 21-23.
+
+[8] _Oeuvres de Saint-Simon et d'Enfantin_ (Paris, 1865-78), XVII, 228.
+Paul Barth, _op. cit._, Part I, p. 23.
+
+[9] Henry Adams, _The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma_ (New York,
+1919), p. 126.
+
+[10] James Harvey Robinson, _The New History, Essays Illustrating the
+Modern Historical Outlook_ (New York, 1912), pp. 54-55.
+
+[11] James Harvey Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 83.
+
+[12] Wilhelm Windelband, _Geschichte und Naturwissenschaft, Rede zum
+Antritt des Rectorats der Kaiser-Wilhelms Universität Strassburg_
+(Strassburg, 1900). The logical principle outlined by Windelband has
+been further elaborated by Heinrich Rickert in _Die Grenzen der
+naturwissenschaftlichen Begriffsbildung, eine logische Einleitung in die
+historischen Wissenschaften_ (Tübingen u. Leipzig, 1902). See also
+Georg Simmel, _Die Probleme der Geschichtsphilosophie, eine
+erkenntnistheoretische Studie_ (2d ed., Leipzig, 1915).
+
+[13] J. Arthur Thomson, _The System of Animate Nature_ (New York, 1920),
+pp. 8-9. See also Karl Pearson, _The Grammar of Science_ (2d ed.;
+London, 1900), chap. iii, "The Scientific Law."
+
+[14] Karl Pearson, _op. cit._, p. 359.
+
+[15] Henry Adams, _op. cit._, p. 127.
+
+[16] Professor Robertson Smith (_Nature_, XLIV, 270), criticizing
+Westermarck's _History of Human Marriage_, complains that the author has
+confused history with natural history. "The history of an institution,"
+he writes, "which is controlled by public opinion and regulated by law
+is not natural history. The true history of marriage begins where the
+natural history of pairing ends.... To treat these topics (polyandry,
+kinship through the female only, infanticide, exogamy) as essentially a
+part of the natural history of pairing involves a tacit assumption that
+the laws of society are at bottom mere formulated instincts, and this
+assumption really underlies all our author's theories. His fundamental
+position compels him, if he will be consistent with himself, to hold
+that every institution connected with marriage that has universal
+validity, or forms an integral part of the main line of development, is
+rooted in instinct, and that institutions which are not based on
+instinct are necessarily exceptional and unimportant for scientific
+history."
+
+[17] Edward Westermarck, _The History of Human Marriage_ (London, 1901),
+p. 1.
+
+[18] _Ibid._, p. 5.
+
+[19] Jane Ellen Harrison, _Themis_, _A Study of the Social Origins of
+Greek Religion_ (Cambridge, 1912), p. ix.
+
+[20] Robert H. Lowie, _Primitive Society_ (New York, 1920), pp. 7-8.
+
+[21] Wilhelm Wundt, _Völkerpsychologie, eine Untersuchung der
+Entwicklungsgesetze von Sprache, Mythus und Sitte_. Erster Band, _Die
+Sprache_, Erster Theil (Leipzig, 1900), p. 13. The name folk-psychology
+was first used by Lazarus and Steinthal, _Zeitschrift für
+Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, I, 1860. Wundt's
+folk-psychology is a continuation of the tradition of these earlier
+writers.
+
+[22] G. Tarde, _Social Laws, An Outline of Sociology_, translated from
+the French by Howard C. Warren (New York, 1899), pp. 40-41.
+
+[23] Hanns Oertel, "Some Present Problems and Tendencies in Comparative
+Philology," _Congress of Arts and Science, Universal Exposition, St.
+Louis, 1904_ (Boston, 1906), III, 59.
+
+[24] Edward A. Freeman, _Comparative Politics_ (London, 1873), p. 23.
+
+[25] L. Lévy-Bruhl, _The Philosophy of Auguste Comte_, authorized
+translation; an Introduction by Frederic Harrison (New York, 1903), p.
+337.
+
+[26] _Ibid._, p. 234.
+
+[27] Hobbes's statement is as follows: "For by art is created that great
+_Leviathan_ called a _Commonwealth_, or _State_, in Latin _Civitas_,
+which is but an artificial man; though of greater stature and strength
+than the natural, for whose protection and defence it was intended; and
+in which the _sovereignty_ is an artificial _soul_, as giving life and
+motion to the whole body; the _magistrates_, and other _officers_ of
+judicature, artificial _joints_; _reward_ and _punishment_, by which
+fastened to the seat of the sovereignty every joint and member is moved
+to perform his duty, are the _nerves_, that do the same in the body
+natural." Spencer criticizes this conception of Hobbes as representing
+society as a "factitious" and artificial rather than a "natural"
+product. Herbert Spencer, _The Principles of Sociology_ (London, 1893),
+I, 437, 579-80. See also chap. iii, "Social Growth," pp. 453-58.
+
+[28] Herbert Spencer, _op. cit._, I, 437.
+
+[29] _Ibid._, p. 440.
+
+[30] _Ibid._, p. 450.
+
+[31] _Ibid._, pp. 449-50.
+
+[32] _Westminster Review_, January, 1860.
+
+[33] René Worms, _Organisme et Société_, "Bibliothèque Sociologique
+Internationale" (Paris, 1896), pp. 210-13.
+
+[34] W. Trotter, _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_ (New York,
+1916), pp. 29-30.
+
+[35] _Ibid._, pp. 40-41.
+
+[36] Franklin Henry Giddings, _The Concepts and Methods of Sociology_,
+Congress of Arts and Science, Universal Exposition (St. Louis, 1904),
+pp. 789-90.
+
+[37] G. Tarde, _op. cit._, pp. 38-39.
+
+[38] Émile Durkheim, _Elementary Forms of Religious Life_ (New York,
+1915), pp. 206-8.
+
+[39] John Dewey, _Democracy and Education_ (New York, 1916), p. 5.
+
+[40] _Ibid._, pp. 6-7.
+
+[41] Émile Durkheim, "Représentations individuelles et représentations
+collectives," _Revue métaphysique_, VI (1898), 295. Quoted and
+translated by Charles Elmer Gehlke, "Émile Durkheim's Contributions to
+Sociological Theory," _Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law_,
+LXIII, 29-30.
+
+[42] Bliss Perry, _The American Mind_ (Boston, 1912), p. 47.
+
+[43] James Mark Baldwin, _Mental Development in the Child and the Race_
+(New York and London, 1895); Charles A. Ellwood, _Sociology in Its
+Psychological Aspects_ (New York and London, 1912).
+
+[44] _Labour and Life of the People_ (London, 1889), I, pp. 6-7.
+
+[45] Thomas and Znaniecki, _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America_
+(Boston, 1918), I, 3.
+
+[46] Walter B. Bodenhafer, "The Comparative Rôle of the Group Concept in
+Ward's Dynamic Sociology and Contemporary American Sociology," _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XXVI (1920-21), 273-314; 425-74; 588-600; 716-43.
+
+[47] _Stillwater, the Queen of the St. Croix_, a report of a social
+survey, published by The Community Service of Stillwater, Minnesota,
+1920, p. 71.
+
+[48] Frank Tannenbaum, "Prison Democracy," _Atlantic Monthly_, October,
+1920, pp. 438-39. (Psychology of the criminal group.)
+
+[49] _Ibid._, pp. 443-46.
+
+[50] Franz Oppenheimer, _The State_ (Indianapolis, 1914), p. 5.
+
+[51] Thomas and Znaniecki, _op. cit._, III, 34-36.
+
+[52] Original nature in its relation to social welfare and human
+progress has been made the subject-matter of a special science,
+eugenics. For a criticism of the claims of eugenics as a social science
+see Leonard T. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_
+(Columbia University Press, 1917).
+
+[53] Charles H. Cooley, _Social Organization_, p. 28.
+
+[54] Thomas and Znaniecki, _op. cit._, III, 63-64.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+HUMAN NATURE
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Human Interest in Human Nature
+
+The human interest in human nature is proverbial. It is an original
+tendency of man to be attentive to the behavior of other human beings.
+Experience heightens this interest because of the dependence of the
+individual upon other persons, not only for physical existence, but for
+social life.
+
+The literature of every people is to a large extent but the
+crystallization of this persistent interest. Old saws and proverbs of
+every people transmit from generation to generation shrewd
+generalizations upon human behavior. In joke and in epigram, in
+caricature and in burlesque, in farce and in comedy, men of all races
+and times have enjoyed with keen relish the humor of the contrast
+between the conventional and the natural motives in behavior. In Greek
+mythology, individual traits of human nature are abstracted, idealized,
+and personified into gods. The heroes of Norse sagas and Teutonic
+legends are the gigantic symbols of primary emotions and sentiments.
+Historical characters live in the social memory not alone because they
+are identified with political, religious, or national movements but also
+because they have come to typify human relationships. The loyalty of
+Damon and Pythias, the grief of Rachel weeping for her children, the
+cynical cruelty of the egocentric Nero, the perfidy of Benedict Arnold,
+the comprehending sympathy of Abraham Lincoln, are proverbial, and as
+such have become part of the common language of all the peoples who
+participate in our occidental culture.
+
+Poetry, drama, and the plastic arts are interesting and significant only
+so far as they reveal in new and ever changing circumstances the
+unchanging characteristics of a fundamental human nature. Illustrations
+of this naïve and unreflecting interest in the study of mankind are
+familiar enough in the experience and observation of any of us.
+Intellectual interest in, and the scientific observation of, human
+traits and human behavior have their origin in this natural interest and
+unreflective observation by man of his fellows. History, ethnology,
+folklore, all the comparative studies of single cultural traits, i.e.,
+of language, of religion, and of law, are but the more systematic
+pursuit of this universal interest of mankind in man.
+
+
+2. Definition of Human Nature
+
+The natural history of the expression "human nature" is interesting.
+Usage has given it various shades of meaning. In defining the term more
+precisely there is a tendency either unwarrantedly to narrow or unduly
+to extend and overemphasize some one or another of the different senses
+of the term. A survey of these varied uses reveals the common and
+fundamental meaning of the phrase.
+
+The use which common sense makes of the term human nature is
+significant. It is used in varied contexts with the most divergent
+implications but always by way of explanation of behavior that is
+characteristically human. The phrase is sometimes employed with cynical
+deprecation as, "Oh, that's human nature." Or as often, perhaps, as an
+expression of approbation, "He's so human."
+
+The weight of evidence as expressed in popular sayings is distinctly in
+depreciation of man's nature.
+
+ It's human natur', p'raps,--if so,
+ Oh, isn't human natur' low,
+
+are two lines from Gilbert's musical comedy "Babette's Love." "To err is
+human, to forgive divine" reminds us of a familiar contrast. "Human
+nature is like a bad clock; it might go right now and then, or be made
+to strike the hour, but its inward frame is to go wrong," is a simile
+that emphasizes the popular notion that man's behavior tends to the
+perverse. An English divine settles the question with the statement,
+"Human nature is a rogue and a scoundrel, or why would it perpetually
+stand in need of laws and religion?"
+
+Even those who see good in the natural man admit his native tendency to
+err. Sir Thomas Browne asserts that "human nature knows naturally what
+is good but naturally pursues what is evil." The Earl of Clarendon gives
+the equivocal explanation that "if we did not take great pains to
+corrupt our nature, our nature would never corrupt us." Addison, from
+the detached position of an observer and critic of manners and men,
+concludes that "as man is a creature made up of different extremes, he
+has something in him very great and very mean."
+
+The most commonly recognized distinction between man and the lower
+animals lies in his possession of reason. Yet familiar sayings tend to
+exclude the intellectual from the human attributes. Lord Bacon shrewdly
+remarks that "there is in human nature, generally, more of the fool than
+of the wise." The phrase "he is a child of nature" means that behavior
+in social relations is impulsive, simple, and direct rather than
+reflective, sophisticated, or consistent. Wordsworth depicts this human
+type in his poem "She Was a Phantom of Delight":
+
+ A creature not too bright or good
+ For human nature's daily food;
+ For transient sorrows, simple wiles,
+ Praise, blame, love, kisses, tears and smiles.
+
+The inconsistency between the rational professions and the impulsive
+behavior of men is a matter of common observation. "That's not the
+logic, reason, or philosophy of it, but it's the human nature of it." It
+is now generally recognized that the older English conception of the
+"economic man" and the "rational man," motivated by enlightened
+self-interest, was far removed from the "natural man" impelled by
+impulse, prejudice, and sentiment, in short, by human nature. Popular
+criticism has been frequently directed against the reformer in politics,
+the efficiency expert in industry, the formalist in religion and morals
+on the ground that they overlook or neglect the so-called "human factor"
+in the situation. Sir Arthur Helps says:
+
+ No doubt hard work is a great police-agent; if everybody were
+ worked from morning till night, and then carefully locked up,
+ the register of crimes might be greatly diminished. But what
+ would become of human nature? Where would be the room for
+ growth in such a system of things? It is through sorrow and
+ mirth, plenty and need, a variety of passions, circumstances,
+ and temptations, even through sin and misery, that men's
+ natures are developed.
+
+Certain sayings already quoted imply that the nature of man is a fact to
+be reckoned with in controlling his behavior. "There are limits to human
+nature" which cannot lightly be overstepped. "Human nature," according
+to Periander, "is hard to overcome." Yet we also recognize with Swift
+that "it is the talent of human nature to run from one extreme to
+another." Finally, nothing is more trite and familiar than the statement
+that "human nature is the same all over the world." This fundamental
+likeness of human nature, despite artificial and superficial cultural
+differences, has found a classic expression in Kipling's line: "The
+Colonel's Lady an' Judy O'Grady are sisters under their skins!"
+
+Human nature, then, as distinct from the formal wishes of the individual
+and the conventional order of society, is an aspect of human life that
+must be reckoned with. Common sense has long recognized this, but until
+recently no systematic attempt has been made to _isolate_, describe, and
+explain the distinctively human factors in the life either of the
+individual or of society.
+
+Of all that has been written on this subject the most adequate statement
+is that of Cooley. He has worked out with unusual penetration and
+peculiar insight an interpretation of human nature as a product of group
+life.
+
+ By human nature we may understand those sentiments and impulses
+ that are human in being superior to those of lower animals, and
+ also in the sense that they belong to mankind at large, and not
+ to any particular race or time. It means, particularly,
+ sympathy and the innumerable sentiments into which sympathy
+ enters, such as love, resentment, ambition, vanity,
+ hero-worship, and the feeling of social right and wrong.
+
+ Human nature in this sense is justly regarded as a
+ comparatively permanent element in society. Always and
+ everywhere men seek honor and dread ridicule, defer to public
+ opinion, cherish their goods and their children, and admire
+ courage, generosity, and success. It is always safe to assume
+ that people are and have been human.
+
+ Human nature is not something existing separately in the
+ individual, but a _group nature or primary phase of society_, a
+ relatively simple and general condition of the social mind. It
+ is something more, on the one hand, than the mere instinct that
+ is born in us--though that enters into it--and something less,
+ on the other, than the more elaborate development of ideas and
+ sentiments that makes up institutions. It is the nature which
+ is developed and expressed in those simple, face-to-face groups
+ that are somewhat alike in all societies; groups of the family,
+ the playground, and the neighborhood. In the essential
+ similarity of these is to be found the basis, in experience,
+ for similar ideas and sentiments in the human mind. In these,
+ everywhere, human nature comes into existence. Man does not
+ have it at birth; he cannot acquire it except through
+ fellowship, and it decays in isolation.[55]
+
+
+3. Classification of the Materials
+
+With the tacit acceptance by biologists, psychologists, and sociologists
+of human behavior as a natural phenomenon, materials upon human nature
+have rapidly accumulated. The wealth and variety of these materials are
+all the greater because of the diversity of the points of view from
+which workers in this field have attacked the problem. The value of the
+results of these investigations is enhanced when they are brought
+together, classified, and compared.
+
+The materials fall naturally into two divisions: (a) "The Original
+Nature of Man" and (b) "Human Nature and Social Life." This division
+is based upon a distinction between traits that are inborn and
+characters socially acquired; a distinction found necessary by students
+in this field. Selections under the third heading, "Personality and the
+Social Self" indicate the manner in which the individual develops under
+the social influences, from the raw material of "instinct" into the
+social product "the person." Materials in the fourth division,
+"Biological and Social Inheritance," contrast the method of the
+transmission of original tendencies through the germ plasm with the
+communication of the social heritage through education.
+
+a) _The original nature of man._--No one has stated more clearly than
+Thorndike that human nature is a product of two factors, (a)
+tendencies to response rooted in original nature and (b) the
+accumulated effects of the stimuli of the external and social
+environment. At birth man is a bundle of random tendencies to respond.
+Through experience, and by means of the mechanisms of habit and
+character, control is secured over instinctive reactions. In other
+words, the original nature of man is, as Comte said, an abstraction. It
+exists only in the psychic vacuum of antenatal life, or perhaps only in
+the potentiality of the germ plasm. The fact of observation is that the
+structure of the response is irrevocably changed in the process of
+reaction to the stimulus. The _Biography of a Baby_ gives a concrete
+picture of the development of the plastic infant in the environment of
+the social group.
+
+The three papers on differences between sexes, races, and individuals
+serve as an introduction into the problem of differentiating the aspects
+of behavior which are in _original nature_ from those that are
+_acquired_ through social experience. Are the apparent differences
+between men and women, white and colored, John and James, those which
+arise from differences in the germ plasm or from differences in
+education and in cultural contacts? The selections must not be taken as
+giving the final word upon the subject. At best they represent merely
+the conclusions reached by three investigators. Attempts to arrive at
+positive differences in favor either of original nature or of education
+are frequently made in the interest of preconceived opinion. The
+problem, as far as science is concerned, is to discover what limitations
+original nature places upon response to social copies, and the ways in
+which the inborn potentialities find expression or repression in
+differing types of social environment.
+
+b) _Human nature and social life._--Original nature is represented in
+human responses in so far as they are determined by the _innate
+structure of the individual organism_. The materials assembled under
+this head treat of inborn reactions as influenced, modified, and
+reconstructed by the _structure of the social organization_.
+
+The actual reorganization of human nature takes place in response to the
+folkways and mores, the traditions and conventions, of the group. So
+potentially fitted for social life is the natural man, however, so
+manifold are the expressions that the plastic original tendencies may
+take, that instinct is replaced by habit, precedent, personal taboo, and
+good form. This remade structure of human nature, this objective mind,
+as Hegel called it, is fixed and transmitted in the folkways and mores,
+social ritual, i.e., _Sittlichkeit_, to use the German word, and
+convention.
+
+c) _Personality and the social self._--The selections upon
+"Personality and the Social Self" bring together and compare the
+different definitions of the term. These definitions fall under three
+heads:
+
+(1) _The organism as personality:_ This is a biological statement,
+satisfactory as a definition only as preparatory to further analysis.
+
+(2) _Personality as a complex:_ Personality defined in terms of the
+unity of mental life is a conception that has grown up in the recent
+"individual psychology," so called. Personality includes, in this case,
+not only the memories of the individual and his stream of
+consciousness, but also the characteristic organization of mental
+complexes and trends which may be thought of as a supercomplex. The
+phenomena of double and multiple personalities occur when this unity
+becomes disorganized. Disorganization in releasing groups of complexes
+from control may even permit the formation of independent organizations.
+Morton Prince's book _The Dissociation of a Personality_ is a classic
+case study of multiple personality. The selections upon "The Natural
+Person versus the Social and Conventional Person" and "The Divided Self
+and the Moral Consciousness" indicate the more usual and less extreme
+conflicts of opposing sentiments and interests within the organization
+of personality.
+
+(3) _Personality as the rôle of the individual in the group:_ The word
+personality is derived from the Latin _persona_, a mask used by actors.
+The etymology of the term suggests that its meaning is to be found in
+the rôle of the individual in the social group. By usage, personality
+carries the implication of the social expression of behavior.
+Personality may then be defined as the sum and organization of those
+traits which determine the rôle of the individual in the group. The
+following is a classification of the characteristics of the person which
+affect his social status and efficiency:
+
+ (a) physical traits, as physique, physiognomy, etc.;
+ (b) temperament;
+ (c) character;
+ (d) social expression, as by facial expression, gesture, manner,
+ speech, writing, etc.;
+ (e) prestige, as by birth, past success, status, etc.;
+ (f) the individual's conception of his rôle.
+
+The significance of these traits consists in the way in which they enter
+into the rôle of the individual in his social milieu. Chief among these
+may be considered the individual's conception of the part which he plays
+among his fellows. Cooley's discriminating description of "the
+looking-glass self" offers a picture of the process by which the person
+conceives himself in terms of the attitudes of others toward him.
+
+ The reflected or looking-glass self seems to have three
+ principal elements: the imagination of our appearance to the
+ other person; the imagination of his judgment of that
+ appearance; and some sort of self-feeling, such as pride or
+ mortification. The comparison with a looking-glass self hardly
+ suggests the second element, the imagined judgment, which is
+ quite essential. The thing that moves us to pride or shame is
+ not the mere mechanical reflection of ourselves, but an imputed
+ sentiment, the imagined effect of this reflection upon
+ another's mind. This is evident from the fact that the
+ character and weight of that other, in whose mind we see
+ ourselves, makes all the difference with our feeling.[56]
+
+Veblen has made a subtle analysis of the way in which conduct is
+controlled by the individual's conception of his social rôle in his
+analysis of "invidious comparison" and "conspicuous expenditure."[57]
+
+d) _Biological and social inheritance._--The distinction between
+biological and social inheritance is sharply made by the noted
+biologist, J. Arthur Thomson, in the selection entitled "Nature and
+Nurture." The so-called "acquired characters" or modifications of
+original nature through experience, he points out, are transmitted not
+through the germ plasm but through communication.
+
+Thorndike's "Inventory of Original Tendencies" offers a detailed
+classification of the traits transmitted biologically. Since there
+exists no corresponding specific analysis of acquired traits, the
+following brief inventory of types of social heritages is offered.
+
+ TYPES OF SOCIAL HERITAGES
+
+ (a) means of communication, as language, gesture, etc.;
+ (b) social attitudes, habits, wishes, etc.;
+ (c) character;
+ (d) social patterns, as folkways, mores, conventions, ideals,
+ etc.;
+ (e) technique;
+ (f) culture (as distinguished from technique, formal organization,
+ and machinery);
+ (g) social organization (primary group life, institutions, sects,
+ secondary groups, etc.).
+
+On the basis of the work of Mendel, biologists have made marked progress
+in determining the inheritance of specific traits of original nature.
+The selection from a foremost American student of heredity and eugenics,
+C. B. Davenport, entitled "Inheritance of Original Nature" indicates the
+precision and accuracy with which the prediction of the inheritance of
+individual innate traits is made.
+
+The mechanism of the transmission of social heritages, while more open
+to observation than biological inheritance, has not been subjected to as
+intensive study. The transmission of the social heritage takes place by
+communication, as Keller points out, through the medium of the various
+senses. The various types of the social heritages are transmitted in two
+ways: (a) by tradition, as from generation to generation, and (b) by
+acculturation, as from group to group.
+
+In the communication of the social heritages, either by tradition or by
+acculturation, two aspects of the process may be distinguished: (a)
+Because of temperament, interest, and run of attention of the members of
+the group, the heritage, whether a word, an act of skill, or a social
+attitude, may be selected, appropriated, and incorporated into its
+culture. This is communication by _imitation_. (b) On the other hand,
+the heritage may be imposed upon the members of the group through
+authority and routine, by tabu and repression. This is communication by
+_inculcation_. In any concrete situation the transmission of a social
+heritage may combine varying elements of both processes. Education, as
+the etymology of the term suggests, denotes culture of original
+tendencies; yet the routine of a school system is frequently organized
+about formal discipline rather than around interest, aptitude, and
+attention.
+
+Historically, the scientific interest in the question of biological and
+social inheritance has concerned itself with the rather sterile problem
+of the weight to be attached on the one hand to physical heredity and on
+the other to social heritage. The selection, "Temperament, Tradition,
+and Nationality" suggests that a more important inquiry is to determine
+how the behavior patterns and the culture of a racial group or a social
+class are determined by the interaction of original nature and the
+social tradition. According to this conception, racial temperament is an
+active selective agency, determining interest and the direction of
+attention. The group heritages on the other hand represent a detached
+external social environment, a complex of stimuli, effective only in so
+far as they call forth responses. The culture of a group is the sum
+total and organization of the social heritages which have acquired a
+social meaning because of racial temperament and of the historical life
+of the group.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+
+A. THE ORIGINAL NATURE OF MAN
+
+
+1. Original Nature Defined[58]
+
+A man's nature and the changes that take place in it may be described in
+terms of the responses--of thought, feeling, action, and attitude--which
+he makes, and of the bonds by which these are connected with the
+situations which life offers. Any fact of intellect, character, or skill
+means a tendency to respond in a certain way to a certain
+situation--involves a _situation_ or state of affairs influencing the
+man, a _response_ or state of affairs in the man, and a _connection_ or
+bond whereby the latter is the result of the former.
+
+Any man possesses at the very start of his life--that is, at the moment
+when the ovum and spermatozoön which are to produce him have
+united--numerous well-defined tendencies to future behavior. Between the
+situations which he will meet and the responses which he will make to
+them, pre-formed bonds exist. It is already determined by the
+constitution of these two germs that under certain circumstances he will
+see and hear and feel and act in certain ways. His intellect and morals,
+as well as his bodily organs and movements, are in part the consequence
+of the nature of the embryo in the first moment of its life. What a man
+is and does throughout life is a result of whatever constitution he has
+at the start and of the forces that act upon it before and after birth.
+I shall use the term "original nature" for the former and "environment"
+for the latter. His original nature is thus a name for the nature of the
+combined germ-cells from which he springs, and his environment is a name
+for the rest of the universe, so far as it may, directly or indirectly,
+influence him.
+
+Three terms, reflexes, instincts, and inborn capacities, divide the work
+of naming these unlearned tendencies. When the tendency concerns a very
+definite and uniform response to a very simple sensory situation, and
+when the connection between the situation and the response is very hard
+to modify and is also very strong so that it is almost inevitable, the
+connection or response to which it leads is called a reflex. Thus the
+knee-jerk is a very definite and uniform response to the simple
+sense-stimulus of sudden hard pressure against a certain spot.
+
+When the response is more indefinite, the situation more complex, and
+the connection more modifiable, instinct becomes the customary term.
+Thus one's misery at being scorned is too indefinite a response to too
+complex a situation and is too easily modifiable to be called a reflex.
+When the tendency is to an extremely indefinite response or set of
+responses to a very complex situation, as when the connection's final
+degree of strength is commonly due to very large contributions from
+training, it has seemed more appropriate to replace reflex and instinct
+by some term like capacity, or tendency, or potentiality. Thus an
+original tendency to respond to the circumstances of school education by
+achievement in learning the arts and sciences is called the capacity for
+scholarship.
+
+There is, of course, no gap between reflexes and instincts, or between
+instincts and the still less easily describable original tendencies. The
+fact is that original tendencies range with respect to the nature of the
+responses from such as are single, simple, definite, uniform within the
+individual and only slightly variable amongst individuals, to responses
+that are highly compound, complex, vague, and variable within one
+individual's life and amongst individuals.
+
+A typical reflex, or instinct, or capacity, as a whole, includes the
+ability to be sensitive to a certain situation, the ability to make a
+certain response, and the existence of a bond or connection whereby that
+response is made to that situation. For instance, the young chick is
+sensitive to the absence of other members of his species, is able to
+peep, and is so organized that the absence of other members of the
+species makes him peep. But the tendency to be sensitive to a certain
+situation may exist without the existence of a connection therewith of
+any further exclusive response, and the tendency to make a certain
+response may exist without the existence of a connection limiting that
+response exclusively to any single situation. The three-year-old child
+is by inborn nature markedly sensitive to the presence and acts of other
+human beings, but the exact nature of his response varies. The original
+tendency to cry is very strong, but there is no one situation to which
+it is exclusively bound. Original nature seems to decide that the
+individual will respond somehow to certain situations more often than it
+decides just what he will do, and to decide that he will make certain
+responses more often than it decides just when he will make them. So,
+for convenience in thinking about man's unlearned equipment, this
+appearance of _multiple response_ to one same situation and _multiple
+causation_ of one same response may be taken roughly as the fact.
+
+
+2. Inventory of Original Tendencies[59]
+
+I. _Sensory capacities_
+
+II. _Original attentiveness_
+
+III. _Gross bodily control_
+
+IV. _Food getting and habitation_
+ A. Food getting
+ 1. Eating. 2. Reaching, grasping, putting into the mouth.
+ 3. Acquisition and possession. 4. Hunting (a) a small
+ escaping object, (b) a small or moderate-sized object not of
+ offensive mien, moving away from or past him. 5. Possible
+ specialized tendencies. 6. Collecting and hoarding.
+ 7. Avoidance and repulsion. 8. Rivalry and co-operation
+ B. Habitation
+ 1. Responses to confinement. 2. Migration and domesticity
+
+V. _Fear, fighting, and anger_
+ A. Fear
+ 1. Unpleasant expectation and dread. 2. Anxiety and
+ worry. 3. Dislike and avoidance. 4. Shock. 5. Flight,
+ paralysis, etc.
+ B. Fighting
+ 1. Escape from restraint. 2. Overcoming a moving obstacle.
+ 3. Counter-attack. 4. Irrational response to pain.
+ 5. Combat in rivalry. 6. Resentment of presence of other
+ males in courtship. 7. Angry behavior at persistent
+ thwarting.
+ C. Anger
+
+VI. _Responses to the behavior of other human beings_
+ A. Motherly behavior
+ B. Filial behavior
+ C. Responses to presence, approval, and scorn of men
+ 1. Gregariousness. 2. Attention to human beings. 3. Attention-getting.
+ 4. Responses to approval and scorn.
+ 5. Responses by approval and scorn
+ D. Mastering and submissive behavior
+ 1. Display. 2. Shyness. 3. Self-conscious behavior
+ E. Other social instincts
+ 1. Sex behavior. 2. Secretiveness. 3. Rivalry. 4. Co-operation.
+ 5. Suggestibility and opposition. 6. Envious
+ and jealous behavior. 7. Greed. 8. Ownership. 9. Kindliness.
+ 10. Teasing, tormenting, and bullying
+ F. Imitation
+ 1. General imitativeness. 2. Imitation of particular forms
+ of behavior
+
+VII. _Original satisfiers and annoyers_
+
+VIII. _Minor bodily movements and cerebral connections_
+ A. Vocalization
+ B. Visual exploration
+ C. Manipulation
+ D. Other possible specializations
+ 1. Constructiveness. 2. Cleanliness. 3. Adornment and art
+ E. Curiosity and mental control
+ 1. Curiosity. 2. The instinct of multiform mental activity.
+ 3. The instinct of multiform physical activity.
+ 4. The instinct of workmanship and the desire for excellence
+ F. Play
+
+IX. _The emotions and their expression_
+
+X. _Consciousness, learning, and remembering_
+
+
+3. Man Not Born Human[60]
+
+Man is not born human. It is only slowly and laboriously, in fruitful
+contact, co-operation, and conflict with his fellows, that he attains
+the distinctive qualities of human nature. In the course of his prenatal
+life he has already passed roughly through, or, as the biologists say,
+"recapitulated," the whole history of his animal ancestors. He brings
+with him at birth a multitude of instincts and tendencies, many of which
+persist during life and many of which are only what G. Stanley Hall
+calls "vestigial traces" of his brute ancestry, as is shown by the fact
+that they are no longer useful and soon disappear.
+
+ These non-volitional movements of earliest infancy and of later
+ childhood (such as licking things, clicking with the tongue,
+ grinding the teeth, biting the nails, shrugging corrugations,
+ pulling buttons, or twisting garments, strings, etc., twirling
+ pencils, etc.) are relics of past forms of utilities now
+ essentially obsolete. Ancient modes of locomotion, prehension,
+ balancing, defense, attack, sensuality, etc., are all
+ rehearsed, some quite fully and some only by the faintest
+ mimetic suggestion, flitting spasmodic tensions, gestures, or
+ facial expressions.
+
+Human nature may therefore be regarded on the whole as a superstructure
+founded on instincts, dispositions, and tendencies, inherited from a
+long line of human and animal ancestors. It consists mainly in a higher
+organization of forces, a more subtle distillation of potencies latent
+in what Thorndike calls "the original nature of man."
+
+ The original nature of man is roughly what is common to all men
+ minus all adaptations to tools, houses, clothes, furniture,
+ words, beliefs, religions, laws, science, the arts, and to
+ whatever in other men's behavior is due to adaptations to them.
+ From human nature as we find it, take away, first, all that is
+ in the European but not in the Chinaman, all that is in the
+ Fiji Islander but not in the Esquimaux, all that is local or
+ temporary. Then take away also the effects of all products of
+ human art. What is left of human intellect and character is
+ largely original--not wholly, for all those elements of
+ knowledge which we call ideas and judgments must be subtracted
+ from his responses. Man originally possesses only capacities
+ which, after a given amount of education, will produce ideas
+ and judgments.
+
+Such, in general, is the nature of human beings before that nature has
+been modified by experience and formed by the education and the
+discipline of contact and intercourse with their fellows.
+
+Several writers, among them William James, have attempted to make a
+rough inventory of the special instinctive tendencies with which human
+beings are equipped at birth. First of all there are the simpler
+reflexes such as "crying, sneezing, snoring, coughing, sighing,
+sobbing, gagging, vomiting, hiccuping, starting, moving the limb in
+response to its being tickled, touched or blown upon, spreading the toes
+in response to its being touched, tickled, or stroked on the sole of the
+foot, extending and raising the arms at any sudden sensory stimulus, or
+the quick pulsation of the eyelid."
+
+Then there are the more complex original tendencies such as sucking,
+chewing, sitting up, and gurgling. Among the more general unlearned
+responses of children are fear, anger, pugnacity, envy, jealousy,
+curiosity, constructiveness, love of festivities, ceremonies and
+ordeals, sociability and shyness, secretiveness, etc. Thorndike, who
+quotes this list at length, has sought to give definiteness to its
+descriptions by clearly defining and distinguishing the character of the
+situation to which the behavior cited is a response. For example, to the
+situation, "strange man or animal, to solitude, black things, dark
+places, holes and corners, a human corpse," the native and unlearned
+response is fear. The original response of man to being alone is an
+experience of discomfort, to perceiving a crowd, "a tendency to join
+them and do what they are doing and an unwillingness to leave off and go
+home." It is part of man's original nature when he is in love to conceal
+his love affairs, and so forth.
+
+It is evident from this list that what is meant by original nature is
+not confined to the behavior which manifests itself at birth, but
+includes man's spontaneous and unlearned responses to situations as they
+arise in the experience of the individual.
+
+The widespread interest in the study of children has inspired in recent
+years a considerable literature bearing upon the original and inherited
+tendencies of human nature. The difficulty of distinguishing between
+what is original and what is acquired among the forms of behavior
+reported upon, and the further difficulty of obtaining accurate
+descriptions of the situations to which the behavior described was a
+response, has made much of this literature of doubtful value for
+scientific purposes. These studies have, nevertheless, contributed to a
+radical change in our conceptions of human nature. They have shown that
+the distinction between the mind of man and that of the lower animals is
+not so wide nor so profound as was once supposed. They have emphasized
+the fact that human nature rests on animal nature, and the transition
+from one to the other, in spite of the contrast in their separate
+achievements, has been made by imperceptible gradations. In the same
+way they have revealed, beneath differences in culture and individual
+achievement, the outlines of a pervasive and relatively unchanging human
+nature in which all races and individuals have a common share.
+
+The study of human nature begins with description, but it goes on from
+that point to explanation. If the descriptions which we have thus far
+had of human nature are imperfect and lacking in precision, it is
+equally true that the explanations thus far invented have, on the whole,
+been inadequate. One reason for this has been the difficulty of the
+task. The mechanisms which control human behavior are, as might be
+expected, tremendously complicated, and the problem of analyzing them
+into their elementary forms and reducing their varied manifestations to
+precise and lucid formulas is both intricate and perplexing.
+
+The foundation for the explanation of human nature has been laid,
+however, by the studies of behavior in animals and the comparative study
+of the physiology of the nervous system. Progress has been made, on the
+one hand, by seeking for the precise psycho-chemical process involved in
+the nervous reactions, and on the other, by reducing all higher mental
+processes to elementary forms represented by the tropisms and reflex
+actions.
+
+In this, science has made a considerable advance upon common sense in
+its interpretations of human behavior, but has introduced no new
+principle; it has simply made its statements more detailed and exact.
+For example, common sense has observed that "the burnt child shuns the
+fire," that "the moth seeks the flame." These are both statements of
+truths of undoubted generality. In order to give them the validity of
+scientific truth, however, we need to know what there is in the nature
+of the processes involved that makes it inevitable that the child should
+shun the fire and the moth should seek the flame. It is not sufficient
+to say that the action in one case is instinctive and in the other
+intelligent, unless we are able to give precise and definite meanings to
+those terms; unless, in short, we are able to point out the precise
+mechanisms through which these reactions are carried out. The following
+illustration from Loeb's volume on the comparative physiology of the
+brain will illustrate the distinction between the common sense and the
+more precise scientific explanation of the behavior in man and the lower
+animals.
+
+ It is a well-known fact that if an ant be removed from a nest
+ and afterward put back it will not be attacked, while almost
+ invariably an ant belonging to another nest will be attacked.
+ It has been customary to use the words memory, enmity,
+ friendship, in describing this fact. Now Bethe made the
+ following experiment: an ant was placed in the liquids (blood
+ and lymph) squeezed out from the bodies of nest companions and
+ was then put back into its nest; it was not attacked. It was
+ then put in the juice taken from the inmates of a "hostile"
+ nest and was at once attacked and killed. Bethe was able to
+ prove by special experiments that these reactions of ants are
+ not learned by experience, but are inherited. The "knowing" of
+ "friend and foe" among ants is thus reduced to different
+ reactions, depending upon the nature of the chemical stimulus
+ and in no way depending upon memory.
+
+Here, again, there is no essential difference between the common sense
+and the scientific explanation of the behavior of the ant except so far
+as the scientific explanation is more accurate, defining the precise
+mechanisms by which the recognition of "friend and foe" is effected, and
+the limitations to which it is subject.
+
+Another result of the study of the comparative behavior of man and the
+lower animals has been to convince students that there is no fundamental
+difference between what was formerly called intelligent and instinctive
+behavior; that they may rather be reduced, as has been said, to the
+elementary form of reaction represented by the simple reflex in animals
+and the tropism in plants. Thus Loeb says:
+
+ A prominent psychologist has maintained that reflexes are to be
+ considered as the mechanical effects of acts of volition of
+ past generations. The ganglion-cell seems the only place where
+ such mechanical effects could be stored up. It has therefore
+ been considered the most essential element of the reflex
+ mechanism, the nerve-fibers being regarded, and probably
+ correctly, merely as conductors.
+
+ Both the authors who emphasize the purposefulness of the reflex
+ act, and those who see in it only a physical process, have
+ invariably looked upon the ganglion-cell as the principal
+ bearer of the structures for the complex co-ordinated movements
+ in reflex action.
+
+ I should have been as little inclined as any other physiologist
+ to doubt the correctness of this conception had not the
+ establishment of the identity of the reactions of animals and
+ plants to light proved the untenability of this view and at the
+ same time offered a different conception of reflexes. The
+ flight of the moth into the flame is a typical reflex process.
+ The light stimulates the peripheral sense organs, the stimulus
+ passes to the central nervous system, and from there to the
+ muscles of the wings, and the moth is caused to fly into the
+ flame. This reflex process agrees in every point with the
+ heliotropic effects of light on plant organs. Since plants
+ possess no nerves, this identity of animal with plant
+ heliotropism can offer but one inference--these heliotropic
+ effects must depend upon conditions which are common to both
+ animals and plants.
+
+On the other hand, Watson, in his _Introduction to Comparative
+Psychology_, defines the reflex as "a unit of analysis of instinct," and
+this means that instinctive actions in man and in animals may be
+regarded as combinations of simple reflex actions, that is to say of
+"fairly definite and generally predictable but unlearned responses of
+lower and higher organisms to stimuli." Many of these reflex responses
+are not fixed, as they were formerly supposed to be, but "highly
+unstable and indefinite." This fact makes possible the formation of
+habits, by combination and fixation of these inherited responses.
+
+These views in the radical form in which they are expressed by Loeb and
+Watson have naturally enough been the subject of considerable
+controversy, both on scientific and sentimental grounds. They seem to
+reduce human behavior to a system of chemical and physical reactions,
+and rob life of all its spiritual values. On the other hand, it must be
+remembered that human beings, like other forms of nature, have this
+mechanical aspect and it is precisely the business of natural science to
+discover and lay them bare. It is only thus that we are able to gain
+control over ourselves and of others. It is a matter of common
+experience that we do form habits and that education and social control
+are largely dependent upon our ability to establish habits in ourselves
+and in others. Habit is, in fact, a characteristic example of just what
+is meant by "mechanism," in the sense in which it is here used. It is
+through the fixation of habit that we gain that control over our
+"original nature," which lifts us above the brutes and gives human
+nature its distinctive character as human. Character is nothing more
+than the sum and co-ordination of those mechanisms which we call habit
+and which are formed on the basis of the inherited and instinctive
+tendencies and dispositions which we share in so large a measure with
+the lower animals.
+
+
+4. The Natural Man[61]
+
+"Its first act is a cry, not of wrath, as Kant said, nor a shout of joy,
+as Schwartz thought, but a snuffling, and then a long, thin, tearless
+á-á, with the timbre of a Scotch bagpipe, purely automatic, but of
+discomfort. With this monotonous and dismal cry, with its red,
+shriveled, parboiled skin (for the child commonly loses weight the first
+few days), squinting, cross-eyed, pot-bellied, and bow-legged, it is not
+strange that, if the mother has not followed Froebel's exhortations and
+come to love her child before birth, there is a brief interval
+occasionally dangerous to the child before the maternal instinct is
+fully aroused."
+
+The most curious of all the monkey traits shown by the new-born baby is
+the one investigated by Dr. Louis Robinson. It was suggested by _The
+Luck of Roaring Camp_. The question was raised in conversation whether a
+limp and molluscous baby, unable so much as to hold up its head on its
+helpless little neck, could do anything so positive as to "rastle with"
+Kentuck's finger; and the more knowing persons present insisted that a
+young baby does, as a matter of fact, have a good firm hand-clasp. It
+occurred to Dr. Robinson that if this was true it was a beautiful
+Darwinian point, for clinging and swinging by the arms would naturally
+have been a specialty with our ancestors if they ever lived a
+monkey-like life in the trees. The baby that could cling best to its
+mother as she used hands, feet, and tail to flee in the best time over
+the trees, or to get at the more inaccessible fruits and eggs in time of
+scarcity, would be the baby that lived to bequeath his traits to his
+descendants; so that to this day our housed and cradled human babies
+would keep in their clinging powers a reminiscence of our wild treetop
+days.
+
+There is another class of movements, often confused with the
+reflex--that is, instinctive movements. Real grasping (as distinguished
+from reflex grasping), biting, standing, walking, are examples of this
+class. They are race movements, the habits of the species to which the
+animal belongs, and every normal member of the species is bound to come
+to them; yet they are not so fixed in the bodily mechanism as the reflex
+movements.
+
+The one instinct the human baby always brings into the world already
+developed is half a mere reflex act--that of sucking. It is started as a
+reflex would be, by the touch of some object--pencil, finger, or nipple,
+it may be--between the lips; but it does not act like a reflex after
+that. It continues and ceases without reference to this external
+stimulus, and a little later often begins without it, or fails to begin
+when the stimulus is given. If it has originally a reflex character,
+that character fades out and leaves it a pure instinct.
+
+My little niece evidently felt a difference between light and darkness
+from the first hour, for she stopped crying when her face was exposed to
+gentle light. Two or three report also a turning of the head toward the
+light within the first week. The nurse, who was intelligent and exact,
+thought she saw this in the case of my niece. I did not, but I saw
+instead a constant turning of the eyes toward a person coming near
+her--that is, toward a large dark mass that interrupted the light. No
+other sign of vision appeared in the little one during the first
+fortnight. The eyes were directed to nothing, fixed on nothing. They did
+not wink if one made a pass at them. There was no change of focus for
+near or distant seeing.
+
+The baby showed no sign of hearing anything until the third day, when
+she started violently at the sound of tearing paper, some eight feet
+from her. After that, occasional harsh or sudden sounds--oftener the
+rustling of paper than anything else--could make her start or cry. It is
+well established by the careful tests of several physiologists that
+babies are deaf for a period lasting from several hours to several days
+after birth.
+
+Taste and smell were senses that the baby gave no sign of owning till
+much later. The satisfaction of hunger was quite enough to account for
+the contentment she showed in nursing; and when she was not hungry she
+would suck the most tasteless object as cheerfully as any other.
+
+Our baby showed from the first that she was aware when she was touched.
+She stopped crying when she was cuddled or patted. She showed comfort in
+the bath, which may have been in part due to freedom from the contact of
+clothes, and to liking for the soft touches of the water. She responded
+with sucking motions to the first touch of the nipple on her lips.
+
+Our baby showed temperament--luckily of the easy-going and cheerful
+kind--from her first day, though we could hardly see this except by
+looking backward. On the twenty-fifth day, toward evening, when the baby
+was lying on her grandmother's knee by the fire, in a condition of high
+well-being and content, gazing at her grandmother's face with an
+expression of attention, I came and sat down close by, leaning over the
+baby, so that my face must have come within the indirect range of her
+vision. At that she turned her eyes to my face and gazed at it with the
+same appearance of attention, and even of some effort, shown by the
+slight tension of brows and lips, then turned her eyes back to her
+grandmother's face, and again to mine, and so several times. The last
+time she seemed to catch sight of my shoulder, on which a high light
+struck from the lamp, and not only moved her eyes but threw her head far
+back to see it better, and gazed for some time with a new expression on
+her face--"a sort of dim and rudimentary eagerness," says my note. She
+no longer stared, but really looked.
+
+The baby's increased interest in seeing centered especially on the faces
+about her, at which she gazed with rapt interest. Even during the period
+of mere staring, faces had oftenest held her eyes, probably because they
+were oftener brought within the range of her clearest seeing than other
+light surfaces. The large, light, moving patch of the human face (as
+Preyer has pointed out) coming and going in the field of vision, and
+oftener chancing to hover at the point of clearest seeing than any other
+object, embellished with a play of high lights on cheeks, teeth, and
+eyes, is calculated to excite the highest degree of attention a baby is
+capable of at a month old. So from the very first--before the baby has
+yet really seen his mother--her face and that of his other nearest
+friends become the most active agents in his development and the most
+interesting things in his experience.
+
+Our baby was at this time in a way aware of the difference between
+companionship and solitude. In the latter days of the first month she
+would lie contentedly in the room with people near by, but would fret if
+left alone. But by the end of the month she was apt to fret when she was
+laid down on a chair or lounge, and to become content only when taken
+into the lap. This was not yet distinct memory and desire, but it showed
+that associations of pleasure had been formed with the lap, and that
+she felt a vague discomfort in the absence of these.
+
+Nature has provided an educational appliance almost ideally adapted to
+the child's sense condition, in the mother's face, hovering close above
+him, smiling, laughing, nodding, with all manner of delightful changes
+in the high lights; in the thousand little meaningless caressing sounds,
+the singing, talking, calling, that proceed from it; the patting,
+cuddling, lifting, and all the ministrations that the baby feels while
+gazing at it, and associates with it, till finally they group together
+and round out into the idea of his mother as a whole.
+
+Our baby's mother rather resented the idea of being to her baby only a
+collection of detached phenomena, instead of a mamma; but the more you
+think of it, the more flattering it is to be thus, as it were, dissolved
+into your elements and incorporated item by item into the very
+foundations of your baby's mental life. Herein is hinted much of the
+philosophy of personality; and Professor Baldwin has written a solid
+book, mainly to show from the development of babies and little children
+that all other people are part of each of us, and each of us is part of
+all other people, and so there is really no separate personality, but we
+are all one spirit, if we did but know it.
+
+
+5. Sex Differences[62]
+
+As children become physically differentiated in respect of sex, so also
+does a mental differentiation ensue. Differences are observed in the
+matter of occupation, of games, of movements, and numerous other
+details. Since man is to play the active part in life, boys rejoice
+especially in rough outdoor games. Girls, on the other hand, prefer such
+games as correspond to their future occupations. Hence their inclination
+to mother smaller children, and to play with dolls. Watch how a little
+girl takes care of her doll, washes it, dresses and undresses it. When
+only six or seven years of age she is often an excellent nurse. Her need
+to occupy herself in such activities is often so great that she pretends
+that her doll is ill.
+
+In all kinds of ways, we see the little girl occupying herself in the
+activities and inclinations of her future existence. She practices house
+work; she has a little kitchen, in which she cooks for herself and her
+doll. She is fond of needlework. The care of her own person, and more
+especially its adornment, is not forgotten. I remember seeing a girl of
+three who kept on interrupting her elders' conversation by crying out,
+"New clothes!" and would not keep quiet until these latter had been duly
+admired. The love of self-adornment is almost peculiar to female
+children; boys, on the other hand, prefer rough outdoor games, in which
+their muscles are actively employed, robber-games, soldier-games, and
+the like. And whereas, in early childhood, both sexes are fond of very
+noisy games, the fondness for these disappears earlier in girls than in
+boys.
+
+Differences between the sexes have been established also by means of
+experimental psychology, based upon the examination of a very large
+number of instances. Berthold Hartmann has studied the childish circle
+of thought, by means of a series of experiments. Schoolboys to the
+number of 660 and schoolgirls to the number of 652, at ages between five
+and three-fourths and six and three-fourths years, were subjected to
+examination. It was very remarkable to see how, in respect to certain
+ideas, such as those of the triangle, cube, and circle, the girls
+greatly excelled the boys; whereas in respect of animals, minerals, and
+social ideas, the boys were better informed than the girls.
+Characteristic of the differences between the sexes, according to
+Meumann, from whom I take these details and some of those that follow,
+is the fact that the idea of "marriage" was known to only 70 boys as
+compared to 227 girls; whilst the idea of "infant baptism" was known to
+180 boys as compared to 220 girls. The idea of "pleasure" was also much
+better understood by girls than by boys. Examination of the memory has
+also established the existence of differences between the sexes in
+childhood. In boys the memory for objects appears to be at first the
+best developed; to this succeeds the memory for words with a visual
+content; in the case of girls, the reverse of this was observed. In
+respect of numerous details, however, the authorities conflict. Very
+striking is the fact, one upon which a very large number of
+investigators are agreed, that girls have a superior knowledge of
+colors.
+
+There are additional psychological data relating to the differences
+between the sexes in childhood. I may recall Stern's investigations
+concerning the psychology of evidence, which showed that girls were much
+more inaccurate than boys.
+
+It has been widely assumed that these psychical differences between the
+sexes result from education, and are not inborn. Others, however, assume
+that the psychical characteristics by which the sexes are differentiated
+result solely from individual differences in education. Stern believes
+that in the case of one differential character, at least, he can prove
+that for many centuries there has been no difference between the sexes
+in the matter of education; this character is the capacity for drawing.
+Kerschensteiner has studied the development of this gift, and considers
+that his results have established beyond dispute that girls are greatly
+inferior in this respect to boys of like age. Stern points out that
+there can be no question here of cultivation leading to a sexual
+differentiation of faculty, since there is no attempt at a general and
+systematic teaching of draughtsmanship to the members of one sex to the
+exclusion of members of the other.
+
+I believe that we are justified in asserting that at the present time
+the sexual differentiation manifested in respect of quite a number of
+psychical qualities is the result of direct inheritance. It would be
+quite wrong to assume that all these differences arise in each
+individual in consequence of education. It does, indeed, appear to me to
+be true that inherited tendencies may be increased or diminished by
+individual education; and further, that when the inherited tendency is
+not a very powerful one, it may in this way even be suppressed.
+
+We must not forget the frequent intimate association between structure
+and function. Rough outdoor games and wrestling thus correspond to the
+physical constitution of the boy. So, also, it is by no means improbable
+that the little girl, whose pelvis and hips have already begun to
+indicate by their development their adaption for the supreme functions
+of the sexually mature woman, should experience obscurely a certain
+impulsion toward her predestined maternal occupation, and that her
+inclinations and amusements should in this way be determined. Many,
+indeed, and above all the extreme advocates of women's rights, prefer to
+maintain that such sexually differentiated inclinations result solely
+from differences in individual education: if the boy has no enduring
+taste for dolls and cooking, this is because his mother and others have
+told him, perhaps with mockery, that such amusements are unsuited to a
+boy; whilst in a similar way the girl is dissuaded from the rough
+sports of boyhood. Such an assumption is the expression of that general
+psychological and educational tendency, which ascribes to the activity
+of the will an overwhelmingly powerful influence upon the development of
+the organs subserving the intellect, and secondarily also upon that of
+the other organs of the body. We cannot dispute the fact that in such a
+way the activity of the will may, within certain limits, be effective,
+especially in cases in which the inherited tendency thus counteracted is
+comparatively weak; but only within certain limits. Thus we can
+understand how it is that in some cases, by means of education, a child
+is impressed with characteristics normally foreign to its sex; qualities
+and tendencies are thus developed which ordinarily appear only in a
+child of the opposite sex. But even though we must admit that the
+activity of the individual may operate in this way, none the less we are
+compelled to assume that certain tendencies are inborn. The failure of
+innumerable attempts to counteract such inborn tendencies by means of
+education throws a strong light upon the limitations of the activity of
+the individual will; and the same must be said of a large number of
+other experiences.
+
+Criminological experiences appear also to confirm the notion of an
+inherited sexual differentiation, in children as well as in adults.
+According to various statistics, embracing not only the period of
+childhood, but including as well the period of youth, we learn that
+girls constitute one-fifth only of the total number of youthful
+criminals. A number of different explanations have been offered to
+account for this disproportion. Thus, for instance, attention has been
+drawn to the fact that a girl's physical weakness renders her incapable
+of attempting violent assaults upon the person, and this would suffice
+to explain why it is that girls so rarely commit such crimes. In the
+case of offenses for which bodily strength is less requisite, such as
+fraud, theft, etc., the number of youthful female offenders is
+proportionately larger, although here also they are less numerous than
+males of corresponding age charged with the like offenses. It has been
+asserted that in the law courts girls find more sympathy than boys, and
+that for this reason the former receive milder sentences than the
+latter; hence it results that in appearance merely the criminality of
+girls is less than that of boys. Others, again, refer the differences in
+respect of criminality between the youthful members of the two sexes to
+the influences of education and general environment. Morrison, however,
+maintains that all these influences combined are yet insufficient to
+account for the great disproportion between the sexes, and insists that
+there exists in youth as well as in adult life a specific sexual
+differentiation, based, for the most part, upon biological differences
+of a mental and physical character.
+
+Such a marked differentiation as there is between the adult man and the
+adult woman certainly does not exist in childhood. Similarly in respect
+of many other qualities, alike bodily and mental, in respect of many
+inclinations and numerous activities, we find that in childhood sexual
+differentiation is less marked than it is in adult life. None the less,
+a number of sexual differences can be shown to exist even in childhood;
+and as regards many other differences, though they are not yet apparent,
+we are nevertheless compelled to assume that they already exist
+potentially in the organs of the child.
+
+
+6. Racial Differences[63]
+
+The results of the Cambridge expedition to the Torres Straits have shown
+that in acuteness of vision, hearing, smell, etc., these peoples are not
+noticeably different from our own. We conclude that the remarkable tales
+adduced to the contrary by various travelers are to be explained, not by
+the acuteness of sensation, but by the acuteness of interpretation of
+primitive peoples. Take the savage into the streets of a busy city and
+see what a number of sights and sounds he will neglect because of their
+meaninglessness to him. Take the sailor whose powers of discerning a
+ship on the horizon appear to the landsman so extraordinary, and set him
+to detect micro-organisms in the field of a microscope. Is it then
+surprising that primitive man should be able to draw inferences which to
+the stranger appear marvelous, from the merest specks in the far
+distance or from the faintest sounds, odors, or tracks in the jungle?
+Such behavior serves only to attest the extraordinary powers of
+observation in primitive man with respect to things which are of use and
+hence of interest to him. The same powers are shown in the vast number
+of words he will coin to denote the same object, say a certain tree at
+different stages of its growth.
+
+We concluded, then, that no fundamental difference in powers of sensory
+acuity, nor, indeed, in sensory discrimination, exists between primitive
+and civilized communities. Further, there is no proof of any difference
+in memory between them, save, perhaps, in a greater tendency for
+primitive folk to use and to excel in mere mechanical learning, in
+preference to rational learning. But this surely is also the
+characteristic of the European peasant. He will never commit things to
+memory by thinking of their meaning, if he can learn them by rote.
+
+In temperament we meet with just the same variations in primitive as in
+civilized communities. In every primitive society is to be found the
+flighty, the staid, the energetic, the indolent, the cheerful, the
+morose, the even-, the hot-tempered, the unthinking, the philosophical
+individual. At the same time, the average differences between different
+primitive peoples are as striking as those between the average German
+and the average Italian.
+
+It is a common but manifest error to suppose that primitive man is
+distinguished from the civilized peasant in that he is freer and that
+his conduct is less under control. On the contrary, the savage is
+probably far more hidebound than we are by social regulations. His life
+is one round of adherence to the demands of custom. For instance, he may
+be compelled even to hand over his own children at their birth to
+others; he may be prohibited from speaking to certain of his relatives;
+his choice of a wife may be very strictly limited by traditional laws;
+at every turn there are ceremonies to be performed and presents to be
+made by him so that misfortune may be safely averted. As to the control
+which primitive folk exercise over their conduct, this varies enormously
+among different peoples; but if desired, I could bring many instances of
+self-control before you which would put to shame the members even of our
+most civilized communities.
+
+Now since in all these various mental characters no appreciable
+difference exists between primitive and advanced communities, the
+question arises, what is the most important difference between them? I
+shall be told, in the capacity for logical and abstract thought. But by
+how much logical and abstract thought is the European peasant superior
+to his primitive brother? Study our country folklore, study the actual
+practices in regard to healing and religion which prevail in every
+European peasant community today, and what essential differences are
+discoverable? Of course, it will be urged that these practices are
+continued unthinkingly, that they are merely vestiges of a period when
+once they were believed and were full of meaning. But this, I am
+convinced, is far from being generally true, and it also certainly
+applies to many of the ceremonies and customs of primitive peoples.
+
+It will be said that although the European peasant may not in the main
+think more logically and abstractly, he has, nevertheless, the
+potentiality for such thought, should only the conditions for its
+manifestations--education and the like--ever be given. From such as he
+have been produced the geniuses of Europe--the long line of artists and
+inventors who have risen from the lowest ranks.
+
+I will consider this objection later. At present it is sufficient for my
+purpose to have secured the admission that the peasants of Europe do not
+as a whole use their mental powers in a much more logical or abstract
+manner than do primitive people. I maintain that such superiority as
+they have is due to differences (1) of environment and (2) of
+variability.
+
+We must remember that the European peasant grows up in a (more or less)
+civilized environment; he learns a (more or less) well-developed and
+written language, which serves as an easier instrument and a stronger
+inducement for abstract thought; he is born into a (more or less)
+advanced religion. All these advantages and the advantage of a more
+complex education the European peasant owes to his superiors in ability
+and civilization. Rob the peasant of these opportunities, plunge him
+into the social environment of present primitive man, and what
+difference in thinking power will be left between them?
+
+The answer to this question brings me to the second point of difference
+which I have mentioned--the difference in variability. I have already
+alluded to the divergencies in temperament to be found among the members
+of every primitive community. But well marked as are these and other
+individual differences, I suspect that they are less prominent among
+primitive than among more advanced peoples. This difference in
+variability, if really existent, is probably the outcome of more
+frequent racial admixture and more complex social environment in
+civilized communities. In another sense, the variability of the savage
+is indicated by the comparative data afforded by certain psychological
+investigations. A civilized community may not differ much from a
+primitive one in the mean or average of a given character, but the
+extreme deviations which it shows from that mean will be more numerous
+and more pronounced. This kind of variability has probably another
+source. The members of a primitive community behave toward the applied
+test in the simplest manner, by the use of a mental process which we
+will call A, whereas those of a more advanced civilization employ other
+mental processes, in addition to A, say B, C, D, or E, each individual
+using them in different degrees for the performance of one and the same
+test. Finally, there is in all likelihood a third kind of variability,
+whose origin is ultimately environmental, which is manifested by
+extremes of nervous instability. Probably the exceptionally defective
+and the exceptional genius are more common among civilized than among
+primitive peoples.
+
+Similar features undoubtedly meet us in the study of sexual differences.
+The average results of various tests of mental ability applied to men
+and women are not, on the whole, very different for the two sexes, but
+the men always show considerably greater individual variation than the
+women. And here, at all events, the relation between the frequency of
+mental deficiency and genius in the two sexes is unquestionable. Our
+asylums contain a considerably greater number of males than of females,
+as a compensation for which genius is decidedly less frequent in females
+than in males.
+
+
+7. Individual Differences[64]
+
+The life of a man is a double series--a series of effects produced in
+him by the rest of the world, and a series of effects produced in that
+world by him. A man's make-up or nature equals his tendencies to be
+influenced in certain ways by the world and to react in certain ways to
+it.
+
+If we could thus adequately describe each of a million human beings--if,
+for each one, we could prophesy just what the response would be to every
+possible situation of life--the million men would be found to differ
+widely. Probably no two out of the million would be so alike in mental
+nature as to be indistinguishable by one who knew their entire natures.
+Each has an individuality which marks him off from other men. We may
+study a human being in respect to his common humanity, or in respect to
+his individuality. In other words, we may study the features of
+intellect and character which are common to all men, to man as a
+species; or we may study the differences in intellect and character
+which distinguish individual men.
+
+Individuals are commonly considered as differing in respect to such
+traits either quantitatively or qualitatively, either in degree or in
+kind. A quantitative difference exists when the individuals have
+different amounts of the same trait. Thus, "John is more attentive to
+his teacher than James is"; "Mary loves dolls less than Lucy does"; "A
+had greater devotion to his country than B had"; are reports of
+quantitative differences, of differences in the amount of what is
+assumed to be the same kind of thing. A qualitative difference exists
+when some quality or trait possessed by one individual is lacking in the
+other. Thus, "Tom knows German, Dick does not"; "A is artistic, B is
+scientific"; "C is a man of thought, D is a man of action"; are reports
+of the fact that Tom has some positive amount or degree of the trait
+"knowledge of German" while Dick has none of it; that A has some
+positive amount of ability and interest in art while B has zero; whereas
+B has a positive amount of ability in science, of which A has none; and
+so on.
+
+A qualitative difference in intellect or character is thus really a
+quantitative difference wherein one term is zero, or a compound of two
+or more quantitative differences. All intelligible differences are
+ultimately quantitative. The difference between any two individuals, if
+describable at all, is described by comparing the amounts which A
+possesses of various traits with the amounts which B possesses of the
+same traits. In intellect and character, differences of kind between one
+individual and another turn out to be definable, if defined at all, as
+compound differences of degree.
+
+If we could list all the traits, each representing some one
+characteristic of human nature, and measure the amount of each of them
+possessed by a man, we could represent his nature--read his
+character--in a great equation. John Smith would equal so many units of
+this, plus so many units of that, and so on. Such a mental inventory
+would express his individuality conceivably in its entirety and with
+great exactitude. No such list has been made for any man, much less have
+the exact amounts of each trait possessed by him been measured. But in
+certain of the traits, many individuals have been measured; and certain
+individuals have been measured, each in a large number of traits.
+
+It is useless to recount the traits in which men have been found to
+differ. For there is no trait in which they do not differ. Of course, if
+the scale by which individuals are measured is very coarsely divided,
+their differences may be hidden. If, for example, ability to learn is
+measured on a scale with only two divisions, (1) "ability to learn less
+than the average kitten can" and (2) "ability to learn more than the
+average kitten can," all men may be put in class two, just as if their
+heights were measured on a scale of one yard, two yards, or three yards,
+nearly all men would alike be called two yards high. But whenever the
+scale of measurement is made fine enough, differences at once appear.
+Their existence is indubitable to any impartial observer. The early
+psychologists neglected or failed to see them precisely because the
+early psychology was partial. It believed in a typical or pattern mind,
+after the manner of which all minds were created, and from whom they
+differed only by rare accidents. It studied "the mind," and neglected
+individual minds. It studied "the will" of "man," neglecting the
+interests, impulses, and habits of actual men.
+
+The differences exist at birth and commonly increase with progress
+toward maturity. Individuality is already clearly manifest in children
+of school age. The same situation evokes widely differing responses; the
+same task is done at differing speeds and with different degrees of
+success; the same treatment produces differing results. There can be
+little doubt that of a thousand ten-year-olds taken at random, some will
+be four times as energetic, industrious, quick, courageous, or honest as
+others, or will possess four times as much refinement, knowledge of
+arithmetic, power of self-control, sympathy, or the like. It has been
+found that among children of the same age and, in essential respects, of
+the same home training and school advantages, some do in the same time
+six times as much, or do the same amount with only one-tenth as many
+errors.
+
+
+B. HUMAN NATURE AND SOCIAL LIFE
+
+
+1. Human Nature and Its Remaking[65]
+
+Human beings as we find them are artificial products; and for better or
+for worse they must always be such. Nature has made us: social action
+and our own efforts must continually remake us. Any attempt to reject
+art for "nature" can only result in an artificial naturalness which is
+far less genuine and less pleasing than the natural work of art.
+
+Further, as self-consciousness varies, the amount or degree of this
+remaking activity will vary. Among the extremely few respects in which
+human history shows unquestionable growth we must include the degree and
+range of self-consciousness. The gradual development of psychology as a
+science and the persistent advance of the subjective or introspective
+element in literature and in all fine art are tokens of this change. And
+as a further indication and result, the art of human reshaping has taken
+definite character, has left its incidental beginnings far behind, has
+become an institution, a group of institutions.
+
+Wherever a language exists, as a magazine of established meanings, there
+will be found a repertoire of epithets of praise and blame, at once
+results and implements of this social process. The simple existence of
+such a vocabulary acts as a persistent force; but the effect of current
+ideals is redoubled when a coherent agency, such as public religion,
+assumes protection of the most searching social maxims and lends to them
+the weight of all time, all space, all wonder, and all fear. For many
+centuries religion held within itself the ripening self-knowledge and
+self-discipline of the human mind. Now, beside this original agency we
+have its offshoots, politics, education, legislation, the penal art. And
+the philosophical sciences, including psychology and ethics, are the
+especial servants of these arts.
+
+As to structure, human nature is undoubtedly the most plastic part of
+the living world, the most adaptable, the most educable. Of all animals,
+it is man in whom heredity counts for least, and conscious building
+forces for most. Consider that his infancy is longest, his instincts
+least fixed, his brain most unfinished at birth, his powers of
+habit-making and habit-changing most marked, his susceptibility to
+social impressions keenest; and it becomes clear that in every way
+nature, as a prescriptive power, has provided in him for her own
+displacement. His major instincts and passions first appear on the
+scene, not as controlling forces, but as elements of _play_, in a
+prolonged life of play. Other creatures nature could largely finish: the
+human creature must finish himself.
+
+And as to history, it cannot be said that the results of man's attempts
+at self-modeling appear to belie the liberty thus promised in his
+constitution. If he has retired his natural integument in favor of a
+device called clothing, capable of expressing endless nuances, not alone
+of status and wealth, but of temper and taste as well--conservatism or
+venturesomeness, solemnity, gaiety, profusion, color, dignity,
+carelessness or whim, he has not failed to fashion his inner self into
+equally various modes of character and custom. That is a hazardous
+refutation of socialism which consists in pointing out that its success
+would require a change in human nature. Under the spell of particular
+ideas monastic communities have flourished, in comparison with whose
+demands upon human nature the change required by socialism--so far as it
+calls for purer altruism and not pure economic folly--is trivial. To any
+one who asserts as a dogma that "human nature never changes," it is fair
+to reply, "It is human nature to change itself."
+
+When one reflects to what extent racial and national traits are manners
+of the mind, fixed by social rather than by physical heredity, while the
+bodily characters themselves may be due in no small measure to sexual
+choices at first experimental, then imitative, then habitual, one is not
+disposed to think lightly of the human capacity for self-modification.
+But it is still possible to be skeptical as to the depth and permanence
+of any changes which are genuinely voluntary. There are few maxims of
+conduct, and few laws so contrary to nature that they could not be put
+into momentary effect by individuals or by communities. Plato's Republic
+has never been fairly tried; but fragments of this and other Utopias
+have been common enough in history. No one presumes to limit what men
+can _attempt_; one only inquires what the silent forces are which
+determine what can _last_.
+
+What, to be explicit, is the possible future of measures dealing with
+divorce, with war, with political corruption, with prostitution, with
+superstition? Enthusiastic idealism is too precious an energy to be
+wasted if we can spare it false efforts by recognizing those permanent
+ingredients of our being indicated by the words pugnacity, greed, sex,
+fear. Machiavelli was not inclined to make little of what an unhampered
+ruler could do with his subjects; yet he saw in such passions as these a
+fixed limit to the power of the Prince. "It makes him hated above all
+things to be rapacious, and to be violator of the property and women of
+his subjects, from both of which he must abstain." And if Machiavelli's
+despotism meets its master in the undercurrents of human instinct,
+governments of less determined stripe, whether of states or of persons,
+would hardly do well to treat these ultimate data with less respect.
+
+
+2. Human Nature, Folkways, and the Mores[66]
+
+It is generally taken for granted that men inherited some guiding
+instincts from their beast ancestry, and it may be true, although it has
+never been proved. If there were such inheritances, they controlled and
+aided the first efforts to satisfy needs. Analogy makes it easy to
+assume that the ways of beasts had produced channels of habit and
+predisposition along which dexterities and other psycho-physical
+activities would run easily. Experiments with new born animals show that
+in the absence of any experience of the relation of means to ends,
+efforts to satisfy needs are clumsy and blundering. The method is that
+of trial and failure, which produces repeated pain, loss, and
+disappointments. Nevertheless, it is the method of rude experiment and
+selection. The earliest efforts of men were of this kind. Need was the
+impelling force. Pleasure and pain, on the one side and the other, were
+the rude constraints which defined the line on which efforts must
+proceed. The ability to distinguish between pleasure and pain is the
+only psychical power which is to be assumed. Thus ways of doing things
+were selected which were expedient. They answered the purpose better
+than other ways, or with less toil and pain. Along the course on which
+efforts were compelled to go, habit, routine, and skill were developed.
+The struggle to maintain existence was carried on, not individually, but
+in groups. Each profited by the other's experience; hence there was
+concurrence toward that which proved to be most expedient.
+
+All at last adopted the same way for the same purpose; hence the ways
+turned into customs and became mass phenomena. Instincts were developed
+in connection with them. In this way folkways arise. The young learn
+them by tradition, imitation, and authority. The folkways, at a time,
+provide for all the needs of life then and there. They are uniform,
+universal in the group, imperative, and invariable.
+
+The operation by which folkways are produced consists in the frequent
+repetition of petty acts, often by great numbers acting in concert or,
+at least, acting in the same way when face to face with the same need.
+The immediate motive is interest. It produces habit in the individual
+and custom in the group. It is, therefore, in the highest degree
+original and primitive. Out of the unconscious experiment which every
+repetition of the ways includes, there issues pleasure or pain, and
+then, so far as the men are capable of reflection, convictions that the
+ways are conducive to social welfare. When this conviction as to the
+relation to welfare is added to the folkways, they are converted into
+mores, and, by virtue of the philosophical and ethical element added to
+them, they win utility and importance and become the source of the
+science and the art of living.
+
+It is of the first importance to notice that, from the first acts by
+which men try to satisfy needs, each act stands by itself, and looks no
+further than immediate satisfaction. From recurrent needs arise habits
+for the individual and customs for the group, but these results are
+consequences which were never conscious and never foreseen or intended.
+They are not noticed until they have long existed, and it is still
+longer before they are appreciated. Another long time must pass, and a
+higher stage of mental development must be reached, before they can be
+used as a basis from which to deduce rules for meeting, in the future,
+problems whose pressure can be foreseen. The folkways, therefore, are
+not creations of human purpose and wit. They are like products of
+natural forces which men unconsciously set in operation, or they are
+like the instinctive ways of animals, which are developed out of
+experience, which reach a final form of maximum adaptation to an
+interest, which are handed down by tradition and admit of no exception
+or variation, yet change to meet new conditions, still within the same
+limited methods, and without rational reflection or purpose. From this
+it results that all the life of human beings, in all ages and stages of
+culture, is primarily controlled by a vast mass of folkways handed down
+from the earliest existence of the race, having the nature of the ways
+of other animals, only the topmost layers of which are subject to change
+and control, and have been somewhat modified by human philosophy,
+ethics, and religion, or by other acts of intelligent reflection. We are
+told of savages that "it is difficult to exhaust the customs and small
+ceremonial usages of a savage people. Custom regulates the whole of a
+man's actions--his bathing, washing, cutting his hair, eating, drinking,
+and fasting. From his cradle to his grave he is the slave of ancient
+usage. In his life there is nothing free, nothing original, nothing
+spontaneous, no progress toward a higher and better life, and no attempt
+to improve his condition, mentally, morally, or spiritually." All men
+act in this way, with only a little wider margin of voluntary variation.
+
+The folkways are, therefore: (1) subject to a strain of improvement
+toward better adaptation of means to ends, as long as the adaptation is
+so imperfect that pain is produced. They are also (2) subject to a
+strain of consistency with each other, because they all answer their
+several purposes with less friction and antagonism when they co-operate
+and support each other. The forms of industry, the forms of the family,
+the notions of property, the constructions of rights, and the types of
+religion show the strain of consistency with each other through the
+whole history of civilization. The two great cultural divisions of the
+human race are the oriental and occidental. Each is consistent
+throughout; each has its own philosophy and spirit; they are separated
+from top to bottom by different mores, different standpoints, different
+ways, and different notions of what societal arrangements are
+advantageous. In their contrast they keep before our minds the possible
+range of divergence in the solution of the great problems of human life,
+and in the views of earthly existence by which life-policy may be
+controlled. If two planets were joined in one, their inhabitants could
+not differ more widely as to what things are best worth seeking, or what
+ways are most expedient for well-living.
+
+Custom is the product of concurrent action through time. We find it
+existent and in control at the extreme reach of our investigations.
+Whence does it begin, and how does it come to be? How can it give
+guidance "at the outset"? All mass actions seem to begin because the
+mass wants to act together. The less they know what it is right and
+best to do, the more open they are to suggestion from an incident in
+nature, or from a chance act of one, or from the current doctrines of
+ghost fear. A concurrent drift begins which is subject to later
+correction. That being so, it is evident that instinctive action, under
+the guidance of traditional folkways, is an operation of the first
+importance in all societal matters. Since the custom never can be
+antecedent to all action, what we should desire most is to see it arise
+out of the first actions, but, inasmuch as that is impossible, the
+course of the action after it is started is our field of study. The
+origin of primitive customs is always lost in mystery, because when the
+action begins the men are never conscious of historical action or of the
+historical importance of what they are doing. When they become conscious
+of the historical importance of their acts, the origin is already far
+behind.
+
+
+3. Habit and Custom, the Individual and the General Will[67]
+
+The term _Sitte_ (mores) is a synonym of habit and of usage, of
+convention and tradition, but also of fashion, propriety, practise, and
+the like. Those words which characterize the habitual are usually
+regarded as having essentially unequivocal meanings. The truth is that
+language, careless of the more fundamental distinctions, confuses widely
+different connotations. For example, I find that custom--to return to
+this most common expression--has a threefold significance, namely:
+
+1. _The meaning of a simple objective matter of fact._--In this sense we
+speak of the man with the habit of early rising, or of walking at a
+particular time, or of taking an afternoon nap. By this we mean merely
+that he is accustomed to do so, he does it regularly, it is a part of
+his manner of life. It is easily understood how this meaning passes over
+into the next:
+
+2. _The meaning of a rule, of a norm which the man sets up for
+himself._--For example, we say he has made this or that a custom, and in
+a like meaning, he has made it a rule, or even a law; and we mean that
+this habit works like a law or a precept. By it a person governs himself
+and regards habit as an imperative command, a structure of subjective
+kind, that, however, has objective form and recognition. The precept
+will be formulated, the original will be copied. A rule may be presented
+as enjoined, insisted upon, imposed as a command which brings up the
+third meaning of habit:
+
+3. _An expression for a thing willed, or a will._--This third meaning,
+which is generally given the least consideration, is the most
+significant. If, in truth, habit is the will of man, then this alone can
+be his real will. In this sense the proverb is significant that habit is
+called a second nature, and that man is a creature of habit. Habit is,
+in fact, a psychic disposition, which drives and urges to a specific
+act, and this is the will in its most outstanding form, as decision, or
+as "fixed" purpose.
+
+Imperceptibly, the habitual passes over into the instinctive and the
+impulsive. What we are accustomed to do, that we do "automatically."
+Likewise we automatically make gestures, movements of welcome and
+aversion which we have never learned but which we do "naturally." They
+have their springs of action in the instinct of self-preservation and in
+the feelings connected with it. But what we are accustomed to do, we
+must first have learned and practiced. It is just that practice, the
+frequent repetition, that brings about the performance of the act "of
+itself," like a reflex, rapidly and easily. The rope dancer is able to
+walk the rope, because he is accustomed to it. Habit and practice are
+also the reasons not only why a man can perform something but also why
+he performs it with relatively less effort and attention. Habit is the
+basis not only for our knowing something but also for our actually doing
+it. Habit operates as a kind of stimulus, and, as may be said, as
+necessity. The "power of habit" has often been described and often
+condemned.
+
+As a rule, opinions (mental attitudes) are dependent upon habit, by
+which they are conditioned and circumscribed. Yet, of course, opinions
+can also detach themselves from habit, and rise above it, and this is
+done successfully when they become general opinions, principles,
+convictions. As such they gain strength which may even break down and
+overcome habit. Faith, taken in the conventional religious sense of
+assurance of things hoped for, is a primitive form of will. While in
+general habit and opinion on the whole agree, there is nevertheless in
+their relations the seeds of conflict and struggle. Thought continually
+tends to become the dominating element of the mind, and man thereby
+becomes the more human.
+
+The same meaning that the will, in the usual individual sense, has for
+individual man, the social will has for any community or society,
+whether there be a mere loose relationship, or a formal union and
+permanent association. And what is this meaning? I have pointed this out
+in my discussion of habit, and present here the more general statement:
+The social will is the general volition which serves for the government
+and regulation of individual wills. Every general volition can be
+conceived as corresponding to a "thou shalt," and in so far as an
+individual or an association of individuals directs this "thou shalt" to
+itself, we recognize the autonomy and freedom of this individual or of
+this association. The necessary consequence of this is that the
+individual against all opposing inclinations and opinions, the
+association against opposing individuals, wherever their opposition
+manifests itself, attempt, at least, to carry through their will so that
+they work as a constraint and exert pressure. And this is essentially
+independent of the means which are used to that end. These pressures
+extend, at least in the social sense, from measures of persuasion, which
+appeal to a sense of honor and of shame, to actual coercion and
+punishment which may take the form of physical compulsion. _Sitte_
+develops into the most unbending, overpowering force.
+
+
+4. The Law, Conscience, and the General Will[68]
+
+In the English language we have no name for it (_Sittlichkeit_), and
+this is unfortunate, for the lack of a distinctive name has occasioned
+confusion both of thought and of expression. _Sittlichkeit_ is the
+system of habitual or customary conduct, ethical rather than legal,
+which embraces all those obligations of the citizen which it is "bad
+form" or "not the thing" to disregard. Indeed, regard for these
+obligations is frequently enjoined merely by the social penalty of being
+"cut" or looked on askance. And yet the system is so generally accepted
+and is held in so high regard, that no one can venture to disregard it
+without in some way suffering at the hands of his neighbors for so
+doing. If a man maltreats his wife and children, or habitually jostles
+his fellow-citizens in the street, or does things flagrantly selfish or
+in bad taste, he is pretty sure to find himself in a minority and the
+worse off in the end. But not only does it not pay to do these things,
+but the decent man does not wish to do them. A feeling analogous to what
+arises from the dictates of his more private and individual conscience
+restrains him. He finds himself so restrained in the ordinary affairs of
+daily life. But he is guided in his conduct by no mere inward feeling,
+as in the case of conscience. Conscience and, for that matter, law,
+overlap parts of the sphere of social obligation about which I am
+speaking. A rule of conduct may, indeed, appear in more than one sphere,
+and may consequently have a twofold sanction. But the guide to which the
+citizen mostly looks is just the standard recognized by the community, a
+community made up mainly of those fellow-citizens whose good opinion he
+respects and desires to have. He has everywhere round him an
+object-lesson in the conduct of decent people toward each other and
+toward the community to which they belong. Without such conduct and the
+restraints which it imposes there could be no tolerable social life, and
+real freedom from interference would not be enjoyed. It is the
+instinctive sense of what to do and what not to do in daily life and
+behavior that is the source of liberty and ease. And it is this
+instinctive sense of obligation that is the chief foundation of society.
+Its reality takes objective shape and displays itself in family life and
+in our other civic and social institutions. It is not limited to any one
+form, and it is capable of manifesting itself in new forms and of
+developing and changing old forms. Indeed, the civic community is more
+than a political fabric. It includes all the social institutions in and
+by which the individual life is influenced--such as are the family, the
+school, the church, the legislature, and the executive. None of these
+can subsist in isolation from the rest; together they and other
+institutions of the kind form a single organic whole, the whole which is
+known as the nation. The spirit and habit of life which this organic
+entirety inspires and compels are what, for my present purpose, I mean
+by _Sittlichkeit_.
+
+_Sitte_ is the German for custom, and _Sittlichkeit_ implies custom and
+a habit of mind and action. It also implies a little more. Fichte
+defines it in words which are worth quoting, and which I will put into
+English:
+
+ What, to begin with, does _Sitte_ signify, and in what sense do
+ we use the word? It means for us, and means in every accurate
+ reference we make of it, those principles of conduct which
+ regulate people in their relations to each other, and which
+ have become matter of habit and second nature at the stage of
+ culture reached, and of which, therefore, we are not explicitly
+ conscious. Principles, we call them, because we do not refer to
+ the sort of conduct that is casual or is determined on casual
+ grounds, but to the hidden and uniform ground of action which
+ we assume to be present in the man whose action is not
+ deflected and from which we can pretty certainly predict what
+ he will do. Principles, we say, which have become a second
+ nature and of which we are not explicitly conscious. We thus
+ exclude all impulses and motives based on free individual
+ choice, the inward aspect of _Sittlichkeit_, that is to say,
+ morality, and also the outward side, or law, alike. For what a
+ man has first to reflect over and then freely to resolve is not
+ for him a habit in conduct; and in so far as habit in conduct
+ is associated with a particular age, it is regarded as the
+ unconscious instrument of the Time Spirit.
+
+The system of ethical habit in a community is of a dominating character,
+for the decision and influence of the whole community is embodied in
+that social habit. Because such conduct is systematic and covers the
+whole of the field of society, the individual will is closely related by
+it to the will and the spirit of the community. And out of this relation
+arises the power of adequately controlling the conduct of the
+individual. If this power fails or becomes weak, the community
+degenerates and may fall to pieces. Different nations excel in their
+_Sittlichkeit_ in different fashions. The spirit of the community and
+its ideals may vary greatly. There may be a low level of _Sittlichkeit_;
+and we have the spectacle of nations which have even degenerated in this
+respect. It may possibly conflict with law and morality, as in the case
+of the duel. But when its level is high in a nation we admire the
+system, for we see it not only guiding a people and binding them
+together for national effort, but affording the greatest freedom of
+thought and action for those who in daily life habitually act in harmony
+with the General Will.
+
+Thus we have in the case of a community, be it the city or be it the
+state, an illustration of a sanction which is sufficient to compel
+observance of a rule without any question of the application of force.
+This kind of sanction may be of a highly compelling quality, and it
+often extends so far as to make the individual prefer the good of the
+community to his own. The development of many of our social
+institutions, of our hospitals, of our universities, and of other
+establishments of the kind, shows the extent to which it reaches and is
+powerful. But it has yet higher forms in which it approaches very nearly
+to the level of the obligation of conscience, although it is distinct
+from that form of obligation. I will try to make clear what I mean by
+illustrations. A man may be impelled to action of a high order by his
+sense of unity with the society to which he belongs, action of which,
+from the civic standpoint, all approve. What he does in such a case is
+natural to him, and is done without thought of reward or punishment; but
+it has reference to standards of conduct set up by society and accepted
+just because society has set them up. There is a poem by the late Sir
+Alfred Lyall which exemplifies the high level that may be reached in
+such conduct. The poem is called _Theology in Extremis_, and it
+describes the feelings of an Englishman who had been taken prisoner by
+Mahometan rebels in the Indian Mutiny. He is face to face with a cruel
+death. They offer him his life if he will repeat something from the
+Koran. If he complies, no one is likely ever to hear of it, and he will
+be free to return to England and to the woman he loves. Moreover, and
+here is the real point, he is not a believer in Christianity, so that it
+is no question of denying his Savior. What ought he to do? Deliverance
+is easy, and the relief and advantage would be unspeakably great. But he
+does not really hesitate, and every shadow of doubt disappears when he
+hears his fellow-prisoner, a half-caste, pattering eagerly the words
+demanded.
+
+I will take another example, this time from the literature of ancient
+Greece. In one of the shortest but not least impressive of his
+_Dialogues_, the "Crito," Plato tells us of the character of Socrates,
+not as a philosopher, but as a good citizen. He has been unjustly
+condemned by the Athenians as an enemy to the good of the state. Crito
+comes to him in prison to persuade him to escape. He urges on him many
+arguments, his duty to his children included. But Socrates refuses. He
+chooses to follow, not what anyone in the crowd might do, but the
+example which the ideal citizen should set. It would be a breach of his
+duty to fly from the judgment duly passed in the Athens to which he
+belongs, even though he thinks the decree should have been different.
+For it is the decree of the established justice of his city state. He
+will not "play truant." He hears the words, "Listen, Socrates, to us who
+have brought you up"; and in reply he refuses to go away, in these
+final sentences: "This is the voice which I seem to hear murmuring in my
+ears, like the sound of the flute in the ears of the mystic; that voice,
+I say, is murmuring in my ears, and prevents me from hearing any other.
+And I know that anything more which you may say will be vain."
+
+Why do men of this stamp act so, it may be when leading the battle line,
+it may be at critical moments of quite other kinds? It is, I think,
+because they are more than mere individuals. Individual they are, but
+completely real, even as individual, only in their relation to organic
+and social wholes in which they are members, such as the family, the
+city, the state. There is in every truly organized community a Common
+Will which is willed by those who compose that community, and who in so
+willing are more than isolated men and women. It is not, indeed, as
+unrelated atoms that they have lived. They have grown, from the
+receptive days of childhood up to maturity, in an atmosphere of example
+and general custom, and their lives have widened out from one little
+world to other and higher worlds, so that, through occupying successive
+stations in life, they more and more come to make their own the life of
+the social whole in which they move and have their being. They cannot
+mark off or define their own individualities without reference to the
+individualities of others. And so they unconsciously find themselves as
+in truth pulse-beats of the whole system, and themselves the whole
+system. It is real in them and they in it. They are real only because
+they are social. The notion that the individual is the highest form of
+reality, and that the relationship of individuals is one of mere
+contract, the notion of Hobbes and of Bentham and of Austin, turns out
+to be quite inadequate. Even of an everyday contract, that of marriage,
+it has been well said that it is a contract to pass out of the sphere of
+contract, and that it is possible only because the contracting parties
+are already beyond and above that sphere. As a modern writer, F. H.
+Bradley of Oxford, to whose investigations in these regions we owe much,
+has finely said: "The moral organism is not a mere animal organism. In
+the latter the member is not aware of itself as such, while in the
+former it knows itself, and therefore knows the whole in itself. The
+narrow external function of the man is not the whole man. He has a life
+which we cannot see with our eyes, and there is no duty so mean that it
+is not the realization of this, and knowable as such. What counts is
+not the visible outer work so much as the spirit in which it is done.
+The breadth of my life is not measured by the multitude of my pursuits,
+nor the space I take up amongst other men; but by the fulness of the
+whole life which I know as mine. It is true that less now depends on
+each of us as this or that man; it is not true that our individuality is
+therefore lessened; that therefore we have less in us."
+
+There is, according to this view, a General Will with which the will of
+the good citizen is in accord. He feels that he would despise himself
+were his private will not in harmony with it. The notion of the reality
+of such a will is no new one. It is as old as the Greeks, for whom the
+moral order and the city state were closely related; and we find it in
+modern books in which we do not look for it. Jean Jacques Rousseau is
+probably best known to the world by the famous words in which he begins
+the first chapter of the _Social Contract_: "Man is born free, and
+everywhere he is in chains. Those who think themselves to be the masters
+of others cease not to be greater slaves than the people they govern."
+He goes on in the next paragraph to tell us that if he were only to
+consider force and the effects of it, he would say that if a nation was
+constrained to obey and did obey, it did well, but that whenever it
+could throw off its yoke and did throw it off, it acted better. His
+words, written in 1762, became a text for the pioneers of the French
+Revolution. But they would have done well to read further into the book.
+As Rousseau goes on, we find a different conception. He passes from
+considering the fiction of a social contract to a discussion of the
+power over the individual of the General Will, by virtue of which a
+people becomes a people. This General Will, the _Volonté Générale_, he
+distinguishes from the Volonté de Tous, which is a mere numerical sum of
+individual wills. These particular wills do not rise above themselves.
+The General Will, on the other hand, represents what is greater than the
+individual volition of those who compose the society of which it is the
+will. On occasions, this higher will is more apparent than at other
+times. But it may, if there is social slackness, be difficult to
+distinguish from a mere aggregate of voices, from the will of a mob.
+What is interesting is that Rousseau, so often associated with doctrine
+of quite another kind, should finally recognize the bond of a General
+Will as what really holds the community together. For him, as for those
+who have had a yet clearer grasp of the principle, in willing the
+General Will we not only realize our true selves but we may rise above
+our ordinary habit of mind. We may reach heights which we could not
+reach, or which at all events most of us could not reach, in isolation.
+There are few observers who have not been impressed with the wonderful
+unity and concentration of purpose which an entire nation may
+display--above all, in a period of crisis. We see it in time of war,
+when a nation is fighting for its life or for a great cause. We have
+marvelled at the illustrations with which history abounds of the General
+Will rising to heights of which but few of the individual citizens in
+whom it is embodied have ever before been conscious even in their
+dreams.
+
+By leadership a common ideal can be made to penetrate the soul of a
+people and to take complete possession of it. The ideal may be very
+high, or it may be of so ordinary a kind that we are not conscious of it
+without the effort of reflection. But when it is there it influences and
+guides daily conduct. Such idealism passes beyond the sphere of law,
+which provides only what is necessary for mutual protection and liberty
+of just action. It falls short, on the other hand, in quality of the
+dictates of what Kant called the Categorical Imperative that rules the
+private and individual conscience, but that alone, an Imperative which
+therefore gives insufficient guidance for ordinary and daily social
+life. Yet the ideal of which I speak is not the less binding; and it is
+recognized as so binding that the conduct of all good men conforms to
+it.
+
+
+C. PERSONALITY AND THE SOCIAL SELF
+
+
+1. The Organism as Personality[69]
+
+The organism and the brain, as its highest representation, constitute
+the real personality, containing in itself all that we have been, and
+the possibility of all that we shall be. The complete individual
+character is inscribed there with all its active and passive aptitudes,
+sympathies, and antipathies; its genius, talents, or stupidity; its
+virtues, vices, torpor, or activity. Of all these, what emerges and
+actually reaches consciousness is only a small item compared with what
+remains buried below, albeit still active. Conscious personality is
+always but a feeble portion of physical personality.
+
+The unity of the ego, consequently, is not that of the one-entity of
+spiritualists which is dispersed into multiple phenomena, but the
+co-ordination of a certain number of incessantly renascent states,
+having for their support the vague sense of our bodies. This unity does
+not pass from above to below, but from below to above; the unity of the
+ego is not an initial, but a terminal point.
+
+Does there really exist a perfect unity? Evidently not in the strict,
+mathematical sense. In a relative sense it is met with, rarely and
+incidentally. In a clever marksman in the act of taking aim, or in a
+skilled surgeon performing a difficult operation all is found to
+converge, both physically and mentally. Still, let us take note of the
+result: in these conditions the awareness of real personality
+disappears; the conscious individual is reduced to an idea; whence it
+would follow that perfect unity of consciousness and the awareness of
+personality exclude each other. By a different course we again reach the
+same conclusion; the ego is a co-ordination. It oscillates between two
+extreme points at which it ceases to exist: viz., perfect unity and
+absolute inco-ordination. All the intermediate degrees are met with, in
+fact, and without any line of demarcation between the healthy and the
+morbid; the one encroaches upon the other.
+
+Even in the normal state the co-ordination is often sufficiently loose
+to allow several series to coexist separately. We can walk or perform
+manual work with a vague and intermittent consciousness of the
+movements, at the same time singing, musing; but if the activity of
+thought increases, the singing will cease. With many people it is a kind
+of substitute for intellectual activity, an intermediate state between
+thinking and not-thinking.
+
+The unity of the ego, in a psychological sense, is, therefore, the
+cohesion, during a given time, of a certain number of clear states of
+consciousness, accompanied by others less clear, and by a multitude of
+physiological states which, without being accompanied by consciousness
+like the others, yet operate as much as, and even more than, the former.
+Unity, in fact, means co-ordination. The conclusion to be drawn from the
+above remarks is namely this, that the consensus of consciousness being
+subordinate to the consensus of the organism, the problem of the unity
+of the ego is, in its ultimate form, a biological problem. To biology
+pertains the task of explaining, if it can, the genesis of organisms and
+the solidarity of their component parts. Psychological interpretation
+can only follow in its wake.
+
+
+2. Personality as a Complex[70]
+
+Ideas, after being experienced in consciousness, become dormant
+(conserved as physiological dispositions) and may or may not afterward
+be reawakened in consciousness as memories. Many such ideas, under
+conditions with some of which we are all familiar, tend to form part of
+our voluntary or involuntary memories and many do not. But when such is
+the case, the memories do not ordinarily include the whole of a given
+mental experience, but only excerpts or abstracts of it. Hence one
+reason for the fallibility of human memory and consequent testimony.
+
+Now under special conditions, the ideas making up an experience at any
+given moment tend to become organized into a system or complex, so that
+when we later think of the experience or recall any of the ideas
+belonging to it, the complex as a whole is revived. This is one of the
+principles underlying the mechanism of memory. Thus it happens that
+memory may, to a large extent, be made up of complexes. These complexes
+may be very loosely organized in that the elementary ideas are weakly
+bound together, in which case, when we try to recall the original
+experience, only a part of it is recalled. Or a complex may be very
+strongly organized, owing to the conditions under which it is formed,
+and then a large part of the experience can be recalled. In this case,
+any idea associated with some element in the complex may, by the law of
+association, revive the whole original complex. If, for instance, we
+have gone through a railroad accident involving exciting incidents, loss
+of life, etc., the words "railroad," "accident," "death," or a sudden
+crashing sound, or the sight of blood, or even riding in a railroad
+train may recall the experience from beginning to end, or at least the
+prominent features in it, i.e., so much as was organized. The memory of
+the greater part of this experience is well organized, while the earlier
+events and those succeeding the accident may have passed out of all
+possibility of voluntary recall.
+
+To take an instance commonplace enough but which happens to have just
+come within my observation: A fireman was injured severely by being
+thrown from a hose wagon rushing to a fire against a telegraph pole with
+which the wagon collided. He narrowly escaped death. Although three
+years have passed he still cannot ride on a wagon to a fire without the
+memory of the whole accident rising in his mind. When he does so he
+again lives through the accident, including the thoughts just previous
+to the actual collision when, realizing his situation, he was overcome
+with terror, and he again manifests all the organic physical expressions
+of fear, viz.: perspiration, tremor, and muscular weakness. Here is a
+well-organized and fairly limited complex.
+
+Among the loosely organized complexes in many individuals, and possibly
+in all of us, there are certain dispositions toward views of life which
+represent natural inclinations, desires, and modes of activity which,
+for one reason or another, we tend to suppress or are unable to give
+full play to. Many individuals, for example, are compelled by the
+exactions of their duties and responsibilities to lead serious lives, to
+devote themselves to pursuits which demand all their energies and
+thought and which, therefore, do not permit of indulgence in the lighter
+enjoyments of life, and yet there may be a natural inclination to
+partake of the pleasures which innately appeal to all mankind and which
+many pursue. The longing for these recurs from time to time. The mind
+dwells on them, the imagination is excited and weaves a fabric of
+pictures, thoughts, and emotions which thus become associated into a
+complex. There may be a rebellion and "kicking against the pricks" and
+thereby a liberation of the emotional force that impresses a stronger
+organization on the whole process. The recurrence of such a complex is
+one form of what we call a "mood," which has a distinctly emotional tone
+of its own. The revival of this feeling tone tends to revive the
+associated ideas and vice versa. Such a feeling-idea complex is often
+spoken of as "a side to one's character," to which a person may from
+time to time give play. Or the converse of this may hold, and a person
+who devotes his life to the lighter enjoyments may have aspirations and
+longings for more serious pursuits, and in this respect the imagination
+may similarly build up a complex which may express itself in a mood.
+Thus a person is often said to have "many sides to his character," and
+exhibits certain alternations of personality which may be regarded as
+normal prototypes of those which occur as abnormal states.
+
+Most of what has been said about the formation of complexes is a
+statement of commonplace facts, and I would not repeat it here were it
+not that, in certain abnormal conditions, disposition, subject, and
+other complexes, though loosely organized, often play an important part.
+This is not the place to enter into an explanation of dissociated
+personality, but in such conditions we sometimes find that disposition
+complexes, for instance, come to the surface and displace or substitute
+themselves for the other complexes which make up a personality. A
+complex which is only a mood or a "side of the character" of a normal
+individual may, in conditions of dissociation, become the main, perhaps
+sole, complex and chief characteristic of the new personality. In Miss
+Beauchamp, for instance, the personality known as BI was made up almost
+entirely of the religious and ethical ideas which formed one side of the
+original self. In the personality known as Sally we had for the most
+part the complex which represented the enjoyment of youthful pleasures
+and sports, the freedom from conventionalities and artificial restraints
+generally imposed by duties and responsibilities. In BIV the complex
+represented the ambitions and activities of practical life. In Miss
+Beauchamp as a whole, normal, without disintegration, it was easy to
+recognize all three dispositions as "sides of her character," though
+each was kept ordinarily within proper bounds by the correcting
+influence of the others. It was only necessary to put her in an
+environment which encouraged one or the other side, to associate her
+with people who strongly suggested one or the other of her own
+characteristics, whether religious, social, pleasure loving, or
+intellectual, to see the characteristics of BI, Sally, or BIV stand out
+in relief as the predominant personality. Then we had the alternating
+play of these different sides of her character.
+
+In fact, the total of our complexes, which, regarded as a whole and in
+view of their reaction to the environment, their behavior under the
+various conditions of social life, their aptitudes, feeling-tones,
+"habits," and faculties, we term character and personality, are in large
+part predetermined by the mental experiences of the past and the
+vestiges of memory which have been left as residual from these
+experiences. We are the offspring of our past.
+
+The great mass of our ideas involve associations of the origin of which
+we are unaware because the memories of the original experience have
+become split and a large portion thus has become forgotten even if ever
+fully appreciated. We all have our prejudices, our likes and dislikes,
+our tastes and aversions; it would tax our ingenuity to give a
+sufficient psychological account of their origin. They were born long
+ago in educational, social, personal, and other experiences, the details
+of which we have this many a year forgotten. It is the residua of these
+experiences that have persisted and become associated into complexes
+which are retained as traits of our personality.
+
+
+3. The Self as the Individual's Conception of His Rôle[71]
+
+Suggestion may have its end and aim in the creation of a new
+personality. The experimenter then chooses the sort of personality he
+wishes to induce and obliges the subject to realize it. Experiments of
+this kind succeeding in a great many somnambulists, and usually
+producing very curious results, have long been known and have been
+repeated, one might say, almost to satiety within the last few years.
+
+When we are awake and in full possession of all our faculties we can
+imagine sensations different from those which we ordinarily experience.
+For example, when I am sitting quietly at my table engaged in writing
+this book, I can conceive the sensations that a soldier, a woman, an
+artist, or an Englishman would experience in such and such a situation.
+But, however fantastic the conceptions may be that we form, we do not
+cease to be conscious withal of our own personal existence. Imagination
+has taken flight fairly in space, but the memory of ourselves always
+remains behind. Each of us knows that he is himself and not another,
+that he did this yesterday, that he has just written a letter, that he
+must write another such letter tomorrow, that he was out of Paris for a
+week, etc. It is this memory of passed facts--a memory always present to
+the mind--that constitutes the consciousness of our normal personality.
+
+It is entirely different in the case of the two women, A---- and B----,
+that M. Richet studied.
+
+ Put to sleep and subjected to certain influences, A---- and
+ B---- forget their identity; their age, their clothing, their
+ sex, their social position, their nationality, the place and
+ the time of their life--all this has entirely disappeared.
+ Only a single idea remains--a single consciousness--it is the
+ consciousness of the idea and of the new being that dawns upon
+ their imagination.
+
+ They have lost the idea of their late existence. They live,
+ talk, and think exactly like the type that is suggested to
+ them. With what tremendous intensity of life these types are
+ realized, only those who have been present at these experiments
+ can know. Description can only give a weak and imperfect idea
+ of it.
+
+ Instead of imagining a character simply, they realize it,
+ objectify it. It is not like a hallucination, of which one
+ witnesses the images unfolding before him, as a spectator
+ would. He is rather like an actor who is seized with passion,
+ imagines that the drama he plays is a reality, not a fiction,
+ and that he has been transformed, body and soul, into the
+ personality that he sets himself to play.
+
+ In order to have this transformation of personality work it is
+ sufficient to pronounce a word with some authority. I say to
+ A----, "You are an old woman," she considers herself changed
+ into an old woman, and her countenance, her bearing, her
+ feelings, become those of an old woman. I say to B----, "You
+ are a little girl," and she immediately assumes the language,
+ games, and tastes of a little girl.
+
+ Although the account of these scenes is quite dull and
+ colorless compared with the sight of the astonishing and sudden
+ transformations themselves, I shall attempt, nevertheless, to
+ describe some of them. I quote some of M----'s
+ _objectivations_:
+
+ _As a peasant._--She rubs her eyes and stretches herself. "What
+ time is it? Four o'clock in the morning!" She walks as if she
+ were dragging sabots. "Now, then, I must get up. Let us go to
+ the stable. Come up, red one! come up, get about!" She seems to
+ be milking a cow. "Let me alone, Gros-Jean, let me alone, I
+ tell you. When I am through my work. You know well enough that
+ I have not finished my work. Oh! yes, yes, later."
+
+ _As an actress._--Her face took a smiling aspect instead of the
+ dull and listless manner which she had just had. "You see my
+ skirt? Well, my manager makes me wear it so long. These
+ managers are too tiresome. As for me, the shorter the skirt the
+ better I like it. There is always too much of it. A simple fig
+ leaf! Mon Dieu, that is enough! You agree with me, don't you,
+ my dear, that it is not necessary to have more than a fig leaf?
+ Look then at this great dowdy Lucie--where are her legs, eh?"
+
+ _As a priest._--She imagines that she is the Archbishop of
+ Paris. Her face becomes very grave. Her voice is mildly sweet
+ and drawling, which forms a great contrast with the harsh,
+ blunt tone she had as a general. (Aside.) "But I must
+ accomplish my charge." She leans her head on her hand and
+ reflects. (Aloud.) "Ah! it is you, Monsieur Grand Vicar; what
+ is your business with me? I do not wish to be disturbed. Yes,
+ today is the first of January, and I must go to the cathedral.
+ This throng of people is very respectful, don't you think so,
+ monsieur? There is a great deal of religion in the people,
+ whatever one does. Ah! a child! let him come to me to be
+ blessed. There, my child." She holds out to him her imaginary
+ bishop's ring to kiss. During this whole scene she is making
+ gestures of benediction with her right hand on all sides. "Now
+ I have a duty to perform. I must go and pay my respects to the
+ president of the Republic. Ah! Mr. President, I come to offer
+ you my allegiance. It is the wish of the church that you may
+ have many years of life. She knows that she has nothing to
+ fear, notwithstanding cruel attacks, while such an honorable
+ man is at the head of the Republic." She is silent and seems to
+ listen attentively. (Aside.) "Yes, fair promises. Now let us
+ pray!" She kneels down.
+
+ _As a religious sister._--She immediately kneels down and
+ begins to say her prayers, making a great many signs of the
+ cross; then she arises. "Now to the hospital. There is a
+ wounded man in this ward. Well, my friend, you are a little
+ better this morning, aren't you? Now, then, let me take off
+ your bandage." She gestures as if she were unrolling a bandage.
+ "I shall do it very gently; doesn't that relieve you? There! my
+ poor friend, be as courageous before pain as you were before
+ the enemy."
+
+ I might cite other objectivations from A----'s case, in the
+ character of old woman, little girl, young man, gay woman, etc.
+ But the examples given seem sufficient to give some idea of the
+ entire transformation of the personality into this or that
+ imaginary type. It is not a simple dream, it is a _living
+ dream_.
+
+ The complete transformation of feelings is not the least
+ curious phenomenon of these objectivations. A---- is timid, but
+ she becomes very daring when she thinks herself a bold person.
+ B---- is silent, she becomes talkative when she represents a
+ talkative person. The disposition is thus completely changed.
+ Old tastes disappear and give place to the new tastes that the
+ new character represented is supposed to have.
+
+In a more recent paper, prepared with the co-operation of M. Ferrari and
+M. Hericourt, M. Richet has added a curious detail to the preceding
+experiments. He has shown that the subject on whom a change of
+personality is imposed not only adapts his speech, gestures, and
+attitudes to the new personality, but that even his handwriting is
+modified and brought into relation with the new ideas that absorb his
+consciousness. This modification of handwriting is an especially
+interesting discovery, since handwriting, according to current theories,
+is nothing more than a sort of imitation. I cite some examples borrowed
+from these authors.
+
+It is suggested in succession to a young student that he is a sly and
+crafty peasant, then a miser, and finally a very old man. While the
+subject's features and behavior generally are modified and brought into
+harmony with the idea of the personality suggested, we may observe also
+that his handwriting undergoes similar modifications which are not less
+marked. It has a special character peculiar to each of the new states of
+personality. In short, the graphic movements change like the gestures
+generally.
+
+In a note on the handwriting of hysterical patients, I have shown that
+under the influence of suggested emotions, or under the influence of
+sensorial stimulations, the handwriting of a hysterical patient may be
+modified. It gets larger, for example, in cases of dynamogenic
+excitation.
+
+The characteristic of the suggestion that we have just studied is that
+it does not bear exclusively on perception or movement--that is to say,
+on a limited psychic element; but there are comprehensive suggestions.
+They impose a topic on the subject that he is obliged to develop with
+all the resources of his intellect and imagination, and if the
+observations be carefully examined, it will also be seen that in these
+suggestions the faculties of perception are affected and perverted by
+the same standard as that of ideation. Thus the subject, under the
+influence of his assumed personality, ceases to perceive the external
+world as it exists. He has hallucinations in connection with his new
+psychological personality. When a bishop, he thinks he is in Notre Dame,
+and sees a host of the faithful. When a general, he thinks he is
+surrounded by troops, etc. Things that harmonize with the suggestion are
+conjured up. This systematic development of states of consciousness
+belongs to all kinds of suggestions, but is perhaps nowhere else so
+marked as in these transformations of personality.
+
+On the other hand, everything that is inconsistent with the suggestion
+gets inhibited and leaves the subject's consciousness. As has been said,
+alterations of personality imply phenomena of amnesia. In order that the
+subject may assume the fictitious personality he must begin by
+forgetting his true personality. The infinite number of memories that
+represent his past experience and constitute the basis of his normal ego
+are for the time being effaced, because these memories are inconsistent
+with the ideal of the suggestion.
+
+
+4. The Natural Person versus the Social and Conventional Self[72]
+
+Somewhat after the order of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde I seem to possess
+two distinct personalities, being both at the same time but presenting
+no such striking contrast as the Jekyll-Hyde combination. They are about
+equally virtuous. Their main difference seems to be one of age, one
+being a decade or so in advance of the other.
+
+At times they work harmoniously together and again at cross-purposes. I
+do not seem to have developed equally. Part of me sits humbly at the
+feet of the other part of me and receives advice and instruction. Part
+of me feels constrained to confess to the other part of me when it has
+done wrong and meekly receives rebuke. Part of me tries to shock the
+other part of me and to force the more dignified part to misbehave and
+giggle and do things not considered correct in polite society.
+
+My younger part delights to tease the older, to doubt her motives, to
+interrupt her meditations. It wants to play, while my older self is more
+seriously inclined. My younger self is only twelve years old. This is my
+real self. To my own mind I am still a little girl with short dresses
+and a bunch of curls. For some reason my idea of self has never advanced
+beyond this point. The long dress and the hair piled high will never
+seem natural. Sometimes I enjoy this duality and again I do not.
+Sometimes the two parts mingle delightfully together, again they wrangle
+atrociously, while I (there seems to be a third part of me) sit off and
+watch the outcome.
+
+The older part gets tired before the younger. The younger, still fresh
+and in a good humor, undertakes to furnish amusement for the older. I
+have often thrown myself on the bed wearied and exhausted and been made
+to shake with laughter at the capers of the younger part of me. They are
+capers indeed. On these occasions she will carry on conversations with
+friends--real friends--fairly bristling with witticisms, and although
+taking both parts herself, the parry and thrust is delightful.
+
+Sometimes, however, the younger part of me seems to get up all awry. She
+will carry on quarrels--heated quarrels--from morning to night, taking
+both sides herself, with persons whom I (the combination) dearly love,
+and against whom I have no grievance whatever. These are a great
+distress to my older self.
+
+On other days she seems to take the greatest delight in torturing me
+with imaginary horrors. She cuts my throat, pulls my eyes out of their
+sockets, removes tumors, and amputates limbs until I wonder that there
+is anything left of me. She does it all without administering
+anæsthetics and seems to enjoy my horror and disgust.
+
+Again, some little jingle or tune will take her fancy and she will
+repeat it to herself until I am almost driven to madness. Sometimes it
+is only a word, but it seems to have a fascination for her and she rolls
+it as a sweet morsel under her tongue until sleep puts an end to it.
+
+Again, if I (the combination) fall ill, one part of me, I have never
+discovered which, invariably hints that I am not ill at all but merely
+pretending. So much so that it has become with me a recognized symptom
+of incipient illness.
+
+Moreover, the younger and older are never on the same side of any
+question. One leans to wisdom, the other to fun. I am a house divided
+against itself. The younger longs to dance, to go to the theater and to
+play cards, all of which the older disapproves. The younger mocks the
+older, calls her a hypocrite and the like until the older well-nigh
+believes it herself and almost yields to her pleadings. The older
+listens sedately to the sermon, while the younger plans her Easter suit
+or makes fun of the preacher.
+
+The older declares she will never marry, while the younger scouts the
+idea of being an old maid. But even if she could gain the consent of the
+older, it were but little better, they differ so as to their ideals.
+
+In society the difference is more marked. I seem to be a combination
+chaperone and protégée. The older appears at ease, the younger shy and
+awkward--she has never made her début. If one addresses a remark to her
+she is thrown into utter confusion until the older rushes to the rescue.
+My sympathy is with the younger, however, for even to this day I, the
+combination, can scarce resist the temptation to say nothing when there
+is nothing to say.
+
+There is something tragic to me in this Siamese-twins arrangement of two
+so uncongenial. I am at one and the same time pupil and teacher,
+offender and judge, performer and critic, chaperone and protégée, a
+prim, precise, old maid and a rollicking schoolgirl, a tomboy and a
+prude, a saint and sinner. What can result from such a combination? That
+we get on tolerably is a wonder. Some days, however, we get on admirably
+together, part of me paying compliments to the other part of me--whole
+days being given to this--until each of us has such a good opinion of
+herself and the other that we feel on equal terms and are at our
+happiest.
+
+But how dreadful are the days when we turn against each other! There are
+not words enough to express the contempt which we feel for ourselves. We
+seem to set each other in the corner and the combination as a whole is
+utterly miserable.
+
+I can but wonder and enjoy and wait to see what Myself and I will make
+of Me.
+
+
+5. The Divided Self and Moral Consciousness[73]
+
+Two ways of looking at life are characteristic respectively of what we
+call the healthy-minded, who need to be born only once, and of the sick
+souls, who must be twice-born in order to be happy. The result is two
+different conceptions of the universe of our experience. In the religion
+of the once-born the world is a sort of rectilineal or one-storied
+affair, whose accounts are kept in one denomination, whose parts have
+just the values which naturally they appear to have, and of which a
+simple algebraic sum of pluses and minuses will give the total worth.
+Happiness and religious peace consist in living on the plus side of the
+account. In the religion of the twice-born, on the other hand, the world
+is a double-storied mystery. Peace cannot be reached by the simple
+addition of pluses and elimination of minuses from life. Natural good is
+not simply insufficient in amount and transient; there lurks a falsity
+in its very being. Cancelled as it all is by death, if not by earlier
+enemies, it gives no final balance, and can never be the thing intended
+for our lasting worship. It keeps us from our real good, rather; and
+renunciation and despair of it are our first step in the direction of
+the truth. There are two lives, the natural and the spiritual, and we
+must lose the one before we can participate in the other.
+
+In their extreme forms, of pure naturalism and pure salvationism, the
+two types are violently contrasted; though here, as in most other
+current classifications, the radical extremes are somewhat ideal
+abstractions, and the concrete human beings whom we oftenest meet are
+intermediate varieties and mixtures. Practically, however, you all
+recognize the difference: you understand, for example, the disdain of
+the Methodist convert for the mere sky-blue healthy-minded moralist; and
+you likewise enter into the aversion of the latter to what seems to him
+the diseased subjectivism of the Methodist, dying to live, as he calls
+it, and making of paradox and the inversion of natural appearances the
+essence of God's truth.
+
+The psychological basis of the twice-born character seems to be a
+certain discordancy or heterogeneity in the native temperament of the
+subject, an incompletely unified moral and intellectual constitution.
+
+"Homo duplex, homo duplex!" writes Alphonse Daudet. "The first time that
+I perceived that I was two was at the death of my brother Henri, when my
+father cried out so dramatically, 'He is dead, he is dead!' While my
+first self wept, my second self thought, 'How truly given was that cry,
+how fine it would be at the theater.' I was then fourteen years old.
+This horrible duality has often given me matter for reflection. Oh, this
+terrible second me, always seated whilst the other is on foot, acting,
+living, suffering, bestirring itself. This second me that I have never
+been able to intoxicate, to make shed tears, or put to sleep. And how it
+sees into things, and how it mocks!"
+
+Some persons are born with an inner constitution which is harmonious and
+well balanced from the outset. Their impulses are consistent with one
+another, their will follows without trouble the guidance of their
+intellect, their passions are not excessive, and their lives are little
+haunted by regrets. Others are oppositely constituted; and are so in
+degrees which may vary from something so slight as to result in a merely
+odd or whimsical inconsistency, to a discordancy of which the
+consequences may be inconvenient in the extreme. Of the more innocent
+kinds of heterogeneity I find a good example in Mrs. Annie Besant's
+autobiography.
+
+ I have ever been the queerest mixture of weakness and strength,
+ and have paid heavily for the weakness. As a child I used to
+ suffer tortures of shyness, and if my shoe-lace was untied
+ would feel shamefacedly that every eye was fixed on the unlucky
+ string; as a girl I would shrink away from strangers and think
+ myself unwanted and unliked, so that I was full of eager
+ gratitude to anyone who noticed me kindly; as the young
+ mistress of a house I was afraid of my servants, and would let
+ careless work pass rather than bear the pain of reproving the
+ ill-doer; when I have been lecturing and debating with no lack
+ of spirit on the platform, I have preferred to go without what
+ I wanted at the hotel rather than to ring and make the waiter
+ fetch it. Combative on the platform in defense of any cause I
+ cared for, I shrink from quarrel or disapproval in the house,
+ and am a coward at heart in private while a good fighter in
+ public. How often have I passed unhappy quarters of an hour
+ screwing up my courage to find fault with some subordinate whom
+ my duty compelled me to reprove, and how often have I jeered at
+ myself for a fraud as the doughty platform combatant, when
+ shrinking from blaming some lad or lass for doing their work
+ badly. An unkind look or word has availed to make me shrink
+ myself as a snail into its shell, while, on the platform,
+ opposition makes me speak my best.
+
+This amount of inconsistency will only count as amiable weakness; but a
+stronger degree of heterogeneity may make havoc of the subject's life.
+There are persons whose existence is little more than a series of
+zigzags, as now one tendency and now another gets the upper hand. Their
+spirit wars with their flesh, they wish for incompatibles, wayward
+impulses interrupt their most deliberate plans, and their lives are one
+long drama of repentance and of effort to repair misdemeanors and
+mistakes.
+
+Whatever the cause of heterogeneous personality may be, we find the
+extreme examples of it in the psychopathic temperament. All writers
+about that temperament make the inner heterogeneity prominent in their
+descriptions. Frequently, indeed, it is only this trait that leads us to
+ascribe that temperament to a man at all. A _dégénéré supérieur_ is
+simply a man of sensibility in many directions, who finds more
+difficulty than is common in keeping his spiritual house in order and
+running his furrow straight, because his feelings and impulses are too
+keen and too discrepant mutually. In the haunting and insistent ideas,
+in the irrational impulses, the morbid scruples, dreads, and inhibitions
+which beset the psychopathic temperament when it is thoroughly
+pronounced, we have exquisite examples of heterogeneous personality.
+Bunyan had an obsession of the words, "Sell Christ for this, sell him
+for that, sell him, sell him!" which would run through his mind a
+hundred times together, until one day out of breath with retorting, "I
+will not, I will not," he impulsively said, "Let him go if he will," and
+this loss of the battle kept him in despair for over a year. The lives
+of the saints are full of such blasphemous obsessions, ascribed
+invariably to the direct agency of Satan.
+
+St. Augustine's case is a classic example of discordant personality. You
+all remember his half-pagan, half-Christian bringing up at Carthage, his
+emigration to Rome and Milan, his adoption of Manicheism and subsequent
+skepticism, and his restless search for truth and purity of life; and
+finally how, distracted by the struggle between the two souls in his
+breast, and ashamed of his own weakness of will when so many others whom
+he knew and knew of had thrown off the shackles of sensuality and
+dedicated themselves to chastity and the higher life, he heard a voice
+in the garden say, "Sume, lege" (take and read), and opening the Bible
+at random, saw the text, "not in chambering and wantonness," etc., which
+seemed directly sent to his address, and laid the inner storm to rest
+forever. Augustine's psychological genius has given an account of the
+trouble of having a divided self which has never been surpassed.
+
+ The new will which I began to have was not yet strong enough to
+ overcome that other will, strengthened by long indulgence. So
+ these two wills, one old, one new, one carnal, the other
+ spiritual, contended with each other and disturbed my soul. I
+ understood by my own experience what I had read, "Flesh lusteth
+ against spirit, and spirit against flesh." It was myself indeed
+ in both the wills, yet more myself in that which I approved in
+ myself than in that which I disapproved in myself. Yet it was
+ through myself that habit had obtained so fierce a mastery over
+ me, because I had willingly come whither I willed not. Still
+ bound to earth, I refused, O God, to fight on thy side, as much
+ afraid to be freed from all bonds as I ought to have feared
+ being trammeled by them.
+
+ Thus the thoughts by which I meditated upon thee were like the
+ efforts of one who would awake, but being overpowered with
+ sleepiness is soon asleep again. Often does a man when heavy
+ sleepiness is on his limbs defer to shake it off, and though
+ not approving it, encourage it; even so I was sure it was
+ better to surrender to thy love than to yield to my own lusts,
+ yet, though the former course convinced me, the latter pleased
+ and held me bound. There was naught in me to answer thy call,
+ "Awake, thou sleeper," but only drawling, drowsy words,
+ "Presently; yes, presently; wait a little while." But the
+ "presently" had no "present," and the "little while" grew long.
+ For I was afraid thou wouldst hear me too soon, and heal me at
+ once of my disease of lust, which I wished to satiate rather
+ than to see extinguished. With what lashes of words did I not
+ scourge my own soul. Yet it shrank back; it refused, though it
+ had no excuse to offer. I said within myself: "Come, let it be
+ done now," and as I said it, I was on the point of the resolve.
+ I all but did it, yet I did not do it. And I made another
+ effort, and almost succeeded, yet I did not reach it, and did
+ not grasp it, hesitating to die to death, and live to life; and
+ the evil to which I was so wonted held me more than the better
+ life I had not tried.
+
+There could be no more perfect description of the divided will, when the
+higher wishes lack just that last acuteness, that touch of explosive
+intensity, of dynamogenic quality (to use the slang of the
+psychologists), that enables them to burst their shell, and make
+irruption efficaciously into life and quell the lower tendencies
+forever.
+
+
+6. Personality of Individuals and of Peoples[74]
+
+In my opinion personality is not merely a unifying and directing
+principle which controls thought and action, but one which, at the same
+time, defines the relation of individuals to their fellows. The concept
+of personality includes, in addition to inner unity and co-ordination of
+the impulses, a definite attitude directed toward the outer world which
+is determined by the manner in which the individual organizes his
+external stimulations.
+
+In this definition the objective aspect of personality is emphasized as
+over against the subjective. We should not in psychological matters be
+satisfied with subjective definitions. The mental life is not only a sum
+of subjective experiences but manifests itself invariably also in a
+definite series of objective expressions. These objective expressions
+are the contributions which the personality makes to its external social
+environment. More than that, only these objective expressions of
+personality are accessible to external observation and they alone have
+objective value.
+
+According to Ribot, the real personality is an organism which is
+represented at its highest in the brain. The brain embraces all our past
+and the possibilities of our future. The individual character with all
+its active and passive peculiarities, with all its antipathies, genius,
+talents, stupidities, virtues, and vices, its inertia and its energy is
+predetermined in the brain.
+
+Personality, from the objective point of view, is the psychic individual
+with all his original characters, an individual in free association with
+his social _milieu_. Neither innate mental ability, nor creative energy,
+nor what we call will, in and of themselves, constitutes personality.
+Nothing less than the totality of psychical manifestations, all these
+including idiosyncrasies which distinguish one man from another and
+determine his positive individuality, may be said to characterize, from
+the objective point of view, the human personality.
+
+The intellectual horizon of persons on different cultural levels varies,
+but no one, for that reason (because of intellectual inferiority), loses
+the right to recognition as a person, provided that he maintains, over
+against his environment, his integrity as an individual and remains a
+self-determining person. It is the loss of this self-determined
+individuality alone that renders man completely impersonal. When
+individual spontaneity is feebly manifested, we speak of an ill-defined
+or a "passive" personality. Personality is, in short, from the objective
+point of view, a self-determining individual with a unique nature and a
+definite status in the social world around him.
+
+If now, on the basis of the preceding definition, we seek to define the
+significance of personality in social and public life, it appears that
+personality is the basis upon which all social institutions, movements,
+and conditions, in short all the phenomena of social life, rest. The
+people of our time are no more, as in the Golden Age, inarticulate
+masses. They are a totality of more or less active personalities
+connected by common interests, in part by racial origin, and by a
+certain similarity of fundamental psychic traits. A people is a kind of
+collective personality possessing particular ethnic and psychological
+characteristics, animated by common political aspirations and political
+traditions. The progress of peoples, their civilization, and their
+culture naturally are determined by the advancement of the personalities
+which compose them. Since the emancipation of mankind from a condition
+of subjection, the life of peoples and of societies has rested upon the
+active participation of each member of society in the common welfare
+which represents the aim of all. The personality, considered as a
+psychic self-determining individual, asserts itself the more
+energetically in the general march of historical events, the farther a
+people is removed from the condition of subjection in which the rights
+of personality are denied.
+
+In every field of activity, the more advanced personality "blazes a new
+trail." The passive personality, born in subjection, is disposed merely
+to imitate and to repeat. The sheer existence of modern states depends
+less on the crude physical force and its personified agencies, than on
+the moral cohesion of the personalities who constitute the nation.
+
+Since the beginning of time, it is only the moral values that have
+endured. Force can support the state only temporarily. When a nation
+disregards the moral forces and seeks its salvation in the rude clash of
+arms, it bears within itself the seeds of its own destruction. No army
+in the world is strong enough to maintain a state, the moral basis of
+which is shaken, for the strength of the army rests upon its morale.
+
+The importance of personality in the historic life of peoples is
+manifest in periods when social conditions accelerate the movement of
+social life. Personality, like every other force, reaches its maximum
+when it encounters resistance, in conflict and in rivalry--when it
+fights--hence its great value in friendly rivalry of nations in industry
+and culture, and especially in periods of natural calamities or of
+enemies from without. Since the fruits of individual development
+contribute to the common fund of social values, it is clear that
+societies and peoples which, other things being equal, possess the most
+advanced and active personalities contribute most to the enrichment of
+civilization. It does not seem necessary to demonstrate that the pacific
+competition of nations and their success depends on the development of
+the personalities which compose them. A nation weak in the development
+of individualities, of social units which compose it, could not defend
+itself against the exploitation of nations composed of personalities
+with a superior development.
+
+
+D. BIOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL HEREDITY
+
+
+1. Nature and Nurture[75]
+
+We have seen that the scientific position in regard to the
+transmissibility of modifications should be one of active scepticism,
+that there seems to be no convincing evidence in support of the
+affirmative position, and that there is strong presumption in favor of
+the negative.
+
+A modification is a definite change in the individual body, due to some
+change in "nurture." There is no secure evidence that any such
+individual gain or loss can be transmitted as such, or in any
+representative degree. How does this affect our estimate of the value of
+"nurture"? How should the sceptical or negative answer, which we believe
+to be the scientific one, affect our practice in regard to education,
+physical culture, amelioration of function, improvement of environment,
+and so on? Let us give a practical point to what we have already said.
+
+a) Every inheritance requires an appropriate nurture if it is to
+realize itself in development. Nurture supplies the liberating stimuli
+necessary for the full expression of the inheritance. A man's character
+as well as his physique is a function of "nature" and of "nurture." In
+the language of the old parable of the talents, what is given must be
+traded with. A boy may be truly enough a chip of the old block, but how
+far he shows himself such depends on "nurture." The conditions of
+nurture determine whether the expression of the inheritance is to be
+full or partial. It need hardly be said that the strength of an
+(inherited) individuality may be such that it expresses itself almost in
+the face of inappropriate nurture. History abounds in instances. As
+Goethe said, "Man is always achieving the impossible." Corot was the son
+of a successful milliner and prosperous tradesman, and he was thirty
+before he left the draper's shop to study nature.
+
+b) Although modifications do not seem to be transmitted as such, or in
+any representative degree, there is no doubt that they or their
+secondary results may in some cases affect the offspring. This is
+especially the case in typical mammals, where there is before birth a
+prolonged (placental) connection between the mother and the unborn
+young. In such cases the offspring is for a time almost part of the
+maternal body, and liable to be affected by modifications thereof, e.g.,
+by good or bad nutritive conditions. In other cases, also, it may be
+that deeply saturating parental modifications, such as the results of
+alcoholic and other poisoning, affect the germ cells, and thus the
+offspring. A disease may saturate the body with toxins and waste
+products, and these may provoke prejudicial germinal variations.
+
+c) Though modifications due to changed "nurture" do not seem to be
+transmissible, they may be re-impressed on each generation. Thus
+"nurture" becomes not less, but more, important in our eyes.
+
+"Is my grandfather's environment not my heredity?" asks an American
+author quaintly and pathetically. Well, if not, let us secure for
+ourselves and for our children those factors in the "grandfather's
+environment" that made for progressive evolution, and eschew those that
+tended elsewhere.
+
+Are modifications due to changed nurture not, as such, entailed on
+offspring? Perhaps it is just as well, for we are novices at nurturing
+even yet! Moreover, the non-transmissibility cuts both ways: if
+individual modificational gains are not handed on, neither are the
+losses.
+
+Is the "nature"--the germinal constitution, to wit--all that passes from
+generation to generation, the capital sum without the results of
+individual usury; then we are freed, at least, from undue pessimism at
+the thought of the many harmful functions and environments that
+disfigure our civilization. Many detrimental acquired characters are to
+be seen all around us, but if they are not transmissible, they need not
+last.
+
+In the development of "character," much depends upon early nurture,
+education, and surrounding influences generally, but how the individual
+reacts to these must largely depend on his inheritance. Truly the
+individual himself makes his own character, but he does so by his
+habitual adjustment of his (hereditarily determined) constitution to
+surrounding influences. Nurture supplies the stimulus for the expression
+of the moral inheritance, and how far the inheritance can express itself
+is limited by the nurture-stimuli available just as surely as the result
+of nurture is conditioned by the hereditarily determined nature on which
+it operates. It may be urged that character, being a product of habitual
+modes of feeling, thinking, and acting, cannot be spoken of as
+_inherited_, but bodily character is also a product dependent upon vital
+experience. It seems to us as idle to deny that some children are "born
+good" or "born bad," as it is to deny that some children are born strong
+and others weak, some energetic and others "tired" or "old." It may be
+difficult to tell how far the apparently hereditary goodness or badness
+of disposition is due to the nutritive influences of the mother, both
+before and after birth, and we must leave it to the reader's experience
+and observation to decide whether we are right or wrong in our opinion
+that quite apart from maternal nutritive influence there is a genuine
+inheritance of kindly disposition, strong sympathy, good humor, and good
+will. The further difficulty that the really organic character may be
+half-concealed by nurture-effects, or inhibited by the external heritage
+of custom and tradition, seems less serious, for the selfishness of an
+acquired altruism is as familiar as honor among thieves.
+
+It is entirely useless to boggle over the difficulty that we are unable
+to conceive how dispositions for good or ill lie implicit within the
+protoplasmic unit in which the individual life begins. The fact is
+undoubted that the initiatives of moral character are in some degree
+transmissible, though from the nature of the case the influences of
+education, example, environment, and the like are here more potent than
+in regard to structural features. We cannot make a silk purse out of a
+sow's ear, though the plasticity of character under nurture is a fact
+which gives us all hope. Explain it we cannot, but the transmission of
+the raw material of character is a fact, and we must still say with Sir
+Thomas Browne: "Bless not thyself that thou wert born in Athens; but,
+among thy multiplied acknowledgments, lift up one hand to heaven that
+thou wert born of honest parents, that modesty, humility, and veracity
+_lay in the same egg_, and came into the world with thee."
+
+
+2. Inheritance of Original Nature[76]
+
+The principles of heredity (may be recapitulated as follows):
+
+First of all, we find useful the principle of the unit-character.
+According to this principle, characters are, for the most part,
+inherited independently of each other, and each trait is inherited as a
+unit or may be broken up into characters that are so inherited.
+
+Next, it must be recognized that characters, as such, are not inherited.
+Strictly, my son has not my nose, because I still have it; what was
+transmitted was something that determined the shape of his nose, and
+that is called in brief a "determiner." So the second principle is that
+unit-characters are inherited through determiners in the germ cells.
+
+And finally, it is recognized that there really is no inheritance from
+parent to child, but that parent and child resemble each other because
+they are derived from the same germ plasm, they are chips from the same
+old block; and the son is the half-brother to his father, by another
+mother.
+
+These three principles are the three corner stones of heredity as we
+know it today, the principles of the independent unit-characters each
+derived from a determiner in the germ plasm.
+
+How far are the known facts of heredity in man in accord with these
+principles? No doubt all human traits are inherited in accordance with
+these principles; but knowledge proceeds slowly in this field.
+
+As a first illustration I may take the case of human eye color. The iris
+is made up of a trestle-work of fibers, in which are suspended particles
+that give the blue color. In addition, in many eyes much brown pigment
+is formed which may be small in amount and gathered around the pupil or
+so extensive as to suffuse the entire iris and make it all brown. It is
+seen, then, that the brown iris is formed by something additional to the
+blue. And brown iris may be spoken of as a _positive_ character,
+depending on a determiner for brown pigment; and blue as a _negative_
+character, depending on the absence of the determiner for brown.
+
+Now when both parents have brown eyes and come from an ancestry with
+brown eyes, it is probable that all of their germ cells contain the
+determiner for brown iris pigmentation. So when these germ cells, both
+carrying the determiner, unite, all of the progeny will receive the
+determiner from both sides of the house; consequently the determiners
+are double in their bodies and the resulting iris pigmentation may be
+said to be _duplex_. When a character is duplex in an individual, that
+means that when the germ cells ripen in the body of that individual
+each contains a determiner. So that individual is capable, so far as he
+is concerned, of transmitting his trait in undiminished intensity.
+
+If a parent has pure blue eyes, that is evidence that in neither of the
+united germ cells from which he arose was there a determiner for iris
+pigmentation; consequently in respect to brown iris pigmentation such a
+person may be said to be _nulliplex_. If, now, such a person marry an
+individual duplex in eye color, in whom all of the germ cells contain
+the determiner, each child will receive the determiner for iris
+pigmentation from one side of the house only. This determiner will, of
+course, induce pigmentation, but the pigmentation is simplex, being
+induced by one determiner only. Consequently, the pigmentation is apt to
+be weak. When a person whose pigment determiners have come from one side
+of the house forms germ cells, half will have and half will lack the
+determiner. If such a person marry a consort all of whose germ cells
+contain the determiner for iris pigmentation, all of the children will,
+of course, receive the iris pigmentation, but in half it will be duplex
+and in the other half it will be simplex. If the two parents both be
+simplex, so that, in each, half of the germ cells possess and half lack
+the determiner in the union of germ cells, there are four events that
+are equally apt to occur: (1) an egg _with_ the determiner unites with a
+sperm _with_ the determiner; (2) an egg _with_ the determiner unites
+with a sperm _without_ the determiner; (3) an egg _without_ the
+determiner unites with a sperm _with_ the determiner; (4) an egg
+_without_ the determiner unites with a sperm _without_ the determiner.
+Thus the character is duplex in one case, simplex in two cases, and
+nulliplex in one case; that is, one in four will have no brown pigment,
+or will be blue eyed. If one parent be simplex, so that the germ cells
+are equally with and without the determiner, while the other be
+nulliplex, then half of the children will be simplex and half nulliplex
+in eye pigment. Finally, if both parents be nulliplex in eye
+pigmentation (that is, blue eyed), then none of their germ cells will
+have the determiner, and all children will be nulliplex, or blue eyed.
+The inheritance of eye color serves as a paradigm of the method of
+inheritance of any unit-character.
+
+Let us now consider some of the physical traits of man that follow the
+same law as brown eye color, traits that are clearly positive, and due
+to a definite determiner in the germ plasm.
+
+Hair color is due either to a golden-brown pigment that looks black in
+masses, or else to a red pigment. The lighter tints differ from the
+darker by the absence of some pigment granules. If neither parent has
+the capacity of producing a large quantity of pigment granules in the
+hair, the children cannot have that capacity, that is, two flaxen-haired
+parents have only flaxen-haired children. But a dark-haired parent may
+be either simplex or duplex; and so two such parents _may_ produce
+children with light hair; but not more than one out of four. In general,
+the hair color of the children tends not to be darker than that of the
+darker parent. Skin pigment follows a similar rule. It is really one of
+the surprises of modern studies that skin pigment should be found to
+follow the ordinary law of heredity; it was commonly thought to blend.
+The inheritance of skin color is not dependent on race; two blonds never
+have brunette offspring, but brunettes may have blondes. The extreme
+case is that of albinos with no pigment in skin, hair, and iris. Two
+albinos have only albino children, but albinos may come from two
+pigmented parents.
+
+Similarly, straight-haired parents lack curliness, and two such have
+only straight-haired children. Also two tall parents have only tall
+children. _Shortness_ is the trait: tallness is a negative character.
+Also when both parents lack stoutness (are slender), all children tend
+to lack it.
+
+We may now consider briefly the inheritance of certain pathological or
+abnormal states, to see in how far the foregoing principles hold for
+them also. Sometimes the abnormal condition is positive, due to a new
+trait; but sometimes, on the contrary, the normal condition is the
+positive one and the trait is due to a defect.
+
+Deaf-mutism is due to a defect; but the nature of the defect is
+different in different cases. Deaf-mutism is so varied that frequently
+two unrelated deaf mutes may have hearing children. But if the deaf-mute
+parents are cousins, the chances that the deafness is due to the _same_
+unit defect are increased and all of the children will probably be deaf.
+
+From the studies of Dr. Goddard and others, it appears that when both
+parents are feeble-minded all of the children will be so likewise; this
+conclusion has been tested again and again. But if _one_ of the parents
+be normal and of normal ancestry, all of the children may be normal;
+whereas, if the normal person have defective germ cells, half of his
+progeny by a feeble-minded woman will be defective.
+
+Many criminals, especially those who offend against the person, are
+feeble-minded, as is shown by the way they occur in fraternities with
+feeble-mindedness, or have feeble-minded parents. The test of the mental
+condition of relatives is one that may well be applied by judges in
+deciding upon the responsibility of an aggressor.
+
+Not only the condition of imperfect mental development, but also that of
+inability to withstand stress upon the nervous system, may be inherited.
+From the studies of Dr. Rosanoff and his collaborators, it appears that
+if both parents be subject to manic depressive insanity or to dementia
+precox, all children will be neuropathic also; that if one parent be
+affected and come from a weak strain, half of the children are liable to
+go insane; and that nervous breakdowns of these types never occur if
+both parents be of sound stock.
+
+Finally, a study of families with special abilities reveals a method of
+inheritance quite like that of nervous defect. If both parents be color
+artists or have a high grade of vocal ability or are littérateurs of
+high grade, then all of their children tend to be of high grade also. If
+one parent has high ability, while the other has low ability but has
+ancestry with high ability, part of the children will have high ability
+and part low. It seems like an extraordinary conclusion that high
+ability is inherited as though due to the absence of a determiner in the
+same way as feeble-mindedness and insanity are inherited. We are
+reminded of the poet: "Great wits to madness sure are near allied."
+Evidence for the relationship is given by pedigrees of men of genius
+that often show the combination of ability and insanity. May it not be
+that just that lack of control that permits "flights of the imagination"
+is related to the flightiness characteristic of those with mental
+weakness or defect?
+
+These studies of inheritance of mental defect inevitably raise the
+question how to eliminate the mentally defective. This is a matter of
+great importance because, on the one hand, it is now coming to be
+recognized that mental defect is at the bottom of most of our social
+problems. Extreme alcoholism is usually a consequence of a mental
+make-up in which self-control of the appetite for liquor is lacking.
+Pauperism is a consequence of mental defects that make the pauper
+incapable of holding his own in the world's competition. Sex immorality
+in either sex is commonly due to a certain inability to appreciate
+consequences, to visualize the inevitableness of cause and effect,
+combined sometimes with a sex-hyperesthesia and lack of self-control.
+Criminality in its worst forms is similarly due to a lack of
+appreciation of or receptivity to moral ideas.
+
+If we seek to know what is the origin of these defects, we must admit
+that it is very ancient. They are probably derived from our ape-like
+ancestors, in which they were _normal_ traits. There occurs in man a
+strain that has not yet acquired those traits of inhibition that
+characterized the more highly developed civilized persons. The evidence
+for this is that, as far back as we go, we still trace back the black
+thread of defective heredity.
+
+We have now to answer the question as to the eugenical application of
+the laws of inheritance of defects. First, it may be pointed out that
+traits due to the absence of a determiner are characterized by their
+usual sparseness in the pedigree, especially when the parents are
+normal; by the fact that they frequently appear where cousin marriages
+abound, because cousins tend to carry the same defects in their germ
+plasm, though normal themselves; by the fact that two affected parents
+have exclusively normal children, while two normal parents who belong to
+the same strain, or who both belong to strains containing the same
+defect, have some (about 25 per cent) defective children. But a
+defective married to a pure normal will have no defective offspring.
+
+The clear eugenical rule is then this: Let abnormals marry normals
+without trace of the defect, and let their normal offspring marry in
+turn into strong strains; thus the defect may never appear again.
+Normals from the defective strain may marry normals of normal ancestry,
+but must particularly avoid consanguineous marriages.
+
+The sociological conclusion is: Prevent the feeble-minded, drunkards,
+paupers, sex-offenders, and criminalistic from marrying their like or
+cousins or any person belonging to a neuropathic strain. Practically it
+might be well to segregate such persons during the reproductive period
+for one generation. Then the crop of defectives will be reduced to
+practically nothing.
+
+
+3. Inheritance of Acquired Nature: Tradition[77]
+
+The factor in societal evolution corresponding to heredity in organic
+evolution is tradition; and the agency of transmission is the nervous
+system by way of its various "senses" rather than the germ-plasm. The
+organs of transmission are the eye, ear, tongue, etc., and not those of
+sex. The term tradition, like variation and selection, is taken in the
+broad sense. Variation in nature causes the offspring to differ from the
+parents and from one another; variation in the folkways causes those of
+one period (or place) to differ from their predecessors and to some
+extent among themselves. It is the vital fact at the bottom of change.
+Heredity in nature causes the offspring to resemble or repeat the
+present type; tradition in societal evolution causes the mores of one
+period to repeat those of the preceding period. Each is a stringent
+conservator. Variation means diversity; heredity and tradition mean the
+preservation of type. If there were no force of heredity or tradition,
+there could be no system or classification of natural or of societal
+forms; the creation hypothesis would be the only tenable one, for there
+could be no basis for a theory of descent. If there were no variation,
+all of nature and all human institutions would show a monotony as of the
+desert sand. Heredity and tradition allow respectively of the
+accumulation of organic or societal variations through repeated
+selection, extending over generations, in this or that direction. In
+short, what one can say of the general effects of heredity in the
+organic realm he can say of tradition in the field of the folkways. That
+the transmission is in the one case by way of the sex organs and the
+germ-plasm, and in the other through the action of the vocal cords, the
+auditory nerves, etc., would seem to be of small moment in comparison
+with the essential identity in the functions discharged.
+
+Tradition is, in a sense and if such a comparison were profitable, more
+conservative than heredity. There is in the content of tradition an
+invariability which could not exist if it were a dual composite, as is
+the constitution of the germ-plasm. Here we must recall certain
+essential qualities of the mores which we have hitherto viewed from
+another angle. Tradition always looks to the folkways as constituting
+the matter to be transmitted. But the folkways, after the concurrence
+in their practice has been established, come to include a judgment that
+they conduce to societal and, indeed, individual welfare. This is where
+they come to be properly called mores. They become the prosperity-policy
+of the group, and the young are reared up under their sway, looking to
+the older as the repositories of precedent and convention. But presently
+the older die, and in conformity with the ideas of the time, they become
+beings of a higher power toward whom the living owe duty, and whose will
+they do not wish to cross. The sanction of ghost-fear is thus extended
+to the mores, which, as the prosperity-policy of the group, have already
+taken on a stereotyped character. They thus become in an even higher
+degree "uniform, universal in a group, imperative, invariable. As time
+goes on, they become more and more arbitrary, positive, and imperative.
+If asked why they act in a certain way in certain cases, primitive
+people always answer that it is because they and their ancestors always
+have done so." Thus the transmission of the mores comes to be a process
+embodying the greatest conservatism and the least likelihood of change.
+This situation represents an adaption of society to life-conditions; it
+would seem that because of the rapidity of succession of variations
+there is need of an intensely conserving force (like ethnocentrism or
+religion) to preserve a certain balance and poise in the evolutionary
+movement.
+
+Transmission of the mores takes place through the agency of imitation or
+of inculcation; through one or the other according as the initiative is
+taken by the receiving or the giving party respectively. Inculcation
+includes education in its broadest sense; but since that term implies in
+general usage a certain, let us say protective, attitude taken by the
+educator (as toward the young), the broader and more colorless
+designation is chosen. Acculturation is the process by which one group
+or people learns from another, whether the culture or civilization be
+gotten by imitation or by inculcation. As there must be contact,
+acculturation is sometimes ascribed to "contagion."
+
+
+4. Temperament, Tradition, and Nationality[78]
+
+The temperament of the Negro, as I conceive it, consists in a few
+elementary but distinctive characteristics, determined by physical
+organizations and transmitted biologically. These characteristics
+manifest themselves in a genial, sunny, and social disposition, in an
+interest and attachment to external, physical things rather than to
+subjective states and objects of introspection, in a disposition for
+expression rather than enterprise and action.
+
+The changes which have taken place in the manifestations of this
+temperament have been actuated by an inherent and natural impulse,
+characteristic of all living beings, to persist and maintain itself in a
+changed environment. Such changes have occurred as are likely to take
+place in any organism in its struggle to live and to use its environment
+to further and complete its own existence.
+
+The result has been that this racial temperament has selected out of the
+mass of cultural materials to which it had access, such technical,
+mechanical, and intellectual devices as met its needs at a particular
+period of its existence. It has clothed and enriched itself with such
+new customs, habits, and cultural forms as it was able, or permitted to
+use. It has put into these relatively external things, moreover, such
+concrete meanings as its changing experience and its unchanging racial
+individuality demanded. Everywhere and always it has been interested
+rather in expression than in action; interested in life itself rather
+than in its reconstruction or reformation. The Negro is, by natural
+disposition, neither an intellectual nor an idealist, like the Jew; nor
+a brooding introspective, like the East Indian; nor a pioneer and
+frontiersman, like the Anglo-Saxon. He is primarily an artist, loving
+life for its own sake. His _metier_ is expression rather than action. He
+is, so to speak, the lady among the races.
+
+In reviewing the fortunes of the Negro's temperament as it is manifested
+in the external events of the Negro's life in America, our analysis
+suggests that this racial character of the Negro has exhibited itself
+everywhere in something like the rôle of the _wish_ in the Freudian
+analysis of dream-life. The external cultural forms which he found here,
+like the memories of the individual, have furnished the materials in
+which the racial wish, i.e., the Negro temperament, has clothed itself.
+The inner meaning, the sentiment, the emphasis, the emotional color,
+which these forms assumed as the result of their transference from the
+white man to the Negro, these have been the Negro's own. They have
+represented his temperament--his temperament modified, however, by his
+experience and the tradition which he has accumulated in this country.
+The temperament is African, but the tradition is American.
+
+If it is true that the Jew just because of his intellectuality is a
+natural-born idealist, internationalist, doctrinaire, and revolutionist,
+while the Negro, because of his natural attachment to known familiar
+objects, places, and persons, is pre-adapted to conservatism and to
+local and personal loyalties--if these things are true, we shall
+eventually have to take account of them practically. It is certain that
+the Negro has uniformly shown a disposition to loyalty during slavery to
+his master and during freedom to the South and the country as a whole.
+He has maintained this attitude of loyalty, too, under very discouraging
+circumstances. I once heard Kelly Miller, the most philosophical of the
+leaders and teachers of his race, say in a public speech that one of the
+greatest hardships the Negro suffered in this country was due to the
+fact that he was not permitted to be patriotic.
+
+Of course all these alleged racial characteristics have a positive as
+well as a negative significance. Every race, like every individual, has
+the vices of its virtues. The question remains still to what extent
+so-called racial characteristics are actually racial, i.e., biological,
+and to what extent they are the effect of environmental conditions. The
+thesis of this paper, to state it again, is: (1) that fundamental
+temperamental qualities, which are the basis of interest and attention,
+act as selective agencies and as such determine what elements in the
+cultural environment each race will select; in what region it will seek
+and find its vocation in the larger social organization; (2) that, on
+the other hand, technique, science, machinery, tools, habits,
+discipline, and all the intellectual and mechanical devices with which
+the civilized man lives and works remain relatively external to the
+inner core of significant attitudes and values which constitute what we
+may call the will of the group. This racial will is, to be sure, largely
+social, that is, modified by social experience, but it rests ultimately
+upon a complex of inherited characteristics, which are racial.
+
+The individual man is the bearer of a double inheritance. As a member of
+a race, he transmits by interbreeding a biological inheritance. As a
+member of society or a social group, on the other hand, he transmits by
+communication a social inheritance. The particular complex of
+inheritable characters which characterizes the individuals of a racial
+group constitutes the racial temperament. The particular group of
+habits, accommodations, sentiments, attitudes, and ideals transmitted by
+communication and education constitutes a social tradition. Between this
+temperament and this tradition there is, as has been generally
+recognized, a very intimate relationship. My assumption is that
+temperament is the basis of the interests; that as such it determines in
+the long run the general run of attention, and this, eventually,
+determines the selection in the case of an individual of his vocation,
+in the case of the racial group of its culture. That is to say,
+temperament determines what things the individual and the group will be
+interested in; what elements of the general culture, to which they have
+access, they will assimilate; what, to state it pedagogically, they will
+learn.
+
+It will be evident at once that where individuals of the same race and
+hence the same temperament are associated, the temperamental interests
+will tend to reinforce one another, and the attention of members of the
+group will be more completely focused upon the specific objects and
+values that correspond to the racial temperament. In this way racial
+qualities become the basis for nationalities, a nationalistic group
+being merely a cultural and, eventually, a political society founded on
+the basis of racial inheritances.
+
+On the other hand, when racial segregation is broken up and members of a
+racial group are dispersed, the opposite effect will take place. This
+explains the phenomena which have frequently been the subject of comment
+and observation, that the racial characteristics manifest themselves in
+an extraordinary way in large homogeneous gatherings. The contrast
+between a mass meeting of one race and a similar meeting of another is
+particularly striking. Under such circumstances characteristic racial
+and temperamental differences appear that would otherwise pass entirely
+unnoticed.
+
+When the physical unity of a group is perpetuated by the succession of
+parents and children, the racial temperament, including fundamental
+attitudes and values which rest in it, is preserved intact. When,
+however, society grows and is perpetuated by immigration and adaptation,
+there ensues, as a result of miscegenation, a breaking up of the complex
+of the biologically inherited qualities which constitute the temperament
+of the race. This again initiates changes in the mores, traditions, and
+eventually in the institutions of the community. The changes which
+proceed from modification in the racial temperament will, however,
+modify but slightly the external forms of the social traditions, but
+they will be likely to change profoundly their content and meaning. Of
+course other factors, individual competition, the formation of classes,
+and especially the increase of communication, all co-operate to
+complicate the whole situation and to modify the effects which would be
+produced by racial factors working in isolation.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. Conceptions of Human Nature Implicit in Religious and Political
+Doctrines
+
+Although the systematic study of it is recent, there has always been a
+certain amount of observation and a great deal of assumption in regard
+to human nature. The earliest systematic treatises in jurisprudence,
+history, theology, and politics necessarily proceeded from certain more
+or less naïve assumptions in regard to the nature of man. In the
+extension of Roman law over subject peoples the distinction was made
+between _jus gentium_ and _jus naturae_, i.e., the laws peculiar to a
+particular nation as contrasted with customs and laws common to all
+nations and derived from the nature of mankind. Macauley writes of the
+"principles of human nature" from which it is possible to deduce a
+theory of government. Theologians, in devising a logical system of
+thought concerning the ways of God to man, proceeded on the basis of
+certain notions of human nature. The doctrines of original sin, the
+innate depravity of man, the war of the natural man and the spiritual
+man had a setting in the dogmas of the fall of man, redemption through
+faith, and the probationary character of life on earth. In striking
+contrast with the pessimistic attitude of theologians toward human
+nature, social revolutionists like Rousseau have condemned social
+institutions as inherently vicious and optimistically placed reliance
+upon human nature as innately good.
+
+In all these treatises the assumptions about human nature are either
+preconceptions or rationalizations from experience incidental to the
+legal, moral, religious, or political system of thought. There is in
+these treatises consequently little or no analysis or detailed
+description of the traits attributed to men. Certainly, there is no
+evidence of an effort to arrive at an understanding of human behavior
+from an objective study of its nature.
+
+Historic assumptions in regard to human nature, no matter how fantastic
+or unscientific, have exerted, nevertheless, a far-reaching influence
+upon group action. Periods of social revolution are ushered in by
+theorists who perceive only the evil in institutions and the good in
+human nature. On the other hand, the "guardians of society," distrustful
+of the impulses of human nature, place their reliance upon conventions
+and upon existing forms of social organization. Communistic societies
+have been organized upon certain ideas of human nature and have survived
+as long as these beliefs which inspired them controlled the behavior of
+members of the group.
+
+Philosophers from the time of Socrates have invariably sought to justify
+their moral and political theories upon a conception, if not a
+definition, of the nature of man. Aristotle, in his _Politics_ and
+Hobbes in his _Leviathan_, to refer to two classics, offer widely
+divergent interpretations of human nature. Aristotle emphasized man's
+altruistic traits, Hobbes stressed his egoistic disposition. These
+opposite conceptions of human behavior are explicit and in each case
+presented with a display of evidence. Yet students soon realize that
+neither philosopher, in fashioning his conception, is entirely without
+animus or ulterior motive. When these definitions are considered in the
+context in which they occur, they seem less an outgrowth of an analysis
+of human nature, than formulas devised in the interest of a political
+theory. Aristotle was describing the ideal state; Hobbes was interested
+in the security of an existing social order.
+
+Still, the contribution made by social and political philosophers has
+been real. Their descriptions of human behavior, if inadequate and
+unscientific, at least recognized that an understanding of human nature
+was a precondition to social reorganization. The fact that philosophical
+conceptions and ideal constructions are themselves social forces and as
+such frequently represent vested interests, has been an obstacle to
+social as well as physical science.
+
+Comte's notion that every scientific discipline must pass through a
+theological and metaphysical stage before it assumed the character of a
+positive science seems to be true as far as sociology is concerned.
+Machiavelli shocked the moral sense of his time, if not the moralists of
+all time, when he proposed to accept human nature as it is as a basis
+for political science. Herbert Spencer insisted upon the futility of
+expecting "golden conduct from leaden instincts." To the utopian social
+reformers of his day he pointed out a series of welfare measures in
+England in which the outcome was the direct opposite of the results
+desired.
+
+This negative criticism of preconceived notions and speculations about
+human nature prepared the way for disinterested observation and
+comparison. Certain modern tendencies and movements gave an impetus to
+the detached study of human behavior. The ethnologists collected
+objective descriptions of the behavior of primitive people. In
+psychology interest developed in the study of the child and in the
+comparative study of human and animal behavior. The psychiatrist, in
+dealing with certain types of abnormal behavior like hysteria and
+multiple personality, was forced to study human behavior objectively.
+All this has prepared the way for a science of human nature and of
+society based upon objective and disinterested observation.
+
+
+2. Literature and the Science of Human Nature
+
+The poets were the first to recognize that "the proper study of mankind
+is man" as they were also the first to interpret it objectively. The
+description and appreciation of human nature and personality by the poet
+and artist preceded systematic and reflective analysis by the
+psychologist and the sociologist. In recent years, moreover, there has
+been a very conscious effort to make literature, as well as history,
+"scientific." Georg Brandes in his _Main Currents in Nineteenth Century
+Literature_ set himself the task to "trace first and foremost the
+connection between literature and life." Taine's _History of English
+Literature_ attempts to delineate British temperament and character as
+mirrored in literary masterpieces.
+
+The novel which emphasizes "_milieu_" and "character," as contrasted
+with the novel which emphasizes "action" and "plot," is a literary
+device for the analysis of human nature and society. Émile Zola in an
+essay _The Experimental Novel_ has presented with characteristic
+audacity the case for works of fiction as instruments for the scientific
+dissection and explanation of human behavior.
+
+ The novelist is equally an observer and an experimentalist. The
+ observer in him gives the facts as he has observed them,
+ suggests the points of departure, displays the solid earth on
+ which his characters are to tread and the phenomena develop.
+ Then the experimentalist appears and introduces an experiment,
+ that is to say, sets his characters going in a certain story so
+ as to show that the succession of facts will be such as the
+ requirements of the determinism of the phenomena under
+ examination call for. The novelist starts out in search of a
+ truth. I will take as an example the character of the "Baron
+ Hulot," in _Cousine Bette_, by Balzac. The general fact
+ observed by Balzac is the ravages that the amorous temperament
+ of a man makes in his home, in his family, and in society. As
+ soon as he has chosen his subject he starts from known facts,
+ then he makes his experiment and exposes Hulot to a series of
+ trials, placing him among certain surroundings in order to
+ exhibit how the complicated machinery of his passions works. It
+ is then evident that there is not only observation there, but
+ that there is also experiment, as Balzac does not remain
+ satisfied with photographing the facts collected by him, but
+ interferes in a direct way to place his characters in certain
+ conditions, and of these he remains the master. The problem is
+ to know what such a passion, acting in such surroundings and
+ under such circumstances, would produce from the point of view
+ of an individual and of society; and an experimental novel,
+ _Cousine Bette_, for example, is simply the report of the
+ experiment that the novelist conducts before the eyes of the
+ public. In fact, the whole operation consists of taking facts
+ in nature, then in studying the mechanism of these facts,
+ acting upon them, by the modification of circumstances and
+ surroundings, without deviating from the laws of nature.
+ Finally, you possess knowledge of the man, scientific knowledge
+ of him, in both his individual and social relations.[79]
+
+After all that may be said for the experimental novel, however, its
+primary aim, like that of history, is appreciation and understanding,
+not generalization and abstract formulas. Insight and sympathy, the
+mystical sense of human solidarity, expressed in the saying "to
+comprehend all is to forgive all," this fiction has to give. And these
+are materials which the sociologist cannot neglect. As yet there is no
+autobiography or biography of an egocentric personality so convincing as
+George Meredith's _The Egoist_. The miser is a social type; but there
+are no case studies as sympathetic and discerning as George Eliot's
+_Silas Marner_. Nowhere in social science has the technique of case
+study developed farther than in criminology; yet Dostoévsky's
+delineation of the self-analysis of the murderer in _Crime and
+Punishment_ dwarfs all comparison outside of similar studies in
+fiction. The function of the so-called psychological or sociological
+novel stops, however, with its presentation of the individual incident
+or case; it is satisfied by the test of its appeal to the experience of
+the reader. The scientific study of human nature proceeds a step
+farther; it seeks generalizations. From the case studies of history and
+of literature it abstracts the laws and principles of human behavior.
+
+
+3. Research in the Field of Original Nature
+
+Valuable materials for the study of human nature have been accumulated
+in archaeology, ethnology, and folklore. William G. Sumner, in his book
+_Folkways_, worked through the ethnological data and made it available
+for sociological use. By classification and comparison of the customs of
+primitive peoples he showed that cultural differences were based on
+variations in folkways and mores in adaptation to the environment,
+rather than upon fundamental differences in human nature.
+
+The interests of research have resulted in a division of labor between
+the fields of original and acquired nature in man. The examination of
+original tendencies has been quite properly connected with the study of
+inheritance. For the history of research in this field, the student is
+referred to treatises upon genetics and evolution and to the works of
+Lamarck, Darwin, DeVries, Weismann, and Mendel. Recent discoveries in
+regard to the mechanism of biological inheritance have led to the
+organization of a new applied science, "eugenics." The new science
+proposes a social program for the improvement of the racial traits based
+upon the investigations of breeding and physical inheritance. Research
+in eugenics has been fostered by the Galton Laboratory in England, and
+by the Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor in the United
+States. Interest has centered in the study of the inheritance of
+feeble-mindedness. Studies of feeble-minded families and groups, as _The
+Kallikak Family_ by Goddard, _The Jukes_ by Dugdale, and _The Tribe of
+Ishmael_ by M'Culloch, have shown how mental defect enters as a factor
+into industrial inefficiency, poverty, prostitution, and crime.
+
+
+4. The Investigation of Human Personality
+
+The trend of research in human nature has been toward the study of
+personality. Scientific inquiry into the problems of personality was
+stimulated by the observation of abnormal behavior such as hysteria,
+loss of memory, etc., where the cause was not organic and, therefore,
+presumably psychic. A school of French psychiatrists and psychologists
+represented by Charcot, Janet, and Ribot have made signal contributions
+to an understanding of the maladies of personality. Investigation in
+this field, invaluable for an understanding of the person, has been made
+in the study of dual and multiple personality. The work of Freud, Jung,
+Adler, and others in psychoanalysis has thrown light upon the rôle of
+mental conflict, repression, and the wishes in the growth of
+personality.
+
+In sociology, personality is studied, not only from the subjective
+standpoint of its organization, but even more in its objective aspects
+and with reference to the rôle of the person in the group. One of the
+earliest classifications of "kinds of conduct" has been ascribed by
+tradition to a disciple of Aristotle, Theophrastus, who styled himself
+"a student of human nature." _The Characters of Theophrastus_ is
+composed of sketches--humorous and acute, if superficial--of types such
+as "the flatterer," "the boor," "the coward," "the garrulous man." They
+are as true to modern life as to the age of Alexander. Chief among the
+modern imitators of Theophrastus is La Bruyère, who published in 1688
+_Les caractères, ou les moeurs de ce siècle_, a series of essays on
+the manners of his time, illustrated by portraits of his contemporaries.
+
+Autobiography and biography provide source material for the study both
+of the subjective life and of the social rôle of the person. Three great
+autobiographies which have inspired the writing of personal narratives
+are themselves representative of the different types: Caesar's
+_Commentaries_, with his detached impersonal description of his great
+exploits; the _Confessions of St. Augustine_, with his intimate
+self-analysis and intense self-reproach, and the less well-known _De
+Vita Propria Liber_ by Cardan. This latter is a serious attempt at
+scientific self-examination. Recently, attention has been directed to
+the accumulation of autobiographical and biographical materials which
+are interpreted from the point of view of psychiatry and psychoanalysis.
+The study _Der Fall Otto Weininger_ by Dr. Ferdinand Probst is a
+representative monograph of this type. The outstanding example of this
+method and its use for sociological interpretation is "Life Record of an
+Immigrant" contained in the third volume of Thomas and Znaniecki, _The
+Polish Peasant_. In connection with the _Recreation Survey_ of the
+Cleveland Foundation and the _Americanization Studies of the Carnegie
+Corporation_, the life-history has been developed as part of the
+technique of investigation.
+
+
+5. The Measurement of Individual Differences
+
+With the growing sense of the importance of individual differences in
+human nature, attempts at their measurement have been essayed. Tests for
+physical and mental traits have now reached a stage of accuracy and
+precision. The study of temperamental and social characteristics is
+still in the preliminary stage.
+
+The field of the measurement of physical traits is dignified by the name
+"anthropometry." In the nineteenth century high hopes were widely held
+of the significance of measurements of the cranium and of physiognomy
+for an understanding of the mental and moral nature of the person. The
+lead into phrenology sponsored by Gall and Spurzheim proved to be a
+blind trail. The so-called "scientific school of criminology" founded by
+Cesare Lombroso upon the identification of the criminal type by certain
+abnormalities of physiognomy and physique was undermined by the
+controlled study made by Charles Goring. At the present time the
+consensus of expert opinion is that only for a small group may gross
+abnormalities of physical development be associated with abnormal mental
+and emotional reactions.
+
+In 1905-11 Binet and Simon devised a series of tests for determining the
+mental age of French school children. The purpose of the mental
+measurements was to gauge innate mental capacity. Therefore the tests
+excluded material which had to do with special social experience. With
+their introduction into the United States certain revisions and
+modifications, such as the Goddard Revision, the Terman Revision, the
+Yerkes-Bridges Point Scale, were made in the interests of
+standardization. The application of mental measurements to different
+races and social classes raised the question of the extent to which
+individual groups varied because of differences in social experience.
+While it is not possible absolutely to separate original tendencies from
+their expression in experience, it is practicable to devise tests which
+will take account of divergent social environments.
+
+The study of volitional traits and of temperament is still in its
+infancy. Many recent attempts at classification of temperaments rest
+upon as impressionistic a basis as the popular fourfold division into
+sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic. Two of the efforts to
+define temperamental differences rest, however, upon first-hand study of
+cases. Dr. June E. Downey has devised a series of tests based upon
+handwriting material for measuring will traits. In her pamphlet _The
+Will Profile_ she presents an analysis of twelve volitional traits:
+revision, perseverance, co-ordination of impulses, care for detail,
+motor inhibition, resistance, assurance, motor impulsion, speed of
+decision, flexibility, freedom from inertia, and speed of movement. From
+a study of several hundred cases she defined certain will patterns which
+apparently characterize types of individuals. In her experience she has
+found the rating of the subject by the will test to have a distinct
+value in supplementing the test for mentality.
+
+Kraepelin, on the basis of his examination of abnormal mental states,
+offers a classification of types of psychopathic personalities. He
+distinguishes six groups: the excitable, the unstable, the psychopathic
+trend, the eccentric, the anti-social, and the contentious. In
+psychoanalysis a simpler twofold division is frequently made between the
+_introverts_, or the "introspective" and the _extroverts_, or the
+"objective" types of individual.
+
+The study of social types is as yet an unworked field. Literature and
+life surround us with increasing specializations in personalities, but
+attempts at classification are still in the impressionistic stage. The
+division suggested by Thomas into the Philistine, Bohemian, and Creative
+types, while suggestive, is obviously too simple for an adequate
+description of the rich and complex variety of personalities.
+
+This survey indicates the present status of attempts to define and
+measure differences in original and human nature. A knowledge of
+individual differences is important in every field of social control. It
+is significant that these tests have been devised to meet problems of
+policies and of administration in medicine, in industry, in education,
+and in penal and reformatory institutions. Job analysis, personnel
+administration, ungraded rooms, classes for exceptional children,
+vocational guidance, indicate fields made possible by the development of
+tests for measuring individual differences.
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+I. ORIGINAL NATURE
+
+
+A. _Racial Inheritance_
+
+(1) Thomson, J. Arthur. _Heredity._ London and New York, 1908.
+
+(2) Washburn, Margaret F. _The Animal Mind._ New York, 1908.
+
+(3) Morgan, C. Lloyd. _Habit and Instinct._ London and New York, 1896.
+
+(4) ----. _Instinct and Experience._ New York, 1912.
+
+(5) Loeb, Jacques. _Comparative Physiology of the Brain and Comparative
+Psychology._ New York, 1900.
+
+(6) ----. _Forced Movements._ Philadelphia and London, 1918.
+
+(7) Jennings, H. S. _Behavior of the Lower Organisms._ New York, 1906.
+
+(8) Watson, John. _Behavior: an Introduction to Comparative Psychology._
+New York, 1914.
+
+(9) Thorndike, E. L. _The Original Nature of Man._ Vol. I of
+"Educational Psychology." New York, 1913.
+
+(10) Paton, Stewart. _Human Behavior._ In relation to the study of
+educational, social, and ethical problems. New York, 1921.
+
+(11) Faris, Ellsworth. "Are Instincts Data or Hypotheses?" _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XXVII (Sept., 1921.)
+
+
+B. _Heredity and Eugenics_
+
+1. Systematic Treatises:
+
+(1) Castle, W. E., Coulter, J. M., Davenport, C. B., East, E. M., and
+Tower, W. L. _Heredity and Eugenics._ Chicago, 1912.
+
+(2) Davenport, C. B. _Heredity in Relation to Eugenics._ New York, 1911.
+
+(3) Goddard, Henry H. _Feeble-mindedness._ New York, 1914.
+
+2. Inherited Inferiority of Families and Communities:
+
+(1) Dugdale, Richard L. _The Jukes._ New York, 1877.
+
+(2) M'Culloch, O. C. _The Tribe of Ishmael._ A study in social
+degradation. National Conference of Charities and Correction, 1888,
+154-59; 1889, 265; 1890, 435-37.
+
+(3) Goddard, Henry H. _The Kallikak Family._ New York, 1912.
+
+(4) Winship, A. E. _Jukes-Edwards._ A study in education and heredity.
+Harrisburg, Pa., 1900.
+
+(5) Estabrook, A. H., and Davenport, C. B. _The Nam Family._ A study in
+cacogenics. Cold Spring Harbor, N.Y., 1912.
+
+(6) Danielson, F. H., and Davenport, C. B. _The Hill Folk._ Report on a
+rural community of hereditary defectives. Cold Spring Harbor, N.Y.,
+1912.
+
+(7) Kite, Elizabeth S. "The Pineys," _Survey_, XXXI (October 4, 1913),
+7-13. 38-40.
+
+(8) Gesell, A. L. "The Village of a Thousand Souls," _American
+Magazine_, LXXVI (October, 1913), 11-13.
+
+(9) Kostir, Mary S. _The Family of Sam Sixty._ Columbus, 1916.
+
+(10) Finlayson, Anna W. _The Dack Family._ A study on hereditary lack of
+emotional control. Cold Spring Harbor, N. Y., 1916.
+
+
+II. HUMAN NATURE
+
+
+A. _Human Traits_
+
+(1) Cooley, Charles H. _Human Nature and the Social Order._ New York,
+1902.
+
+(2) Shaler, N. S. _The Individual._ New York, 1900.
+
+(3) Hocking, W. E. _Human Nature and Its Remaking._ New Haven, 1918.
+
+(4) Edman, Irwin. _Human Traits and Their Social Significance._ Boston,
+1919.
+
+(5) Wallas, Graham. _Human Nature in Politics._ London, 1908.
+
+(6) Lippmann, Walter. _A Preface to Politics._ [A criticism of present
+politics from the point of view of human-nature studies.] New York and
+London, 1913.
+
+(7) James, William. _The Varieties of Religious Experience._ A study in
+human nature. London and New York, 1902.
+
+(8) Ellis, Havelock. _Studies in the Psychology of Sex._ 6 vols.
+Philadelphia, 1900-1905.
+
+(9) Thomas, W. I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ Chicago, 1909.
+[Contains extensive bibliographies.]
+
+
+B. _The Mores_
+
+1. Comparative Studies of Cultural Traits:
+
+(1) Tylor, E. B. _Primitive Culture._ Researches into the development of
+mythology, philosophy, religion, language, art, and custom. 4th ed. 2
+vols. London, 1903.
+
+(2) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ A study of the sociological importance of
+usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. Boston, 1906.
+
+(3) Westermarck, E. A. _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas._
+London and New York, 1908.
+
+(4) Ratzel, F. _History of Mankind._ Translated by A. J. Butler. London
+and New York, 1898.
+
+(5) Vierkandt, A. _Naturvölker und Kulturvölker._ Leipzig, 1896.
+
+(6) Lippert, Julius. _Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit in ihrem
+organischem Aufbau._ Stuttgart, 1886-87.
+
+(7) Frazer, J. G. _The Golden Bough._ A study in magic and religion. 3d
+ed., 12 vols. (Volume XII is a bibliography of the preceding volumes.)
+London and New York, 1907-15.
+
+(8) Dewey, John, and Tufts, James H. _Ethics._ New York, 1908.
+
+
+2. Studies of Traits of Individual Peoples:
+
+(1) Fouillée, A. _Psychologie du peuple français._ Paris, 1898.
+
+(2) Rhys, J., and Brynmor-Jones, D. _The Welsh People._ London, 1900.
+
+(3) Fishberg, M. _The Jews._ A study of race and environment. London and
+New York, 1911.
+
+(4) Strausz, A. _Die Bulgaren._ Ethnographische Studien. Leipzig, 1898.
+
+(5) Stern, B. _Geschichtete der öffentlichen Sittlichkeit in Russland._
+Kultur, Aberglaube, Sitten, und Gebraüche. Zwei Bände. Berlin, 1907-8.
+
+(6) Krauss, F. S. _Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven._ Wien, 1885.
+
+(7) Kidd, D. _The Essential Kafir._ London, 1904.
+
+(8) Spencer, B., and Gillen, F. J. _The Native Tribes of Central
+Australia._ London and New York, 1899.
+
+
+C. _Human Nature and Industry_
+
+(1) Taylor, F. W. _The Principles of Scientific Management._ New York,
+1911.
+
+(2) Tead, O., and Metcalf, H. C. _Personnel Administration; Its
+Principles and Practice._ New York, 1920.
+
+(3) Tead, O. _Instincts in Industry._ A study of working-class
+psychology. Boston, 1918.
+
+(4) Parker, C. H. _The Casual Laborer and Other Essays._ New York, 1920.
+
+(5) Marot, Helen. _Creative Impulse in Industry; A Proposition for
+Educators._ New York, 1918.
+
+(6) Williams, Whiting. _What's on the Worker's Mind._ New York, 1920.
+
+(7) Hollingworth, H. L. _Vocational Psychology; Its Problems and
+Methods._ New York, 1916.
+
+
+III. PERSONALITY
+
+
+A. _The Genesis of Personality_
+
+(1) Baldwin, J. M. _Mental Development in the Child and the Race:
+Methods and Processes._ 3d rev. ed. New York and London, 1906.
+
+(2) Baldwin, J. M. _Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental
+Developments._ Chap ii, "The Social Person," pp. 66-98. 3d ed., rev. and
+enl. New York and London, 1902.
+
+(3) Sully, J. _Studies of Childhood._ rev. ed. New York, 1903.
+
+(4) King, I. _The Psychology of Child Development._ Chicago, 1903.
+
+(5) Thorndike, E. L. _Notes on Child Study._ New York, 1903.
+
+(6) Hall, G. S. _Adolescence._ Its psychology and its relations to
+physiology, anthropology, sociology, sex, crime, religion, and
+education. 2 vols.. New York, 1904.
+
+(7) Shinn, Milicent W. _Notes on the Development of a Child._ University
+of California Studies. Nos. 1-4. 1893-99.
+
+(8) Kirkpatrick, E. A. _The Individual in the Making._ Boston and New
+York, 1911.
+
+
+B. _Psychology and Sociology of the Person_
+
+(1) James, William. _The Principles of Psychology._ Chap, x,
+"Consciousness of Self," I, 291-401. New York, 1890.
+
+(2) Bekhterev, V. M. (Bechterew, W. v.) _Die Persönlichkeit und die
+Bedingungen ihrer Entwicklung und Gesundheit._ "Grenzfragen des Nerven
+und Seelenlebens," No. 45. Wiesbaden, 1906.
+
+(3) Binet, A. _Alterations of Personality._ Translated by H. G. Baldwin.
+New York, 1896.
+
+(4) Ribot, T. A. _Diseases of Personality._ Authorized translation, 2d
+rev. ed. Chicago, 1895.
+
+(5) Adler, A. _The Neurotic Constitution._ New York, 1917.
+
+(6) Prince, M. _The Dissociation of a Personality._ A biographical study
+in abnormal psychology. 2d ed. New York, 1913.
+
+(7) ----. _The Unconscious._ The fundamentals of human personality,
+normal and abnormal. New York, 1914.
+
+(8) Coblenz, Felix. _Ueber das betende Ich in den Psalmen._ Ein Beitrag
+zur Erklaerung des Psalters. Frankfort, 1897.
+
+(9) Royce, J. _Studies of Good and Evil._ A series of essays upon
+problems of philosophy and life. Chap, viii, "Some Observations on the
+Anomalies of Self-consciousness," pp. 169-97. A paper read before the
+Medico-Psychological Association of Boston, March 21, 1894. New York,
+1898.
+
+(10) Stern, B. _Werden and Wesen der Persönlichkeit._ Biologische und
+historische Untersuchungen über menschliche Individualität. Wien und
+Leipzig, 1913.
+
+(11) Shand, A. F. _The Foundations of Character._ Being a study of the
+tendencies of the emotions and sentiments. London, 1914.
+
+
+C. _Materials for the Study of the Person_
+
+(1) Theophrastus. _The Characters of Theophrastus._ Translated from the
+Greek by R. C. Jebb. London, 1870.
+
+(2) La Bruyère, Jean de. _Les caractères, ou les moeurs de ce siècle._
+Paris, 1916. _The "Characters" of Jean de La Bruyère._ Translated from
+the French by Henri Van Laun. London, 1885.
+
+(3) Augustinus, Aurelius. _The Confessions of St. Augustine._ Translated
+from the Latin by E. B. Pusly. London, 1907.
+
+(4) Wesley, John. _The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley._ New York and
+London, 1907.
+
+(5) Amiel, H. _Journal intime._ Translated by Mrs. Ward. London and New
+York, 1885.
+
+(6) Cellini, Benvenuto. _Memoirs of Benvenuto Cellini._ Translated from
+the Italian by J. A. Symonds. New York, 1898.
+
+(7) Woolman, John. _Journal of the Life, Gospel Labors, and Christian
+Experiences of That Faithful Minister of Jesus Christ, John Woolman._
+Dublin, 1794.
+
+(8) Tolstoy, Count Leon. _My Confession._ Translated from the Russian.
+Paris and New York, 1887. _My Religion._ Translated from the French. New
+York, 1885.
+
+(9) Riley, I. W. _The Founder of Mormonism._ A psychological study of
+Joseph Smith, Jr. New York, 1902.
+
+(10) Wilde, Oscar. _De Profundis._ New York and London, 1905.
+
+(11) Keller, Helen. _The Story of My Life._ New York, 1903.
+
+(12) Simmel, Georg. _Goethe._ Leipzig, 1913.
+
+(13) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and
+America._ "Life-Record of an Immigrant," III, 89-400. Boston, 1919.
+
+(14) Probst, Ferdinand. _Der Fall Otto Weininger._ "Grenzfragen des
+Nerven- und Seelenlebens," No. 31. Wiesbaden, 1904.
+
+(15) Anthony, Katherine. _Margaret Fuller._ A psychological biography.
+New York, 1920.
+
+(16) Willard, Josiah Flynt. _My Life._ New York, 1908.
+
+(17) ----. _Tramping with Tramps._ New York, 1899.
+
+(18) Cummings, B. F. _The Journal of a Disappointed Man_, by Barbellion,
+W. N. P. [_pseud._] Introduction by H. G. Wells. New York, 1919.
+
+(19) Audoux, Marguerite. _Marie Claire._ Introduction by Octave
+Mirabeau. Translated from the French by J. N. Raphael. London and New
+York, 1911.
+
+(20) Clemens, Samuel L. _The Adventures of Tom Sawyer_, by Mark Twain
+[_pseud._]. New York, 1903.
+
+(21) Hapgood, Hutchins. _The Autobiography of a Thief._ New York, 1903.
+
+(22) Johnson, James W. _The Autobiography of an ex-Colored Man._
+Published anonymously. Boston, 1912.
+
+(23) Washington, Booker T. _Up from Slavery._ An autobiography. New
+York, 1901.
+
+(24) Du Bois, W. E. B. _The Souls of Black Folk._ Chicago, 1903.
+
+(25) Beers, C. W. _A Mind That Found Itself._ An autobiography. 4th rev.
+ed. New York, 1917.
+
+
+IV. INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES
+
+
+A. _The Nature of Individual Differences_
+
+(1) Thorndike, E. L. _Individuality._ Boston, 1911.
+
+(2) ----. "Individual Differences and Their Causes," _Educational
+Psychology_, III, 141-388. New York, 1913-14.
+
+(3) Stern, W. _Ueber Psychologie der individuellen Differenzen._
+Leipzig, 1900.
+
+(4) Hollingworth, Leta S. _The Psychology of Subnormal Children._ Chap.
+i. "Individual Differences." New York, 1920.
+
+
+B. _Mental Differences_
+
+(1) Goddard, H. H. _Feeble-mindedness._ Its causes and consequences. New
+York, 1914.
+
+(2) Tredgold, A. F. _Mental Deficiency._ 2d ed. New York, 1916.
+
+(3) Bronner, Augusta F. _The Psychology of Special Abilities and
+Disabilities._ Boston, 1917.
+
+(4) Healy, William. _Case Studies of Mentally and Morally Abnormal
+Types._ Cambridge, Mass., 1912.
+
+
+C. _Temperamental Differences_
+
+1. Systematic Treatises:
+
+(1) Fouillée, A. _Tempérament et caractère selon les individus, les
+sexes et les races._ Paris, 1895.
+
+(2) Hirt, Eduard. _Die Temperamente, ihr Wesen, ihre Bedeutung, für das
+seelische Erleben und ihre besonderen Gestaltungen._ "Grenzfragen des
+Nerven- und Seelenlebens," No. 40. Wiesbaden, 1905.
+
+(3) Hoch, A., and Amsden, G. S. "A Guide to the Descriptive Study of
+Personality," _Review of Neurology and Psychiatry_, (1913), pp. 577-87.
+
+(4) Kraepelin, E. _Psychiatrie._ Ein Lehrbuch für Studierende und Ärzte.
+Vol. IV, chap. xvi, pp. 1973-2116. 8th ed. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1909-15.
+
+(5) Loewenfeld, L. _Ueber die geniale Geistesthätigkeit mit besonderer
+Berücksichtigung des Genie's für bildende Kunst._ "Grenzfragen des
+Nerven- und Seelenlebens," No. 21. Wiesbaden, 1903.
+
+2. Temperamental Types:
+
+(1) Lombroso, C. _The Man of Genius._ Translated from the Italian.
+London and New York, 1891.
+
+(2) ----. _L'uomo delinquente in rapporto all'antropologia, alla
+giurisprudenza ed alle discipline carcerarie._ 3 vols. 5th ed. Torino,
+1896-97.
+
+(3) Goring, Charles. _The English Convict._ A statistical study. London,
+1913.
+
+(4) Wilmanns, Karl. _Psychopathologie des Landstreichers._ Leipzig,
+1906.
+
+(5) Downey, June E. "The Will Profile." A tentative scale for
+measurement of the volitional pattern. _University of Wyoming Bulletin_,
+Laramie, 1919.
+
+(6) Pagnier, A. _Le vagabond._ Paris, 1910.
+
+(7) Kowalewski, A. _Studien zur Psychologie der Pessimismus._
+"Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens," No. 24. Wiesbaden, 1904.
+
+
+D. _Sex Differences_
+
+(1) Ellis, H. H. _Man and Woman._ A study of human secondary sexual
+characters. 5th rev. ed. London and New York, 1914.
+
+(2) Geddes, P., and Thomson, J. A. _The Evolution of Sex._ London, 1889.
+
+(3) Thompson, Helen B. _The Mental Traits of Sex._ An experimental
+investigation of the normal mind in men and women. Chicago, 1903.
+
+(4) Montague, Helen, and Hollingworth, Leta S. "The Comparative
+Variability of the Sexes at Birth," _American Journal of Sociology_, XX
+(1914-15), 335-70.
+
+(5) Thomas, W. I. _Sex and Society._ Chicago, 1907.
+
+(6) Weidensall, C. J. _The Mentality of the Criminal Woman._ A
+comparative study of the criminal woman, the working girl, and the
+efficient working woman, in a series of mental and physical tests.
+Baltimore, 1916.
+
+(7) Hollingworth, Leta S. "Variability as Related to Sex Differences in
+Achievement," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX (1913-14), 510-30.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+
+E. _Racial Differences_
+
+(1) Boas, F. _The Mind of Primitive Man._ New York, 1911.
+
+(2) _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits._ 5 vols.
+Cambridge, 1901-08.
+
+(3) Le Bon, G. _The Psychology of Peoples._ Its influence on their
+evolution. New York and London, 1898. [Translation.]
+
+(4) Reuter, E. B. _The Mulatto in the United States._ Boston, 1918.
+
+(5) Bruner, F. G. "Hearing of Primitive Peoples," _Archives of
+Psychology_, No. 11. New York, 1908.
+
+(6) Woodworth, R. S. "Racial Differences in Mental Traits," _Science_,
+new series, XXI (1910), 171-86.
+
+(7) Morse, Josiah. "A Comparison of White and Colored Children Measured
+by the Binet-Simon Scale of Intelligence," _Popular Science Monthly_,
+LXXXIVC (1914), 75-79.
+
+(8) Ferguson, G. O., Jr. "The Psychology of the Negro, an Experimental
+Study," _Archives of Psychology_, No. 36. New York, 1916.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. Cooley's Conception of Human Nature
+
+2. Human Nature and the Instincts
+
+3. Human Nature and the Mores
+
+4. Studies in the Evolution of the Mores; Prohibition, Birth Control,
+the Social Status of Children
+
+5. Labor Management as a Problem in Human Nature
+
+6. Human Nature in Politics
+
+7. Personality and the Self
+
+8. Personality as a Sociological Concept
+
+9. Temperament, Milieu, and Social Types; the Politician, Labor Leader,
+Minister, Actor, Lawyer, Taxi Driver, Chorus Girl, etc.
+
+10. Bohemian, Philistine, and Genius
+
+11. The Beggar, Vagabond, and Hobo
+
+12. Literature as Source Material for the Study of Character
+
+13. Outstanding Personalities in a Selected Community
+
+14. Autobiography as Source Material for the Study of Human Nature
+
+15. Individual and Racial Differences Compared
+
+16. The Man of Genius as a Biological and a Sociological Product
+
+17. The Jukes and Kindred Studies of Inferior Groups
+
+18. History of the Binet-Simon Tests
+
+19. Mental Measurements and Vocational Guidance
+
+20. Psychiatry and Juvenile Delinquency
+
+21. Recent Studies of the Adolescent Girl
+
+22. Mental Inferiority and Crime
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. Is human nature that which is fundamental and alike in all
+individuals or is it those qualities which we recognize and appreciate
+as human when we meet them in individuals?
+
+2. What is the relation between original nature and the environment?
+
+3. What is the basis for the distinction made by Thorndike between
+reflexes, instincts, and inborn capacities?
+
+4. Read carefully Thorndike's _Inventory of Original Tendencies_. What
+illustrations of the different original traits occur to you?
+
+5. What do you understand by Park's statement that man is not born
+human?
+
+6. "Human nature is a superstructure." What value has this metaphor?
+What are its limitations? Suggest a metaphor which more adequately
+illustrates the relation of original nature to acquired nature.
+
+7. In what sense can it be said that habit is a means of controlling
+original nature?
+
+8. What, according to Park, is the relation of character to instinct and
+habit? Do you agree with him?
+
+9. What do you understand by the statement that "original nature is
+blind?"
+
+10. What relation has an ideal to (a) instinct and (b) group life?
+
+11. In what sense may we speak of the infant as the "natural man"?
+
+12. To what extent are racial differences (a) those of original
+nature, (b) those acquired from experience?
+
+13. What evidence is there for the position that sex differences in
+mental traits are acquired rather than inborn?
+
+14. How do you distinguish between mentality and temperament?
+
+15. How do you account for the great differences in achievement between
+the sexes?
+
+16. What evidence is there of temperamental differences between the
+sexes? between races?
+
+17. In the future will women equal men in achievement?
+
+18. What, in your judgment, is the range of individual differences? Is
+it less or greater than that of racial and sex differences?
+
+19. What do you understand is the distinction between racial inheritance
+as represented by the instincts, and innate individual differences? Do
+you think that both should be regarded as part of original nature?
+
+20. What is the effect of education and the division of labor (a) upon
+instincts and (b) upon individual differences?
+
+21. Are individual differences or likenesses more important for society?
+
+22. What do you understand to be the significance of individual
+differences (a) for social life; (b) for education; (c) for
+industry?
+
+23. What do you understand by the remaking of human nature? What is the
+importance of this principle for politics, industry, and social
+progress?
+
+24. Explain the proverbs: "Habit is ten times nature," "Habit is second
+nature."
+
+25. What is Cooley's definition of human nature? Do you agree or
+disagree with him? Elaborate your position.
+
+26. To what extent does human nature differ with race and geographic
+environment?
+
+27. How would you reinterpret Aristotle's and Hobbes's conception of
+human nature in the light of this definition?
+
+28. What illustrations of the difference between folkways and mores
+would you suggest?
+
+29. Classify the following forms of behavior under (a) folkways or
+(b) mores: tipping the hat, saluting an officer, monogamy, attending
+church, Sabbath observance, prohibition, immersion as a form of baptism,
+the afternoon tea of the Englishman, the double standard of morals, the
+Ten Commandments, the Golden Rule, the Constitution of the United
+States.
+
+30. What do you understand to be the relation of the mores to human
+nature?
+
+31. In what way is (a) habit related to will? (b) custom related to
+the general will?
+
+32. How do you distinguish the general will (a) from law, (b) from
+custom?
+
+33. Does any one of the following terms embody your conception of what
+is expressed by _Sittlichkeit_: good form, decency, self-respect,
+propriety, good breeding, convention?
+
+34. Describe and analyze several concrete social situations where
+_Sittlichkeit_ rather than conscience or law controlled the behavior of
+the person or of the group.
+
+35. What do you understand by convention? What is the relation of
+convention to instinct? Is convention a part of human nature to the same
+extent as loyalty, honor, etc.?
+
+36. What is meant by the saying that mores, ritual, and convention are
+in the words of Hegel "objective mind"?
+
+37. "The organism, and the brain as its highest representative,
+constitute the real personality." What characteristics of personality
+are stressed in this definition?
+
+38. Is there any significance to the fact that personality is derived
+from the Latin word _persona_ (mask worn by actors)?
+
+39. Is the conventional self a product of habit, or of _Sittlichkeit_,
+or of law, or of conscience?
+
+40. What is the importance of other people to the development of
+self-consciousness?
+
+41. Under what conditions does self-consciousness arise?
+
+42. What do you understand by personality as a complex? As a total of
+mental complexes?
+
+43. What is the relation of memory to personality as illustrated in the
+case of dual personality and of moods?
+
+44. What do you understand Cooley to mean by the looking-glass self?
+
+45. What illustration would you suggest to indicate that an individual's
+sense of his personality depends upon his status in the group?
+
+46. "All the world's a stage, and all the men and women merely players."
+Is personality adequately defined in terms of a person's conception of
+his rôle?
+
+47. What is the sociological significance of the saying, "If you would
+have a virtue, feign it"?
+
+48. What, according to Bechterew, is the relation of personality to the
+social _milieu_?
+
+49. What do you understand by the personality of peoples? What is the
+relation of the personality of peoples and the personalities of
+individuals who constitute the peoples?
+
+50. What do you understand by the difference between nature and nurture?
+
+51. What are acquired characters? How are they transmitted?
+
+52. What do you understand by the Mendelian principles of inheritance:
+(a) the hypothesis of unit characters; (b) the law of dominance; and
+(c) the law of segregation?
+
+53. What illustrations of the differences between instinct and tradition
+would you suggest?
+
+54. What is the difference between the blue eye as a defect in
+pigmentation, and of feeble-mindedness as a defective characteristic?
+
+55. Should it be the policy of society to eliminate all members below a
+certain mental level either by segregation or by more drastic measures?
+
+56. What principles of treatment of practical value to parents and
+teachers would you draw from the fact that feeble inhibition of temper
+is a trait transmitted by biological inheritance?
+
+57. Why is an understanding of the principles of biological inheritance
+of importance to sociology?
+
+58. In what two ways, according to Keller, are acquired characters
+transmitted by tradition?
+
+59. Make a list of the different types of things derived by the person
+(a) from his biological inheritance, and (b) from his social
+heritage.
+
+60. What traits, temperament, mentality, manner, or character, are
+distinctive of members of your family? Which of these have been
+inherited, which acquired?
+
+61. What problems in society are due to defects in man's original
+nature?
+
+62. What problems are the result of defects in folkways and mores?
+
+63. In what way do racial temperament and tradition determine national
+characteristics? To what extent is the religious behavior of the negro
+determined (a) by temperament, (b) by imitation of white culture?
+How do you explain Scotch economy, Irish participation in politics, the
+intellectuality of the Jew, etc.?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[55] Charles H. Cooley, _Social Organization_, pp. 28-30.
+
+[56] Charles H. Cooley, _Human Nature and the Social Order_, pp. 152-53.
+
+[57] _The Theory of the Leisure Class_ (New York, 1899).
+
+[58] From Edward L. Thorndike, _The Original Nature of Man_, pp. 1-7.
+(Teachers College, Columbia University, 1913. Author's copyright.)
+
+[59] Compiled from Edward L. Thorndike, _The Original Nature of Man_,
+pp. 43-194. (Teachers College, Columbia University, 1913. Author's
+copyright.)
+
+[60] From Robert E. Park, _Principles of Human Behavior_, pp. 9-16. (The
+Zalaz Corporation, 1915.)
+
+[61] Adapted from Milicent W. Shinn, _The Biography of a Baby_, pp.
+20-77. (Houghton Mifflin Co., 1900. Author's copyright.)
+
+[62] From Albert Moll, _Sexual Life of the Child_, pp. 38-49. Translated
+from the German by Dr. Eden Paul. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1902.
+Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[63] From C. S. Myers, "On the Permanence of Racial Differences," in
+_Papers on Inter-racial Problems_, edited by G. Spiller, pp. 74-76. (P.
+S. King & Son, 1911.)
+
+[64] From Edward L. Thorndike, _Individuality_, pp. 1-8. (By permission
+of and special arrangement with Houghton Mifflin Co., 1911.)
+
+[65] From W. E. Hocking, _Human Nature and Its Remaking_, pp. 2-12.
+(Yale University Press, 1918.)
+
+[66] From William G. Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 2-8. (Ginn & Co., 1906.)
+
+[67] Translated and adapted from Ferdinand Tönnies, _Die Sitte_, pp.
+7-14. (Literarische Anstalt, Rütten und Loening, 1909.)
+
+[68] From Viscount Haldane, "Higher Nationality," in _International
+Conciliation_, November, 1913, No. 72, pp. 4-12.
+
+[69] From Th. Ribot, _The Diseases of Personality_, pp. 156-57.
+Translated from the French. (The Open Court Publishing Co., 1891.)
+
+[70] From Morton Prince, "The Unconscious," in the _Journal of Abnormal
+Psychology_, III (1908-9), 277-96, 426.
+
+[71] From Alfred Binet, _Alterations of Personality_, pp. 248-57. (D.
+Appleton & Co., 1896.)
+
+[72] From L. G. Winston, "Myself and I," in the _American Journal of
+Psychology_, XIX (1908), 562-63.
+
+[73] From William James, _The Varieties of Religious Experience_, pp.
+166-73. (Longmans, Green & Co., 1902.)
+
+[74] Translated from V. M. Bekhterev (W. v. Bechterew), _Die
+Persönlichkeit und die Bedingungen ihrer Entwicklung und Gesundheit_,
+pp. 3-5. (J. F. Bergmann, 1906.)
+
+[75] From J. Arthur Thomson, _Heredity_, pp. 244-49. (G. P. Putnam's
+Sons, 1908.)
+
+[76] Adapted from C. B. Davenport, "The Method of Evolution," in Castle,
+Coulter, Davenport, East, and Tower, _Heredity and Eugenics_, pp.
+269-87. (The University of Chicago Press, 1912.)
+
+[77] From Albert G. Keller, _Societal Evolution_, pp. 212-15. (Published
+by The Macmillan Co., 1915. Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[78] From Robert E. Park, "Education in Its Relation to the Conflict and
+Fusion of Cultures," in the _Publications of the American Sociological
+Society_, XIII (1918), 58-63.
+
+[79] Émile Zola, _The Experimental Novel_ (New York, 1893), pp. 8-9.
+Translated from the French by Belle M. Sherman.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+SOCIETY AND THE GROUP
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Society, the Community, and the Group
+
+Human nature and the person are products of society. This is the sum and
+substance of the readings in the preceding chapter. But what, then, is
+society--this web in which the lives of individuals are so inextricably
+interwoven, and which seems at the same time so external and in a sense
+alien to them? From the point of view of common sense, "society" is
+sometimes conceived as the sum total of social institutions. The family,
+the church, industry, the state, all taken together, constitute society.
+In this use of the word, society is identified with social structure,
+something more or less external to individuals.
+
+In accordance with another customary use of the term, "society" denotes
+a collection of persons. This is a vaguer notion but it at least
+identifies society with individuals instead of setting it apart from
+them. But this definition is manifestly superficial. Society is not a
+collection of persons in the sense that a brick pile is a collection of
+bricks. However we may conceive the relation of the parts of society to
+the whole, society is not a mere physical aggregation and not a mere
+mathematical or statistical unit.
+
+Various explanations that strike deeper than surface observation have
+been proposed as solutions for this cardinal problem of the social one
+and the social many; of the relation of society to the individual.
+Society has been described as a tool, an instrument, as it were, an
+extension of the individual organism. The argument runs something like
+this: The human hand, though indeed a part of the physical organism, may
+be regarded as an instrument of the body as a whole. If, as by accident
+it be lost, it is conceivable that a mechanical hand might be
+substituted for it, which, though not a part of the body, would function
+for all practical purposes as a hand of flesh and blood. A hoe may be
+regarded as a highly specialized hand, so also logically, if less
+figuratively, a plow. So the hand of another person if it does your
+bidding may be regarded as your instrument, your hand. Language is
+witness to the fact that employers speak of "the hands" which they
+"work." Social institutions may likewise be thought of as tools of
+individuals for accomplishing their purposes. Logically, therefore,
+society, either as a sum of institutions or as a collection of persons,
+may be conceived of as a sum total of instrumentalities, extensions of
+the functions of the human organism which enable individuals to carry on
+life-activities. From this standpoint society is an immense co-operative
+concern of mutual services.
+
+This latter is an aspect of society which economists have sought to
+isolate and study. From this point of view the relations of individuals
+are conceived as purely external to one another, like that of the plants
+in a plant community. Co-operation, so far as it exists, is competitive
+and "free."
+
+In contrast with the view of society which regards social institutions
+and the community itself as the mere instruments and tools of the
+individuals who compose it, is that which conceives society as resting
+upon biological adaptations, that is to say upon instincts,
+gregariousness, for example, imitation, or like-mindedness. The classic
+examples of societies based on instinct are the social insects, the
+well-known bee and the celebrated ant. In human society the family, with
+its characteristic differences and interdependences of the sexes and the
+age groups, husband and wife, children and parents, most nearly realizes
+this description of society. In so far as the organization of society is
+predetermined by inherited or constitutional differences, as is the case
+pre-eminently in the so-called animal societies, competition ceases and
+the relations of its component individuals become, so to speak,
+internal, and a permanent part of the structure of the group.
+
+The social organization of human beings, on the other hand, the various
+types of social groups, and the changes which take place in them at
+different times under varying circumstances, are determined not merely
+by instincts and by competition but by custom, tradition, public
+opinion, and contract. In animal societies as herds, flocks, and packs,
+collective behavior seems obviously to be explained in terms of instinct
+and emotion. In the case of man, however, instincts are changed into
+habits; emotions, into sentiments. Furthermore, all these forms of
+behavior tend to become conventionalized and thus become relatively
+independent of individuals and of instincts. The behavior of the person
+is thus eventually controlled by the formal standards which, implicit in
+the mores, are explicit in the laws. Society now may be defined as the
+social heritage of _habit and sentiment_, _folkways and mores_,
+_technique and culture_, all of which are incident or necessary to
+collective human behavior.
+
+Human society, then, unlike animal society is mainly a social heritage,
+created in and transmitted by communication. The continuity and life of
+a society depend upon its success in transmitting from one generation to
+the next its folkways, mores, technique, and ideals. From the standpoint
+of collective behavior these cultural traits may all be reduced to the
+one term "consensus." Society viewed abstractly is an organization of
+individuals; considered concretely it is a complex of organized habits,
+sentiments, and social attitudes--in short, consensus.
+
+The terms society, community, and social group are now used by students
+with a certain difference of emphasis but with very little difference in
+meaning. Society is the more abstract and inclusive term, and society is
+made up of social groups, each possessing its own specific type of
+organization but having at the same time all the general characteristics
+of society in the abstract. Community is the term which is applied to
+societies and social groups where they are considered from the point of
+view of the geographical distribution of the individuals and
+institutions of which they are composed. It follows that every community
+is a society, but not every society is a community. An individual may
+belong to many social groups but he will not ordinarily belong to more
+than one community, except in so far as a smaller community of which he
+is a member is included in a larger of which he is also a member.
+However, an individual is not, at least from a sociological point of
+view, a member of a community because he lives in it but rather because,
+and to the extent that, he participates in the common life of the
+community.
+
+The term social group has come into use with the attempts of students to
+classify societies. Societies may be classified with reference to the
+rôle which they play in the organization and life of larger social
+groups or societies. The internal organization of any given social
+group will be determined by its external relation to other groups in the
+society of which it is a part as well as by the relations of individuals
+within the group to one another. A boys' gang, a girls' clique, a
+college class, or a neighborhood conforms to this definition quite as
+much as a labor union, a business enterprise, a political party, or a
+nation. One advantage of the term "group" lies in the fact that it may
+be applied to the smallest as well as to the largest forms of human
+association.
+
+
+2. Classification of the Materials
+
+Society, in the most inclusive sense of that term, the Great Society, as
+Graham Wallas described it, turns out upon analysis to be a
+constellation of other smaller societies, that is to say races, peoples,
+parties, factions, cliques, clubs, etc. The community, the
+world-community, on the other hand, which is merely the Great Society
+viewed from the standpoint of the territorial distribution of its
+members, presents a different series of social groupings and the Great
+Society in this aspect exhibits a totally different pattern. From the
+point of view of the territorial distribution of the individuals that
+constitute it, the world-community is composed of nations, colonies,
+spheres of influence, cities, towns, local communities, neighborhoods,
+and families.
+
+These represent in a rough way the subject-matter of sociological
+science. Their organization, interrelation, constituent elements, and
+the characteristic changes (social processes) which take place in them
+are the phenomena of sociological science.
+
+Human beings as we meet them are mobile entities, variously distributed
+through geographical space. What is the nature of the connection between
+individuals which permits them at the same time to preserve their
+distances and act corporately and consentiently--with a common purpose,
+in short? These distances which separate individuals are not merely
+spatial, they are psychical. Society exists where these distances have
+been _relatively_ overcome. Society exists, in short, not merely where
+there are people but where there is communication.
+
+The materials in this chapter are intended to show (1) the fundamental
+character of the relations which have been established between
+individuals through communication; (2) the gradual evolution of these
+relations in animal and human societies. On the basis of the principle
+thus established it is possible to work out a rational classification of
+social groups.
+
+Espinas defines society in terms of corporate action. Wherever separate
+individuals act together as a unit, where they co-operate as though they
+were parts of the same organism, there he finds society. Society from
+this standpoint is not confined to members of one species, but may be
+composed of different members of species where there is permanent joint
+activity. In the study of symbiosis among animals, it is significant to
+note the presence of structural adaptations in one or both species. In
+the taming and domestication of animals by man the effects of symbiosis
+are manifest. Domestication, by the selection in breeding of traits
+desired by man, changes the original nature of the animal. Taming is
+achieved by control of habits in transferring to man the filial and
+gregarious responses of the young naturally given to its parents and
+members of its kind. Man may be thought of as domesticated through
+natural social selection. Eugenics is a conscious program of further
+domestication by the elimination of defective physical and mental racial
+traits and by the improvement of the racial stock through the social
+selection of superior traits. Taming has always been a function of human
+society, but it is dignified by such denominations as "education,"
+"social control," "punishment," and "reformation."
+
+The plant community offers the simplest and least qualified example of
+the community. Plant life, in fact, offers an illustration of a
+_community_ which is _not a society_. It is not a society because it is
+an organization of individuals whose relations, if not wholly external,
+are, at any rate, "unsocial" in so far as there is no consensus. The
+plant community is interesting, moreover, because it exhibits in the
+barest abstraction, the character of _competitive co-operation_, the
+aspect of social life which constitutes part of the special
+subject-matter of economic science.
+
+This struggle for existence, in some form or other, is in fact essential
+to the existence of society. Competition, segregation, and accommodation
+serve to maintain the social distances, to fix the status, and preserve
+the independence of the individual in the social relation. A society in
+which all distances, physical as well as psychical, had been abolished,
+in which there was neither taboo, prejudice, nor reserve of any sort; a
+society in which the intimacies were absolute, would be a society in
+which there were neither persons nor freedom. The processes of
+competition, segregation, and accommodation brought out in the
+description of the plant community are quite comparable with the same
+processes in animal and human communities. A village, town, city, or
+nation may be studied from the standpoint of the adaptation, struggle
+for existence, and survival of its individual members in the environment
+created by the community as a whole.
+
+Society, as Dewey points out, if based on instinct is an effect of
+communication. _Consensus_ even more than _co-operation_ or _corporate
+action_ is the distinctive mark of human society. Dewey, however, seems
+to restrict the use of consensus to group decisions in which all the
+members consciously and rationally participate. Tradition and sentiment
+are, however, forms of consensus quite as much as constitutions, rules,
+and elections.
+
+Le Bon's classification of social groups into heterogeneous and
+homogeneous crowds, while interesting and suggestive, is clearly
+inadequate. Many groups familiar to all of us, as the family, the
+play-group, the neighborhood, the public, find no place in his
+system.[80]
+
+Concrete descriptions of group behavior indicate three elements in the
+consensus of the members of the group. The first is the characteristic
+state of group feeling called _esprit de corps_. The enthusiasm of the
+two sides in a football contest, the ecstasy of religious ceremonial,
+the fellowship of members of a fraternity, the brotherhood of a monastic
+band are all different manifestations of group spirit.
+
+The second element in consensus has become familiar through the term
+"morale." Morale may be defined as the collective will. Like the will of
+the individual it represents an organization of behavior tendencies. The
+discipline of the individual, his subordination to the group, lies in
+his participation and reglementation in social activities.
+
+The third element of consensus which makes for unified behavior of the
+members of the group has been analyzed by Durkheim under the term
+"collective representations." Collective representations are the
+concepts which embody the objectives of group activity.
+
+The totem of primitive man, the flag of a nation, a religious creed, the
+number system, and Darwin's theory of the descent of man--all these are
+collective representations. Every society and every social group has, or
+tends to have, its own symbols and its own language. The language and
+other symbolic devices by which a society carries on its collective
+existence are collective representations. Animals do not possess them.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+
+A. SOCIETY AND SYMBIOSIS
+
+1. Definition of Society[81]
+
+The idea of society is that of a permanent co-operation in which
+separate living beings undertake to accomplish an identical act. These
+beings may find themselves brought by their conditions to a point where
+their co-operation forces them to group themselves in space in some
+definite form, but it is by no means necessary that they should be in
+juxtaposition for them to act together and thus to form a society. A
+customary reciprocation of services among more or less independent
+individualities is the characteristic feature of the social life, a
+feature that contact or remoteness does not essentially modify, nor the
+apparent disorder nor the regular disposition of the parties in space.
+
+Two beings may then form what is to the eyes a single mass, and may
+live, not only in contact with each other, but even in a state of mutual
+penetration without constituting a society. It is enough in such a case
+that one looks at them as entirely distinct, that their activities tend
+to opposite or merely different ends. If their functions, instead of
+co-operating, diverge; if the good of one is the evil of the other,
+whatever the intimacy of their contact may be, no social bond unites
+them.
+
+But the nature of the functions and the form of the organs are
+inseparable. If two beings are endowed with functions that necessarily
+combine, they are also endowed with organs, if not similar, at least
+corresponding. And these beings with like or corresponding organs are
+either of the same species or of very nearly the same species.
+
+However, circumstances may be met where two beings with quite different
+organs and belonging even to widely remote species may be accidentally
+and at a single point useful to each other. A habitual relation may be
+established between their activities, but only on this one point, and in
+the time limits in which the usefulness exists. Such a case gives the
+occasion, if not for a society, at least for an association; that is to
+say, a union less necessary, less strict, less durable, may find its
+origin in such a meeting. In other words, beside the normal societies
+formed of elements specifically alike, which cannot exist without each
+other, there will be room for more accidental groupings, formed of
+elements more or less specifically unlike, which convenience unites and
+not necessity. We will commence with a study of the latter.
+
+To society the most alien relations of two living beings which can be
+produced are those of the predator and his prey. In general, the
+predator is bulkier than his prey, since he overcomes him and devours
+him. Yet smaller ones sometimes attack larger creatures, consuming them,
+however, by instalments, and letting them live that they themselves may
+live on them as long as possible. In such a case they are forced to
+remain for a longer or a shorter time attached to the body of their
+victim, carried about by it wherever the vicissitudes of its life lead
+them. Such animals have received the name of parasites. Parasitism forms
+the line inside of which our subject begins; for if one can imagine that
+the parasite, instead of feeding on the animal from whom he draws his
+subsistence, is content to live on the remains of the other's meals, one
+will find himself in the presence, not yet of an actual society, but of
+half the conditions of a society; that is to say, a relation between two
+beings such that, all antagonism ceasing, one of the two is useful to
+the other. Such is commensalism. However, this association does not yet
+offer the essential element of all society, co-operation. There is
+co-operation when the commensal is not less useful to his host than the
+latter is to the commensal himself, when the two are concerned in living
+in a reciprocal relation and in developing their double activity in
+corresponding ways toward a single and an identical goal. One has given
+to this mode of activity the name of mutualism. Domestication is only
+one form of it. Parasitism, commensalism, mutualism, exist with animals
+among the different species.
+
+
+2. Symbiosis (literally "living together")[82]
+
+In gaining their wide and intimate acquaintance with the vegetable world
+the ants have also become acquainted with a large number of insects that
+obtain their nutriment directly from plants, either by sucking up their
+juices or by feeding on their foliage. To the former group belong the
+phytophthorous Homoptera, the plant lice, scale insects, or mealy bugs,
+tree-hoppers, lantern flies, and jumping plant lice; to the latter
+belong the caterpillars of the lycaenid butterflies, the "blues," or
+"azures," as they are popularly called. All of these creatures excrete
+liquids which are eagerly sought by the ants and constitute the whole,
+or, at any rate, an important part of the food of certain species. In
+return the Homoptera and caterpillars receive certain services from the
+ants, so that the relations thus established between these widely
+different insects may be regarded as a kind of symbiosis. These
+relations are most apparent in the case of the aphids, and these insects
+have been more often and more closely studied in Europe and America.
+
+The consociation of the ants with the aphids is greatly facilitated by
+the gregarious and rather sedentary habits of the latter, especially in
+their younger, wingless stages, for the ants are thus enabled to obtain
+a large amount of food without losing time and energy in ranging far
+afield from their nests. Then, too, the ants may establish their nests
+in the immediate vicinity of the aphid droves or actually keep them in
+their nests or in "sheds" carefully constructed for the purpose.
+
+Some ants obtain the honey-dew merely by licking the surface of the
+leaves and stems on which it has fallen, but many species have learned
+to stroke the aphids and induce them to void the liquid gradually so
+that it can be imbibed directly. A drove of plant lice, especially when
+it is stationed on young and succulent leaves or twigs, may produce
+enough honey-dew to feed a whole colony of ants for a considerable
+period.
+
+As the relations between ants and the various Homoptera have been
+regarded as mutualistic, it may be well to marshal the facts which seem
+to warrant this interpretation. The term "mutualism" as applied to these
+cases means, of course, that the aphids, coccids, and membracids are of
+service to the ants and in turn profit by the companionship of these
+more active and aggressive insects. Among the modifications in structure
+and behavior which may be regarded as indicating on the part of aphids
+unmistakable evidence of adaptation to living with ants, the following
+may be cited:
+
+1. The aphids do not attempt to escape from the ants or to defend
+themselves with their siphons, but accept the presence of these
+attendants as a matter of course.
+
+2. The aphids respond to the solicitations of the ants by extruding the
+droplets of honey-dew gradually and not by throwing them off to a
+distance with a sudden jerk, as they do in the absence of ants.
+
+3. Many species of Aphididae that live habitually with ants have
+developed a perianal circlet of stiff hairs which support the drop of
+honey-dew till it can be imbibed by the ants. This circlet is lacking in
+aphids that are rarely or never visited by ants.
+
+4. Certain observations go to show that aphids, when visited by ants,
+extract more of the plant juices than when unattended.
+
+The adaptations on the part of the ants are, with a single doubtful
+exception, all modifications in behavior and not in structure.
+
+1. Ants do not seize and kill aphids as they do when they encounter
+other sedentary defenseless insects.
+
+2. The ants stroke the aphids in a particular manner in order to make
+them excrete the honey-dew, and know exactly where to expect the
+evacuated liquid.
+
+3. The ants protect the aphids. Several observers have seen the ants
+driving away predatory insects.
+
+4. Many aphidicolous ants, when disturbed, at once seize and carry their
+charges in their mandibles to a place of safety, showing very plainly
+their sense of ownership and interest in these helpless creatures.
+
+5. This is also exhibited by all ants that harbor root-aphids and
+root-coccids in their nests. Not only are these insects kept in
+confinement by the ants, but they are placed by them on the roots. In
+order to do this the ants remove the earth from the surfaces of the
+roots and construct galleries and chambers around them so that the
+Homoptera may have easy access to their food and even move about at
+will.
+
+6. Many ants construct, often at some distance from their nests, little
+closed pavilions or sheds of earth, carton, or silk, as a protection for
+their cattle and for themselves. The singular habit may be merely a more
+recent development from the older and more general habit of excavating
+tunnels and chambers about roots and subterranean stems.
+
+7. The solicitude of the ants not only envelops the adult aphids and
+coccids, but extends also to their eggs and young. Numerous observers
+have observed ants in the autumn collecting and storing aphid eggs in
+the chambers of their nests, caring for them through the winter and in
+the spring placing the recently hatched plant lice on the stems and
+roots of the plants.
+
+In the foregoing I have discussed the ethological relations of ants to a
+variety of other organisms. This, however, did not include an account of
+some of the most interesting symbiotic relations, namely, those of the
+ants to other species of their own taxonomic group and to termites. This
+living together of colonies of different species may be properly
+designated as social symbiosis, to distinguish it from the simple
+symbiosis that obtains between individual organisms of different species
+and the intermediate form of symbiosis exhibited by individual organisms
+that live in ant or termite colonies.
+
+The researches of the past forty years have brought to light a
+remarkable array of instances of social symbiosis, varying so much in
+intimacy and complexity that it is possible to construct a series
+ranging from mere simultaneous occupancy of a very narrow ethological
+station, or mere contiguity of domicile, to an actual fusion, involving
+the vital dependence or parasitism of a colony of one species on that of
+another. Such a series is, of course, purely conceptual and does not
+represent the actual course of development in nature, where, as in the
+animal and vegetable kingdoms in general, development has not followed a
+simple linear course, but has branched out repeatedly and terminated in
+the varied types at the present time.
+
+It is convenient to follow the European writers, von Hagens, Forel,
+Wasmann, and others, in grouping all the cases of social symbiosis under
+two heads, the compound nests and the mixed colonies. Different species
+of ants or of ants and termites are said to form compound nests when
+their galleries are merely contiguous or actually interpenetrate and
+open into one another, although the colonies which inhabit them bring
+up their respective offspring in different apartments. In mixed
+colonies, on the other hand, which, in a state of nature, can be formed
+only by species of ants of close taxonomic affinities, the insects live
+together in a single nest and bring up their young in common. Although
+each of these categories comprises a number of dissimilar types of
+social symbiosis, and although it is possible, under certain
+circumstances, as will be shown in the sequel, to convert a compound
+nest into a mixed colony, the distinction is nevertheless fundamental.
+It must be admitted, however, that both types depend in last analysis on
+the dependent, adoption-seeking instincts of the queen ant and on the
+remarkable plasticity which enables allied species and genera to live in
+very close proximity to one another. By a strange paradox these
+peculiarities have been produced in the struggle for existence, although
+this struggle is severer among different species of ants than between
+ants and other organisms. As Forel says: "The greatest enemies of ants
+are other ants, just as the greatest enemies of men are other men."
+
+
+3. The Taming and the Domestication of Animals[83]
+
+Primitive man was a hunter almost before he had the intelligence to use
+weapons, and from the earliest times he must have learned something
+about the habits of the wild animals he pursued for food or for
+pleasure, or from which he had to escape. It was probably as a hunter
+that he first came to adopt young animals which he found in the woods or
+the plains, and made the surprising discovery that these were willing to
+remain under his protection and were pleasing and useful. He passed
+gradually from being a hunter to becoming a keeper of flocks and herds.
+From these early days to the present time, the human race has taken an
+interest in the lower animals, and yet extremely few have been really
+domesticated. The living world would seem to offer an almost unlimited
+range of creatures which might be turned to our profit and as
+domesticated animals minister to our comfort or convenience. And yet it
+seems as if there were some obstacle rooted in the nature of animals or
+in the powers of man, for the date of the adoption by man of the few
+domesticated species lies in remote, prehistoric antiquity. The surface
+of the earth has been explored, the physiology of breeding and feeding
+has been studied, our knowledge of the animal kingdom has been vastly
+increased, and yet there is hardly a beast bred in the farm-yard today
+with which the men who made stone weapons were not acquainted and which
+they had not tamed. Most of the domestic animals of Europe, America, and
+Asia came originally from Central Asia, and have spread thence in charge
+of their masters, the primitive hunters who captured them.
+
+No monkeys have been domesticated. Of the carnivores only the cat and
+the dog are truly domesticated. Of the ungulates there are horses and
+asses, pigs, cattle, sheep, goats, and reindeer. Among rodents there are
+rabbits and guinea-pigs, and possibly some of the fancy breeds of rats
+and mice should be included. Among birds there are pigeons, fowls,
+peacocks, and guinea-fowl, and aquatic birds such as swans, geese, and
+ducks, whilst the only really domesticated passerine bird is the canary.
+Goldfish are domesticated, and the invertebrate bees and silk-moths must
+not be forgotten. It is not very easy to draw a line between
+domesticated animals and animals that are often bred in partial or
+complete captivity. Such antelopes as elands, fallow-deer, roe-deer, and
+the ostriches of ostrich farms are on the border-line of being
+domesticated.
+
+It is also difficult to be quite certain as to what is meant by a tame
+animal. Cockroaches usually scuttle away when they are disturbed and
+seem to have learnt that human beings have a just grievance against
+them. But many people have no horror of them. A pretty girl, clean and
+dainty in her ways, and devoted to all kinds of animals, used to like
+sitting in a kitchen that was infested with these repulsive creatures,
+and told me that when she was alone they would run over her dress and
+were not in the least startled when she took them up. I have heard of a
+butterfly which used to come and sip sugar from the hand of a lady; and
+those who have kept spiders and ants declare that these intelligent
+creatures learn to distinguish their friends. So also fish, like the
+great carp in the garden of the palace of Fontainebleau, and many fishes
+in aquaria and private ponds, learn to come to be fed. I do not think,
+however, that these ought to be called tame animals. Most of the wild
+animals in menageries very quickly learn to distinguish one person from
+another, to obey the call of their keeper and to come to be fed,
+although certainly they would be dangerous even to the keeper if he
+were to enter their cages. To my mind, tameness is something more than
+merely coming to be fed, and, in fact, many tame animals are least tame
+when they are feeding. Young carnivores, for instance, which can be
+handled freely and are affectionate, very seldom can be touched whilst
+they are feeding. The real quality of tameness is that the tame animal
+is not merely tolerant of the presence of man, not merely has learned to
+associate him with food, but takes some kind of pleasure in human
+company and shows some kind of affection.
+
+On the other hand, we must not take our idea of tameness merely from the
+domesticated animals. These have been bred for many generations, and
+those that were most wild and that showed any resistance to man were
+killed or allowed to escape. Dogs are always taken as the supreme
+example of tameness, and sentimentalists have almost exhausted the
+resources of language in praising them. Like most people, I am very fond
+of dogs, but it is an affection without respect. Dogs breed freely in
+captivity, and in the enormous period of time that has elapsed since the
+first hunters adopted wild puppies there has been a constant selection
+by man, and every dog that showed any independence of spirit has been
+killed off. Man has tried to produce a purely subservient creature, and
+has succeeded in his task. No doubt a dog is faithful and affectionate,
+but he would be shot or drowned or ordered to be destroyed by the local
+magistrate if he were otherwise. A small vestige of the original spirit
+has been left in him, merely from the ambition of his owners to possess
+an animal that will not bite them, but will bite anyone else. And even
+this watch-dog trait is mechanical, for the guardian of the house will
+worry the harmless, necessary postman, and welcome the bold burglar with
+fawning delight. The dog is a slave, and the crowning evidence of his
+docility, that he will fawn on the person who has beaten him, is the
+result of his character having been bred out of him. The dog is an
+engaging companion, an animated toy more diverting than the cleverest
+piece of clockwork, but it is only our colossal vanity that makes us
+take credit for the affection and faithfulness of our own particular
+animal. The poor beast cannot help it; all else has been bred out of him
+generations ago.
+
+When wild animals become tame, they are really extending or transferring
+to human beings the confidence and affection they naturally give their
+mothers, and this view will be found to explain more facts about
+tameness than any other. Every creature that would naturally enjoy
+maternal, or it would be better to say parental, care, as the father
+sometimes shares in or takes upon himself the duty of guarding the
+young, is ready to transfer its devotion to other animals or to human
+beings, if the way be made easy for it, and if it be treated without too
+great violation of its natural instincts. The capacity to be tamed is
+greatest in those animals that remain longest with their parents and
+that are most intimately associated with them. The capacity to learn new
+habits is greatest in those animals which naturally learn most from
+their parents, and in which the period of youth is not merely a period
+of growing, a period of the awakening of instincts, but a time in which
+a real education takes place. These capacities of being tamed and of
+learning new habits are greater in the higher mammals than in the lower
+mammals, in mammals than in birds, and in birds than in reptiles. They
+are very much greater in very young animals, where dependence on the
+parents is greatest, than in older animals, and they gradually fade away
+as the animal grows up, and are least of all in fully grown and
+independent creatures of high intelligence.
+
+Young animals born in captivity are no more easy to tame than those
+which have been taken from the mother in her native haunts. If they
+remain with the mother, they very often grow up even shyer and more
+intolerant of man than the mothers themselves. There is no inherited
+docility or tameness, and a general survey of the facts fully bears out
+my belief that the process of taming is almost entirely a transference
+to human beings of the confidence and affection that a young animal
+would naturally give its mother. The process of domestication is
+different, and requires breeding a race of animals in captivity for many
+generations and gradually weeding out those in which youthful tameness
+is replaced by the wild instinct of adult life, and so creating a strain
+with new and abnormal instincts.
+
+
+B. PLANT COMMUNITIES AND ANIMAL SOCIETIES
+
+
+1. Plant Communities[84]
+
+Certain species group themselves into natural associations, that is to
+say, into communities which we meet with more or less frequently and
+which exhibit the same combination of growth-forms and the same facies.
+As examples in northern Europe may be cited a meadow with its grasses
+and perennial herbs, or a beech forest with its beech trees and all the
+species usually accompanying these. Species that form a community must
+either practice the same economy, making approximately the same demands
+on its environment (as regards nourishment, light, moisture, and so
+forth), or one species present must be dependent for its existence upon
+another species, sometimes to such an extent that the latter provides it
+with what is necessary or even best suited to it (Oxalis Acetosella and
+saprophytes which profit from the shade of the beech and from its humus
+soil); a kind of symbiosis seems to prevail between such species. In
+fact, one often finds, as in beech forests, that the plants growing
+under the shade and protection of other species, and belonging to the
+most diverse families, assume growth-forms that are very similar to one
+another, but essentially different from those of the forest trees,
+which, in their turn, often agree with one another.
+
+The ecological analysis of a plant-community leads to the recognition of
+the growth-forms composing it as its ultimate units. From what has just
+been said in regard to growth-forms it follows that species of very
+diverse physiognomy can very easily occur together in the same natural
+community. But beyond this, as already indicated, species differing
+widely, not only in physiognomy but also in their whole economy, may be
+associated. We may therefore expect to find both great variety of form
+and complexity of interrelations among the species composing a natural
+community; as an example we may cite the richest of all types of
+communities--the tropical rain-forest. It may also be noted that the
+physiognomy of a community is not necessarily the same at all times of
+the year, the distinction sometimes being caused by a rotation of
+species.
+
+The different communities, it need hardly be stated, are scarcely ever
+sharply marked off from one another. Just as soil, moisture, and other
+external conditions are connected by the most gradual transitions, so
+likewise are the plant-communities, especially in cultivated lands. In
+addition, the same species often occur in several widely different
+communities; for example, Linnaea borealis grows not only in coniferous
+forests, but also in birch woods, and even high above the tree limit on
+the mountains of Norway and on the fell-fields of Greenland. It appears
+that different combinations of external factors can replace one another
+and bring into existence approximately the same community, or at least
+can satisfy equally well one and the same species, and that, for
+instance, a moist climate often completely replaces the forest shade of
+dry climates.
+
+The term "community" implies a diversity but at the same time a certain
+organized uniformity in the units. The units are the many individual
+plants that occur in every community, whether this be a beech forest, a
+meadow, or a heath. Uniformity is established when certain atmospheric,
+terrestrial, and other factors are co-operative, and appears either
+because a certain defined economy makes its impress on the community as
+a whole, or because a number of different growth-forms are combined to
+form a single aggregate which has a definite and constant guise.
+
+The analysis of a plant-community usually reveals one or more of the
+kinds of symbiosis as illustrated by parasites, saprophytes, epiphytes,
+and the like. There is scarce a forest or a bushland where examples of
+these forms of symbiosis are lacking; if, for instance, we investigate
+the tropical rain-forest we are certain to find in it all conceivable
+kinds of symbiosis. But the majority of individuals of a plant-community
+are linked by bonds other than those mentioned--bonds that are best
+described as _commensal_. The term _commensalism_ is due to Van Beneden,
+who wrote, "Le commensal est simplement un compagnon de table"; but we
+employ it in a somewhat different sense to denote the relationship
+subsisting between species which share with one another the supply of
+food-material contained in soil and air, and thus feed at the same
+table.
+
+More detailed analysis of the plant-community reveals very considerable
+distinctions among commensals. Some relationships are considered in the
+succeeding paragraphs.
+
+_Like commensals._--When a plant-community consists solely of
+individuals belonging to one species--for example, solely of beech,
+ling, or Aira flexuosa--then we have the purest example of like
+commensals. These all make the same demands as regards nutriment, soil,
+light, and other like conditions; as each species requires a certain
+amount of space and as there is scarcely ever sufficient nutriment for
+all the offspring, a struggle for food arises among the plants so soon
+as the space is occupied by the definite numbers of individuals which,
+according to the species, can develop thereon. The individuals lodged in
+unfavorable places and the weaklings are vanquished and exterminated.
+This competitive struggle takes place in all plant-communities, with
+perhaps the sole exceptions of sub-glacial communities and in deserts.
+In these _open communities_ the soil is very often or always so open and
+so irregularly clothed that there is space for many more individuals
+than are actually present; the cause for this is obviously to be sought
+in the climatically unfavorable conditions of life, which either prevent
+plants from producing seed and other propagative bodies in sufficient
+numbers to clothe the ground or prevent the development of seedlings. On
+such soil one can scarcely speak of a competitive struggle for
+existence; in this case a struggle takes place between the plant and
+inanimate nature, but to little or no extent between plant and plant.
+
+That a congregation of individuals belonging to one species into one
+community may be profitable to the species is evident; it may obviously
+in several ways aid in maintaining the existence of the species, for
+instance, by facilitating abundant and certain fertilization (especially
+in anemophilous plants) and maturation of seeds; in addition, the social
+mode of existence may confer other less-known advantages. But, on the
+other hand, it brings with it greater danger of serious damage and
+devastation wrought by parasites.
+
+The bonds that hold like individuals to a like habitat are, as already
+indicated, identical demands as regards existence, and these demands are
+satisfied in their precise habitat to such an extent that the species
+can maintain itself here against rivals. Natural unmixed associations of
+forest trees are the result of struggles with other species. But there
+are differences as regards the ease with which a community can arise and
+establish itself. Some species are more social than others, that is to
+say, better fitted to form communities. The causes for this are
+biological, in that some species, like Phragmites, Scirpus lacustris,
+Psamma (Ammophila) arenaria, Tussilago, Farfara, and Asperula odorata,
+multiply very readily by means of stolons; or others, such as Cirsium
+arvense, and Sonchus arvensis, produce buds from their roots; or yet
+others produce numerous seeds which are easily dispersed and may remain
+for a long time capable of germinating, as is the case with Calluna,
+Picea excelsa, and Pinus; or still other species, such as beech and
+spruce, have the power of enduring shade or even suppressing other
+species by the shade they cast. A number of species, such as Pteris
+aquilina, Acorus Calamus, Lemna minor, and Hypnum Schreberi, which are
+social, and likewise very widely distributed, multiply nearly
+exclusively by vegetative means, rarely or never producing fruit. On the
+contrary, certain species, for example, many orchids and Umbelliferae,
+nearly always grow singly.
+
+In the case of many species certain geological conditions have favored
+their grouping together into pure communities. The forests of northern
+Europe are composed of few species, and are not mixed in the same sense
+as are those in the tropics, or even those in Austria and other southern
+parts of Europe: the cause for this may be that the soil is geologically
+very recent, inasmuch as the time that has elapsed since the glacial
+epoch swept it clear has been too short to permit the immigration of
+many competitive species.
+
+_Unlike commensals._--The case of a community consisting of individuals
+belonging to one species is, strictly speaking, scarcely ever met with;
+but the dominant individuals of a community may belong to a single
+species, as in the case of a beech forest, spruce forest, or ling
+heath--and only thus far does the case proceed. In general, many species
+grow side by side, and many different growth-forms and types of
+symbiosis, in the extended sense, are found collected in a community.
+For even when one species occupies an area as completely as the nature
+of the soil will permit, other species can find room and can grow
+between its individuals; in fact, if the soil is to be completely
+covered the vegetation must necessarily always be heterogeneous. The
+greatest aggregate of existence arises where the greatest diversity
+prevails. The kind of communal life resulting will depend upon the
+nature of the demands made by the species in regard to conditions of
+life. As in human communities, so in this case, the _struggle between
+the like_ is the _most severe_, that is, between the species making more
+or less the same demands and wanting the same dishes from the common
+table. In a tropical mixed forest there are hundreds of species of trees
+growing together in such profuse variety that the eye can scarce see at
+one time two individuals of the same species, yet all of them
+undoubtedly represent tolerable uniformity in the demands they make as
+regards conditions of life, and in so far they are alike. And among them
+a severe competition for food must be taking place. In those cases in
+which certain species readily grow in each other's company--and cases of
+this kind are familiar to florists--when, for instance, Isoetes, Lobelia
+Dortmanna, and Litorella lacustris occur together--the common demands
+made as regards external conditions obviously form the bond that unites
+them. Between such species a competitive struggle must take place. Which
+of the species shall be represented by the greatest number of
+individuals certainly often depends upon casual conditions, a slight
+change in one direction or the other doubtless often playing a decisive
+rôle; but apart from this it appears that morphological and biological
+features, for example, development at a different season, may change the
+nature of the competition.
+
+Yet there are in every plant-community numerous species which _differ
+widely_ in the demands they make for light, heat, nutriment, and so on.
+Between such species there is less competition, the greater the
+disparity in their wants; the case is quite conceivable in which the
+_one species should require exactly what the other would avoid_; the two
+species would then be complementary to one another in their occupation
+and utilization of the same soil.
+
+There are also obvious cases in which different species are of service
+to each other. The carpet of moss in a pine forest, for example,
+protects the soil from desiccation and is thus useful to the pine; yet,
+on the other hand, it profits from the shade cast by the latter.
+
+As a rule, limited numbers of definite species are the most potent, and,
+like absolute monarchs, can hold sway over the whole area; while other
+species, though possibly present in far greater numbers than these, are
+subordinate or even dependent on them. This is the case where
+subordinate species only flourish in the shade or among the fallen
+fragments of dominant species. Such is obviously the relationship
+between trees and many plants growing on the ground of high forest, such
+as mosses, fungi, and other saprophytes, ferns, Oxalis Acetosella, and
+their associates. In this case, then, there is a commensalism in which
+individuals feed at the same table but on different fare. An additional
+factor steps in when species do not absorb their nutriment at the same
+season of the year. Many spring plants--for instance, Galanthus nivalis,
+Corydalis solida, and C. cava--have withered before the summer plants
+commence properly to develop. Certain species of animals are likewise
+confined to certain plant-communities. But one and the same tall plant
+may, in different places or soils, have different species of lowly
+plants as companions; the companion plants of high beech forests depend,
+for instance, upon climate and upon the nature of the forest soil; Pinus
+nigra, according to von Beck, can maintain under it in the different
+parts of Europe a Pontic, a central European, or a Baltic vegetation.
+
+There are certain points of resemblance between communities of plants
+and those of human beings or animals; one of these is the competition
+for food which takes place between similar individuals and causes the
+weaker to be more or less suppressed. But far greater are the
+distinctions. The plant-community is the lowest form; it is merely a
+congregation of units, among which there is no co-operation for the
+common weal, but rather a ceaseless struggle of all against all. Only in
+a loose sense can we speak of certain individuals protecting others, as
+for example, when the outermost and most exposed individuals of scrub
+serve to shelter from the wind others, which consequently become taller
+and finer; for they do not afford protection from any special motive,
+such as is met with in some animal communities, nor are they in any way
+specially adapted to act as guardians against a common foe. In the
+plant-community egoism reigns supreme. The plant-community has no higher
+units or personages in the sense employed in connection with human
+communities, which have their own organizations and their members
+co-operating, as prescribed by law, for the common good. In
+plant-communities there is, it is true, often (or always) a certain
+natural dependence or reciprocal influence of many species upon one
+another; they give rise to definite organized units of a higher order;
+but there is no thorough or organized division of labor such as is met
+with in human and animal communities, where certain individuals or
+groups of individuals work as organs, in the wide sense of the term, for
+the benefit of the whole community.
+
+Woodhead has suggested the term _complementary association_ to denote a
+community of species that live together in harmony, because their
+rhizomes occupy different depths in the soil; for example, he described
+an "association" in which Holcus mollis is the "surface plant," Pteris
+aquilina has deeper-seated rhizomes, and Scilla festalis buries its
+bulbs at the greatest depth. The photophilous parts of these plants are
+"seasonably complementary." The opposite extreme is provided by
+_competitive associations_, composed of species that are battling with
+each other.
+
+
+2. Ant Society[85]
+
+There is certainly a striking parallelism between the development of
+human and ant societies. Some anthropologists, like Topinard,
+distinguish in the development of human societies six different types or
+stages, designated as the hunting, pastoral, agricultural, commercial,
+industrial, and intellectual. The ants show stages corresponding to the
+first three of these, as Lubbock has remarked.
+
+ Some species, such as _Formica fusca_, live principally on the
+ produce of the chase; for though they feed partially on the
+ honey-dew of aphids, they have not domesticated these insects.
+ These ants probably retain the habits once common to all ants.
+ They resemble the lower races of men, who subsist mainly by
+ hunting. Like them they frequent woods and wilds, live in
+ comparatively small communities, as the instincts of collective
+ action are but little developed among them. They hunt singly,
+ and their battles are single combats, like those of Homeric
+ heroes. Such species as _Lasius flavus_ represent a distinctly
+ higher type of social life; they show more skill in
+ architecture, may literally be said to have domesticated
+ certain species of aphids, and may be compared to the pastoral
+ stage of human progress--to the races which live on the
+ products of their flocks and herds. Their communities are more
+ numerous; they act much more in concert; their battles are not
+ mere single combats, but they know how to act in combination. I
+ am disposed to hazard the conjecture that they will gradually
+ exterminate the mere hunting species, just as savages disappear
+ before more advanced races. Lastly, the agricultural nations
+ may be compared with the harvesting ants.
+
+Granting the resemblances above mentioned between ant and human
+societies, there are nevertheless three far-reaching differences between
+insect and human organization and development to be constantly borne in
+mind:
+
+a) Ant societies are societies of females. The males really take no
+part in the colonial activities, and in most species are present in the
+nest only for the brief period requisite to secure the impregnation of
+the young queens. The males take no part in building, provisioning, or
+guarding the nest or in feeding the workers or the brood. They are in
+every sense the _sexus sequior_. Hence the ants resemble certain
+mythical human societies like the Amazons, but unlike these, all their
+activities center in the multiplication and care of the coming
+generations.
+
+b) In human society, apart from the functions depending on sexual
+dimorphism, and barring individual differences and deficiencies which
+can be partially or wholly suppressed, equalized, or augmented by an
+elaborate system of education, all individuals have the same natural
+endowment. Each normal individual retains its various physiological and
+psychological needs and powers intact, not necessarily sacrificing any
+of them for the good of the community. In ants, however, the female
+individuals, of which the society properly consists, are not all alike
+but often very different, both in their structure (polymorphism) and in
+their activities (physiological division of labor). Each member is
+_visibly_ predestined to certain social activities to the exclusion of
+others, not as a man through the education of some endowment common to
+all the members of the society, but through the exigencies of structure,
+fixed at the time of hatching, i.e., the moment the individual enters on
+its life as an active member of the community.
+
+c) Owing to this pre-established structure and the specialized
+functions which it implies, ants are able to live in a condition of
+anarchistic socialism, each individual instinctively fulfilling the
+demands of social life without "guide, overseer, or ruler," as Solomon
+correctly observed, but not without the imitation and suggestion
+involved in an appreciation of the activities of its fellows.
+
+An ant society, therefore, may be regarded as little more than an
+expanded family, the members of which co-operate for the purpose of
+still further expanding the family and detaching portions of itself to
+found other families of the same kind. There is thus a striking analogy,
+which has not escaped the philosophical biologist, between the ant
+colony and the cell colony which constitutes the body of a Metazoan
+animal; and many of the laws that control the cellular origin,
+development, growth, reproduction, and decay of the individual Metazoan,
+are seen to hold good also of the ant society regarded as an individual
+of a higher order. As in the case of the individual animal, no further
+purpose of the colony can be detected than that of maintaining itself
+in the face of a constantly changing environment till it is able to
+reproduce other colonies of a like constitution. The queen-mother of the
+ant colony displays the generalized potentialities of all the
+individuals, just as the Metazoan egg contains _in potentia_ all the
+other cells of the body. And, continuing the analogy, we may say that
+since the different castes of the ant colony are morphologically
+specialized for the performance of different functions, they are truly
+comparable with the differentiated tissues of the Metazoan body.
+
+
+C. HUMAN SOCIETY
+
+
+1. Social Life[86]
+
+The most notable distinction between living and inanimate beings is that
+the former maintain themselves by renewal. A stone when struck resists.
+If its resistance is greater than the force of the blow struck, it
+remains outwardly unchanged. Otherwise, it is shattered into smaller
+bits. Never does the stone attempt to react in such a way that it may
+maintain itself against the blow, much less so as to render the blow a
+contributing factor to its own continued action. While the living thing
+may easily be crushed by superior force, it none the less tries to turn
+the energies which act upon it into means of its own further existence.
+If it cannot do so, it does not just split into smaller pieces (at least
+in the higher forms of life), but loses its identity as a living thing.
+
+As long as it endures, it struggles to use surrounding energies in its
+own behalf. It uses light, air, moisture, and the material of soil. To
+say that it uses them is to say that it turns them into means of its own
+conservation. As long as it is growing, the energy it expends in thus
+turning the environment to account is more than compensated for by the
+return it gets: it grows. Understanding the word "control" in this
+sense, it may be said that a living being is one that subjugates and
+controls for its own continued activity the energies that would
+otherwise use it up. Life is a self-renewing process through action upon
+the environment. Continuity of life means continual readaptation of the
+environment to the needs of living organisms.
+
+We have been speaking of life in its lowest terms--as a physical thing.
+But we use the word "life" to denote the whole range of experience,
+individual and racial. When we see a book called the _Life of Lincoln_
+we do not expect to find within its covers a treatise on physiology. We
+look for an account of social antecedents; a description of early
+surroundings, of the conditions and occupation of the family; of the
+chief episodes in the development of character; of signal struggles and
+achievements; of the individual's hopes, tastes, joys, and sufferings.
+In precisely similar fashion we speak of the life of a savage tribe, of
+the Athenian people, of the American nation. "Life" covers customs,
+institutions, beliefs, victories and defeats, recreations and
+occupations.
+
+We employ the word "experience" in the same pregnant sense. And to it,
+as well as to life in the bare physiological sense, the principle of
+continuity through renewal applies. With the renewal of physical
+existence goes, in the case of human beings, the re-creation of beliefs,
+ideals, hopes, happiness, misery, and practices. The continuity of any
+experience, through renewing of the social group, is a literal fact.
+Education, in its broadest sense, is the means of this social continuity
+of life. Every one of the constituent elements of a social group, in a
+modern city as in a savage tribe, is born immature, helpless, without
+language, beliefs, ideas, or social standards. Each individual, each
+unit who is the carrier of the life-experience of his group, in time
+passes away. Yet the life of the group goes on.
+
+Society exists through a process of transmission, quite as much as
+biological life. This transmission occurs by means of communication of
+habits of doing, thinking, and feeling from the older to the younger.
+Without this communication of ideals, hopes, expectations, standards,
+opinions from those members of society who are passing out of the group
+life to those who are coming into it, social life could not survive.
+
+Society not only continues to exist _by_ transmission, _by_
+communication, but it may fairly be said to exist _in_ transmission,
+_in_ communication. There is more than a verbal tie between the words
+common, community, and communication. Men live in a community in virtue
+of the things which they have in common; and communication is the way in
+which they come to possess things in common. What they must have in
+common in order to form a community or society are aims, beliefs,
+aspirations, knowledge--a common understanding--like-mindedness, as the
+sociologists say. Such things cannot be passed physically from one to
+another, like bricks; they cannot be shared as persons would share a pie
+by dividing it into physical pieces. The communication which insures
+participation in a common understanding is one which secures similar
+emotional and intellectual dispositions--like ways of responding to
+expectations and requirements.
+
+Persons do not become a society by living in physical proximity any more
+than a man ceases to be socially influenced by being so many feet or
+miles removed from others. A book or a letter may institute a more
+intimate association between human beings separated thousands of miles
+from each other than exists between dwellers under the same roof.
+Individuals do not even compose a social group because they all work for
+a common end. The parts of a machine work with a maximum of
+co-operativeness for a common result, but they do not form a community.
+If, however, they were all cognizant of the common end and all
+interested in it so that they regulated their specific activity in view
+of it, then they would form a community. But this would involve
+communication. Each would have to know what the other was about and
+would have to have some way of keeping the other informed as to his own
+purpose and progress. Consensus demands communications.
+
+We are thus compelled to recognize that within even the most social
+group there are many relations which are not as yet social. A large
+number of human relationships in any social group are still upon the
+machine-like plane. Individuals use one another so as to get desired
+results, without reference to the emotional and intellectual disposition
+and consent of those used. Such uses express physical superiority, or
+superiority of position, skill, technical ability, and command of tools,
+mechanical or fiscal. So far as the relations of parent and child,
+teacher and pupil, employer and employee, governor and governed, remain
+upon this level, they form no true social group, no matter how closely
+their respective activities touch one another. Giving and taking of
+orders modifies action and results, but does not of itself effect a
+sharing of purposes, a communication of interests.
+
+Not only is social life identical with communication, but all
+communication (and hence all genuine social life) is educative. To be a
+recipient of a communication is to have an enlarged and changed
+experience. One shares in what another has thought and felt, and in so
+far, meagerly or amply, has his own attitude modified. Nor is the one
+who communicates left unaffected. Try the experiment of communicating,
+with fulness and accuracy, some experience to another, especially if it
+be somewhat complicated, and you will find your own attitude toward your
+experience changing; otherwise you resort to expletives and
+ejaculations. The experience has to be formulated in order to be
+communicated. To formulate requires getting outside of it, seeing it as
+another would see it, considering what points of contact it has with the
+life of another so that it may be got into such form that he can
+appreciate its meaning. Except in dealing with commonplaces and catch
+phrases one has to assimilate, imaginatively, something of another's
+experience in order to tell him intelligently of one's own experience.
+All communication is like art. It may fairly be said, therefore, that
+any social arrangement that remains vitally social, or vitally shared,
+is educative to those who participate in it. Only when it becomes cast
+in a mold and runs in a routine way does it lose its educative power.
+
+In final account, then, not only does social life demand teaching and
+learning for its own permanence, but the very process of living together
+educates. It enlarges and enlightens experience; it stimulates and
+enriches imagination; it creates responsibility for accuracy and
+vividness of statement and thought. A man really living alone (alone
+mentally as well as physically) would have little or no occasion to
+reflect upon his past experience to extract its net meaning. The
+inequality of achievement between the mature and the immature not only
+necessitates teaching the young, but the necessity of this teaching
+gives an immense stimulus to reducing experience to that order and form
+which will render it most easily communicable and hence most usable.
+
+
+2. Behavior and Conduct[87]
+
+The word "behavior" is commonly used in an interesting variety of ways.
+We speak of the behavior of ships at sea, of soldiers in battle, and of
+little boys in Sunday school.
+
+"The geologist," as Lloyd Morgan remarks, "tells us that a glacier
+behaves in many respects like a river, and discusses how the crust of
+the earth behaves under the stresses to which it is subjected.
+Weatherwise people comment on the behavior of the mercury in the
+barometer as a storm approaches. When Mary, the nurse maid, returns with
+the little Miss Smiths from Master Brown's birthday party, she is
+narrowly questioned as to their behavior."
+
+In short, the word is familiar both to science and to common sense, and
+is applied with equal propriety to the actions of physical objects and
+to the manners of men. The abstract sciences, quite as much as the
+concrete and descriptive, are equally concerned with behavior. "The
+chemist and the physicist often speak of the behavior of the atoms and
+the molecules, or of that of gas under changing conditions of
+temperature and pressure." The fact is that every science is everywhere
+seeking to describe and explain the movements, changes, and reactions,
+that is to say the behavior, of some portion of the world about us.
+Indeed, wherever we consciously set ourselves to observe and reflect
+upon the changes going on about us, it is always behavior that we are
+interested in. Science is simply a little more persistent in its
+curiosity and a little nicer and more exact in its observation than
+common sense. And this disposition to observe, to take a disinterested
+view of things, is, by the way, one of the characteristics of human
+nature which distinguishes it from the nature of all other animals.
+
+Since every science has to do with some form of behavior, the first
+question that arises is this: What do we mean by behavior in human
+beings as distinguished from that in other animals? What is there
+distinctive about the actions of human beings that marks them off and
+distinguishes them from the actions of animals and plants with which
+human beings have so much in common?
+
+The problem is the more difficult because, in some one or other of its
+aspects, human behavior involves processes which are characteristic of
+almost every form of nature. We sometimes speak, for example, of the
+human machine. Indeed, from one point of view human beings may be
+regarded as psycho-physical mechanisms for carrying on the vital
+processes of nutrition, reproduction, and movement. The human body is,
+in fact, an immensely complicated machine, whose operations involve an
+enormous number of chemical and physical reactions, all of which may be
+regarded as forms of human behavior.
+
+Human beings are, however, not wholly or merely machines; they are
+living organisms and as such share with the plants and the lower animals
+certain forms of behavior which it has not thus far, at any rate, been
+possible to reduce to the exact and lucid formulas of either chemistry
+or physics.
+
+Human beings are, however, not merely organisms: they are the home and
+the habitat of minuter organisms. The human body is, in a certain sense,
+an organization--a sort of social organization--of the minute and simple
+organisms of which it is composed, namely, the cells, each of which has
+its own characteristic mode of behavior. In fact, the life of human
+beings, just as the life of all other creatures above the simple
+unicellular organisms, may be said to consist of the corporate life of
+the smaller organisms of which it is composed. In human beings, as in
+some great city, the division of labor among the minuter organisms has
+been carried further, the interdependence of the individual parts is
+more complete, and the corporate life of the whole more complex.
+
+It is not strange, therefore, that Lloyd Morgan begins his studies of
+animal behavior by a description of the behavior of the cells and
+Thorndike in his volume, _The Original Nature of Man_, is led to the
+conclusion that the original tendencies of man have their basis in the
+neurones, or nerve cells, and in the changes which these cells and their
+ancestors have undergone, as a result of the necessity of carrying on
+common and corporate existences as integral parts of the human organism.
+All acquired characteristics of men, everything that they learn, is due
+to mutual stimulations and associations of the neurones, just as
+sociologists are now disposed to explain civilization and progress as
+phenomena due to the interaction and association of human beings, rather
+than to any fundamental changes in human nature itself. In other words,
+the difference between a savage and a civilized man is not due to any
+fundamental differences in their brain cells but to the connections and
+mutual stimulations which are established by experience and education
+between those cells. In the savage those possibilities are not absent
+but latent. In the same way the difference between the civilization of
+Central Africa and that of Western Europe is due, not to the difference
+in native abilities of the individuals and the peoples who have created
+them, but rather to the form which the association and interaction
+between those individuals and groups of individuals has taken. We
+sometimes attribute the difference in culture which we meet among races
+to the climate and physical conditions generally, but, in the long run,
+the difference is determined by the way in which climate and physical
+condition determine the contacts and communications of individuals.
+
+So, too, in the corporate life of the individual man it is the
+association of the nerve cells, their lines of connection and
+communication, that is responsible for the most of the differences
+between the ignorant and the educated, the savage and civilized man. The
+neurone, however, is a little unicellular animal, like the amoeba or the
+paramecium. Its life consists of: (1) eating, (2) excreting waste
+products, (3) growing, (4) being sensitive, and (5) movement, and, as
+Thorndike expresses it: "The safest provisional hypothesis about the
+action of the neurones singly is that they retain the modes of behavior
+common to unicellular animals, so far as consistent with the special
+conditions of their life as an element of man's nervous system."
+
+In the widest sense of the term, behavior may be said to include all the
+chemical and physical changes that go on inside the organism, as well as
+every response to stimulus either from within or from without the
+organism. In recent studies of animal behavior, however, the word has
+acquired a special and technical meaning in which it is applied
+exclusively to those actions that have been, or may be, modified by
+conscious experience. What the animal does in its efforts to find food
+is behavior, but the processes of digestion are relegated to another
+field of observation, namely, physiology.
+
+In all the forms of behavior thus far referred to, human and animal
+nature are not fundamentally distinguished. There are, however, ways of
+acting that are peculiar to human nature, forms of behavior that man
+does not share with the lower animals. One thing which seems to
+distinguish man from the brute is self-consciousness. One of the
+consequences of intercourse, as it exists among human beings, is that
+they are led to reflect upon their own impulses and motives for action,
+to set up standards by which they seek to govern themselves. The clock
+is such a standard. We all know from experience that time moves more
+slowly on dull days, when there is nothing doing, than in moments of
+excitement. On the other hand, when life is active and stirring, time
+flies. The clock standardizes our subjective tempos and we control
+ourselves by the clock. An animal never looks at the clock and this is
+typical of the different ways in which human beings and animals behave.
+
+Human beings, so far as we have yet been able to learn, are the only
+creatures who habitually pass judgment upon their own actions, or who
+think of them as right or wrong. When these thoughts about our actions
+or the actions of others get themselves formulated and expressed they
+react back upon and control us. That is one reason we hang mottoes on
+the wall. That is why one sees on the desk of a busy man the legend "Do
+it now!" The brutes do not know these devices. They do not need them
+perhaps. They have no aim in life. They do not work.
+
+What distinguishes the action of men from animals may best be expressed
+in the word "conduct." Conduct as it is ordinarily used is applied to
+actions which may be regarded as right or wrong, moral or immoral. As
+such it is hardly a descriptive term since there does not seem to be any
+distinctive mark about the actions which men have at different times and
+places called moral or immoral. I have used it here to distinguish the
+sort of behavior which may be regarded as distinctively and exclusively
+human, namely, that which is self-conscious and personal. In this sense
+blushing may be regarded as a form of conduct, quite as much as the
+manufacture of tools, trade and barter, conversation or prayer.
+
+No doubt all these activities have their beginnings in, and are founded
+upon, forms of behavior of which we may find the rudiments in the lower
+animals. But there is in all distinctively human activities a
+conventional, one might almost say a contractual, element which is
+absent in action of other animals. Human actions are more often than not
+controlled by a sense or understanding of what they look like or appear
+to be to others. This sense and understanding gets itself embodied in
+some custom or ceremonial observance. In this form it is transmitted
+from generation to generation, becomes an object of sentimental respect,
+gets itself embodied in definite formulas, is an object not only of
+respect and reverence but of reflection and speculation as well. As such
+it constitutes the mores, or moral customs, of a group and is no longer
+to be regarded as an individual possession.
+
+
+3. Instinct and Character[88]
+
+In no part of the world, and at no period of time, do we find the
+behavior of men left to unchartered freedom. Everywhere human life is in
+a measure organized and directed by customs, laws, beliefs, ideals,
+which shape its ends and guide its activities. As this guidance of life
+by rule is universal in human society, so upon the whole it is peculiar
+to humanity. There is no reason to think that any animal except man can
+enunciate or apply general rules of conduct. Nevertheless, there is not
+wanting something that we can call an organization of life in the animal
+world. How much of intelligence underlies the social life of the higher
+animals is indeed extremely hard to determine. In the aid which they
+often render to one another, in their combined hunting, in their play,
+in the use of warning cries, and the employment of "sentinels," which is
+so frequent among birds and mammals, it would appear at first sight that
+a considerable measure of _mutual understanding_ is implied, that we
+find at least an analogue to human custom, to the assignment of
+functions, the division of labor, which mutual reliance renders
+possible. How far the analogy may be pressed, and whether terms like
+"custom" and "mutual understanding," drawn from human experience, are
+rightly applicable to animal societies, are questions on which we shall
+touch presently. Let us observe first that as we descend the animal
+scale the sphere of _intelligent activity_ is gradually narrowed down,
+and yet behavior is still regulated. The lowest organisms have their
+definite methods of action under given conditions. The amoeba shrinks
+into itself at a touch, withdraws the pseudopodium that is roughly
+handled, or makes its way round the small object which will serve it as
+food. Given the conditions, it acts in the way best suited to avoid
+danger or to secure nourishment. We are a long way from the intelligent
+regulation of conduct by a general principle, but we still find action
+adapted to the requirements of organic life.
+
+When we come to human society we find the basis for a social
+organization of life already laid in the animal nature of man. Like
+others of the higher animals, man is a gregarious beast. His interests
+lie in his relations to his fellows, in his love for wife and children,
+in his companionship, possibly in his rivalry and striving with his
+fellow-men. His loves and hates, his joys and sorrows, his pride, his
+wrath, his gentleness, his boldness, his timidity--all these permanent
+qualities, which run through humanity and vary only in degree, belong to
+his inherited structure. Broadly speaking, they are of the nature of
+instincts, but instincts which have become highly plastic in their mode
+of operation and which need the stimulus of experience to call them
+forth and give them definite shape.
+
+The mechanical methods of reaction which are so prominent low down in
+the animal scale fill quite a minor place in human life. The ordinary
+operations of the body, indeed, go upon their way mechanically enough.
+In walking or in running, in saving ourselves from a fall, in coughing,
+sneezing, or swallowing, we react as mechanically as do the lower
+animals; but in the distinctly human modes of behavior, the place taken
+by the inherited structure is very different. Hunger and thirst no doubt
+are of the nature of instincts, but the methods of satisfying hunger and
+thirst are acquired by experience or by teaching. Love and the whole
+family life have an instinctive basis, that is to say, they rest upon
+tendencies inherited with the brain and nerve structure; but everything
+that has to do with the satisfaction of these impulses is determined by
+the experience of the individual, the laws and customs of the society in
+which he lives, the woman whom he meets, the accidents of their
+intercourse, and so forth. Instinct, already plastic and modifiable in
+the higher animals, becomes in man a basis of character which determines
+how he will take his experience, but without experience is a mere blank
+form upon which nothing is yet written.
+
+For example, it is an ingrained tendency of average human nature to be
+moved by the opinion of our neighbors. This is a powerful motive in
+conduct, but the kind of conduct to which it will incite clearly depends
+on the kind of thing that our neighbors approve. In some parts of the
+world ambition for renown will prompt a man to lie in wait for a woman
+or child in order to add a fresh skull to his collection. In other parts
+he may be urged by similar motives to pursue a science or paint a
+picture. In all these cases the same hereditary or instinctive element
+is at work, that quality of character which makes a man respond
+sensitively to the feelings which others manifest toward him. But the
+kind of conduct which this sensitiveness may dictate depends wholly on
+the social environment in which the man finds himself. Similarly it is,
+as the ordinary phrase quite justly puts it, "in human nature" to stand
+up for one's rights. A man will strive, that is, to secure that which he
+has counted on as his due. But as to what he counts upon, as to the
+actual treatment which he expects under given circumstances, his views
+are determined by the "custom of the country," by what he sees others
+insisting on and obtaining, by what has been promised him, and so forth.
+Even such an emotion as sexual jealousy, which seems deeply rooted in
+the animal nature, is largely limited in its exercise and determined in
+the form it takes by custom. A hospitable savage, who will lend his wife
+to a guest, would kill her for acting in the same way on her own motion.
+In the one case he exercises his rights of proprietorship; in the other,
+she transgresses them. It is the maintenance of a claim which jealousy
+concerns itself with, and the standard determining the claim is the
+custom of the country.
+
+In human society, then, the conditions regulating conduct are from the
+first greatly modified. Instinct, becoming vague and more general, has
+evolved into "character," while the intelligence finds itself confronted
+with customs to which it has to accommodate conduct. But how does custom
+arise? Let us first consider what custom is. It is not merely a habit of
+action; but it implies also a judgment upon action, and a judgment
+stated in general and impersonal terms. It would seem to imply a
+bystander or third party. If A hits B, B probably hits back. It is his
+"habit" so to do. But if C, looking on, pronounces that it was or was
+not a fair blow, he will probably appeal to the "custom" of the
+country--the traditional rules of fighting, for instance--as the ground
+of his judgment. That is, he will lay down a rule which is general in
+the sense that it would apply to other individuals under similar
+conditions, and by it he will, as an impartial third person, appraise
+the conduct of the contending parties. The formation of such rules,
+resting as it does on the power of framing and applying general
+conceptions, is the prime differentia of human morality from animal
+behavior. The fact that they arise and are handed on from generation to
+generation makes social tradition at once the dominating factor in the
+regulation of human conduct. Without such rules we can scarcely conceive
+society to exist, since it is only through the general conformity to
+custom that men can understand each other, that each can know how the
+other will act under given circumstances, and without this amount of
+understanding the reciprocity, which is the vital principle of society,
+disappears.
+
+
+4. Collective Representation and Intellectual Life[89]
+
+Logical thought is made up of concepts. Seeking how society can have
+played a rôle in the genesis of logical thought thus reduces itself to
+seeking how it can have taken a part in the formation of concepts.
+
+The concept is opposed to sensual representations of every
+order--sensations, perceptions, or images--by the following properties.
+
+Sensual representations are in a perpetual flux; they come after each
+other like the waves of a river, and even during the time that they last
+they do not remain the same thing. Each of them is an integral part of
+the precise instant when it takes place. We are never sure of again
+finding a perception such as we experienced it the first time; for if
+the thing perceived has not changed, it is we who are no longer the
+same. On the contrary, the concept is, as it were, outside of time and
+change; it is in the depths below all this agitation; it might be said
+that it is in a different portion of the mind, which is serener and
+calmer. It does not move of itself, by an internal and spontaneous
+evolution, but, on the contrary, it resists change. It is a manner of
+thinking that, at every moment of time, is fixed and crystallized. In so
+far as it is what it ought to be, it is immutable. If it changes, it is
+not because it is its nature to do so, but because we have discovered
+some imperfection in it; it is because it had to be rectified. The
+system of concepts with which we think in everyday life is that
+expressed by the vocabulary of our mother-tongue; for every word
+translates a concept. Now language is something fixed; it changes but
+very slowly, and consequently it is the same with the conceptual system
+which it expresses. The scholar finds himself in the same situation in
+regard to the special terminology employed by the science to which he
+has consecrated himself, and hence in regard to the special scheme of
+concepts to which this terminology corresponds. It is true that he can
+make innovations, but these are always a sort of violence done to the
+established ways of thinking.
+
+And at the same time that it is relatively immutable, the concept is
+universal, or at least capable of becoming so. A concept is not my
+concept; I hold it in common with other men, or, in any case, can
+communicate it to them. It is impossible for me to make a sensation pass
+from my consciousness into that of another; it holds closely to my
+organism and personality and cannot be detached from them. All that I
+can do is to invite others to place themselves before the same object as
+myself and to leave themselves to its action. On the other hand,
+conversation and all intellectual communication between men is an
+exchange of concepts. The concept is an essentially impersonal
+representation; it is through it that human intelligences communicate.
+
+The nature of the concept, thus defined, bespeaks its origin. If it is
+common to all, it is the work of the community. Since it bears the mark
+of no particular mind, it is clear that it was elaborated by a unique
+intelligence, where all others meet each other, and after a fashion,
+come to nourish themselves. If it has more stability than sensations or
+images, it is because the collective representations are more stable
+than the individual ones; for while an individual is conscious even of
+the slight changes which take place in his environment, only events of a
+greater gravity can succeed in affecting the mental status of a society.
+Every time that we are in the presence of a _type_ of thought or action
+which is imposed uniformly upon particular wills or intelligences, this
+pressure exercised over the individual betrays the intervention of the
+group. Also, as we have already said, the concepts with which we
+ordinarily think are those of our vocabulary. Now it is unquestionable
+that language, and consequently the system of concepts which it
+translates, is the product of collective elaboration. What it expresses
+is the manner in which society as a whole represents the facts of
+experience. The ideas which correspond to the diverse elements of
+language are thus collective representations.
+
+Even their contents bear witness to the same fact. In fact, there are
+scarcely any words among those which we usually employ whose meaning
+does not pass, to a greater or less extent, the limits of our personal
+experience. Very frequently a term expresses things which we have never
+perceived or experiences which we have never had or of which we have
+never been the witnesses. Even when we know some of the objects which
+it concerns, it is only as particular examples that they serve to
+illustrate the idea which they would never have been able to form by
+themselves. Thus there is a great deal of knowledge condensed in the
+word which I never collected, and which is not individual; it even
+surpasses me to such an extent that I cannot even completely appropriate
+all its results. Which of us knows all the words of the language he
+speaks and the entire signification of each?
+
+This remark enables us to determine the sense in which we mean to say
+that concepts are collective representations. If they belong to a whole
+social group, it is not because they represent the average of the
+corresponding individual representations; for in that case they would be
+poorer than the latter in intellectual content, while, as a matter of
+fact, they contain much that surpasses the knowledge of the average
+individual. They are not abstractions which have a reality only in
+particular consciousnesses, but they are as concrete representations as
+an individual could form of his own personal environment; they
+correspond to the way in which this very special being, society,
+considers the things of its own proper experience. If, as a matter of
+fact, the concepts are nearly always general ideas, and if they express
+categories and classes rather than particular objects, it is because the
+unique and variable characteristics of things interest society but
+rarely; because of its very extent, it can scarcely be affected by more
+than their general and permanent qualities. Therefore it is to this
+aspect of affairs that it gives its attention: it is a part of its
+nature to see things in large and under the aspect which they ordinarily
+have. But this generality is not necessary for them, and, in any case,
+even when these representations have the generic character which they
+ordinarily have, they are the work of society and are enriched by its
+experience.
+
+The collective consciousness is the highest form of the psychic life,
+since it is the consciousness of the consciousnesses. Being placed
+outside of and above individual and local contingencies, it sees things
+only in their permanent and essential aspects, which it crystallizes
+into communicable ideas. At the same time that it sees from above, it
+sees farther; at every moment of time, it embraces all known reality;
+that is why it alone can furnish the mind with the molds which are
+applicable to the totality of things and which make it possible to
+think of them. It does not create these molds artificially; it finds
+them within itself; it does nothing but become conscious of them. They
+translate the ways of being which are found in all the stages of reality
+but which appear in their full clarity only at the summit, because the
+extreme complexity of the psychic life which passes there necessitates a
+greater development of consciousness. Collective representations also
+contain subjective elements, and these must be progressively rooted out
+if we are to approach reality more closely. But howsoever crude these
+may have been at the beginning, the fact remains that with them the germ
+of a new mentality was given, to which the individual could never have
+raised himself by his own efforts; by them the way was opened to a
+stable, impersonal and organized thought which then had nothing to do
+except to develop its nature.
+
+
+D. THE SOCIAL GROUP
+
+
+1. Definition of the Group[90]
+
+The term "group" serves as a convenient sociological designation for any
+number of people, larger or smaller, between whom such relations are
+discovered that they must be thought of together. The "group" is the
+most general and colorless term used in sociology for combinations of
+persons. A family, a mob, a picnic party, a trade union, a city
+precinct, a corporation, a state, a nation, the civilized or the
+uncivilized population of the world, may be treated as a group. Thus a
+"group" for sociology is a number of persons whose relations to each
+other are sufficiently impressive to demand attention. The term is
+merely a commonplace tool. It contains no mystery. It is only a handle
+with which to grasp the innumerable varieties of arrangements into which
+people are drawn by their variations of interest. The universal
+condition of association may be expressed in the same commonplace way:
+people always live in groups, and the same persons are likely to be
+members of many groups.
+
+Individuals nowhere live in utter isolation. There is no such thing as a
+social vacuum. The few Robinson Crusoes are not exceptions to the rule.
+If they are, they are like the Irishman's horse. The moment they begin
+to get adjusted to the exceptional condition, they die. Actual persons
+always live and move and have their being in groups. These groups are
+more or less complex, more or less continuous, more or less rigid in
+character. The destinies of human beings are always bound up with the
+fate of the groups of which they are members. While the individuals are
+the real existences, and the groups are only relationships of
+individuals, yet to all intents and purposes the groups which people
+form are just as distinct and efficient molders of the lives of
+individuals as though they were entities that had existence entirely
+independent of the individuals.
+
+The college fraternity or the college class, for instance, would be only
+a name, and presently not even that, if each of its members should
+withdraw. It is the members themselves, and not something outside of
+themselves. Yet to A, B, or C the fraternity or the class might as well
+be a river or a mountain by the side of which he stands, and which he is
+helpless to remove. He may modify it somewhat. He is surely modified by
+it somewhat; and the same is true of all the other groups in which A, B,
+or C belong. To a very considerable extent the question, Why does A, B,
+or C do so and so? is equivalent to the question, What are the
+peculiarities of the group to which A, B, or C belongs? It would never
+occur to A, B, or C to skulk from shadow to shadow of a night, with
+paint-pot and brush in hand, and to smear Arabic numerals of bill-poster
+size on sidewalk or buildings, if "class spirit" did not add stimulus to
+individual bent. Neither A, B, nor C would go out of his way to flatter
+and cajole a Freshman, if membership in a fraternity did not make a
+student something different from an individual. These are merely
+familiar cases which follow a universal law.
+
+In effect, the groups to which we belong might be as separate and
+independent of us as the streets and buildings of a city are from the
+population. If the inhabitants should migrate in a body, the streets and
+buildings would remain. This is not true of human groups, but their
+reaction upon the persons who compose them is no less real and evident.
+We are in large part what our social set, our church, our political
+party, our business and professional circles are. This has always been
+the case from the beginning of the world, and will always be the case.
+To understand what society is, either in its larger or its smaller
+parts, and why it is so, and how far it is possible to make it
+different, we must invariably explain groups on the one hand, no less
+than individuals on the other. There is a striking illustration in
+Chicago at present (summer, 1905). Within a short time a certain man has
+made a complete change in his group-relations. He was one of the most
+influential trade-union leaders in the city. He has now become the
+executive officer of an association of employers. In the elements that
+are not determined by his group-relationships he is the same man that he
+was before. Those are precisely the elements, however, that may be
+canceled out of the social problem. All the elements in his personal
+equation that give him a distinct meaning in the life of the city are
+given to him by his membership in the one group or the other. Till
+yesterday he gave all his strength to organizing labor against capital.
+Now he gives all his strength to the service of capital against labor.
+
+Whatever social problem we confront, whatever persons come into our
+field of view, the first questions involved will always be: To what
+groups do these persons belong? What are the interests of these groups?
+What sort of means do the groups use to promote their interests? How
+strong are these groups, as compared with groups that have conflicting
+interests? These questions go to one tap root of all social
+interpretation, whether in the case of historical events far in the
+past, or of the most practical problems of our own neighborhood.
+
+
+2. The Unity of the Social Group[91]
+
+It has long been a cardinal problem in sociology to determine just how
+to conceive in objective terms so very real and palpable a thing as the
+continuity and persistence of social groups. Looked at as a physical
+object society appears to be made up of mobile and independent units.
+The problem is to understand the nature of the bonds that bind these
+independent units together and how these connections are maintained and
+transmitted.
+
+Conceived of in its lowest terms the unity of the social group may be
+compared to that of the plant communities. In these communities, the
+relation between the individual species which compose it seems at first
+wholly fortuitous and external. Co-operation and community, so far as it
+exists, consists merely in the fact that within a given geographical
+area, certain species come together merely because each happens to
+provide by its presence an environment in which the life of the other is
+easier, more secure, than if they lived in isolation. It seems to be a
+fact, however, that this communal life of the associated plants fulfils,
+as in other forms of life, a typical series of changes which correspond
+to growth, decay and death. The plant community comes into existence,
+matures, grows old, and eventually dies. In doing this, however, it
+provides by its own death an environment in which another form of
+community finds its natural habitat. Each community thus precedes and
+prepares the way for its successor. Under such circumstances the
+succession of the individual communities itself assumes the character of
+a life-process.
+
+In the case of the animal and human societies we have all these
+conditions and forces and something more. The individuals associated in
+an animal community not only provide, each for the other, a physical
+environment in which all may live, but the members of the community are
+organically pre-adapted to one another in ways which are not
+characteristic of the members of a plant community. As a consequence,
+the relations between the members of the animal community assume a much
+more organic character. It is, in fact, a characteristic of animal
+society that the members of a social group are organically adapted to
+one another and therefore the organization of animal society is almost
+wholly transmitted by physical inheritance.
+
+In the case of human societies we discover not merely organically
+inherited adaptation, which characterizes animal societies, but, in
+addition, a great body of habits and accommodations which are
+transmitted in the form of social inheritance. Something that
+corresponds to social tradition exists, to be sure, in animal societies.
+Animals learn by imitation from one another, and there is evidence that
+this social tradition varies with changes in environment. In man,
+however, association is based on something more than habits or instinct.
+In human society, largely as a result of language, there exists a
+conscious community of purpose. We have not merely folkways, which by an
+extension of that term might be attributed to animals, but we have mores
+and formal standards of conduct.
+
+In a recent notable volume on education, John Dewey has formulated a
+definition of the educational process which he identifies with the
+process by which the social tradition of human society is transmitted.
+Education, he says in effect, is a self-renewing process, a process in
+which and through which the social organism lives.
+
+ With the renewal of physical existence goes, in the case of
+ human beings, the re-creation of beliefs, ideals, hopes,
+ happiness, misery and practices. The continuity of experience,
+ through renewal of the social group, is a literal fact.
+ Education, in its broadest sense, is the means of this social
+ continuity of life.
+
+Under ordinary circumstances the transmission of the social tradition is
+from the parents to the children. Children are born into the society and
+take over its customs, habits, and standards of life simply, naturally,
+and without conflict. But it will at once occur to anyone that the
+physical life of society is not always continued and maintained in this
+natural way, i.e., by the succession of parents and children. New
+societies are formed by conquest and by the imposition of one people
+upon another. In such cases there arises a conflict of cultures, and as
+a result the process of fusion takes place slowly and is frequently not
+complete. New societies are frequently formed by colonization, in which
+case new cultures are grafted on to older ones. The work of missionary
+societies is essentially one of colonization in this sense. Finally we
+have societies growing up, as in the United States, by immigration.
+These immigrants, coming as they do from all parts of the world, bring
+with them fragments of divergent cultures. Here again the process of
+assimilation is slow, often painful, not always complete.
+
+
+3. Types of Social Groups[92]
+
+Between the two extreme poles--the crowd and the state (nation)--between
+these extreme links of the chain of human association, what are the
+other intermediate groups, and what are their distinctive
+characteristics?
+
+Gustave Le Bon thus classifies the different types of crowds
+(aggregations):
+
+ A. Heterogeneous crowds
+ 1. Anonymous (street crowds, for example)
+ 2. Not anonymous (parliamentary assemblies, for example)
+
+ B. Homogeneous crowds
+ 1. Sects (political, religious, etc.)
+ 2. Castes (military, sacerdotal, etc.)
+ 3. Classes (bourgeois, working-men, etc.)
+
+This classification is open to criticism. First of all, it is inaccurate
+to give the name of crowd indiscriminately to every human group.
+Literally (from the etymological standpoint) this objection seems to me
+unanswerable. Tarde more exactly distinguishes between crowds,
+associations, and corporations.
+
+But we retain the generic term of "crowd" because it indicates the first
+stage of the social group which is the source of all the others, and
+because with these successive distinctions it does not lend itself to
+equivocal meaning.
+
+In the second place, it is difficult to understand why Le Bon terms the
+sect a _homogeneous_ crowd, while he classifies parliamentary assemblies
+among the _heterogeneous_ crowds. The members of a sect are usually far
+more different from one another in birth, education, profession, social
+status, than are generally the members of a political assembly.
+
+Turning from this criticism to note without analyzing heterogeneous
+crowds, let us then proceed to determine the principal characteristics
+of the three large types of homogeneous crowds, the classes, the castes,
+the sects.
+
+The heterogeneous crowd is composed of _tout le monde_, of people like
+you, like me, like the first passer-by. _Chance_ unites these
+individuals physically, the _occasion_ unites them psychologically; they
+do not know each other, and after the moment when they find themselves
+together, they may never see each other again. To use a metaphor, it is
+a psychological meteor, of the most unforeseen, ephemeral, and
+transitory kind.
+
+On this accidental and fortuitous foundation are formed here and there
+other crowds, always heterogeneous, but with a certain character of
+stability or, at least, of periodicity. The audience at a theater, the
+members of a club, of a literary or social gathering, constitute also a
+crowd but a different crowd from that of the street. The members of
+these groups know each other a little; they have, if not a common aim,
+at least a common custom. They are nevertheless "anonymous crowds," as
+Le Bon calls them, because they do not have within themselves the
+nucleus of organization.
+
+Proceeding further, we find crowds still heterogeneous, but not so
+anonymous--juries, for example, and assemblies. These small crowds
+experience a new sentiment, unknown to anonymous crowds, that of
+responsibility which may at times give to their actions a different
+orientation. Then the parliamentary crowds are to be distinguished from
+the others because, as Tarde observes with his habitual penetration,
+they are double crowds: they represent a majority in conflict with one
+or more minorities, which safeguards them in most cases from unanimity,
+the most menacing danger which faces crowds.
+
+We come now to homogeneous crowds, of which the first type is the sect.
+Here are found again individuals differing in birth, in education, in
+profession, in social status, but united and, indeed, voluntarily
+cemented by an extremely strong bond, a common faith and ideal. Faith,
+religious, scientific, or political, rapidly creates a communion of
+sentiments capable of giving to those who possess it a high degree of
+homogeneity and power. History records the deeds of the barbarians under
+the influence of Christianity, and the Arabs transformed into a sect by
+Mahomet. Because of their sectarian organization, a prediction may be
+made of what the future holds in store for the socialists.
+
+The sect is a crowd, picked out and permanent; the crowd is a transitory
+sect which has not chosen its members. The sect is a chronic kind of
+crowd; the crowd is an acute kind of sect. The crowd is composed of a
+multitude of grains of sand without cohesion; the sect is a block of
+marble which resists every effort. When a sentiment or an idea, having
+in itself a reason for existence, slips into the crowd, its members soon
+crystallize and form a sect. The sect is then the first crystallization
+of every doctrine. From the confused and amorphous state in which it
+manifests itself to the crowd, every idea is predestined to define
+itself in the more specific form of the sect, to become later a party, a
+school, or a church--scientific, political, or religious.
+
+Any faith, whether it be Islamism, Buddhism, Christianity, patriotism,
+socialism, anarchy, cannot but pass through this sectarian phase. It is
+the first step, the point where the human group in leaving the twilight
+zone of the anonymous and mobile crowd raises itself to a definition and
+to an integration which then may lead up to the highest and most
+perfect human group, the nation.
+
+If the sect is composed of individuals united by a common idea and aim,
+in spite of diversity of birth, education, and social status, the caste
+unites, on the contrary, those who could have--and who have
+sometimes--diverse ideas and aspirations, but who are brought together
+through identity of profession. The sect corresponds to the community of
+faith, the caste to the community of professional ideas. The sect is a
+_spontaneous_ association; the caste is, in many ways, a _forced_
+association. After having chosen a profession--let it be priest,
+soldier, magistrate--a man belongs necessarily to a caste. A person, on
+the contrary, does not necessarily belong to a sect. And when one
+belongs to a caste--be he the most independent man in the world--he is
+more or less under the influence of that which is called _esprit de
+corps_.
+
+The caste represents the highest degree of organization to which the
+homogeneous crowd is susceptible. It is composed of individuals who by
+their tastes, their education, birth, and social status, resemble each
+other in the fundamental types of conduct and mores. There are even
+certain castes, the military and sacerdotal, for example, in which the
+members at last so resemble one another in appearance and bearing that
+no disguise can conceal the nature of their profession.
+
+The caste offers to its members ideas already molded, rules of conduct
+already approved; it relieves them, in short, of the fatigue of thinking
+with their own brains. When the caste to which an individual belongs is
+known, all that is necessary is to press a button of his mental
+mechanism to release a series of opinions and of phrases already made
+which are identical in every individual of the same caste.
+
+This harmonious collectivity, powerful and eminently conservative, is
+the most salient analogy which the nations of the Occident present to
+that of India. In India the caste is determined by birth, and it is
+distinguished by a characteristic trait: the persons of one caste can
+live with, eat with, and marry only individuals of the same caste.
+
+In Europe it is not only birth, but circumstances and education which
+determine the entrance of an individual into a caste; to marry, to
+frequent, to invite to the same table only people of the same caste,
+exists practically in Europe as in India. In Europe the above-mentioned
+prescriptions are founded on convention, but they are none the less
+observed. We all live in a confined circle, where we find our friends,
+our guests, our sons- and daughters-in-law.
+
+Misalliances are assuredly possible in Europe; they are impossible in
+India. But if there religion prohibits them, with us public opinion and
+convention render them very rare. And at bottom the analogy is complete.
+
+The class is superior to the caste in extent. If the psychological bond
+of the sect is community of faith, and that of the caste community of
+profession, the psychological bond of the class is community of
+interests.
+
+Less precise in its limits, more diffuse and less compact than the caste
+or the sect, the class represents today the veritable crowd in a dynamic
+state, which can in a moment's time descend from that place and become
+statically a crowd. And it is from the sociological standpoint the most
+terrible kind of crowd; it is that which today has taken a bellicose
+attitude, and which by its attitude and precepts prepares the brutal
+blows of mobs.
+
+We speak of the "conflict of the classes," and from the theoretical
+point of view and in the normal and peaceful life that signifies only a
+contest of ideas by legal means. Always depending upon the occasion, the
+audacity of one or many men, the character of the situation, the
+conflict of the classes is transformed into something more material and
+more violent--into revolt or into revolution.
+
+Finally we arrive at the state (nation). Tocqueville said that the
+classes which compose society form so many distinct nations. They are
+the greatest collectivities before coming to the nation, the state.
+
+This is the most perfect type of organization of the crowd, and the
+final and supreme type, if there is not another collectivity superior in
+number and extension, the collectivity formed by race.
+
+The bond which unites all the citizens of a state is language and
+nationality. Above the state there are only the crowds determined by
+race, which comprise many states. And these are, like the states and
+like the classes, human aggregates which in a moment could be
+transformed into violent crowds. But then, and justly, because their
+evolution and their organization are more developed, their mobs are
+called armies, and their violences are called wars, and they have the
+seal of legitimacy unknown in other crowds. In this order of ideas war
+could be defined as the supreme form of collective crimes.
+
+
+4. _Esprit de Corps_, Morale, and Collective Representations of Social
+Groups[93]
+
+War is no doubt the least human of human relationships. It can begin
+only when persuasion ends, when arguments fitted to move minds are
+replaced by the blasting-powder fitted to move rocks and hills. It means
+that one at least of the national wills concerned has deliberately set
+aside its human quality--as only a human will can do--and has made of
+itself just such a material obstruction or menace. Hence war seems, and
+is often called, a contest of brute forces. Certainly it is the
+extremest physical effort men make, every resource of vast populations
+bent to increase the sum of power at the front, where the two lines
+writhe like wrestlers laboring for the final fall.
+
+Yet it is seldom physical force that decides a long war. For war summons
+skill against skill, head against head, staying-power against
+staying-power, as well as numbers and machines against machines and
+numbers. When an engine "exerts itself" it spends more power, eats more
+fuel, but uses no nerve; when a man exerts himself, he must bend his
+will to it. The extremer the physical effort, the greater the strain on
+the inner or moral powers. Hence the paradox of war: just because it
+calls for the maximum material performance, it calls out a maximum of
+moral resource. As long as guns and bayonets have men behind them, the
+quality of the men, the quality of their minds and wills, must be
+counted with the power of the weapons.
+
+And as long as men fight in nations and armies, that subtle but mighty
+influence that passes from man to man, the temper and spirit of the
+group, must be counted with the quality of the individual citizen and
+soldier. But how much does this intangible, psychological factor count?
+Napoleon in his day reckoned it high: "In war, the moral is to the
+physical as three to one."
+
+For war, completely seen, is no mere collision of physical forces; it is
+a collision of will against will. It is, after all, the mind and will of
+a nation--a thing intangible and invisible--that assembles the materials
+of war, the fighting forces, the ordnance, the whole physical array. It
+is this invisible thing that wages the war; it is this same invisible
+thing that on one side or the other must admit the finish and so end it.
+As things are now, it is the element of "morale" that controls the
+outcome.
+
+I say, as things are now; for it is certainly not true as a rule of
+history that will-power is enough to win a war, even when supported by
+high fighting spirit, brains, and a good conscience: Belgium had all
+this, and yet was bound to fall before Germany had she stood alone. Her
+spirit worked miracles at Liége, delayed by ten days the marching
+program of the German armies, and thereby saved--perhaps Paris, perhaps
+Europe. But the day was saved because the issue raised in Serbia and in
+Belgium drew to their side material support until their forces could
+compare with the physical advantages of the enemy. Morale wins, not by
+itself, but by turning scales; it has a value like the power of a
+minority or of a mobile reserve. It adds to one side or the other the
+last ounce of force which is to its opponent the last straw that breaks
+its back.
+
+Perhaps the simplest way of explaining the meaning of morale is to say
+that what "condition" is to the athlete's body, morale is to the mind.
+Morale is condition; good morale is good condition of the inner man: it
+is the state of will in which you can get most from the machinery,
+deliver blows with the greatest effect, take blows with the least
+depression, and hold out for the longest time. It is both fighting-power
+and staying-power and strength to resist the mental infections which
+fear, discouragement, and fatigue bring with them, such as eagerness for
+any kind of peace if only it gives momentary relief, or the irritability
+that sees large the defects in one's own side until they seem more
+important than the need of defeating the enemy. And it is the perpetual
+ability to come back.
+
+From this it follows that good morale is not the same as good spirits or
+enthusiasm. It is anything but the cheerful optimism of early morning,
+or the tendency to be jubilant at every victory. It has nothing in
+common with the emotionalism dwelt on by psychologists of the "crowd."
+It is hardly to be discovered in the early stages of war. Its most
+searching test is found in the question, How does war-weariness affect
+you?
+
+No one going from America to Europe in the last year could fail to
+notice the wide difference between the mind of nations long at war and
+that of a nation just entering. Over there, "crowd psychology" had spent
+itself. There was little flag-waving; the common purveyors of music were
+not everywhere playing (or allowed to play) the national airs. If in
+some Parisian cinema the Marseillaise was given, nobody stood or sang.
+The reports of atrocities roused little visible anger or even talk--they
+were taken for granted. In short, the simpler emotions had been worn
+out, or rather had resolved themselves into clear connections between
+knowledge and action. The people had found the mental gait that can be
+held indefinitely. Even a great advance finds them on their guard
+against too much joy. As the news from the second victory of the Marne
+begins to come in, we find this despatch: "Paris refrains from
+exultation."
+
+And in the trenches the same is true in even greater degree. All the
+bravado and illusion of war are gone, also all the nervous revulsion;
+and in their places a grimly reliable resource of energy held in
+instant, almost mechanical, readiness to do what is necessary. The
+hazards which it is useless to speculate about, the miseries, delays,
+tediums, casualties, have lost their exclamatory value and have fallen
+into the sullen routine of the day's work. Here it is that morale begins
+to show in its more vital dimensions. Here the substantial differences
+between man and man, and between side and side, begin to appear as they
+can never appear in training camp.
+
+Fitness and readiness to act, the positive element in morale, is a
+matter not of good and bad alone, but of degree. Persistence, courage,
+energy, initiative, may vary from zero upward without limit. Perhaps the
+most important dividing line--one that has already shown itself at
+various critical points--is that between the willingness to defend and
+the willingness to attack, between the defensive and the aggressive
+mentality. It is the difference between docility and enterprise, between
+a faith at second hand dependent on neighbor or leader, and a faith at
+first hand capable of assuming for itself the position of leadership.
+
+But readiness to wait, the negative element in morale, is as important
+as readiness to act, and oftentimes it is a harder virtue. Patience,
+especially under conditions of ignorance of what may be brewing, is a
+torment for active and critical minds such as this people is made of.
+Yet impetuosity, exceeding of orders, unwillingness to retreat when the
+general situation demands it, are signs not of good morale but the
+reverse. They are signs that one's heart cannot be kept up except by the
+flattering stimulus of always going forward--a state of mind that may
+cause a commanding officer serious embarrassment, even to making
+impossible decisive strokes of strategy.
+
+In fact, the better the morale, the more profound its mystery from the
+utilitarian angle of judgment. There is something miraculous in the
+power of a bald and unhesitating announcement of reverse to steel the
+temper of men attuned to making sacrifices and to meeting emergencies.
+No one can touch the deepest moral resources of an army or nation who
+does not know the fairly regal exaltation with which it is possible for
+men to face an issue--_if they believe in it_. There are times when men
+seem to have an appetite for suffering, when, to judge from their own
+demeanor, the best bait fortune could offer them is the chance to face
+death or to bear an inhuman load. This state of mind does not exist of
+itself; it is morale at its best, and it appears only when the occasion
+strikes a nerve which arouses the super-earthly vistas of human
+consciousness or subconsciousness. But it commonly appears at the
+summons of a leader who himself welcomes the challenge of the task he
+sets before his followers. It is the magic of King Alfred in his appeal
+to his chiefs to do battle with the Danes, when all that he could hold
+out to them was the prospect of his own vision,
+
+ This--that the sky grows darker yet
+ And the sea rises higher.
+
+Morale, for all the greater purposes of war, is a state of faith; and
+its logic will be the superb and elusive logic of human faith. It is for
+this reason that morale, while not identical with the righteousness of
+the cause, can never reach its height unless the aim of the war can be
+held intact in the undissembled moral sense of the people. This is one
+of the provisions in the deeper order of things for the slow
+predominance of the better brands of justice.
+
+There are still officers in army and navy--not as many as formerly--who
+believe exclusively in the morale that works its way into every body of
+recruits through discipline and the sway of _esprit de corps_. "They
+know that they're here to can the Kaiser, and that's all they need to
+know," said one such officer to me very recently. "After a man has been
+here two months, the worst punishment you can give him is to tell him he
+can't go to France right away. The soldier is a man of action; and the
+less thinking he does, the better." There is an amount of practical
+wisdom in this; for the human mind has a large capacity for adopting
+beliefs that fit the trend of its habits and feelings, and this trend is
+powerfully molded by the unanimous direction of an army's purpose. There
+is an all but irresistible orthodoxy within a body committed to a war.
+And the current (pragmatic) psychology referred to, making the
+intelligence a mere instrument of the will, would seem to sanction the
+maxim, "First decide, and then think accordingly."
+
+But there are two remarks to be made about this view; first, that in the
+actual creation of morale within an army corps much thinking is
+included, and nothing is accomplished without the consent of such
+thoughts as a man already has. Training does wonders in making morale,
+when nothing in the mind opposes it. Second, that the morale which is
+sufficient for purposes of training is not necessarily sufficient for
+the strains of the field.
+
+The intrinsic weakness of "affective morale," as psychologists call it,
+is that it puts both sides on the same mental and moral footing: it
+either justifies our opponents as well as ourselves, or it makes both
+sides the creatures of irrational emotion.
+
+Crowds are capable of doing reasonless things upon impulse and of
+adopting creeds without reflection. But an army is not a crowd; still
+less is a nation a crowd. A mob or crowd is an unorganized group of
+people governed by less than the average individual intelligence of its
+members. Armies and nations are groups of people so organized that they
+are controlled by an intelligence higher than the average. The instincts
+that lend, and must lend, their immense motive-power to the great
+purposes of war are the servants, not the masters, of that
+intelligence.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. The Scientific Study of Societies
+
+Interest in the study of "society as it is" has had its source in two
+different motives. Travelers' tales have always fascinated mankind. The
+ethnologists began their investigations by criticising and systematizing
+the novel and interesting observations of travelers in regard to
+customs, cultures, and behavior of people of different races and
+nationalities. Their later more systematic investigations were, on the
+whole, inspired by intellectual curiosity divorced from any overwhelming
+desire to change the manner of life and social organizations of the
+societies studied.
+
+The second motive for the systematic observation of actual society came
+from persons who wanted social reforms but who were forced to realize
+the futility of Utopian projects. The science of sociology as conceived
+by Auguste Comte was to substitute fact for doctrines about society. But
+his attempt to interpret social evolution resulted in a philosophy of
+history, not a natural science of society.
+
+Herbert Spencer appreciated the fact that the new science of sociology
+required an extensive body of materials as a basis for its
+generalizations. Through the work of assistants he set himself the
+monumental task of compiling historical and cultural materials not only
+upon primitive and barbarous peoples but also upon the Hebrews, the
+Phoenicians, the French and the English. These data were classified and
+published in eight large volumes under the title _Descriptive
+Sociology_.
+
+The study of human societies was too great to be satisfactorily
+compassed by the work of one man. Besides that, Spencer, like most
+English sociologists, was more interested in the progress of
+civilization than in its processes. Spencer's _Sociology_ is still a
+philosophy of history rather than a science of society. The philosophy
+of history took for its unit of investigation and interpretation the
+evolution of human society as a whole. The present trend in sociology is
+toward the study of _societies_ rather than _society_. Sociological
+research has been directed less to a study of the stages of evolution
+than to the diagnosis and control of social problems.
+
+Modern sociology's chief inheritance from Comte and Spencer was a
+problem in logic: What is a society?
+
+Manifestly if the relations between individuals in society are not
+merely formal, and if society is something more than the sum of its
+parts, then these relations must be defined in terms of interaction,
+that is to say, in terms of process. What then is _the social process_;
+what are the social processes? How are social processes to be
+distinguished from physical, chemical, or biological processes? What is,
+in general, the nature of the relations that need to be established in
+order to make of individuals in society, members of society? These
+questions are fundamental since they define the point of view of
+sociology and describe the sort of facts with which the science seeks to
+deal. Upon these questions the schools have divided and up to the
+present time there is no very general consensus among sociologists in
+regard to them. The introductory chapter to this volume is at once a
+review of the points of view and an attempt to find answers. In the
+literature to which reference is made at the close of chapter iii the
+logical questions involved are discussed in a more thoroughgoing way
+than has been possible to do in this volume.
+
+Fortunately science does not wait to define its points of view nor solve
+its theoretical problems before undertaking to analyze and collect the
+facts. The contrary is nearer the truth. Science collects facts and
+answers the theoretical questions afterward. In fact, it is just its
+success in analyzing and collecting facts which throw light upon human
+problems that in the end justifies the theories of science.
+
+
+2. Surveys of Communities
+
+The historian and the philosopher introduced the sociologist to the
+study of society. But it was the reformer, the social worker, and the
+business man who compelled him to study the community.
+
+The study of the community is still in its beginnings. Nevertheless,
+there is already a rapidly growing literature on this topic.
+Ethnologists have presented us with vivid and detailed pictures of
+primitive communities as in McGee's _The Seri Indians_, Jenk's _The
+Bontoc Igorot_, Rivers' _The Todas_. Studies of the village communities
+of India, of Russia, and of early England have thrown new light upon the
+territorial factor in the organization of societies.
+
+More recently the impact of social problems has led to the intensive
+study of modern communities. The monumental work of Charles Booth,
+_Life and Labour of the People in London_, is a comprehensive
+description of conditions of social life in terms of the community. In
+the United States, interest in community study is chiefly represented by
+the social-survey movement which received impetus from the Pittsburgh
+Survey of 1907. For sociological research of greater promise than the
+survey are the several monographs which seek to make a social analysis
+of the community, as Williams, _An American Town_, or Galpin, _The
+Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community_. With due recognition of
+these auspicious beginnings, it must be confessed that there is no
+volume upon human communities comparable with several works upon plant
+and animal communities.
+
+
+3. The Group as a Unit of Investigation
+
+The study of societies is concerned primarily with types of social
+organization and with attitudes and cultural elements embodied in them.
+The survey of communities deals essentially with social situations and
+the problems connected with them.
+
+The study of social groups was a natural outgrowth of the study of the
+individual. In order to understand the person it is necessary to
+consider the group. Attention first turned to social institutions, then
+to conflict groups, and finally to crowds and crowd influences.
+
+Social institutions were naturally the first groups to be studied with
+some degree of detachment. The work of ethnologists stimulated an
+interest in social origins. Evolution, though at first a purely
+biological conception, provoked inquiry into the historical development
+of social structure. Differences in institutions in contemporary
+societies led to comparative study. Critics of institutions, both
+iconoclasts without and reformers within, forced a consideration of
+their more fundamental aspects.
+
+The first written accounts of conflict groups were quite naturally of
+the propagandist type both by their defenders and by their opponents.
+Histories of nationalities, for example, originated in the patriotic
+motive of national glorification. With the acceptance of objective
+standards of historical criticism the ground was prepared for the
+sociological study of nationalities as conflict groups. A school of
+European sociologists represented by Gumplowicz, Ratzenhofer, and
+Novicow stressed conflict as the characteristic behavior of social
+groups. Beginnings, as indicated in the bibliography, have been made of
+the study of various conflict groups as gangs, labor unions, parties,
+and sects.
+
+The interest in the mechanism of the control of the individual by the
+group has been focused upon the study of the crowd. Tarde and Le Bon in
+France, Sighele in Italy, and Ross in the United States were the
+pioneers in the description and interpretation of the behavior of mobs
+and crowds. The crowd phenomena of the Great War have stimulated the
+production of several books upon crowds and crowd influences which are,
+in the main, but superficial and popular elaborations of the
+interpretations of Tarde and Le Bon. Concrete material upon group
+behavior has rapidly accumulated, but little or no progress has been
+made in its sociological explanation.
+
+At present there are many signs of an increasing interest in the study
+of group behavior. Contemporary literature is featuring realistic
+descriptions. Sinclair Lewis in _Main Street_ describes concretely the
+routine of town life with its outward monotony and its inner zest.
+Newspapers and magazines are making surveys of the buying habits of
+their readers as a basis for advertising. The federal department of
+agriculture in co-operation with schools of agriculture is making
+intensive studies of rural communities. Social workers are conscious
+that a more fundamental understanding of social groups is a necessary
+basis for case work and community organization. Surveys of institutions
+and communities are now being made under many auspices and from varied
+points of view. All this is having a fruitful reaction upon the
+sociological theory.
+
+
+4. The Study of the Family
+
+The family is the earliest, the most elementary, and the most permanent
+of social groups. It has been more completely studied, in all its
+various aspects, than other forms of human association. Methods of
+investigation of family life are typical of methods that may be employed
+in the description of other forms of society. For that reason more
+attention is given here to studies of family life than it is possible or
+desirable to give to other and more transient types of social groups.
+
+The descriptions of travelers, of ethnologists and of historians made
+the first contributions to our knowledge of marriage, ceremonials, and
+family organization among primitive and historical peoples. Early
+students of these data devised theories of stages in the evolution of
+the family. An anthology might be made of the conceptions that students
+have formulated of the original form of the family, for example, the
+theory of the matriarchate by Bachofen, of group marriage growing out of
+earlier promiscuous relations by Morgan, of the polygynous family by
+Darwin, of pair marriage by Westermarck. An example of the ingenious,
+but discarded method of arranging all types of families observed in a
+series representing stages of the evolution is to be found in Morgan's
+_Ancient Society_. A survey of families among primitive peoples by
+Hobhouse, Ginsberg, and Wheeler makes the point that even family life is
+most varied upon the lower levels of culture, and that the historical
+development of the family with any people must be studied in relation to
+the physical and social environment.
+
+The evolutionary theory of the family has, however, furnished a somewhat
+detached point of view for the criticism of the modern family. Social
+reformers have used the evolutionary theory as a formula to justify
+attacks upon the family as an institution and to support the most varied
+proposals for its reconstruction. Books like Ellen Key's _Love and
+Marriage_ and Meisel-Hess, _The Sexual Crisis_ are not scientific
+studies of the family but rather social political philippics directed
+against marriage and the family.
+
+The interest stimulated by ethnological observation, historical study,
+and propagandist essays has, however, turned the attention of certain
+students to serious study of the family and its problems. Howard's
+_History of Matrimonial Institutions_ is a scholarly and comprehensive
+treatise upon the evolution of the legal status of the family. Annual
+statistics of marriage and divorce are now compiled and published by all
+the important countries except the United States government. In the
+United States, however, three studies of marriages and divorces have
+been made; one in 1887-88, by the Department of Labor, covering the
+twenty years from 1867-86 inclusive; another in 1906-7, by the Bureau of
+the Census, for the twenty years 1887-1906; and the last, also by the
+Bureau of the Census, for the year 1916.
+
+The changes in family life resulting from the transition from home
+industry to the factory system have created new social problems.
+Problems of woman and child labor, unemployment, and poverty are a
+product of the machine industry. Attempts to relieve the distress under
+conditions of city life resulted in the formation of charity
+organization societies and other philanthropic institutions, and in
+attempts to control the behavior of the individuals and families
+assisted. The increasing body of experience gained by social agencies
+has gradually been incorporated in the technique of the workers. Mary
+Richmond in _Social Diagnosis_ has analyzed and standardized the
+procedure of the social case worker.
+
+Less direct but more fundamental studies of family life have been made
+by other investigators. Le Play, a French social economist, who lived
+with the families which he observed, introduced the method of the
+monographic study of the economic organization of family life. Ernst
+Engel, from his study of the expenditure of Saxon working-class
+families, formulated so-called "laws" of the relation between family
+income and family outlay. Recent studies of family incomes and budgets
+by Chapin, Ogburn, and others have thrown additional light upon the
+relationship between wages and the standard of living. Interest in the
+economics of the family is manifested by an increasing number of studies
+in dietetics, household administration and domestic science.
+
+Westermarck in his _History of Human Marriage_ attempted to write a
+sociology of the family. Particularly interesting is his attempt to
+compare the animal family with that of man. The effect of this was to
+emphasize instinctive and biological aspects of the family rather than
+its institutional character. The basis for a psychology of family life
+was first laid in the _Studies in the Psychology of Sex_ by Havelock
+Ellis. The case studies of individuals by psychoanalysts often lead into
+family complexes and illuminate the structure of family attitudes and
+wishes.
+
+The sociological study of the family as a natural and a cultural group
+is only now in its beginnings. An excellent theoretical study of the
+family as a unity of interacting members is presented in Bosanquet, _The
+Family_. The family as defined in the mores has been described and
+interpreted, as for example, by Thomas in his analysis of the
+organization of the large peasant family group in the first two volumes
+of the _Polish Peasant_. Materials upon the family in the United States
+have been brought together by Calhoun in his _Social History of the
+American Family_.
+
+While the family is listed by Cooley among primary groups, the notion is
+gaining ground that it is primary in a unique sense which sets it apart
+from all other social groups. The biological interdependence and
+co-operation of the members of the family, intimacies of closest and
+most enduring contacts have no parallel among other human groups. The
+interplay of the attractions, tensions, and accommodations of
+personalities in the intimate bonds of family life have up to the
+present found no concrete description or adequate analysis in
+sociological inquiry.
+
+The best case studies of family life at present are in fiction, not in
+the case records of social agencies, nor yet in sociological literature.
+Arnold Bennett's trilogy, _Clayhanger_, _Hilda Lessways_, and _These
+Twain_, suggests a pattern not unworthy of consideration by social
+workers and sociologists. _The Pastor's Wife_, by the author of
+_Elizabeth and Her German Garden_, is a delightful contrast of English
+and German mores in their effect upon the intimate relations of family
+life.
+
+In the absence of case studies of the family as a natural and cultural
+group the following tentative outline for sociological study is offered:
+
+ 1. _Location and extent in time and space._--Genealogical tree
+ as retained in the family memory; geographical distribution and
+ movement of members of small family group and of large family
+ group; stability or mobility of family; its rural or urban
+ location.
+
+ 2. _Family traditions and ceremonials._--Family romance; family
+ skeleton; family ritual, as demonstration of affection, family
+ events, etc.
+
+ 3. _Family economics._--Family communism; division of labor
+ between members of the family; effect of occupation of its
+ members.
+
+ 4. _Family organization and control._--Conflicts and
+ accommodation; superordination and subordination; typical forms
+ of control--patriarchy, matriarchy, consensus, etc.; family
+ _esprit de corps_, family morale, family objectives; status in
+ community.
+
+ 5. _Family behavior._--Family life from the standpoint of the
+ four wishes (security, response, recognition, and new
+ experience); family crises; the family and the community;
+ familism versus individualism; family life and the development
+ of personality.
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+I. THE DEFINITION OF SOCIETY
+
+(1) Kistiakowski, Dr. Th. _Gesellschaft und Einselwesen; eine
+methodologische Studie._ Berlin, 1899. [A review and criticism of the
+principal conceptions of society with reference to their value for a
+natural science of society.]
+
+(2) Barth, Paul. _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie._
+Leipzig, 1897. [A comparison of the different schools and an attempt to
+interpret them as essays in the philosophy of history.]
+
+(3) Espinas, Alfred. _Des sociétés animales._ Paris, 1877. [A definition
+of society based upon a comparative study of animal associations,
+communities, and societies.]
+
+(4) Spencer, Herbert. "The Social Organism," _Essays, Scientific,
+Political and Speculative_. I, 265-307. New York, 1892. [First published
+in _The Westminster Review_ for January, 1860.]
+
+(5) Lazarus, M., and Steinthal, H. "Einleitende Gedanken zur
+Völkerpsychologie als Einladung zu einer Zeitschrift für
+Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft," _Zeitschrift für
+Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, I (1860), 1-73. [This is the
+most important early attempt to interpret social phenomena from a social
+psychological point of view. See p. 35 for definition of _Volk_ "the
+people."]
+
+(6) Knapp, G. Friedrich. "Quételet als Theoretiker," _Jahrbücher für
+Nationalökonomie und Statistik_, XVIII (1872), 89-124.
+
+(7) Lazarus, M. _Das Leben der Seele in Monographien über seine
+Erscheinungen und Gesetze._ Berlin, 1876.
+
+(8) Durkheim, Émile. "Représentations individuelles et représentations
+collectives," _Revue de métaphysique et de morale_, VI (1898), 273-302.
+
+(9) Simmel, Georg. _Über sociale Differenzierung._ Sociologische und
+psychologische Untersuchungen. Leipzig, 1890.
+
+[See also in Bibliography, chap. i, volumes listed under Systematic
+Treatises.]
+
+
+II. PLANT COMMUNITIES AND ANIMAL SOCIETIES
+
+(1) Clements, Frederic E. _Plant Succession._ An analysis of the
+development of vegetation. Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1916.
+
+(2) Wheeler, W. M. "The Ant-Colony as an Organism," _Journal of
+Morphology_, XXII (1911), 307-25.
+
+(3) Parmelee, Maurice. _The Science of Human Behavior._ Biological and
+Psychological Foundations. New York, 1913. [Bibliography.]
+
+(4) Massart, J., and Vandervelde, É. _Parasitism, Organic and Social._
+2d ed. Translated by W. Macdonald. Revised by J. Arthur Thomson. London,
+1907.
+
+(5) Warming, Eug. _Oecology of Plants._ An introduction to the study of
+plant communities. Oxford, 1909. [Bibliography.]
+
+(6) Adams, Charles C. _Guide to the Study of Animal Ecology._ New York,
+1913. [Bibliography.]
+
+(7) Waxweiler, E. "Esquisse d'une sociologie," _Travaux de l'Institut de
+Sociologie (Solvay), Notes et mémoires_, Fasc. 2. Bruxelles, 1906.
+
+(8) Reinheimer, H. _Symbiosis._ A socio-physiological study of
+evolution. London, 1920.
+
+
+III. THE CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL GROUPS
+
+A. _Types of Social Group_
+
+
+1. Non-territorial Groups:
+
+(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. London,
+1897.
+
+(2) Sighele, S. _Psychologie des sectes._ Paris, 1898.
+
+(3) Tarde, G. _L'opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901.
+
+(4) Fahlbeck, Pontus. _Klasserna och Samhallet._ Stockholm, 1920. (Book
+review in _American Journal of Sociology_, XXVI [1920-21], 633-34.)
+
+(5) Nesfield, John C. _Brief View of the Caste System of the
+North-western Provinces and Oudh_. Allahabad, 1885.
+
+
+2. Territorial Groups:
+
+(1) Simmel, Georg. "Die Grossstädte und das Geistesleben," _Die
+Grossstadt_, Vorträge und Aufsätze zur Städteausstellung, von K. Bücher,
+F. Ratzel, G. v. Mayr, H. Waentig, G. Simmel, Th. Peterman, und D.
+Schäfer. Dresden, 1903.
+
+(2) Galpin, C. J. _The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community._
+Madison, Wis., 1915. (Agricultural experiment station of the University
+of Wisconsin. Research Bulletin 34.) [See also _Rural Life_, New York,
+1918.]
+
+(3) Aronovici, Carol. _The Social Survey._ Philadelphia, 1916.
+
+(4) McKenzie, R. D. _The Neighborhood._ A study of local life in
+Columbus, Ohio. Chicago, 1921 [in press].
+
+(5) Park, Robert E. "The City. Suggestions for the Investigation of
+Human Behavior in the City Environment," _American Journal of
+Sociology_, XX (1914-15), 577-612.
+
+(6) Sims, Newell L. _The Rural Community, Ancient and Modern._ New York,
+1920.
+
+
+B. _Studies of Individual Communities:_
+
+(1) Maine, Sir Henry. _Village-Communities in the East and West._
+London, 1871.
+
+(2) Baden-Powell, H. _The Indian Village Community._ Examined with
+reference to the physical, ethnographic, and historical conditions of
+the provinces. London, 1896.
+
+(3) Seebohm, Frederic. _The English Village Community._ Examined in its
+relations to the manorial and tribal systems and to the common or open
+field system of husbandry. An essay in economic history. London, 1883.
+
+(4) McGee, W. J. "The Seri Indians," _Bureau of American Ethnology 17th
+Annual Report 1895-96._ Washington, 1898.
+
+(5) Rivers, W. H. R. _The Todas._ London and New York, 1906.
+
+(6) Jenks, Albert. _The Bontoc Igorot._ Manila, 1905.
+
+(7) Stow, John. _A Survey of London._ Reprinted from the text of 1603
+with introduction and notes by C. L. Kingsford. Oxford, 1908.
+
+(8) Booth, Charles. _Life and Labour of the People in London_, 9 vols.
+London and New York, 1892-97. 8 additional volumes, 1902.
+
+(9) Kellogg, P. U., ed. _The Pittsburgh Survey._ Findings in 6 vols.
+Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1909-14.
+
+(10) Woods, Robert. _The City Wilderness._ A settlement study, south end
+of Boston. Boston, 1898. ----. _Americans in Process._ A settlement
+study, north and west ends of Boston. Boston, 1902.
+
+(11) Kenngott, G. F. _The Record of a City._ A social survey of Lowell,
+Massachusetts. New York, 1912.
+
+(12) Harrison, Shelby M., ed. _The Springfield Survey._ A study of
+social conditions in an American city. Findings in 3 vols. Russell Sage
+Foundation. New York, 1918.
+
+(13) Roberts, Peter. _Anthracite Coal Communities._ A study of the
+demography, the social, educational, and moral life of the anthracite
+regions. New York and London, 1904.
+
+(14) Williams, J. M. _An American Town._ A sociological study. New York,
+1906.
+
+(15) Wilson, Warren H. _Quaker Hill._ A sociological study. New York,
+1907.
+
+(16) Taylor, Graham R. _Satellite Cities._ A study of industrial
+suburbs. New York and London, 1915.
+
+(17) Lewis, Sinclair. _Main Street._ New York, 1920.
+
+(18) Kobrin, Leon. _A Lithuanian Village._ Translated from the Yiddish
+by Isaac Goldberg. New York, 1920.
+
+
+IV. THE STUDY OF THE FAMILY
+
+A. _The Primitive Family_
+
+1. The Natural History of Marriage:
+
+(1) Bachofen, J. J. _Das Mutterrecht._ Eine Untersuchung über die
+Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religiösen und rechtlichen
+Natur. Stuttgart, 1861.
+
+(2) Westermarck, E. _The History of Human Marriage._ London, 1891.
+
+(3) McLennan, J. F. _Primitive Marriage._ An inquiry into the origin of
+the form of capture in marriage ceremonies. Edinburgh, 1865.
+
+(4) Tylor, E. B. "The Matriarchal Family System," _Nineteenth Century_,
+XL (1896), 81-96.
+
+(5) Dargun, L. von. _Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht._ Leipzig, 1892.
+
+(6) Maine, Sir Henry. _Dissertations on Early Law and Custom._ Chap.
+vii. London, 1883.
+
+(7) Letourneau, C. _The Evolution of Marriage and of the Family._
+(Trans.) New York, 1891.
+
+(8) Kovalevsky, M. _Tableau des origines et de l'évolution de la famille
+et de la propriété._ Stockholm, 1890.
+
+(9) Lowie, Robert H. _Primitive Society._ New York, 1920.
+
+(10) Starcke, C. N. _The Primitive Family in Its Origin and
+Development._ New York, 1889.
+
+(11) Hobhouse, L. T., Wheeler, G. C., and Ginsberg, M. _The Material
+Culture and Social Institutions of the Simpler Peoples._ London, 1915.
+
+(12) Parsons, Elsie Clews. _The Family._ An ethnographical and
+historical outline. New York and London, 1906.
+
+2. Studies of Family Life in Different Cultural Areas:
+
+(1) Spencer, B., and Gillen, F. J. _The Native Tribes of Central
+Australia._ Chap. iii, "Certain Ceremonies Concerned with Marriage," pp.
+92-111. London and New York, 1899.
+
+(2) Rivers, W. H. R. _Kinship and Social Organization._ "Studies in
+Economics and Political Science," No. 36. In the series of monographs by
+writers connected with the London School of Economics and Political
+Science. London, 1914.
+
+(3) Rivers, W. H. R. "Kinship," _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to
+Torres Straits, Report._ V, 129-47, VI, 92-125.
+
+(4) Kovalevsky, M. "La famille matriarcale au Caucase,"
+_L'Anthropologie_, IV (1893), 259-78.
+
+(5) Thomas, N. W. _Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in
+Australia._ Cambridge, 1906.
+
+(6) Malinowski, Bronislaw. _The Family among the Australian Aborigines._
+A sociological study. London, 1913.
+
+B. _Materials for the Study of Familial Attitudes and Sentiments_
+
+(1) Frazer, J. G. _Totemism and Exogamy._ A treatise on certain early
+forms of superstition and society. London, 1910.
+
+(2) Durkheim, É. "La prohibition de l'inceste et ses origines," _L'année
+sociologique._ I (1896-97), 1-70.
+
+(3) Ploss, H. _Das Weib in der Natur- und Völkerkunde._ Leipzig, 1902.
+
+(4) Lasch, R. "Der Selbstmord aus erotischen Motiven bei den primitiven
+Völkern," _Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft_, II (1899), 578-85.
+
+(5) Jacobowski, L. "Das Weib in der Poesie der Hottentotten," _Globus_,
+LXX (1896), 173-76.
+
+(6) Stoll, O. _Das Geschlechtsleben in der Völkerpsychologie._ Leipzig,
+1908.
+
+(7) Crawley, A. E. "Sexual Taboo: A Study in the Relations of the
+Sexes," _The Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, XXIV (1894-95),
+116-25; 219-35; 430-46.
+
+(8) Simmel, G. "Zur Psychologie der Frauen," _Zeitschrift für
+Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, XX, 6-46.
+
+(9) Finck, Henry T. _Romantic Love and Personal Beauty._ Their
+development, causal relations, historic and national peculiarities.
+London and New York, 1887.
+
+(10) ----. _Primitive Love and Love Stories_. New York, 1899.
+
+(11) Kline, L. W. "The Migratory Impulse versus Love of Home," _American
+Journal of Psychology_, X (1898-99), 1-81.
+
+(12) Key, Ellen. _Love and Marriage._ Translated from the Swedish by A.
+G. Chater; with a critical and biographical introduction by Havelock
+Ellis. New York and London, 1912.
+
+(13) Meisel-Hess, Grete. _The Sexual Crisis._ A critique of our sex
+life. Translated from the German by E. and C. Paul. New York, 1917.
+
+(14) Bloch, Iwan. _The Sexual Life of Our Time in Its Relation to Modern
+Civilization._ Translated from the 6th German ed. by M. Eden Paul. Chap.
+viii, "The Individualization of Love," pp. 159-76. London, 1908.
+
+
+C. _Economics of the Family_
+
+(1) Grosse, Ernst. _Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der
+Wirtschaft._ Freiburg, 1896.
+
+(2) Le Play, P. G. Frédéric. _Les ouvriers européens._ Études sur les
+travaux, la vie domestique, et la condition morale des populations
+ouvrières de l'Europe. Précédées d'un exposé de la méthode
+d'observation. Paris, 1855. [Comprises a series of 36 monographs on the
+budgets of typical families selected from the most diverse industries.]
+
+(3) Le Play, P. G. Frédéric. _L'organisation de la famille._ Selon le
+vrai modèle signalé par l'histoire de toutes les races et de tous les
+temps. Paris, 1871.
+
+(4) Engel, Ernst. _Die Lebenskosten belgischer Arbeiter-Familien früher
+und jetzt._ Ermittelt aus Familien-Haushaltrechnungen und vergleichend
+zusammengestellt. Dresden, 1895.
+
+(5) Chapin, Robert C. _The Standard of Living among Workingmen's
+Families in New York City._ Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1909.
+
+(6) Talbot, Marion, and Breckinridge, Sophonisba P. _The Modern
+Household._ Rev. ed. Boston, 1919. [Bibliography at the end of each
+chapter.]
+
+(7) Nesbitt, Florence. _Household Management._ Preface by Mary E.
+Richmond. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1918.
+
+
+D. _The Sociology of the Family_
+
+1. Studies in Family Organization:
+
+(1) Bosanquet, Helen. _The Family._ London and New York, 1906.
+
+(2) Durkheim, É. "Introduction à la sociologie de la famille." _Annales
+de la faculté des lettres de Bordeaux_ (1888), 257-81.
+
+(3) ----. "La famille conjugale," _Revue philosophique_, XLI (1921),
+1-14.
+
+(4) Howard, G. E. _A History of Matrimonial Institutions Chiefly in
+England and the United States._ With an introductory analysis of the
+literature and theories of primitive marriage and the family. 3 vols.
+Chicago, 1904.
+
+(5) Thwing, Charles F. and Carrie F. B. _The Family._ A historical and
+social study. Boston, 1887.
+
+(6) Goodsell, Willystine. _A History of the Family as a Social and
+Educational Institution._ New York, 1915.
+
+(7) Dealey, J. Q. _The Family in Its Sociological Aspects._ Boston,
+1912.
+
+(8) Calhoun, Arthur W. _A Social History of the American Family from
+Colonial Times to the Present._ 3 vols. Cleveland, 1917-19.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+(9) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and
+America._ "Primary-Group Organization," I, 87-524, II. Boston, 1918. [A
+study based on correspondence between members of the family in America
+and Poland.]
+
+(10) Du Bois, W. E. B. _The Negro American Family._ Atlanta, 1908.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+(11) Williams, James M. "Outline of a Theory of Social Motives,"
+_American Journal of Sociology_, XV (1909-10), 741-80. [Theory of
+motives based upon observation of rural and urban families.]
+
+2. Materials for the Study of Family Disorganization:
+
+(1) Willcox, Walter F. _The Divorce Problem._ A study in statistics.
+("Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law,"
+Vol. I. New York, 1891.)
+
+(2) Lichtenberger, J. P. _Divorce._ A study in social causation. New
+York, 1909.
+
+(3) United States Bureau of the Census. _Marriage and Divorce_,
+1867-1906. 2 vols. Washington, 1908-09. [Results of two federal
+investigations.]
+
+(4) ----. _Marriage and Divorce 1916._ Washington, 1919.
+
+(5) Eubank, Earle E. _A Study in Family Desertion._ Department of Public
+Welfare. Chicago, 1916. [Bibliography.]
+
+(6) Breckinridge, Sophonisba P., and Abbott, Edith. _The Delinquent
+Child and the Home._ A study of the delinquent wards of the Juvenile
+Court of Chicago. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1912.
+
+(7) Colcord, Joanna. _Broken Homes._ A study of family desertion and its
+social treatment. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1919.
+
+(8) Kammerer, Percy G. _The Unmarried Mother._ A study of five hundred
+cases. Boston, 1918.
+
+(9) Ellis, Havelock. _The Task of Social Hygiene._ Boston, 1912.
+
+(10) Myerson, Abraham. "Psychiatric Family Studies," _American Journal
+of Insanity_, LXXIV (April, 1918), 497-555.
+
+(11) Morrow, Prince A. _Social Diseases and Marriage._ Social
+prophylaxis. New York, 1904.
+
+(12) Periodicals on Social Hygiene:
+
+_Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft_, Bd. 1, April, 1914-, Bonn [1915-].
+
+_Social Hygiene_, Vol. I, December, 1914-, New York [1915-].
+
+_Die Neuere Generation_, Bd. I, 1908-Berlin [1908-]. Preceded by
+_Mutterschutz_, Vols. I-III.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. Society and the Individual: The Cardinal Problem of Sociology.
+
+2. Historic Conceptions of Society: Aristotle, Hobbes, Rousseau, etc.
+
+3. Plant Communities.
+
+4. Animal Societies: The Ant Colony, the Bee Hive.
+
+5. Animal Communities, or Studies in Animal Ecology.
+
+6. Human Communities, Human Ecology, and Economics.
+
+7. The Natural Areas of the City.
+
+8. Studies in Group Consciousness: National, Sectional, State, Civic.
+
+9. Co-operation versus Consensus.
+
+10. Taming as a Form of Social Control.
+
+11. Domestication among Plants, Animals, and Man.
+
+12. Group Unity and the Different Forms of Consensus: _Esprit de corps_,
+Morale, Collective Representations.
+
+13. The Social Nature of Concepts.
+
+14. Conduct and Behavior.
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. What, in your opinion, are the essential elements in Espinas'
+definition of society?
+
+2. In what sense does society differ from association?
+
+3. According to Espinas' definition, which of the following social
+relations would constitute society: robber and robbed; beggar and
+almsgiver; charity organization and recipients of relief; master and
+slave; employer and employee?
+
+4. What illustrations of symbiosis in human society occur to you?
+
+5. Are changes resulting from human symbiosis changes (a) of
+structure, or (b) of function?
+
+6. What are the likenesses and the differences between social symbiosis
+in human and in ant society?
+
+7. What is the difference between taming and domestication?
+
+8. What is the relation of domestication to society?
+
+9. Is man a _tamed_ or a _domesticated_ animal?
+
+10. What are the likenesses between a plant and a human community? What
+are the differences?
+
+11. What is the fundamental difference between a plant community and an
+ant society?
+
+12. What are the differences between human and animal societies?
+
+13. Does the ant have customs? ceremonies?
+
+14. Do you think that there is anything akin to public sentiment in ant
+society?
+
+15. What is the relation of education to social heredity?
+
+16. In what way do you differentiate between the characteristic behavior
+of machines and human beings?
+
+17. "Society not only continues to exist _by_ transmission, _by_
+communication, but it may fairly be said to exist _in_ transmission,
+_in_ communication." Interpret.
+
+18. How does Dewey's definition of society differ from that of Espinas?
+Which do you prefer? Why?
+
+19. Is consensus synonymous with co-operation?
+
+20. Under what conditions would Dewey characterize the following social
+relations as society: master and slave; employer and employee; parent
+and child; teacher and student?
+
+21. In what sense does the communication of an experience to another
+person change the experience itself?
+
+22. In what sense are concepts _social_ in contrast with sensations
+which are _individual_? Would it be possible to have concepts outside of
+group life?
+
+23. How does Park distinguish between behavior and conduct?
+
+24. In what ways is human society in its origin and continuity based on
+conduct?
+
+25. To what extent does "the animal nature of man" (Hobhouse) provide a
+basis for the social organization of life?
+
+26. What, according to Hobhouse, are the _differentia_ of human morality
+from animal behavior?
+
+27. What do you understand by a collective representation?
+
+28. How do you distinguish between the terms society, social community,
+and group? Can you name a society that could not be considered as a
+community? Can you name a community that is not a society?
+
+29. In what, fundamentally, does the unity of the group consist?
+
+30. What groups are omitted in Le Bon's classification of social groups?
+Make a list of all the groups, formal and informal, of which you are a
+member. Arrange these groups under the classification given in the
+General Introduction (p. 50). Compare this classification with that made
+by Le Bon.
+
+31. How do you distinguish between _esprit de corps_, morale, and
+collective representation as forms of consensus?
+
+32. Classify under _esprit de corps_, morale, or collective
+representation the following aspects of group behavior: rooting at a
+football game; army discipline; the flag; college spirit; the so-called
+"war psychosis"; the fourteen points of President Wilson; "the English
+never know when they are beaten"; slogans; "Paris refrains from
+exultation"; crowd enthusiasm; the Golden Rule; "where there's a will
+there's a way"; Grant's determination, "I'll fight it out this way if it
+takes all summer"; ideals.
+
+33. "The human mind has a large capacity for adopting beliefs that fit
+the trends of its habits and feelings." Give concrete illustrations
+outside of army life.
+
+34. What is the importance of the study of the family as a social
+group?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[80] See _supra_, chap. i, pp. 50-51.
+
+[81] Translated from Alfred Espinas, _Des sociétés animales_ (1878), pp.
+157-60.
+
+[82] Adapted from William M. Wheeler, _Ants, Their Structure,
+Development, Behavior_, pp. 339-424. (Columbia University Press, 1910.)
+
+[83] Adapted from P. Chalmers Mitchell, _The Childhood of Animals_, pp.
+204-21. (Frederick A. Stokes & Co., 1912.)
+
+[84] Adapted from Eugenius Warming, _Oecology of Plants_, pp. 12-13,
+91-95. (Oxford University Press, 1909.)
+
+[85] Adapted from William E. Wheeler, _Ants, Their Structure,
+Development, and Behavior_, pp. 5-7. (Columbia University Press, 1910.)
+
+[86] From John Dewey, _Democracy and Education_, pp. 1-7. (Published by
+The Macmillan Co., 1916. Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[87] From Robert E. Park, _Principles of Human Behavior_, pp. 1-9. (The
+Zalaz Corporation, 1915.)
+
+[88] Adapted from L. T. Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution_, pp. 1-2, 10-12.
+(Henry Holt & Co., 1915.)
+
+[89] Adapted from Émile Durkheim, _Elementary Forms of Religious Life_,
+pp. 432-37. (Allen & Unwin, 1915.)
+
+[90] From Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 495-97. (The
+University of Chicago Press, 1905.)
+
+[91] From R. E. Park, "Education in Its Relation to the Conflict and
+Fusion of Cultures," in the _Publications of the American Sociological
+Society_, VIII (1918), 38-40.
+
+[92] Translated from S. Sighele, _Psychologie des Sectes_, pp. 42-51.
+(M. Giard et Cie., 1898.)
+
+[93] Adapted from William E. Hocking, _Morale and Its Enemies_, pp.
+3-37. (Yale University Press, 1918.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Geological and Biological Conceptions of Isolation
+
+Relations of persons with persons, and of groups with groups, may be
+either those of isolation or those of contact. The emphasis in this
+chapter is placed upon _isolation_, in the next chapter upon _contact_
+in a comparison of their effects upon personal conduct and group
+behavior.
+
+Absolute isolation of the person from the members of his group is
+unthinkable. Even biologically, two individuals of the higher animal
+species are the precondition to a new individual existence. In man,
+postnatal care by the parent for five or six years is necessary even for
+the physiological survival of the offspring. Not only biologically but
+sociologically complete isolation is a contradiction in terms.
+Sociologists following Aristotle have agreed with him that human nature
+develops within and decays outside of social relations. Isolation, then,
+in the social as well as the biological sense is _relative_, not
+_absolute_.
+
+The term "isolation" was first employed in anthropogeography, the study
+of the relation of man to his physical environment. To natural barriers,
+as mountains, oceans, and deserts, was attributed an influence upon the
+location of races and the movements of peoples and the kind and the
+degree of cultural contact. The nature and the extent of separation of
+persons and groups was considered by geographers as a reflex of the
+physical environment.
+
+In biology, isolation as a factor in the evolution and the life of the
+species, is studied from the standpoint of the animal group more than
+from that of the environment. Consequently, the separation of species
+from each other is regarded as the outcome not only of a sheer physical
+impossibility of contact, but even more of other factors as differences
+in physical structure, in habits of life, and in the instincts of the
+animal groups. J. Arthur Thomson in his work on "Heredity" presents the
+following compact and illuminating statement of isolation as a factor in
+inheritance.
+
+ The only other directive evolution-factor that biologists are
+ at all agreed about, besides selection, is isolation--a general
+ term for all the varied ways in which the radius of possible
+ intercrossing is narrowed. As expounded by Wagner, Weismann,
+ Romanes, Gulick, and others, isolation takes many
+ forms--spatial, structural, habitudinal, and psychical--and it
+ has various results.
+
+ It tends to the segregation of species into subspecies, it
+ makes it easier for new variations to establish themselves, it
+ promotes prepotency, or what the breeders call "transmitting
+ power," it fixes characters. One of the most successful breeds
+ of cattle (Polled Angus) seems to have had its source in one
+ farmsteading; its early history is one of close inbreeding, its
+ prepotency is remarkable, its success from our point of view
+ has been great. It is difficult to get secure data as to the
+ results of isolation in nature, but Gulick's recent volume on
+ the subject abounds in concrete illustrations, and we seem
+ warranted in believing that conditions of isolation have been
+ and are of frequent occurrence.
+
+ Reibmayr has collected from human history a wealth of
+ illustrations of various forms of isolation, and there seems
+ much to be said for his thesis that the establishment of a
+ successful race or stock requires the alternation of periods of
+ inbreeding (endogamy) in which characters are fixed, and
+ periods of outbreeding (exogamy) in which, by the introduction
+ of fresh blood, new variations are promoted. Perhaps the Jews
+ may serve to illustrate the influence of isolation in promoting
+ stability of type and prepotency; perhaps the Americans may
+ serve to illustrate the variability which a mixture of
+ different stocks tends to bring about. In historical inquiry
+ into the difficult problem of the origin of distinct races, it
+ seems legitimate to think of periods of "mutation"--of
+ discontinuous sporting--which led to numerous offshoots from
+ the main stock, of the migration of these variants into new
+ environments where in relative isolation they became prepotent
+ and stable.[94]
+
+The biological use of the term "isolation" introduces a new emphasis.
+Separation may be spatial, but its effects are increasingly structural
+and functional. Indeed, spatial isolation was a factor in the origin of
+species because of specialized organic adaptation to varied geographic
+conditions. In other words, the structure of the species, its habits of
+life, and its original and acquired responses, tend to isolate it from
+other species.
+
+Man as an animal species in his historical development has attempted
+with fair success to destroy the barriers separating him from other
+animals. Through domestication and taming he has changed the original
+nature and habits of life of many animals. The dog, the companion of
+man, is the summit of human achievement in association with animals.
+Nevertheless, the barriers that separate the dog and his master are
+insurmountable. Even if "a candidate for humanity," the dog is forever
+debarred from any share in human tradition and culture.
+
+
+2. Isolation and Segregation
+
+In geography, isolation denotes separation in space. In sociology, the
+essential characteristic of isolation is found in exclusion from
+communication.
+
+Geographical forms of isolation are sociologically significant in so far
+as they prevent communication. The isolation of the mountain whites in
+the southern states, even if based on spatial separation, consisted in
+the absence of contacts and competition, participation in the
+progressive currents of civilization.
+
+Biological differences, whether physical or mental, between the
+different races are sociologically important to the extent to which they
+affect communication. Of themselves, differences in skin color between
+races would not prevent intercommunication of ideas. But the physical
+marks of racial differences have invariably become the symbols of racial
+solidarity and racial exclusiveness. The problems of humanity are
+altogether different from what they would have been were all races of
+one complexion as they are of one blood.
+
+Certain physical and mental defects and differences in and of themselves
+tend to separate the individual from his group. The deaf-mute and the
+blind are deprived of normal avenues to communication. "My deafness,"
+wrote Beethoven, "forces me to live in exile." The physically
+handicapped are frequently unable to participate in certain human
+activities on equal terms with their fellows. Minor physical defects and
+marked physical variations from the normal tend to become the basis of
+social discrimination.
+
+Mental differences frequently offer still greater obstacles to social
+contacts. The idiot and the imbecile are obviously debarred from normal
+communication with their intelligent associates. The "dunce" was
+isolated by village ridicule and contempt long before the term "moron"
+was coined, or the feeble-minded segregated in institutions and
+colonies. The individual with the highest native endowments, the genius,
+and the talented enjoy or suffer from a more subtle type of isolation
+from their fellows, that is, the isolation of eminence. "The reason of
+isolation," says Thoreau, a lover of solitude, "is not that we love to
+be alone, but that we love to soar; and when we soar, the company grows
+thinner and thinner until there is none left."
+
+So far, isolation as a tool of social analysis has been treated as an
+effect of geographical separation or of structural differentiation
+resulting in limitation of communication. Social distances are
+frequently based on other subtler forms of isolation.
+
+The study of cultural differences between groups has revealed barriers
+quite as real and as effective as those of physical space and structure.
+Variations in language, folkways, mores, conventions, and ideals
+separate individuals and peoples from each other as widely as oceans and
+deserts. Communication between England and Australia is far closer and
+freer than between Germany and France.
+
+Conflict groups, like sects and parties, and accommodation groups like
+castes and classes depend for survival upon isolation. Free intercourse
+of opposing parties is always a menace to their morale. Fraternization
+between soldiers of contending armies, or between ministers of rival
+denominations is fraught with peril to the fighting efficiency of the
+organizations they represent. The solidarity of the group, like the
+integrity of the individual, implies a measure at least of isolation
+from other groups and persons as a necessary condition of its existence.
+
+The life-history of any group when analyzed is found to incorporate
+within it elements of isolation as well as of social contact. Membership
+in a group makes for increasing contacts within the circle of
+participants, but decreasing contacts with persons without. Isolation is
+for this reason a factor in the preservation of individuality and unity.
+The _esprit de corps_ and morale of the group is in large part
+maintained by the fixation of attention upon certain collective
+representations to the exclusion of others. The memories and sentiments
+of the members have their source in common experiences of the past from
+which non-members are isolated. This natural tendency toward exclusive
+experiences is often reinforced by conscious emphasis upon secrecy.
+Primitive and modern secret societies, sororities, and fraternities have
+been organized around the principle of isolation. Secrecy in a society,
+like reserve in an individual, protects it from a disintegrating
+publicity. The family has its "skeleton in the closet," social groups
+avoid the public "washing of dirty linen"; the community banishes from
+consciousness, if it can, its slums, and parades its parks and
+boulevards. Every individual who has any personality at all maintains
+some region of privacy.
+
+A morphological survey of group formation in any society discloses the
+fact that there are lateral as well as vertical divisions in the social
+structure. Groups are arranged in strata of relative superiority and
+inferiority. In a stratified society the separation into castes is rigid
+and quite unalterable. In a free society competition tends to destroy
+classes and castes. New devices come into use to keep aspiring and
+insurgent individuals and groups at the proper social level. If
+"familiarity breeds contempt" respect may be secured by reserve. In the
+army the prestige of the officer is largely a matter of "distance." The
+"divinity that doth hedge the king" is due in large part to the hedge of
+ceremonial separating him from his subjects. Condescension and pity,
+while they denote external contact, involve an assumption of spiritual
+eminence not to be found in consensus and sympathy. As protection
+against the penetration of the inner precincts of personality and the
+group individuality, there are the defenses of suspicion and aversion,
+of reticence and reserve, designed to insure the proper social distance.
+
+
+3. Classification of the Materials
+
+The materials in the present chapter are intended to illustrate the fact
+that individuality of the person and of the group is both an effect of
+and a cause of isolation.
+
+The first selections under the heading "Isolation and Personal
+Individuality" bring out the point that the function of isolation in
+personal development lies not so much in sheer physical separation from
+other persons as in freedom from the control of external social
+contacts. Thus Rousseau constructs an ideal society in the solitude of
+his forest retreat. The lonely child enjoys the companionship of his
+imaginary comrade. George Eliot aspires to join the choir invisible. The
+mystic seeks communion with divinity.
+
+This form of isolation within the realm of social contacts is known as
+privacy. Indeed privacy may be defined as withdrawal from the group,
+with, at the same time, ready access to it. It is in solitude that the
+creative mind organizes the materials appropriated from the group in
+order to make novel and fruitful innovations. Privacy affords
+opportunity for the individual to reflect, to anticipate, to recast, and
+to originate. Practical recognition of the human demand for privacy has
+been realized in the study of the minister, the office of the business
+man, and the den of the boy. Monasteries and universities are
+institutions providing leisure and withdrawal from the world as the
+basis for personal development and preparation for life's work. Other
+values of privacy are related to the growth of self-consciousness,
+self-respect, and personal ideals of conduct.
+
+Many forms of isolation, unlike privacy, prevent access to stimulating
+social contact. Selections under the heading "Isolation and Retardation"
+indicate conditions responsible for the arrest of mental and personal
+growth.
+
+The cases of feral men, in the absence of contradictory evidence, seem
+adequate in support of Aristotle's point that social contacts are
+indispensable for human development. The story by Helen Keller, the
+talented and celebrated blind deaf-mute, of her emergence from the
+imprisonment of sense deprivation into the free life of communication is
+a most significant sociological document. With all of us the change from
+the animal-like isolation of the child at birth to personal
+participation in the fullest human life is gradual. In Helen Keller's
+case the transformation of months was telescoped into minutes. The
+"miracle" of communication when sociologically analyzed seems to consist
+in the transition from the experience of _sensations_ and _sense
+perceptions_ which man shares in common with animals to the development
+of _ideas_ and _self-consciousness_ which are the unique attributes of
+human beings.
+
+The remaining selections upon isolation and retardation illustrate the
+different types of situations in which isolation makes for retardation
+and retardation in turn emphasizes the isolation. The reversion of a
+man of scientific training in the solitudes of Patagonia to the animal
+level of mentality suggests that the low intelligence of the savage, the
+peasant, and the backward races is probably due more to the absence of
+stimulating contacts than to original mental inferiority. So the
+individuality and conservatism of the farmer, his failure to keep pace
+with the inhabitant of the town and city, Galpin assigns to deficiency
+in social contacts. Then, too, the subtler forms of handicap in personal
+development and achievement result from social types of isolation, as
+race prejudice, the sheltered life of woman, exclusiveness of social
+classes, and make for increased isolation.
+
+Up to this point, isolation has been treated statically as a cause.
+Under the heading, "Isolation and Segregation" it is conceived as an
+effect, an effect of competition, and the consequent selection and
+segregation.
+
+The first effect of the introduction of competition in any society is to
+break up all types of isolation and provincialism based upon lack of
+communication and contact. But as competition continues, natural and
+social selection comes into play. Successful types emerge in the process
+of competitive struggle while variant individuals who fail to maintain
+the pace or conform to standard withdraw or are ejected from the group.
+Exiled variants from several groups under auspicious circumstances may
+in turn form a community where the process of selection will be directly
+opposite to that in their native groups. In the new community the
+process of selection naturally accentuates and perfects the traits
+originally responsible for exclusion. The outcome of segregation is the
+creation of specialized social types with the maximum of isolation. The
+circle of isolation is then complete.
+
+This circular effect of the processes of competition, selection, and
+segregation, from isolation to isolation, may be found everywhere in
+modern western society. Individual variants with criminalistic
+tendencies exiled from villages and towns through the process of
+selection form a segregated group in city areas popularly called
+"breeding places of crime." The tribe of Pineys, Tin Town, The Village
+of a Thousand Souls, are communities made up by adverse selection of
+feeble-minded individuals, outcasts of the competitive struggle of
+intelligent, "high-minded" communities. The result is the formation of a
+criminal type and of a feeble-minded caste. These slums and outcast
+groups are in turn isolated from full and free communication with the
+progressive outside world.
+
+National individuality in the past, as indicated in the selections upon
+"Isolation and National Individuality," has been in large degree the
+result of a cultural process based upon isolation. The historical
+nations of Europe, biologically hybrid, are united by common language,
+folkways, and mores. This unity of mother tongue and culture is the
+product of historical and cultural processes circumscribed, as Shaler
+points out, by separated geographical areas.
+
+A closer examination of the cultural process in the life of progressive
+historical peoples reveals the interplay of isolation and social
+contacts. Grote gives a penetrating analysis of Grecian achievement in
+terms of the individuality based on small isolated land areas and the
+contacts resulting from maritime communication. The world-hegemony of
+English-speaking peoples today rests not only upon naval supremacy and
+material resources but even more upon the combination of individual
+development in diversified areas with large freedom in international
+contacts.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. ISOLATION AND PERSONAL INDIVIDUALITY
+
+
+1. Society and Solitude[95]
+
+It had been hard for him that spake it to have put more truth and
+untruth together in few words than in that speech: "Whosoever is
+delighted in solitude is either a wild beast or a god." For it is most
+true that a natural and secret hatred and aversation towards society in
+any man hath somewhat of the savage beast; but it is most untrue that it
+should have any character at all of the divine nature except it proceed,
+not out of a pleasure in solitude, but out of a love and desire to
+sequester a man's self for a higher conversation, such as is found to
+have been falsely and feignedly in some of the heathen, as Epimenides
+the Candian, Numa the Roman, Empedocles the Sicilian, and Apollonius of
+Tyana; and truly and really in divers of the ancient hermits and Holy
+Fathers of the Church. But little do men perceive what solitude is, and
+how far it extendeth. For a crowd is not company, and faces are but a
+gallery of pictures, and talk but a tinkling cymbal, where there is no
+love. The Latin adage meeteth with it a little: _Magna civitas magna
+solitudo_ ("A great town is a great solitude"), because in a great town
+friends are scattered, so that there is not that fellowship, for the
+most part, which is in less neighborhoods. But we may go further, and
+affirm most truly that it is a mere and miserable solitude to want true
+friends, without which the world is but a wilderness; and, even in this
+sense also of solitude, whosoever in the frame of his nature and
+affections is unfit for friendship, he taketh it of the beast and not
+from humanity.
+
+
+2. Society in Solitude[96]
+
+What period do you think, sir, I recall most frequently and most
+willingly in my dreams? Not the pleasures of my youth: they were too
+rare, too much mingled with bitterness, and are now too distant. I
+recall the period of my seclusion, of my solitary walks, of the fleeting
+but delicious days that I have passed entirely by myself, with my good
+and simple housekeeper, with my beloved dog, my old cat, with the birds
+of the field, the hinds of the forest, with all nature, and her
+inconceivable Author.
+
+But what, then, did I enjoy when I was alone? Myself; the entire
+universe; all that is; all that can be; all that is beautiful in the
+world of sense; all that is imaginable in the world of intellect. I
+gathered around me all that could delight my heart; my desires were the
+limit of my pleasures. No, never have the voluptuous known such
+enjoyments; and I have derived a hundred times more happiness from my
+chimeras than they from their realities.
+
+The wild spot of the forest [selected by Rousseau for his solitary walks
+and meditations] could not long remain a desert to my imagination. I
+soon peopled it with beings after my own heart, and, dismissing opinion,
+prejudice, and all factitious passions, I brought to these sanctuaries
+of nature men worthy of inhabiting them. I formed with these a charming
+society, of which I did not feel myself unworthy. I made a golden age
+according to my fancy, and, filling up these bright days with all the
+scenes of my life that had left the tenderest recollections, and with
+all that my heart still longed for, I affected myself to tears over the
+true pleasures of humanity--pleasure so delicious, so pure, and yet so
+far from men! Oh, if in these moments any ideas of Paris, of the age,
+and of my little author vanity, disturbed my reveries, with what
+contempt I drove them instantly away, to give myself up entirely to the
+exquisite sentiments with which my soul was filled. Yet, in the midst of
+all this, I confess the nothingness of my chimeras would sometimes
+appear, and sadden me in a moment.
+
+
+3. Prayer as a Form of Isolation[97]
+
+He who prays begins his prayer with some idea of God, generally one that
+he has received from instruction or from current traditions. He commonly
+retires to a quiet place, or to a place having mental associations of
+religious cast, in order to "shut out the world." This beginning of
+concentration is followed by closing the eyes, which excludes a mass of
+irrelevant impressions. The body bows, kneels, or assumes some other
+posture that requires little muscular tension and that may favor
+extensive relaxation. Memory now provides the language of prayer or of
+hallowed scripture, or makes vivid some earlier experiences of one's
+own. The worshiper represents to himself his needs, or the interests
+(some of them happy ones) that seem most important, and he brings them
+into relation to God by thinking how God regards them. The
+presupposition of the whole procedure is that God's way of looking at
+the matters in question is the true and important one. Around God, then,
+the interests of the individual are now freshly organized. Certain ones
+that looked large before the prayer began, now look small because of
+their relation to the organizing idea upon which attention has focused.
+On the other hand, interests that express this organizing idea gain
+emotional quality by this release from competing, inhibiting
+considerations. To say that the will now becomes organized toward unity
+and that it acquires fresh power thereby is simply to name another
+aspect of the one movement. This movement is ideational, emotional, and
+volitional concentration, all in one, achieved by fixation of attention
+upon the idea of God.
+
+Persons who have been troubled with insomnia, or wakefulness or
+disturbing dreams, have been enabled to secure sound sleep by merely
+relaxing the muscles and repeating mechanically, without effort at
+anything more, some formula descriptive of what is desired. The main
+point is that attention should fix upon the appropriate organizing idea.
+When this happens in a revival meeting one may find one's self
+unexpectedly converted. When it happens in prayer one may be surprised
+to find one's whole mood changed from discouragement to courage, from
+liking something to hating it (as in the case of alcoholic drinks, or
+tobacco), or from loneliness to the feeling of companionship with God.
+
+This analysis of the structure of prayer has already touched upon some
+of its functions. It is a way of getting one's self together, of
+mobilizing and concentrating one's dispersed capacities, of begetting
+the confidence that tends toward victory over difficulties. It produces
+in a distracted mind the repose that is power. It freshens a mind
+deadened by routine. It reveals new truth, because the mind is made more
+elastic and more capable of sustained attention. Thus does it remove
+mountains in the individual, and, through him, in the world beyond.
+
+The values of prayer in sickness, distress, and doubt are by no means
+measurable by the degree to which the primary causes thereof are made to
+disappear. There is a real conquest of trouble, even while trouble
+remains. It is sometimes a great source of strength, also, merely to
+realize that one is fully understood. The value of having some friend or
+helper from whom I reserve no secrets has been rendered more impressive
+than ever by the Freud-Jung methods of relieving mental disorders
+through (in part) a sort of mental house-cleaning, or bringing into the
+open the patient's hidden distresses and even his most intimate and
+reticent desires. Into the psychology of the healings that are brought
+about by this psychoanalysis we need not go, except to note that one
+constant factor appears to be the turning of a private possession into a
+social possession, and particularly the consciousness that another
+understands. I surmise that we shall not be far from the truth here if
+we hold that, as normal experience has the _ego-alter_ form, so the
+continuing possession of one's self in one's developing experience
+requires development of this relation. We may, perhaps, go as far as to
+believe that the bottling up of any experience as merely private is
+morbid. But, however this may be, there are plenty of occasions when the
+road to poise, freedom, and joy is that of social sharing. Hence the
+prayer of confession, not only because it helps us to see ourselves as
+we are, but also because it shares our secrets with another, has great
+value for organizing the self. In this way we get relief from the
+misjudgments of others, also, and from the mystery that we are to
+ourselves, for we lay our case, as it were, before a judge who does not
+err. Thus prayer has value in that it develops the essentially social
+form of personal self-realization.
+
+To complete this functional view of prayer we must not fail to secure
+the evolutionary perspective. If we glance at the remote beginnings, and
+then at the hither end, of the evolution of prayer we discover that an
+immense change has taken place. It is a correlate of the transformed
+character of the gods, and of the parallel disciplining of men's
+valuations. In the words of Fosdick, prayer may be considered as
+dominant desire. But it is also a way of securing domination over
+desire. It is indeed self-assertion; sometimes it is the making of one's
+supreme claim, as when life reaches its most tragic crisis; yet it is,
+even in the same act, submission to an over-self. Here, then, is our
+greater problem as to the function of prayer. It starts as the assertion
+of any desire; it ends as _the organization of one's own desires into a
+system of desires recognized as superior and then made one's own_.
+
+
+4. Isolation, Originality, and Erudition[98]
+
+The question as to how far the world's leaders in thought and action
+were great readers is not quite an easy one to answer, partly because
+the sources of information are sometimes scanty, and partly because
+books themselves have been few in number. If we could prove that since
+the days of Caxton the world's total of original thought declined in
+proportion to the increase of published works, we should stand on firm
+ground, and might give orders for a holocaust such as that which
+Hawthorne once imagined. But no such proof is either possible or
+probable. We can only be impressed by the fact that the finest
+intellectual epoch of history was marked by a comparative absence of the
+manuscripts which were books to the Greeks, and if a further analysis of
+the lives of men of light and leading in all ages should show that
+their devotion to the books of the period was slight, it will only
+accentuate the suspicion that even today we are still minus the right
+perspective between the printed volume and the thinking mind.
+
+Buddha, Christ, St. Paul, Mohammed--these are names of men who changed
+the course of history. But do they suggest vast scholarship, or a
+profound acquaintance with books in any sense whatever? They were great
+originators, even though they built on other men's foundations, but
+their originality was not inspired by libraries. Can we imagine Mohammed
+poring over ancient manuscripts in order to obtain the required
+knowledge and impetus for his new religion? With Buddha was it not 1 per
+cent papyrus roll and 99 per cent meditation? When St. Paul was struck
+down on the way to Damascus, he did not repair to the nearest Jewish
+seminary to read up prophecy. He says: "I went into Arabia." The desert
+solitude was the only place in which to find a rationale of his new
+experience. And was it not in a similar life of solitude that
+Jesus--Essene-like--came to self-realization? Deane's _Pseudepigrapha:
+Books that Influenced our Lord and His Apostles_ does not suggest that
+the Messiah obtained his ideas from the literature of the Rabbis, much
+less from Greek or other sources; indeed, the New Testament suggests
+that in the earliest years he showed a genius for divine things.
+
+It will be urged that to restrict this inquiry to great names in
+religion would be unfair because such leaders are confessedly
+independent of literature; indeed, they are often the creators of it.
+True; but that fact alone is suggestive. If great literature can come
+from meditation alone, are we not compelled to ask: "Where shall wisdom
+be found and where is the place of understanding?" Is enlightenment to
+be found only in the printed wisdom of the past? We know it is not, but
+we also know it is useless to set one source of truth over against
+another, as if they were enemies. The soul has its place and so has the
+book; but need it be said that the soul has done more wonderful things
+than the book? Language is merely the symbol; the soul is the reality.
+
+But let us take other names with different associations--e.g., Plato,
+Charlemagne, Caesar, Shakespeare, Napoleon, Bismarck. Can it be said of
+any one of these that he owed one-third of his distinction to what he
+learned from manuscripts or books? We do know, indeed, that Bismarck
+was a wide reader, but it was on the selective principle as a student of
+history and affairs. His library grew under the influence of the
+controlling purpose of his life--i.e., the unification of Germany, so
+that there was no vague distribution of energy. Of Shakespeare's reading
+we know less, but there is no evidence that he was a collector of books
+or that he was a student after the manner of the men of letters of his
+day. The best way to estimate him as a reader is to judge him by the
+references in his plays, and these do not show an acquaintance with
+literature so extensive as it is intensive. The impression he made on
+Ben Johnson, an all-round scholar, was not one of learning--quite
+otherwise. The qualities that impressed the author of _Timber, or
+Discoveries upon Men and Matter_, were Shakespeare's "open and free
+nature," his "excellent fancy, brave notions, and gentle expressions
+wherein he flowed with that facility that sometimes it was necessary he
+should be stopped." And, true to himself, Ben Jonson immediately adds:
+"_Sufflaminandus erat_, as Augustus said of Haterius." Shakespeare, when
+in the company of kindred spirits, showed precisely the kind of talk we
+should expect--not Latin and Greek or French and Italian quotations, not
+a commentary on books past or present, but a stream of conversation
+marked by brilliant fancy, startling comparison, unique contrast, and
+searching pathos, wherein life, not literature, was the chief subject.
+
+
+B. ISOLATION AND RETARDATION
+
+
+1. Feral Men[99]
+
+What would the results be if children born with a normal organism and
+given food and light sufficient to sustain life were deprived of the
+usual advantage of human intercourse? What psychic growth would be
+possible?
+
+Perhaps no character ever aroused greater interest than Caspar Hauser.
+More than a thousand articles of varying merit have been written
+concerning him. In the theaters of England, France, Germany, Hungary,
+and Austria, plays were founded on his strange story and many able men
+have figured in the history of his case.
+
+According to a letter which he bore when found at Nürnberg one afternoon
+in 1828, he was born in 1812, left on the doorstep of a Hungarian
+peasant's hut, adopted by him, and reared in strict seclusion.
+
+At the time of his appearance in Nürnberg, he could walk only with
+difficulty. He knew no German, understood but little that was said to
+him, paid no heed to what went on about him, and was ignorant of social
+customs. When taken to a stable, he at once fell asleep on a heap of
+straw. In time it was learned that he had been kept in a low dark cell
+on the ground; that he had never seen the face of the man who brought
+him food, that sometimes he went to sleep after the man gave him a
+drink; that on awakening he found his nails cut and clean clothing on
+his body; and that his only playthings had been two wooden horses with
+red ribbons.
+
+When first found, he suffered much pain from the light, but he could see
+well at night. He could distinguish fruit from leaves on a tree, and
+read the name on a doorplate where others could see nothing in the
+darkness. He had no visual idea of distance and would grasp at remote
+objects as though they were near. He called both men and women _Bua_ and
+all animals _Rosz_. His memory span for names was marvelous. Drawing
+upon the pages of Von Kolb and Stanhope, a writer in _The Living Age_
+says that he burned his hand in the first flame that he saw and that he
+had no fear of being struck with swords, but that the noise of a drum
+threw him into convulsions. He thought that pictures and statuary were
+alive, as were plants and trees, bits of paper, and anything that
+chanced to be in motion. He delighted in whistles and glittering
+objects, but disliked the odor of paint, fabrics, and most flowers. His
+hearing was acute and his touch sensitive at first, but after interest
+in him had lessened, all his senses showed evidence of rapid
+deterioration. He seemed to be wanting in sex instinct and to be unable
+to understand the meaning of religious ceremonies. Merker, who observed
+him secretly during the early days which he spent in jail, declared that
+he was "in all respects like a child." Meyer, of the school at Ansbach,
+found him "idle, stupid, and vain." Dr. Osterhausen found a deviation
+from the normal in the shape of his legs, which made walking difficult,
+but Caspar never wearied of riding on horseback.
+
+His autopsy revealed a small brain without abnormalities. It simply gave
+evidence of a lack of development.
+
+To speak of children who have made the struggle for life with only
+animals for nurses and instructors is to recall the rearing of Cyrus in
+a kennel and the fabulous story of the founding of Rome. Yet Rauber has
+collected many cases of wild men and some of them, taken as they are
+from municipal chronicles and guaranteed by trustworthy writers, must be
+accepted as authentic.
+
+a) The Hessian Boy. Was discovered by hunters in 1341, running on all
+fours with wolves; was captured and turned over to the landgrave. Was
+always restless, could not adapt himself to civilized life, and died
+untamed. The case is recorded in the Hessian chronicles by Wilhelm
+Dilich. Rousseau refers to it in his _Discours sur l'origine et les
+fondements de Pinégalité parmi les hommes_.
+
+b) The Irish Boy. Studied and described by Dr. Tulp, curator of the
+gymnasium at Amsterdam; features animal, body covered with hair; lived
+with sheep and bleated like them; stolid, unconscious of self; did not
+notice people; fierce, untamable, and indocible; skin thick, sense of
+touch blunted so that thorns and stones were unnoticed. Age about
+sixteen. (Rauber.)
+
+c) The Lithuanian Boys. Three are described. The first was found with
+bears in 1657; face not repulsive nor beastlike; hair thick and white;
+skin dry and insensitive; voice a growl; great physical strength. He was
+carefully instructed and learned to obey his trainer to some degree but
+always kept the bear habit; ate vegetable food, raw flesh, and anything
+not containing oils; had a habit of rolling up in secluded places and
+taking long naps. The second, said to have been captured in 1669, is not
+so well described as the third, which Dr. Connor, in the _History of
+Poland_, says was found in 1694. This one learned to walk erect with
+difficulty, but was always leaping restlessly about; he learned to eat
+from a table, but mastered only a few words, which he spoke in a voice
+harsh and inhuman. He showed great sagacity in wood life.
+
+d) The Girl of Cranenburg. Born in 1700; lost when sixteen months old;
+skin dark, rough, hard; understood but little that was said to her;
+spoke little and stammeringly; food--roots, leaves, and milk. (Rauber.)
+
+e) Clemens of Overdyke. This boy was brought to Count von der Ricke's
+Asylum after the German struggle with Napoleon. He knew little and said
+little. After careful training it was gathered that his parents were
+dead and that a peasant had adopted him and set him to herd pigs. Little
+food was given him, and he learned to suck a cow and eat grass with the
+pigs. At Overdyke he would get down on his hands and knees and pull up
+vegetables with his teeth. He was of low intelligence, subject to fits
+of passion, and fonder of pigs than of men.[100]
+
+f) Jean de Liége. Lost at five; lived in the woods for sixteen years;
+food--roots, plants, and wild fruit; sense of smell extraordinarily
+keen; could distinguish people by odor as a dog would recognize his
+master; restless in manner, and always trying to escape. (Rauber.)
+
+g) The Savage of Aveyron. After capture, was given into the care of
+Dr. Itard by Abbé Sicard. Dermal sense duller than in animals; gaze
+wandering; language wanting and ideas few; food--raw potatoes, acorns,
+and fruit; would eagerly tear open a bird and eat it raw; indolent,
+secretive; would hide in the garden until hunger drove him to the
+kitchen; rolled in new snow like an animal; paid no heed to the firing
+of a gun, but became alert at the cracking of a nut; sometimes grew
+wildly angry; all his powers were then enlarged; was delighted with
+hills and woods, and always tried to escape after being taken to them;
+when angry would gnaw clothing and hurl furniture about; feared to look
+from a height, and Itard cured him of spasms of rage by holding his head
+out of a window; met all efforts to teach him with apathy, and learned
+but little of language.[101]
+
+h) The Wolf Children of India. The two cases described by a writer in
+_Chambers' Journal_ and by Rauber were boys of about ten years. Both ate
+raw food but refused cooked food; one never spoke, smiled, or laughed;
+both shunned human beings of both sexes, but would permit a dog to eat
+with them; they pined in captivity, and lived but a short time.[102]
+
+i) Peter of Hanover. Found in the woods of Hanover; food--buds, barks,
+roots, frogs, eggs of birds, and anything else that he could get out of
+doors; had a habit of wandering away in the spring; always went to bed
+as soon as he had his supper; was unable to walk in shoes at first, and
+it was long before he would tolerate a covering for his head. Although
+Queen Caroline furnished him a teacher, he could never learn to speak;
+he became docile, but remained stoical in manner; he learned to do farm
+work willingly unless he was compelled to do it; his sense of hearing
+and of smell was acute, and before changes in the weather he was sullen
+and irritable; he lived to be nearly seventy years old.[103]
+
+j) The Savage of Kronstadt. Of middle size, wild-eyed, deep-jawed, and
+thick-throated; elbows and knees thick; cuticle insensitive; unable to
+understand words or gestures perfectly; generally indifferent; found
+1784.[104]
+
+k) The Girl of Songi. According to Rauber, this is one of the most
+frequently quoted of feral cases. The girl came out of the forest near
+Chalons in 1731. She was thought to be nine years old. She carried a
+club in her hand, with which she killed a dog that attacked her. She
+climbed trees easily, and made niches on walls and roofs, over which she
+ran like a squirrel. She caught fish and ate them raw; a cry served for
+speech. She showed an instinct for decorating herself with leaves and
+flowers. She found it difficult to adapt herself to the customs of
+civilized life and suffered many fits of sickness. In 1747 she was put
+into a convent at Chalons. She learned something of the French language,
+of domestic science, and embroidery. She readily understood what was
+pointed out to her but always had certain sounds which were not
+understood. She claimed to have first begun to reflect after the
+beginning of her education. In her wild life she thought only of her own
+needs. She believed that the earth and the trees produced her, and her
+earliest memory of shelter was of holes in the ground.[105]
+
+
+2. From Solitude to Society[106]
+
+The most important day I remember in all my life is the one on which my
+teacher, Anne Mansfield Sullivan, came to me. I am filled with wonder
+when I consider the immeasurable contrast between the two lives which it
+connects. It was the third of March, 1887, three months before I was
+seven years old.
+
+The morning after my teacher came she led me into her room and gave me a
+doll. The little blind children at the Perkins Institution had sent it
+and Laura Bridgman had dressed it; but I did not know this until
+afterward. When I had played with it a little while, Miss Sullivan
+slowly spelled into my hand the word "d-o-l-l." I was at once interested
+in this finger play and tried to imitate it. When I finally succeeded in
+making the letters correctly I was flushed with childish pleasure and
+pride. Running downstairs to my mother I held up my hand and made the
+letters for doll. I did not know that I was spelling a word or even that
+words existed; I was simply making my fingers go in monkey-like
+imitation. In the days that followed I learned to spell in this
+uncomprehending way a great many words, among them _pin_, _hat_, _cup_
+and a few verbs like _sit_, _stand_, and _walk_. But my teacher had been
+with me several weeks before I understood that everything has a name.
+
+One day, while I was playing with my new doll, Miss Sullivan put my big
+rag doll into my lap also, spelled "d-o-l-l" and tried to make me
+understand that "d-o-l-l" applied to both. Earlier in the day we had had
+a tussle over the words "m-u-g" and "w-a-t-e-r." Miss Sullivan had tried
+to impress it upon me that "m-u-g" is _mug_ and that "w-a-t-e-r" is
+_water_, but I persisted in confounding the two. In despair she had
+dropped the subject for the time, only to renew it at the first
+opportunity. I became impatient at her repeated attempts and, seizing
+the new doll, I dashed it upon the floor. I was keenly delighted when I
+felt the fragments of the broken doll at my feet. Neither sorrow nor
+regret followed my passionate outburst. I had not loved the doll. In the
+still, dark world in which I lived there was no strong sentiment or
+tenderness. I felt my teacher sweep the fragments to one side of the
+hearth, and I had a sense of satisfaction that the cause of my
+discomfort was removed. She brought me my hat, and I knew I was going
+out into the warm sunshine. This thought, if a wordless sensation may be
+called a thought, made me hop and skip with pleasure.
+
+We walked down the path to the well-house, attracted by the fragrance of
+the honeysuckle with which it was covered. Some one was drawing water
+and my teacher placed my hand under the spout. As the cool stream gushed
+over one hand she spelled into the other the word _water_, first slowly,
+then rapidly. I stood still, my whole attention fixed upon the motions
+of her fingers. Suddenly I felt a misty consciousness as of something
+forgotten--a thrill of returning thought; and somehow the mystery of
+language was revealed to me. I knew then that "w-a-t-e-r" meant the
+wonderful cool something that was flowing over my hand. That living word
+awakened my soul, gave it light, hope, joy, set it free! There were
+barriers still, it is true, but barriers that could in time be swept
+away.
+
+I left the well-house eager to learn. Everything had a name, and each
+name gave birth to a new thought. As we returned to the house every
+object which I touched seemed to quiver with life. That was because I
+saw everything with the strange, new sight that had come to me. On
+entering the door I remembered the doll I had broken. I felt my way to
+the hearth and picked up the pieces. I tried vainly to put them
+together. Then my eyes filled with tears; for I realized what I had
+done, and for the first time I felt repentance and sorrow.
+
+I learned a great many new words that day. I do not remember what they
+all were; but I do know that _mother_, _father_, _sister_, _teacher_,
+were among them--words that were to make the world blossom for me, "like
+Aaron's rod, with flowers." It would have been difficult to find a
+happier child than I was as I lay in my crib at the close of that
+eventful day and lived over the joys it had brought me, and for the
+first time longed for a new day to come.
+
+
+3. Mental Effects of Solitude[107]
+
+I spent the greater part of one winter at a point on the Rio Negro,
+seventy or eighty miles from the sea. It was my custom to go out every
+morning on horseback with my gun, and, followed by one dog, to ride away
+from the valley; and no sooner would I climb the terrace and plunge into
+the gray universal thicket, than I would find myself as completely alone
+as if five hundred instead of only five miles separated me from the
+valley and river. So wild and solitary and remote seemed that gray
+waste, stretching away into infinitude, a waste untrodden by man, and
+where the wild animals are so few that they have made no discoverable
+path in the wilderness of thorns.
+
+Not once nor twice nor thrice, but day after day I returned to this
+solitude, going to it in the morning as if to attend a festival, and
+leaving it only when hunger and thirst and the westering sun compelled
+me. And yet I had no object in going--no motive which could be put into
+words; for, although I carried a gun, there was nothing to shoot--the
+shooting was all left behind in the valley. Sometimes I would pass an
+entire day without seeing one mammal and perhaps not more than a dozen
+birds of any size. The weather at that time was cheerless, generally
+with a gray film of cloud spread over the sky, and a bleak wind, often
+cold enough to make my bridle hand quite numb. At a slow pace, which
+would have seemed intolerable in other circumstances, I would ride about
+for hours at a stretch. On arriving at a hill, I would slowly ride to
+its summit, and stand there to survey the prospect. On every side it
+stretched away in great undulations, wild and irregular. How gray it all
+was! Hardly less so near at hand than on the haze-wrapped horizon, where
+the hills were dim and the outline blurred by distance. Descending from
+my outlook, I would take up my aimless wanderings again, and visit other
+elevations to gaze on the same landscape from another point; and so on
+for hours; and at noon I would dismount and sit or lie on my folded
+poncho for an hour or longer. One day, in these rambles, I discovered a
+small grove composed of twenty or thirty trees, growing at a convenient
+distance apart, that had evidently been resorted to by a herd of deer or
+other wild animals. This grove was on a hill differing in shape from
+other hills in its neighborhood; and after a time I made a point of
+finding and using it as a resting-place every day at noon. I did not ask
+myself why I made choice of that one spot, sometimes going miles out of
+my way to sit there, instead of sitting down under any one of the
+millions of trees and bushes on any other hillside. I thought nothing at
+all about it, but acted unconsciously. Only afterward it seemed to me
+that, after having rested there once, each time I wished to rest again
+the wish came associated with the image of that particular clump of
+trees, with polished stems and clean bed of sand beneath; and in a short
+time I formed a habit of returning, animal-like, to repose at that same
+spot.
+
+It was perhaps a mistake to say that I would sit down and rest, since I
+was never tired: and yet, without being tired, that noonday pause,
+during which I sat for an hour without moving, was strangely grateful.
+All day there would be no sound, not even the rustle of a leaf. One day
+while _listening_ to the silence, it occurred to my mind to wonder what
+the effect would be if I were to shout aloud. This seemed at the time a
+horrible suggestion, which almost made me shudder; but during those
+solitary days it was a rare thing for any thought to cross my mind. In
+the state of mind I was in, thought had become impossible. My state was
+one of _suspense_ and _watchfulness_; yet I had no expectation of
+meeting with an adventure, and felt as free from apprehension as I feel
+now when sitting in a room in London. The state seemed familiar rather
+than strange, and accompanied by a strong feeling of elation; and I did
+not know that something had come between me and my intellect until I
+returned to my former self--to thinking, and the old insipid existence.
+
+I had undoubtedly _gone back_, and that state of intense watchfulness,
+or alertness rather, with suspension of the higher intellectual
+faculties, represented the mental state of the pure savage. He thinks
+little, reasons little, having a surer guide in his instincts; he is in
+perfect harmony with nature, and is nearly on a level, mentally, with
+the wild animals he preys on, and which in their turn sometimes prey on
+him.
+
+
+4. Isolation, and the Rural Mind[108]
+
+As an occupation farming has dealt largely, if not exclusively, with the
+growth and care of plant and animal life. Broadly speaking, the farmer
+has been engaged in a struggle with nature to produce certain staple
+traditional raw foods and human comfort materials in bulk. He has been
+excused, on the whole, from the delicate situations arising from the
+demands of an infinite variety of human wishes, whims, and fashions,
+perhaps because the primary grains, fruits, vegetables, fibers, animals,
+and animal products, have afforded small opportunity for manipulation to
+satisfy the varying forms of human taste and caprice. This exemption of
+the farmer in the greater part of his activity from direct work upon and
+with persons and from strenuous attempts to please persons, will
+doubtless account very largely, perhaps more largely than mere isolation
+on the land, for the strong individualism of the country man.
+
+In striking contrast, the villager and city worker have always been
+occupied in making things or parts of things out of such impressionable
+materials as iron, wood, clay, cloth, leather, gold, and the like, to
+fit, suit, and satisfy a various and increasingly complex set of human
+desires; or they have been dealing direct with a kaleidoscopic human
+mind, either in regard to things or in regard to troubles and ideals of
+the mind itself. This constant dealing with persons in business will
+account even more than mere congestion of population for the complex
+organization of city life. The highly organized social institutions of
+the city, moreover, have reinforced the already keen-edged insight of
+the city man of business, so that he is doubly equipped to win his
+struggles. The city worker knows men, the farmer knows nature. Each has
+reward for his deeper knowledge, and each suffers some penalty for his
+circle of ignorance.
+
+Modern conditions underlying successful farm practice and profit-making
+require of the farmer a wider and more frequent contact with men than at
+any time in the past. His materials, too, have become more plastic,
+subject to rapid change by selection and breeding.
+
+The social problem of the farmer seems to be how to overcome the
+inevitable handicap of a social deficiency in the very nature of his
+occupation, so as to extend his acquaintance with men; and secondly, how
+to erect social institutions on the land adequate to reinforce his
+individual personality so as to enable him to cope with his
+perplexities.
+
+Occasions must be created, plans must be made, to bring people together
+in a wholesale manner so as to facilitate this interchange of community
+acquaintance. Especially is it necessary for rural children to know many
+more children. The one-room district school has proved its value in
+making the children of the neighborhood acquainted with one another. One
+of the large reasons for the consolidated and centralized school is the
+increased size of territorial unit, with more children to know one
+another and mingle together. Intervisiting of district schools--one
+school, teachers and pupils, playing host to a half-dozen other schools,
+with some regularity, using plays and games, children's readiest means
+of getting acquainted--is a successful means of extending acquaintance
+under good auspices.
+
+If large-scale acquaintance--men with men, women with women, children
+with children--in a rural community once becomes a fact, the initial
+step will have been taken for assuring the rise of appropriate social
+institutions on the land of that community.
+
+
+5. The Subtler Effects of Isolation[109]
+
+The mechanics of modern culture is complicated. The individual has
+access to materials outside his group, from the world at large. His
+consciousness is built up not only by word of mouth but by the printed
+page. He may live as much in German books as in fireside conversation.
+Much more mail is handled every day in the New York post-office than was
+sent out by all the thirteen states in a year at the close of the
+eighteenth century. But by reason of poverty, geographical isolation,
+caste feeling, or "pathos," individuals, communities, and races may be
+excluded from some of the stimulations and copies which enter into a
+high grade of mind. The savage, the Negro, the peasant, the slum
+dwellers, and the white woman are notable sufferers by exclusion.
+
+ Easy communication of ideas favors differentiation of a
+ rational and functional sort, as distinguished from the random
+ variations fostered by isolation. And it must be remembered
+ that any sort is rational and functional that really commends
+ itself to the human spirit. Even revolt from an ascendant type
+ is easier now than formerly because the rebel can fortify
+ himself with the triumphant records of the non-conformers of
+ the past.
+
+ The peasant [at the middle of the nineteenth century], limited
+ in a cultural respect to his village life, thinks, feels, and
+ acts solely in the bounds of his native village; his thought
+ never goes beyond his farm and his neighbor; toward the
+ political, economic, or national events taking place outside of
+ his village, be they of his own or of a foreign country, he is
+ completely indifferent, and even if he has learned something of
+ them, this is described by him in a fantastic, mythological
+ way, and only in this adopted form is it added to his cultural
+ condition and transmitted to his descendants. Every peasant
+ farm produced almost exclusively for itself, only to the most
+ limited extent for exchange; every village formed an economic
+ unit, which stood in only a loose economic connection with the
+ outer world. Outwardly complete isolation of the village
+ settlements and their inhabitants from each other and from the
+ rest of the country and other classes of society; inwardly
+ complete homogeneity, one and the same economic, social, and
+ cultural equality of the peasant mass, no possibility of
+ advance for the more gifted and capable individuals, everyone
+ pressed down to a flat level. The peasant of one village holds
+ himself, if not directly hostile, at least as a rule not
+ cordial to the peasants of another village. The nobles living
+ in the same village territory even wanted to force upon the
+ peasants an entirely different origin, in that with the
+ assistance of the Biblical legend they wished to trace him from
+ the accursed Ham (from this the curse and insult _Ty chamie_,
+ "Thou Ham"), but themselves from Japhet, of better repute in
+ the Bible, while they attributed to the Jews, Shem as an
+ ancestor.
+
+The pathetic effect of isolation on the state of knowledge is recorded
+in many of the stories of runaway slaves:
+
+ With two more boys, I started for the free states. We did not
+ know where they were, but went to try to find them. We crossed
+ the Potomac and hunted round and round and round. Some one
+ showed us the way to Washington; but we missed it, and wandered
+ all night; then we found ourselves where we set out.
+
+For our purposes race prejudice may be regarded as a form of isolation.
+And in the case of the American Negro this situation is aggravated by
+the fact that the white man has developed a determination to keep him in
+isolation--"in his place." Now, when the isolation is willed and has at
+the same time the emotional nature of a tabu, the handicap is very grave
+indeed. It is a fact that the most intelligent Negroes are usually half
+or more than half white, but it is still a subject for investigation
+whether this is due to mixed blood or to the fact that they have been
+more successful in violating the tabu.
+
+ The humblest white employee knows that the better he does his
+ work, the more chance there is for him to rise in the business.
+ The black employee knows that the better he does his work, the
+ longer he may do it; he cannot often hope for promotion.
+
+ All these careers are at the very outset closed to the Negro on
+ account of his color; what lawyer would give even a minor case
+ to a Negro assistant? Or what university would appoint a
+ promising young Negro as tutor? Thus the white young man starts
+ in life knowing that within some limits and barring accidents,
+ talent and application will tell. The young Negro starts
+ knowing that on all sides his advance is made doubly difficult,
+ if not wholly shut off, by his color.
+
+ In all walks of life the Negro is liable to meet some objection
+ to his presence or some discourteous treatment. If an
+ invitation is issued to the public for any occasion, the Negro
+ can never know whether he would be welcomed or not; if he goes
+ he is liable to have his feelings hurt and get into unpleasant
+ altercation; if he stays away, he is blamed for indifference.
+ If he meet a lifelong white friend on the street, he is in a
+ dilemma; if he does not greet the friend he is put down as
+ boorish and impolite; if he does greet the friend he is liable
+ to be flatly snubbed. If by chance he is introduced to a white
+ woman or man, he expects to be ignored on the next meeting, and
+ usually is. White friends may call on him, but he is scarcely
+ expected to call on them, save for strictly business matters.
+ If he gain the affections of a white woman and marry her he may
+ invariably expect that slurs will be thrown on her reputation
+ and on his, and that both his and her race will shun their
+ company. When he dies he cannot be buried beside white corpses.
+
+Kelly Miller, himself a full-blooded black (for which the Negroes have
+expressed their gratitude), refers to the backwardness of the negro in
+the following terms:
+
+ To expect the Negroes of Georgia to produce a great general
+ like Napoleon when they are not even allowed to carry arms, or
+ to deride them for not producing scholars like those of the
+ Renaissance when a few years ago they were forbidden the use of
+ letters, verges closely upon the outer rim of absurdity. Do you
+ look for great Negro statesmen in states where black men are
+ not allowed to vote? Above all, for southern white men to
+ berate the Negro for failing to gain the highest rounds of
+ distinction reaches the climax of cruel inconsistency. One is
+ reminded of the barbarous Teutons in _Titus Andronicus_, who,
+ after cutting out the tongue and hacking off the hands of the
+ lovely Lavinia, ghoulishly chided her for not calling for sweet
+ water with which to wash her delicate hands.
+
+It is not too much to say that no Negro and no mulatto, in America at
+least, has ever been fully in the white man's world. But we must
+recognize that their backwardness is not wholly due to prejudice. A race
+with an adequate technique can live in the midst of prejudice and even
+receive some stimulation from it. But the Negro has lost many of the
+occupations which were particularly his own, and is outclassed in
+others--not through prejudice but through the faster pace of his
+competitors.
+
+Obviously obstacles which discourage one race may stimulate another.
+Even the extreme measures in Russia and Roumania against the Jew have
+not isolated him. He has resources and traditions and technique of his
+own, and we have even been borrowers from him.
+
+
+C. ISOLATION AND SEGREGATION
+
+
+1. Segregation as a Process[110]
+
+Within the limitations prescribed, however, the inevitable processes of
+human nature proceed to give these regions and these buildings a
+character which it is less easy to control. Under our system of
+individual ownership, for instance, it is not possible to determine in
+advance the extent of concentration of population in any given area. The
+city cannot fix land values, and we leave to private enterprise, for the
+most part, the task of determining the city's limits and the location of
+its residential and industrial districts. Personal tastes and
+convenience, vocational and economic interests, infallibly tend to
+segregate and thus to classify the populations of great cities. In this
+way the city acquires an organization which is neither designed nor
+controlled.
+
+Physical geography, natural advantages, and the means of transportation
+determine in advance the general outlines of the urban plan. As the city
+increases in population, the subtler influences of sympathy, rivalry,
+and economic necessity tend to control the distribution of population.
+Business and manufacturing seek advantageous locations and draw around
+them a certain portion of the population. There spring up fashionable
+residence quarters from which the poorer classes are excluded because of
+the increased value of the land. Then there grow up slums which are
+inhabited by great numbers of the poorer classes who are unable to
+defend themselves from association with the derelict and vicious. In the
+course of time every section and quarter of the city takes on something
+of the character and qualities of its inhabitants. Each separate part of
+the city is inevitably stained with the peculiar sentiments of its
+population. The effect of this is to convert what was at first a mere
+geographical expression into a neighborhood, that is to say, a locality
+with sentiments, traditions, and a history of its own. Within this
+neighborhood the continuity of the historical processes is somehow
+maintained. The past imposes itself upon the present and the life of
+every locality moves on with a certain momentum of its own, more or less
+independent of the larger circle of life and interests about it.
+
+In the city environment the neighborhood tends to lose much of the
+significance which it possessed in simpler and more primitive forms of
+society. The easy means of communication and of transportation, which
+enables individuals to distribute their attention and to live at the
+same time in several different worlds, tends to destroy the permanency
+and intimacy of the neighborhood. Further than that, where individuals
+of the same race or of the same vocation live together in segregated
+groups, neighborhood sentiment tends to fuse together with racial
+antagonisms and class interests.
+
+In this way physical and sentimental distances reinforce each other, and
+the influences of local distribution of the population participate with
+the influences of class and race in the evolution of the social
+organization. Every great city has its racial colonies, like the
+Chinatowns of San Francisco and New York, the Little Sicily of Chicago,
+and various other less pronounced types. In addition to these, most
+cities have their segregated vice districts, like that which until
+recently existed in Chicago, and their rendezvous for criminals of
+various sorts. Every large city has its occupational suburbs like the
+Stockyards in Chicago, and its residence suburbs like Brookline in
+Boston, each of which has the size and the character of a complete
+separate town, village, or city, except that its population is a
+selected one. Undoubtedly the most remarkable of these cities within
+cities, of which the most interesting characteristic is that they are
+composed of persons of the same race, or of persons of different races
+but of the same social class, is East London, with a population of
+2,000,000 laborers.
+
+ The people of the original East London have now overflowed and
+ crossed the Lea, and spread themselves over the marshes and
+ meadows beyond. This population has created new towns which
+ were formerly rural villages, West Ham, with a population of
+ nearly 300,000; East Ham, with 90,000; Stratford, with its
+ "daughters," 150,000; and other "hamlets" similarly overgrown.
+ Including these new populations we have an aggregate of nearly
+ two millions of people. The population is greater than that of
+ Berlin or Vienna, or St. Petersburg, or Philadelphia.
+
+ It is a city full of churches and places of worship, yet there
+ are no cathedrals, either Anglican or Roman; it has a
+ sufficient supply of elementary schools, but it has no public
+ or high school, and it has no colleges for the higher
+ education, and no university; the people all read newspapers,
+ yet there is no East London paper except of the smaller and
+ local kind.... In the streets there are never seen any private
+ carriages; there is no fashionable quarter ... one meets no
+ ladies in the principal thoroughfares. People, shops, houses,
+ conveyances--all together are stamped with the unmistakable
+ seal of the working class.
+
+ Perhaps the strangest thing of all is this: in a city of two
+ millions of people there are no hotels! That means, of course,
+ that there are no visitors.
+
+In the older cities of Europe, where the processes of segregation have
+gone farther, neighborhood distinctions are likely to be more marked
+than they are in America. East London is a city of a single class, but
+within the limits of that city the population is segregated again and
+again by racial and vocational interests. Neighborhood sentiment, deeply
+rooted in local tradition and in local custom, exercises a decisive
+selective influence upon city population and shows itself ultimately in
+a marked way in the characteristics of the inhabitants.
+
+
+2. Isolation as a Result of Segregation[111]
+
+There is the observed tendency of mental defectives to congregate in
+localized centers, with resulting inbreeding. Feeble-mindedness is a
+social level and the members of this level, like those in other levels,
+are affected by social and biological tendencies, such as the
+congregation of like personalities and the natural selection in matings
+of persons of similar mental capacities. These are general tendencies
+and not subject to invariable laws. The feeble-minded are primarily
+quantitatively different from normals in mental and social qualities,
+and do not constitute a separate species. The borderline types of
+high-grade feeble-minded and low-grade normals may therefore prove
+exceptions to the general rule. But such studies as Davenport and
+Danielson's "Hill Folk," Davenport and Estabrook's "Nams," Dugdale's
+"Jukes," Kostir's "Sam Sixty," Goddard's "Kallikaks," Key's "Vennams"
+and "Fale-Anwals," Kite's "Pineys," and many others emphatically prove
+that mental defectives show a tendency to drift together, intermarry,
+and isolate themselves from the rest of the community, just as the rich
+live in exclusive suburbs. Consequently they preponderate in certain
+localities, counties, and cities. In a large measure this segregation is
+not so much an expression of voluntary desire as it is a situation
+forced upon mental defectives through those natural intellectual and
+social deficiencies which restrict them to environments economically and
+otherwise less desirable to normal people. This phenomenon is most
+conspicuous in rural communities where such migratory movements as the
+modern city-drift have exercised a certain natural selection, but it is
+also plainly evident in the slums and poorer sections of the cities,
+both large and small, as any field worker will testify. Closely related
+to this factor of isolation are the varying percentages of mental
+defectives found in different states and in different sections of the
+same state, city or community. It is therefore likely that the
+percentages of mental defectives among different groups of juvenile
+delinquents will vary according to the particular ward, city, county, or
+state, whence the delinquents come. For this reason it is essential to
+any study of the number of mental defectives in a group of juvenile
+delinquents coming from a particular locality, that some idea should be
+available as to the probable or approximate number of mental defectives
+in that community. If more mental defectives are found among the
+population in the slum quarter of a city than in the residential
+quarter, it is to be expected that there will be more mental defectives
+in groups of juvenile delinquents from the slum quarter, because, in the
+first place, they constitute a larger proportion of the population, and
+because, secondly, of their greater proneness to social offenses.
+Moreover, the prevalence of the feeble-minded in certain localities may
+affect the attitude of the law-enforcing machinery toward the children
+of that community.
+
+A further result of the innate characteristics and tendencies of the
+feeble-minded is to be found in the effect upon them of the biological
+law of natural selection, resulting from the universal struggle for
+existence and the survival of the fittest. We need not discuss here its
+profound influences, economic and otherwise, upon the lives of the
+mentally defective in general, but it will be profitable to review
+briefly the effect of natural selection upon the juvenile delinquent
+group.
+
+Any group of delinquents is subject to this selection from the times of
+offenses to final commitment. It undergoes a constant sifting process
+whose operation is mainly determined by the natural consequences of the
+group members; a large proportion of the "lucky," the intelligent, or
+the socially favored individuals escape from the group, so that the
+remaining members of the group are the least fit socially and
+intellectually. The mentally defective delinquents constitute an undue
+proportion of this unfit residue, for although they may receive as many
+favors of chance as do their intellectually normal fellow-delinquents,
+they cannot, like them, by reason of intelligence or social status,
+escape the consequences of their delinquent acts. Furthermore, the
+feeble-minded offender is caught oftener than are his more clever and
+energetic companions of normal endowments, and after apprehension he is
+less likely to receive the benefits of police and court prejudices, or
+the advantages of family wealth and social influence. If placed on
+probation he is more likely to fail, because of his own weaknesses and
+his unfavorable environment. Hence the feeble-minded delinquent is much
+more likely to come before the court and also to be committed to a
+reformatory, jail, or industrial school than is his companion of normal
+mind. Therefore practically every group of juvenile delinquents which
+ultimately reaches commitment will have a very different aspect with
+regard to its proportion of mental defectives from that larger group of
+offenders, apprehended or non-apprehended, of which it was once a part.
+In fact, it is doubtful if any group of apprehended, detained, or
+probationed offenders can be said to be representative, or at least to
+be exactly representative, of the true proportion of mental defectives
+among all delinquents. Except where specific types of legal procedure
+bring about the elimination of the defectives, it seems as if it must
+inevitably result that the operation of natural selection will
+continually increase the proportion of mental defectives above that
+existing in the original group.
+
+This factor of natural selection has not to our knowledge been given
+adequate consideration in any published investigation on delinquency.
+But if our estimate of its effects is at all justified, then most
+examinations of juvenile delinquents, especially in reform and
+industrial schools, have disclosed proportions of mental defectives
+distinctly in excess of the original proportion previously existent
+among the entire mass of all offenders. The reports of these
+examinations have given rise to quite erroneous impressions concerning
+the extent of criminality among the feeble-minded and its relation to
+the whole volume of crime, and have consequently led to inaccurate
+deductions. The feeble-minded are undoubtedly more prone to commit crime
+than are the average normals; but through disregard of the influences of
+this factor of natural selection, as well as of others, both the
+proportion of crime committed by mental defectives and the true
+proportion of mental defectives among delinquents and criminals have
+very often been exaggerated.
+
+
+D. ISOLATION AND NATIONAL INDIVIDUALITY
+
+
+1. Historical Races as Products of Isolation[112]
+
+The continent of Europe differs from the other great land-masses in the
+fact that it is a singular aggregation of peninsulas and islands,
+originating in separate centers of mountain growth, and of enclosed
+valleys walled about from the outer world by elevated summits. Other
+continents are somewhat peninsulated; Asia approaches Europe in that
+respect; North America has a few great dependencies in its larger
+islands and considerable promontories; but Africa, South America, and
+Australia are singularly united lands.
+
+The highly divided state of Europe has greatly favored the development
+within its area of isolated fields, each fitted for the growth of a
+separate state, adapted even in this day for local life although
+commerce in our time binds lands together in a way which it did not of
+old. These separated areas were marvelously suited to be the cradles of
+peoples; and if we look over the map of Europe we readily note the
+geographic insulations which that remarkably varied land affords.
+
+Beginning with the eastern Mediterranean, we have the peninsula on which
+Constantinople stands--a region only partly protected from assault by
+its geographic peculiarities; and yet it owes to its partial separation
+from the mainlands on either side a large measure of local historic
+development. Next, we have Greece and its associated islands, which--a
+safe stronghold for centuries--permitted the nurture of the most
+marvelous life the world has ever known. Farther to the west the Italian
+peninsula, where during three thousand years the protecting envelope of
+the sea and the walls of Alps and Apennines have enabled a score of
+states to attain a development; where the Roman nation, absorbing, with
+its singular power of taking in other life, a number of primitive
+centers of civilization, grew to power which made it dominant in the
+ancient world. Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, have each profited by their
+isolation, and have bred diverse qualities in man and contributed
+motives which have interacted in the earth's history. Again, in Spain we
+have a region well fitted to be the cradle of a great people; to its
+geographic position it owed the fact that it became the seat of the most
+cultivated Mahometanism the world has ever known. To the Pyrenees, the
+mountain wall of the north, we owe in good part the limitation of that
+Mussulman invasion and the protection of central Europe from its forward
+movement, until luxury and half-faith had sapped its energies. Going
+northward, we find in the region of Normandy the place of growth of that
+fierce but strong folk, the ancient Scandinavians, who, transplanted
+there, held their ground, and grew until they were strong enough to
+conquer Britain and give it a large share of the quality which belongs
+to our own state.
+
+To a trifling geographic accident we owe the isolation of Great Britain
+from the European continent; and all the marvelous history of the
+English folk, as we all know, hangs upon the existence of that narrow
+strip of sea between the Devon coast and the kindred lowlands of
+northern France.
+
+East of Britain lie two peninsulas which have been the cradle of very
+important peoples. That of Sweden and Norway is the result of mountain
+development; that of Denmark appears to be in the main the product of
+glacial and marine erosion, differing in its non-mountainous origin from
+all the other peninsulas and islands of the European border. Thus on the
+periphery of Europe we have at least a dozen geographical isolated
+areas, sufficiently large and well separated from the rest of the world
+to make them the seats of independent social life. The interior of the
+country has several similarly, though less perfectly, detached areas. Of
+these the most important lie fenced within the highlands of the Alps. In
+that extensive system of mountain disturbances we have the geographical
+conditions which most favor the development of peculiar divisions of
+men, and which guard such cradled peoples from the destruction which so
+often awaits them on the plains. Thus, while the folk of the European
+lowlands have been overrun by the successive tides of invasion, their
+qualities confused, and their succession of social life interrupted,
+Switzerland has to a great extent, by its mountain walls, protected its
+people from the troubles to which their lowland neighbors have been
+subjected. The result is that within an area not twice as large as
+Massachusetts we find a marvelous diversity of folk, as is shown by the
+variety in physical aspect, moral quality, language, and creed in the
+several important valleys and other divisions of that complicated
+topography.
+
+After a race has been formed and bred to certain qualities within a
+limited field, after it has come to possess a certain body of
+characteristics which gives it its particular stamp, the importance of
+the original cradle passes away. There is something very curious in the
+permanence of race conditions after they have been fixed for a thousand
+years or so in a people. When the assemblage of physical and mental
+motives are combined in a body of country folk, they may endure under
+circumstances in which they could not have originated; thus, even in our
+domesticated animals and plants, we find that varieties created under
+favorable conditions, obtaining their inheritances in suitable
+conditions, may then flourish in many conditions of environment in which
+they could not by any chance have originated. The barnyard creatures of
+Europe, with their established qualities, may be taken to Australia, and
+there retain their nature for many generations; even where the form
+falls away from the parent stock, the decline is generally slow and may
+not for a great time become apparent.
+
+This fixity of race characteristics has enabled the several national
+varieties of men to go forth from their nurseries, carrying the
+qualities bred in their earlier conditions through centuries of life in
+other climes. The Gothic blood of Italy and of Spain still keeps much of
+its parent strength; the Aryan's of India, though a world apart in its
+conditions from those which gave it character in its cradle, is still,
+in many of its qualities, distinctly akin to that of the home people.
+Moor, Hun and Turk--all the numerous folk we find in the present
+condition of the world so far from their cradle-lands--are still to a
+great extent what their primitive nurture made them. On this rigidity
+which comes to mature races in the lower life as well as in man, depends
+the vigor with which they do their appointed work.
+
+
+2. Geographical Isolation and Maritime Contact[113]
+
+Greece, considering its limited total extent, offers but little motive,
+and still less of convenient means, for internal communication among its
+various inhabitants. Each village or township occupying its plain with
+the inclosing mountains, supplied its own main wants, whilst the
+transport of commodities by land was sufficiently difficult to
+discourage greatly any regular commerce with neighbors. In so far as the
+face of the interior country was concerned, it seemed as if nature had
+been disposed from the beginning to keep the population of Greece
+socially and politically disunited by providing so many hedges of
+separation and so many boundaries, generally hard, sometimes impossible,
+to overleap. One special motive to intercourse, however, arose out of
+this very geographical constitution of the country, and its endless
+alternation of mountain and valley. The difference of climate and
+temperature between the high and low grounds is very great; the harvest
+is secured in one place before it is ripe in another, and the cattle
+find during the heat of summer shelter and pasture on the hills, at a
+time when the plains are burnt up. The practice of transferring them
+from the mountains to the plain according to the change of season, which
+subsists still as it did in ancient times, is intimately connected with
+the structure of the country, and must from the earliest period have
+brought about communication among the otherwise disunited villages.
+
+Such difficulties, however, in the internal transit by land were to a
+great extent counteracted by the large proportion of coast and the
+accessibility of the country by sea. The prominences and indentations in
+the line of Grecian coast are hardly less remarkable than the
+multiplicity of elevations and depressions which everywhere mark the
+surface. There was no part of Greece proper which could be considered as
+out of reach of the sea, while most parts of it were convenient and easy
+of access. As the only communication between them was maritime, so the
+sea, important even if we look to Greece proper exclusively, was the
+sole channel for transmitting ideas and improvements, as well as for
+maintaining sympathies--social, political, religious, and
+literary--throughout these outlying members of the Hellenic aggregate.
+
+The ancient philosophers and legislators were deeply impressed with the
+contrast between an inland and a maritime city: in the former,
+simplicity and uniformity of life, tenacity of ancient habits and
+dislike of what is new or foreign, great force of exclusive sympathy and
+narrow range both of objects and ideas; in the latter, variety and
+novelty of sensations, expansive imagination, toleration, and occasional
+preference for extraneous customs, greater activity of the individual
+and corresponding mutability of the state. This distinction stands
+prominent in the many comparisons instituted between the Athens of
+Periclês and the Athens of the earlier times down to Solon. Both Plato
+and Aristotle dwell upon it emphatically--and the former especially,
+whose genius conceived the comprehensive scheme of prescribing
+beforehand and insuring in practice the whole course of individual
+thought and feeling in his imaginary community, treats maritime
+communication, if pushed beyond the narrowest limits, as fatal to the
+success and permanence of any wise scheme of education. Certain it is
+that a great difference of character existed between those Greeks who
+mingled much in maritime affairs and those who did not. The Arcadian may
+stand as a type of the pure Grecian landsman, with his rustic and
+illiterate habits--his diet of sweet chestnuts, barley cakes, and pork
+(as contrasted with the fish which formed the chief seasoning for the
+bread of an Athenian)--his superior courage and endurance--his reverence
+for Lacedaemonian headship as an old and customary influence--his
+sterility of intellect and imagination as well as his slackness in
+enterprise--his unchangeable rudeness of relations with the gods, which
+led him to scourge and prick Pan if he came back empty-handed from the
+chase; while the inhabitant of Phokaea or Miletus exemplifies the
+Grecian mariner, eager in search of gain--active, skilful, and daring at
+sea, but inferior in steadfast bravery on land--more excitable in
+imagination as well as more mutable in character--full of pomp and
+expense in religious manifestations toward the Ephesian Artemis or the
+Apollo of Branchidae: with a mind more open to the varieties of Grecian
+energy and to the refining influences of Grecian civilization.
+
+The configuration of the Grecian territory, so like in many respects to
+that of Switzerland, produced two effects of great moment upon the
+character and history of the people. In the first place, it materially
+strengthened their powers of defense: it shut up the country against
+those invasions from the interior which successively subjugated all
+their continental colonies; and it at the same time rendered each
+fraction more difficult to be attacked by the rest, so as to exercise a
+certain conservative influence in assuring the tenure of actual
+possessors: for the pass of Thermopylae between Thessaly and Phokis,
+that of Kithaeron between Boeotia and Attica, or the mountainous range
+of Oneion and Geraneia along the Isthmus of Corinth, were positions
+which an inferior number of brave men could hold against a much greater
+force of assailants. But, in the next place, while it tended to protect
+each section of Greeks from being conquered, it also kept them
+politically disunited and perpetuated their separate autonomy. It
+fostered that powerful principle of repulsion, which disposed even the
+smallest township to constitute itself a political unit apart from the
+rest, and to resist all idea of coalescence with others, either amicable
+or compulsory. To a modern reader, accustomed to large political
+aggregations, and securities for good government through the
+representative system, it requires a certain mental effort to transport
+himself back to a time when even the smallest town clung so tenaciously
+to its right of self-legislation. Nevertheless, such was the general
+habit and feeling of the ancient world, throughout Italy, Sicily, Spain,
+and Gaul. Among the Hellens it stands out more conspicuously, for
+several reasons--first, because they seem to have pushed the
+multiplication of autonomous units to an extreme point, seeing that even
+islands not larger than Peparethos and Amorgos had two or three separate
+city communities; secondly, because they produced, for the first time in
+the history of mankind, acute systematic thinkers on matters of
+government, amongst all of whom the idea of the autonomous city was
+accepted as the indispensable basis of political speculation; thirdly,
+because this incurable subdivision proved finally the cause of their
+ruin, in spite of pronounced intellectual superiority over their
+conquerors; and lastly, because incapacity of political coalescence did
+not preclude a powerful and extensive sympathy between the inhabitants
+of all the separate cities, with a constant tendency to fraternize for
+numerous purposes, social, religious, recreative, intellectual, and
+aesthetical. For these reasons, the indefinite multiplication of
+self-governing towns, though in truth a phenomenon common to ancient
+Europe as contrasted with the large monarchies of Asia, appears more
+marked among the ancient Greeks than elsewhere; and there cannot be any
+doubt that they owe it, in a considerable degree, to the multitude of
+insulating boundaries which the configuration of their country
+presented.
+
+Nor is it rash to suppose that the same causes may have tended to
+promote that unborrowed intellectual development for which they stand so
+conspicuous. General propositions respecting the working of climate and
+physical agencies upon character are indeed treacherous; for our
+knowledge of the globe is now sufficient to teach us that heat and cold,
+mountain and plain, sea and land, moist and dry atmosphere, are all
+consistent with the greatest diversities of resident men: moreover, the
+contrast between the population of Greece itself, for the seven
+centuries preceding the Christian era, and the Greeks of more modern
+times, is alone enough to inculcate reserve in such speculations.
+Nevertheless we may venture to note certain improving influences,
+connected with their geographical position, at a time when they had no
+books to study, and no more advanced predecessors to imitate.
+
+We may remark, first, that their position made them at once mountaineers
+and mariners, thus supplying them with great variety of objects,
+sensations, and adventures; next, that each petty community, nestled
+apart amidst its own rocks, was sufficiently severed from the rest to
+possess an individual life and attributes of its own, yet not so far as
+to subtract it from the sympathies of the remainder; so that an
+observant Greek, commercing with a great diversity of half-countrymen,
+whose language he understood, and whose idiosyncrasies he could
+appreciate, had access to a larger mass of social and political
+experience than any other man in so unadvanced an age could personally
+obtain. The Phoenician, superior to the Greek on shipboard, traversed
+wider distances and saw a greater number of strangers, but had not the
+same means of intimate communion with a multiplicity of fellows in blood
+and language. His relations, confined to purchase and sale, did not
+comprise that mutuality of action and reaction which pervaded the crowd
+at a Grecian festival. The scene which here presented itself was a
+mixture of uniformity and variety highly stimulating to the observant
+faculties of a man of genius--who at the same time, if he sought to
+communicate his own impressions, or to act upon this mingled and diverse
+audience, was forced to shake off what was peculiar to his own town or
+community, and to put forth matter in harmony with the feelings of all.
+It is thus that we may explain, in part, that penetrating apprehension
+of human life and character, and that power of touching sympathies
+common to all ages and nations, which surprises us so much in the
+unlettered authors of the old epic. Such periodical intercommunion of
+brethren habitually isolated from each other was the only means then
+open of procuring for the bard a diversified range of experience and a
+many-colored audience; and it was to a great degree the result of
+geographical causes. Perhaps among other nations such facilitating
+causes might have been found, yet without producing any results
+comparable to the Iliad and Odyssey. But Homer was nevertheless
+dependent upon the conditions of his age, and we can at least point out
+those peculiarities in early Grecian society without which Homeric
+excellence would never have existed--the geographical position is one,
+the language another.
+
+
+3. Isolation as an Explanation of National Differences[114]
+
+To decide between race and environment as the efficient cause of any
+social phenomenon is a matter of singular interest at this time. A
+school of sociological writers, dazzled by the recent brilliant
+discoveries in European ethnology, show a decided inclination to sink
+the racial explanation up to the handle in every possible phase of
+social life in Europe. It must be confessed that there is provocation
+for it. So persistent have the physical characteristics of the people
+shown themselves that it is not surprising to find theories of a
+corresponding inheritance of mental attributes in great favor.
+
+This racial school of social philosophers derives much of its data from
+French sources. For this reason, and also because our anthropological
+knowledge of that country is more complete than for any other part of
+Europe, we shall confine our attention primarily to France. In the
+unattractive upland areas of isolation is the Alpine broad-headed race
+common to central Europe. At the north, extending down in a broad belt
+diagonally as far as Limoges and along the coast of Brittany, there is
+intermixture with the blond, long-headed Teutonic race; while along the
+southern coast, penetrating up the Rhone Valley, is found the extension
+of the equally long-headed but brunet Mediterranean stock. These ethnic
+facts correspond to physical ones; three areas of geographical isolation
+are distinct centers of distribution of the Alpine race.
+
+The organization of the family is the surest criterion of the stage of
+social evolution attained by a people. No other phase of human
+association is so many-sided, so fundamental, so pregnant for the
+future. For this reason we may properly begin our study by an
+examination of a phenomenon which directly concerns the stability of the
+domestic institution--viz., divorce. What are the facts as to its
+distribution in France? Marked variations between different districts
+occur. Paris is at one extreme; Corsica, as always, at the other. Of
+singular interest to us is the parallel which at once appears between
+this distribution of divorce and that of head form. The areas of
+isolation peopled by the Alpine race are characterized by almost
+complete absence of legal severance of domestic relations between
+husband and wife.
+
+Do the facts instanced above have any ethnic significance? Do they mean
+that the Alpine type, as a race, holds more tenaciously than does the
+Teuton to its family traditions, resenting thereby the interference of
+the state in its domestic institutions? A foremost statistical
+authority, Jacques Bertillon, has devoted considerable space to proving
+that some relation between the two exists. Confronted by the preceding
+facts, his explanation is this: that the people of the southern
+departments, inconstant perhaps and fickle, nevertheless are quickly
+pacified after a passionate outbreak of any kind. Husband and wife may
+quarrel, but the estrangement is dissipated before recourse to the law
+can take place. On the other hand, the Norman peasant, Teutonic by race,
+cold and reserved, nurses his grievances for a long time; they abide
+with him, smoldering but persistent. "Words and even blows terminate
+quarrels quickly in the south; in the north they are settled by the
+judge." From similar comparisons in other European countries, M.
+Bertillon draws the final conclusion that the Teutonic race betrays a
+singular preference for this remedy for domestic ills. It becomes for
+him an ethnic trait.
+
+Another social phenomenon has been laid at the door of the Teutonic race
+of northern Europe; one which even more than divorce is directly the
+concomitant of modern intellectual and economic progress. We refer to
+suicide. Morselli devotes a chapter of his interesting treatise upon
+this subject to proving that "the purer the German race--that is to say,
+the stronger the Germanism (e.g., Teutonism) of a country--the more it
+reveals in its psychical character an extraordinary propensity to
+self-destruction."
+
+Consider for a moment the relative frequency of suicide with reference
+to the ethnic composition of France. The parallel between the two is
+almost exact in every detail. There are again our three areas of Alpine
+racial occupation--Savoy, Auvergne, and Brittany--in which suicide falls
+annually below seventy-five per million inhabitants. There, again, is
+the Rhone Valley and the broad diagonal strip from Paris to Bordeaux,
+characterized alike by strong infusion of Teutonic traits and relative
+frequency of the same social phenomenon.
+
+Divorce and suicide will serve as examples of the mode of proof adopted
+for tracing a number of other social phenomena to an ethnic origin. Thus
+Lapouge attributes the notorious depopulation of large areas in France
+to the sterility incident upon intermixture between the several racial
+types of which the population is constituted. This he seeks to prove
+from the occurrence of a decreasing birth-rate in all the open, fertile
+districts where the Teutonic element has intermingled with the native
+population. Because wealth happens to be concentrated in the fertile
+areas of Teutonic occupation, it is again assumed that this coincidence
+demonstrates either a peculiar acquisitive aptitude in this race or else
+a superior measure of frugality.
+
+By this time our suspicions are aroused. The argument is too simple. Its
+conclusions are too far-reaching. By this we do not mean to deny the
+facts of geographical distribution in the least. It is only the validity
+of the ethnic explanation which we deny. We can do better for our races
+than even its best friends along such lines of proof. With the data at
+our disposition there is no end to the racial attributes which we might
+saddle upon our ethnic types. Thus, it would appear that the Alpine type
+in its sterile areas of isolation was the land-hungry one described by
+Zola in his powerful novels. For, roughly speaking, individual
+land-holdings are larger in them on the average than among the Teutonic
+populations. Peasant proprietorship is more common also; there are fewer
+tenant farmers. Crime in the two areas assumes a different aspect. We
+find that among populations of Alpine type, in the isolated uplands,
+offenses against the person predominate in the criminal calendar. In the
+Seine basin, along the Rhone Valley, wherever the Teuton is in evidence,
+on the other hand, there is less respect for property; so that offenses
+against the person, such as assault, murder, and rape, give place to
+embezzlements, burglary, and arson. It might just as well be argued that
+the Teuton shows a predilection for offenses against property; the
+native Celt an equal propensity for crimes against the person.
+
+Appeal to the social geography of other countries, wherein the ethnic
+balance of power is differently distributed, may be directed against
+almost any of the phenomena we have instanced in France as seemingly of
+racial derivation. In the case either of suicide or divorce, if we turn
+from France to Italy or Germany, we instantly perceive all sorts of
+contradictions. The ethnic type, which is so immune from propensity to
+self-destruction or domestic disruption in France, becomes in Italy most
+prone to either mode of escape from temporary earthly ills. For each
+phenomenon culminates in frequency in the northern half of the latter
+country, stronghold of the Alpine race. Nor is there an appreciable
+infusion of Teutonism, physically speaking, herein, to account for the
+change of heart. Of course, it might be urged that this merely shows
+that the Mediterranean race of southern Italy is as much less inclined
+to the phenomenon than the Alpine race in these respects, as it in turn
+lags behind the Teuton. For it must be confessed that even in Italy
+neither divorce nor suicide is so frequent anywhere as in Teutonic
+northern France. Well, then, turn to Germany. Compare its two halves in
+these respects again. The northern half of the empire is most purely
+Teutonic by race; the southern is not distinguishable ethnically, as we
+have sought to prove, from central France. Bavaria, Baden, and
+Würtemberg are scarcely more Teutonic by race than Auvergne. Do we find
+differences in suicide, for example, following racial boundaries here?
+Far from it; for Saxony is its culminating center; and Saxony, as we
+know, is really half-Slavic at heart, as is also eastern Prussia.
+Suicide should be most frequent in Schleswig-Holstein and Hanover, if
+racial causes were appreciably operative. The argument, in fact, falls
+to pieces of its own weight, as Durkheim has shown. His conclusion is
+thus stated:
+
+"If the Germans are more addicted to suicide, it is not because of the
+blood in their veins, but of the civilization in which they have been
+raised."
+
+A summary view of the class of social phenomena seemingly characteristic
+of the distinct races in France, if we extend our field of vision to
+cover all Europe, suggests an explanation for the curious coincidences
+and parallelisms noted above, which is the exact opposite of the racial
+one.
+
+Our theory, then, is this: that most of the social phenomena we have
+noted as peculiar to the areas occupied by the Alpine type are the
+necessary outcome, not of racial proclivities but rather of the
+geographical and social isolation characteristic of the habitat of this
+race. The ethnic type is still pure for the very same reason that social
+phenomena are primitive. Wooden ploughs pointed with stone, blood
+revenge, an undiminished birth-rate, and relative purity of physical
+type are all alike derivatives from a common cause, isolation, directly
+physical and coincidently social. We discover, primarily, an influence
+of environment where others perceive phenomena of ethnic inheritance.
+
+
+4. Natural versus Vicinal Location in National Development[115]
+
+In contradistinction to continental and intercontinental location,
+anthropogeography recognizes two other narrower meanings of the term.
+The innate mobility of the human race, due primarily to the eternal
+food-quest and increase of numbers, leads a people to spread out over a
+territory till they reach the barriers which nature has set up, or meet
+the frontiers of other tribes and nations. Their habitat or their
+specific geographic location is thus defined by natural features of
+mountain, desert, and sea, or by the neighbors whom they are unable to
+displace, or more often by both.
+
+A people has, therefore, a twofold location, an immediate one, based
+upon their actual territory, and a mediate or vicinal one, growing out
+of its relations to the countries nearest them. The first is a question
+of the land under their feet; the other, of the neighbors about them.
+The first or natural location embodies the complex of local geographic
+conditions which furnish the basis for their tribal or national
+existence. This basis may be a peninsula, island, archipelago, an
+oasis, an arid steppe, a mountain system, or a fertile lowland. The
+stronger the vicinal location, the more dependent is the people upon the
+neighboring states, but the more potent the influence which it can,
+under certain circumstances, exert upon them. Witness Germany in
+relation to Holland, France, Austria, and Poland. The stronger the
+natural location, on the other hand, the more independent is the people
+and the more strongly marked is the national character. This is
+exemplified in the people of mountain lands like Switzerland, Abyssinia,
+and Nepal; of peninsulas like Korea, Spain, and Scandinavia; and of
+islands like England and Japan. Today we stand amazed at that strong
+primordial brand of the Japanese character which nothing can blur or
+erase.
+
+Clearly defined natural locations, in which barriers of mountains and
+sea draw the boundaries and guarantee some degree of isolation, tend to
+hold their people in a calm embrace, to guard them against outside
+interference and infusion of foreign blood, and thus to make them
+develop the national genius in such direction as the local geographic
+conditions permit. In the unceasing movements which have made up most of
+the historic and prehistoric life of the human race, in their migrations
+and counter-migrations, their incursions, retreats, and expansions over
+the face of the earth, vast unfenced areas, like the open lowlands of
+Russia and the grasslands of Africa, present the picture of a great
+thoroughfare swept by pressing throngs. Other regions, more secluded,
+appear as quiet nooks, made for a temporary halt or a permanent rest.
+Here some part of the passing human flow is caught as in a vessel and
+held till it crystallizes into a nation. These are the conspicuous areas
+of race characterization. The development of the various ethnic and
+political offspring of the Roman Empire in the naturally defined areas
+of Italy, the Iberian Peninsula, and France illustrates the process of
+national differentiation which goes on in such secluded-locations.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. Isolation in Anthropogeography and Biology
+
+A systematic treatise upon isolation as a sociological concept remains
+to be written. The idea of isolation as a tool of investigation has been
+fashioned with more precision in geography and in biology than in
+sociology.
+
+Research in human geography has as its object the study of man in his
+relations to the earth. Students of civilization, like Montesquieu and
+Buckle, sought to explain the culture and behavior of peoples as the
+direct result of the physical environment. Friedrich Ratzel with his
+"thorough training as a naturalist, broad reading, and travel" and above
+all, his comprehensive knowledge of ethnology, recognized the importance
+of direct effects, such as cultural isolation. Jean Brunhes, by the
+selection of small natural units, his so-called "islands," has made
+intensive studies of isolated groups in the oases of the deserts of the
+Sub and of the Mzab, and in the high mountains of the central Andes.
+
+Biology indicates isolation as one of the factors in the origin of the
+species. Anthropology derives the great races of mankind--the Caucasian,
+the Ethiopian, the Malay, the Mongolian, and the Indian--from
+geographical separation following an assumed prehistoric dispersion. A
+German scholar, Dr. Georg Gerland, has prepared an atlas which plots
+differences in physical traits, such as skin color and hair texture, as
+indicating the geographical distribution of races.
+
+
+2. Isolation and Social Groups
+
+Anthropogeographical and biological investigations have proceeded upon
+the assumption, implicit or explicit, that the geographic environment,
+and the physical and mental traits of races and individuals, _determine_
+individual and collective behavior. What investigations in human
+geography and heredity actually demonstrate is that the geographic
+environment and the original nature of man _condition_ the culture and
+conduct of groups and of persons. The explanations of isolation, so far
+as it affects social life, which have gained currency in the writings of
+anthropologists and geographers, are therefore too simple. Sociologists
+are able to take into account forms of isolation not considered by the
+students of the physical environment and of racial inheritance. Studies
+of folkways, mores, culture, nationality, the products of a historical
+or cultural process, disclose types of social contact which transcend
+the barriers of geographical or racial separation, and reveal social
+forms of isolation which prevent communication where there is close
+geographical contact or common racial bonds.
+
+The literature upon isolated peoples ranges from investigations of
+arrest of cultural development as, for example, the natives of
+Australia, the Mountain Whites of the southern states, or the
+inhabitants of Pitcairn Island to studies of hermit nations, of caste
+systems as in India, or of outcast groups such as feeble-minded "tribes"
+or hamlets, fraternities of criminals, and the underworld of
+commercialized prostitution. Special research in dialects, in folklore,
+and in provincialism shows how spatial isolation fixes differences in
+speech, attitudes, folkways, and mores which, in turn, enforce isolation
+even when geographic separation has disappeared.
+
+The most significant contribution to the study of isolation from the
+sociological standpoint has undoubtedly been made by Fishberg in a work
+entitled _The Jews, a Study of Race and Environment_. The author points
+out that the isolation of the Jew has been the result of neither
+physical environment nor of race, but of social barriers. "Judaism has
+been preserved throughout the long years of Israel's dispersion by two
+factors: its separative ritualism, which prevented close and intimate
+contact with non-Jews, and the iron laws of the Christian theocracies of
+Europe which encouraged and enforced 'isolation.'"[116]
+
+
+3. Isolation and Personality
+
+Philosophers, mystics, and religious enthusiasts have invariably
+stressed privacy for meditation, retirement for ecstatic communion with
+God, and withdrawal from the contamination of the world. In 1784-86
+Zimmermann wrote an elaborate essay in which he dilates upon "the
+question whether it is easier to live virtuously in society or in
+solitude," considering in Part I "the influence of occasional retirement
+upon the mind and the heart" and in Part II "the pernicious influence of
+a total exclusion from society upon the mind and the heart."
+
+Actual research upon the effect of isolation upon personal development
+has more of future promise than of present accomplishment. The
+literature upon cases of feral men is practically all of the anecdotal
+type with observations by persons untrained in the modern scientific
+method. One case, however, "the savage of Aveyron" was studied
+intensively by Itard, the French philosopher and otologist who cherished
+high hopes of his mental and social development. After five years spent
+in a patient and varied but futile attempt at education, he confessed
+his bitter disappointment. "Since my pains are lost and efforts
+fruitless, take yourself back to your forest and primitive tastes; or if
+your new wants make you dependent on society, suffer the penalty of
+being useless, and go to Bicêtre, there to die in wretchedness."
+
+Only second in importance to the cases of feral men are the
+investigations which have been made of the results of solitary
+confinement. Morselli, in his well-known work on _Suicide_, presented
+statistics showing that self-destruction was many times as frequent
+among convicts under the system of absolute isolation as compared with
+that of association during imprisonment. Studies of Auburn prison in New
+York, of Mountjoy in England, and penal institutions on the continent
+show the effects of solitary incarceration in the increase of cases of
+suicides, insanity, invalidism, and death.
+
+Beginnings have been made in child study, psychiatry, and psychoanalysis
+of the effects of different types of isolation upon personal
+development. Some attention has been given to the study of effects upon
+mentality and personality of physical defects such as deaf-mutism and
+blindness. Students of the so-called "morally defective child," that is
+the child who appears deficient in emotional and sympathetic responses,
+suggest as a partial explanation the absence in infancy and early
+childhood of intimate and sympathetic contacts with the mother. An
+investigation not yet made but of decisive bearing upon this point will
+be a comparative study of children brought up in families with those
+reared in institutions.
+
+Psychiatry and psychoanalysis in probing mental life and personality
+have related certain mental and social abnormalities to isolation from
+social contact. Studies of paranoia and of egocentric personalities have
+resulted in the discovery of the only or favorite child complex. The
+exclusion of the boy or girl in the one-child family from the give and
+take of democratic relations with brothers and sisters results,
+according to the theory advanced, in a psychopathic personality of the
+self-centered type. A contributing cause of homosexuality, it is said by
+psychoanalysts, is the isolation during childhood from usual association
+with individuals of the same sex. Research in dementia praecox discloses
+a symptom and probably a cause of this mental malady to be the
+withdrawal of the individual from normal social contacts and the
+substitution of an imaginary for a real world of persons and events.
+Dementia praecox has been related by one psychoanalyst to the "shut-in"
+type of personality.
+
+The literature on the subject of privacy in its relation to personal
+development is fragmentary but highly promising for future research. The
+study of the introspective type of personality suggests that
+self-analysis is the counterpart of the inhibition of immediate and
+impulsive self-expression in social relations. Materials for an
+understanding of the relation of retirement and privacy to the
+aesthetic, moral, and creative life of the person may be found in the
+lives of hermits, inventors, and religious leaders; in the studies of
+seclusion, prayer, and meditation; and in research upon taboo, prestige,
+and attitudes of superiority and inferiority.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY: MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF ISOLATION
+
+
+I. CHARACTERISTIC SENTIMENTS AND ATTITUDES OF THE ISOLATED PERSON
+
+(1) Zimmermann, Johann G. _Solitude._ Or the effects of occasional
+retirement on the mind, the heart, general society. Translated from the
+German. London, 1827.
+
+(2) Canat, René. _Une forme du mal du siècle._ Du sentiment de la
+solitude morale chez les romantiques et les parnassiens. Paris, 1904.
+
+(3) Goltz, E. von der. _Das Gebet in der aeltesten Christenheit._
+Leipzig, 1901.
+
+(4) Strong, Anna L. _A Consideration of Prayer from the Standpoint of
+Social Psychology._ Chicago, 1908.
+
+(5) Hoch, A. "On Some of the Mental Mechanisms in Dementia Praecox,"
+_Journal of Abnormal Psychology_, V (1910), 255-73. [A study of the
+isolated person.]
+
+(6) Bohannon, E. W. "Only Child," _Pedagogical Seminary_, V (1897-98),
+475-96.
+
+(7) Brill, A. A. _Psychanalysis._ Its theories and practical
+application. "The Only or Favorite Child in Adult Life," pp. 253-65. 2d
+rev. ed. Philadelphia and London, 1914.
+
+(8) Neter, Eugen. _Das einzige Kind und seine Erziehung._ Ein ernstes
+Mahnwort an Eltern und Erzieher. München, 1914.
+
+(9) Whiteley, Opal S. _The Story of Opal._ Boston, 1920.
+
+(10) Delbrück, A. _Die pathologische Lüge und die psychisch abnormen
+Schwindler._ Stuttgart, 1891.
+
+(11) Healy, Wm. _Pathological Lying._ Boston, 1915.
+
+(12) Dostoévsky, F. _The House of the Dead; or, Prison Life in Siberia._
+Translated from the Russian by Constance Garnett. New York, 1915.
+
+(13) Griffiths, Arthur. _Secrets of the Prison House, or Gaol Studies
+and Sketches._ I, 262-80. London, 1894.
+
+(14) Kingsley, Charles. _The Hermits._ London and New York, 1871.
+
+(15) Baring-Gould, S. _Lives of Saints._ 16 vols. Rev. ed. Edinburgh,
+1916. [See references in index to hermits.]
+
+(16) Solenberger, Alice W. _One Thousand Homeless Men._ A study of
+original records. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1911.
+
+
+II. TYPES OF ISOLATION AND TYPES OF SOCIAL GROUPS
+
+(1) Fishberg, Maurice. _The Jews._ A study of race and environment.
+London and New York, 1911.
+
+(2) Gummere, Amelia M. _The Quaker._ A study in costume. Philadelphia,
+1901.
+
+(3) Webster, Hutton. _Primitive Secret Societies._ A study in early
+politics and religion. New York, 1908.
+
+(4) Heckethorn, C. W. _The Secret Societies of all Ages and Countries._
+A comprehensive account of upwards of one hundred and sixty secret
+organizations--religious, political, and social--from the most remote
+ages down to the present time. 2 vols. New ed., rev. and enl. London,
+1897.
+
+(5) Fosbroke, Thomas D. _British Monachism, or Manners and Customs of
+the Monks and Nuns of England._ London, 1817.
+
+(6) Wishart, Alfred W. _A Short History of Monks and Monasteries._
+Trenton, N.J., 1900. [Chap. i, pp. 17-70, gives an account of the monk
+as a type of human nature.]
+
+
+III. GEOGRAPHICAL ISOLATION AND CULTURAL AREAS
+
+(1) Ratzel, Friedrich. _Politische Geographie; oder, Die Geographie der
+Staaten, des Verkehres und des Krieges._ 2d. ed. München, 1903.
+
+(2) Semple, Ellen. _Influences of Geographic Environment, on the Basis
+of Ratzel's System of Anthropogeography._ Chap. xiii, "Island Peoples,"
+pp. 409-72. New York, 1911. [Bibliography.]
+
+(3) Brunhes, Jean. _Human Geography._ An attempt at a positive
+classification, principles, and examples. 2d ed. Translated from the
+French by T. C. LeCompte. Chicago, 1920. [See especially chaps. vi, vii,
+and viii, pp. 415-569.]
+
+(4) Vallaux, Camille. _La Mer._ (Géographie Sociale.) Populations
+maritimes, migrations, pêches, commerce, domination de la mer, Chap.
+iii, "Les isles et l'insularité." Paris, 1908.
+
+(5) Gerland, Georg. _Atlas der Völkerkunde._ Gotha, 1892. [Indicates the
+geographical distribution of differences in skin color, hair form,
+clothing, customs, languages, etc.]
+
+(6) Ripley, William Z. _The Races of Europe._ A sociological study. New
+York, 1899.
+
+(7) Campbell, John C. _The Southern Highlander and His Homeland._ New
+York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1921. [Bibliography.]
+
+(8) Barrow, Sir John. _A Description of Pitcairn's Island and Its
+Inhabitants._ With an authentic account of the mutiny of the ship
+"Bounty" and of the subsequent fortunes of the mutineers. New York,
+1832.
+
+(9) Routledge, Mrs. Scoresby. _The Mystery of Easter Island._ The story
+of an expedition. Chap. xx, "Pitcairn Island." London, 1919.
+
+(10) Galpin, Charles J. _Rural Life._ New York, 1918.
+
+
+IV. LANGUAGE FRONTIERS AND NATIONALITY
+
+(1) Dominian, Leon. _The Frontiers of Language and Nationality in
+Europe._ New York, 1917. [Bibliography, pp. 348-56.]
+
+(2) Auerbach, Bertrand. _Les Races et les nationalités en
+Autriche-Hongrie._ 2d rev. ed. Paris, 1917.
+
+(3) Bernhard, L. _Das polnische Gemeinwesen im preussischen Staat._ Die
+Polenfrage. Leipzig, 1910.
+
+(4) Bourgoing, P. de. _Les guerres d'idiome et de nationalité._
+Tableaux, esquisses, et souvenirs d'histoire contemporaine. Paris, 1849.
+
+(5) _Cambridge Modern History_, Vol. XI, "The Growth of Nationalities."
+Cambridge, 1909.
+
+(6) Meillet, A. "Les Langues et les Nationalités," _Scientia_, Vol.
+XVIII, (Sept., 1915), pp. 192-201.
+
+(7) Pfister, Ch. "La limite de la langue française et de la langue
+allemande en Alsace-Lorraine," Considérations historiques. _Bull. Soc.
+Géogr. de l'Est_, Vol. XII, 1890.
+
+(8) This, G. "Die deutsch-französische Sprachgrenze in Lothringen,"
+_Beiträge zur Landes- und Volkskunde von Elsass-Lothringen_, Vol. I,
+Strassburg, 1887.
+
+(9)----. "Die deutsch-französische Sprachgrenze in Elsass," _ibid._,
+1888.
+
+
+V. DIALECTS AS A FACTOR IN ISOLATION
+
+(1) Babbitt, Eugene H. "College Words and Phrases," _Dialect Notes_, II
+(1900-1904), 3-70.
+
+(2)----. "The English of the Lower Classes in New York City and
+Vicinity," _Dialect Notes_, Vol. I, Part ix, 1896.
+
+(3)----. "The Geography of the Great Languages," _World's Work_, Feb. 15
+(1907-8), 9903-7.
+
+(4) Churchill, William. _Beach-la-mar: the Jargon or Trade Speech of the
+Western Pacific._ Washington, 1911.
+
+(5) Dana, Richard H., Jr. _A Dictionary of Sea Terms._ London, 1841.
+
+(6) Elliott, A.M. "Speech-Mixture in French Canada: English and French,"
+_American Journal of Philology_, X (1889), 133.
+
+(7) Flaten, Nils. "Notes on American-Norwegian with a Vocabulary,"
+_Dialect Notes_, II (1900-1904), 115-26.
+
+(8) Harrison, James A. "Negro-English," _Transactions and Proceedings
+American Philological Association_, XVI (1885), Appendix, pp.
+xxxi-xxxiii.
+
+(9) Hempl, George. "Language-Rivalry and Speech-Differentiation in the
+Case of Race-Mixture," _Transactions and Proceedings of the American
+Philological Association_. XXIX (1898), 31-47.
+
+(10) Knortz, Karl. _Amerikanische Redensarten und Volksgebräuche._
+Leipzig, 1907.
+
+(11) Letzner, Karl. _Wörterbuch der englischen Volkssprache Australiens
+und der englischen Mischsprachen._ Halle, 1891.
+
+(12) Pettman, Charles. _Africanderisms._ A glossary of South African
+colloquial words and phrases and of place and other names. London and
+New York, 1913.
+
+(13) Ralph, Julian. "The Language of the Tenement-Folk," _Harper's
+Weekly_, XLI (Jan. 23, 1897), 90.
+
+(14) Skeat, Walter W. _English Dialects from the Eighth Century to the
+Present Day_. Cambridge, 1911.
+
+(15) Yule, Henry, and Burnell, A. C. _Hobson-Jobson._ A glossary of
+colloquial Anglo-Indian words and phrases, and of kindred terms,
+etymological, historical, geographical, and discursive; new ed. by Wm.
+Crooke, London, 1903.
+
+
+VI. PHYSICAL DEFECT AS A FORM OF ISOLATION
+
+(1) Bell, Alexander G. "Memoir upon the Formation of a Deaf Variety of
+the Human Race." _National Academy of Sciences, Memoirs_, II, 177-262.
+Washington, D.C., 1884.
+
+(2) Fay, Edward A. _Marriages of the Deaf in America._ An inquiry
+concerning the results of marriages of the deaf in America. Washington,
+D.C., 1893.
+
+(3) Desagher, Maurice. "La timidité chez les aveugles," _Revue
+philosophique_, LXXVI (1913), 269-74.
+
+(4) Best, Harry. _The Deaf._ Their position in society and the provision
+for their education in the United States. New York, 1914.
+
+(5) ----. _The Blind._ Their condition and the work being done for them
+in the United States. New York, 1919.
+
+
+VII. FERAL MEN
+
+(1) Rauber, August. _Homo Sapiens Ferus_; oder, Die Zustände der
+Verwilderten und ihre Bedeutung für Wissenschaft, Politik, und Schule.
+Leipzig, 1885.
+
+(2) Seguin, Edward. _Idiocy and Its Treatment by the Physiological
+Method._ Pp. 14-23. New York, 1866.
+
+(3) Bonnaterre, J. P. _Notice historique sur le sauvage de l'Aveyron, et
+sur quelques autres individus qu'on a trouvés dans les forêts à
+différentes époques._ Paris, 1800.
+
+(4) Itard, Jean E. M. G. _De l'éducation d'un homme sauvage, et des
+premiers developpemens physiques et moraux du jeune sauvage de
+l'Aveyron._ Pp. 45-46. Paris, 1801.
+
+(5) Feuerbach, Paul J. A. von. _Caspar Hauser._ An account of an
+individual kept in a dungeon from early childhood, to about the age of
+seventeen. Translated from the German by H. G. Linberg. London, 1834.
+
+(6) Stanhope, Philip Henry [4th Earl]. _Tracts relating to Caspar
+Hauser._ Translated from the original German. London, 1836.
+
+(7) Lang, Andrew. _Historical Mysteries._ London, 1904.
+
+(8) Tredgold, A. F. _Mental Deficiency._ "Isolation Amentia," pp.
+297-305. 3d rev. ed. New York, 1920.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. Isolation as a Condition of Originality.
+
+2. The Relation of Social Contact and of Isolation to Historic
+Inventions and Discoveries, as the Law of Gravitation, Mendelian
+Inheritance, the Electric Light, etc.
+
+3. Isolated Types: the Hermit, the Mystic, the Prophet, the Stranger,
+and the Saint.
+
+4. Isolation, Segregation, and the Physically Defective: as the Blind,
+the Deaf-Mute, the Physically Handicapped.
+
+5. Isolated Areas and Cultural Retardation: the Southern Mountaineer,
+Pitcairn Islanders, the Australian Aborigines.
+
+6. "Moral" Areas, Isolation, and Segregation: City Slums, Vice
+Districts, "Breeding-places of Crime."
+
+7. The Controlled versus the Natural process of Segregation of the
+Feeble-minded.
+
+8. Isolation and Insanity.
+
+9. Privacy in the Home.
+
+10. Isolation and Prestige.
+
+11. Isolation as a Defence against the Invasion of Personality.
+
+12. Nationalism as a Form of Isolation.
+
+13. Biological and Social Immunity: or Biological Immunity from
+Infection, Personal or Group Immunity against Social Contagion.
+
+14. The Only Child.
+
+15. The Pathological Liar Considered from the Point of View of
+Isolation.
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. Is the distinction between isolation and social contact relative or
+absolute?
+
+2. What illustrations of the various forms of isolation, spatial,
+structural, habitudinal, and psychical, occur to you?
+
+3. By what process does isolation cause racial differentiation?
+
+4. What is the relation of endogamy and exogamy (a) to isolation, and
+(b) to the establishment of a successful stock or race?
+
+5. In what ways do the Jews and the Americans as racial types illustrate
+the effects of isolation and of contact?
+
+6. What do you understand to be Bacon's definition of solitude?
+
+7. What is the point in the saying "A great town is a great solitude"?
+
+8. What is the sociology of the creation by a solitary person of
+imaginary companions?
+
+9. Under what conditions does an individual prefer solitude to society?
+Give illustrations.
+
+10. What are the devices used in prayer to secure isolation?
+
+11. "Prayer has value in that it develops the essentially social form of
+personal self-realization." Explain.
+
+12. What are the interrelations of social contact and of privacy in the
+development of the ideal self?
+
+13. What do you understand by the relation of erudition to originality?
+
+14. In what ways does isolation (a) promote, (b) impede,
+originality? What other factors beside isolation are involved in
+originality?
+
+15. What is the value of privacy?
+
+16. What was the value of the monasteries?
+
+17. What conclusions do you derive from the study of the cases of feral
+men? Do these cases bear out the theory of Aristotle in regard to the
+effect of isolation upon the individual?
+
+18. What is the significance of Helen Keller's account of how she broke
+through the barriers of isolation?
+
+19. What were the mental effects of solitude described by Hudson? How do
+you explain the difference between the descriptions of the effect of
+solitude in the accounts given by Rousseau and by Hudson?
+
+20. How does Galpin explain the relation of isolation to the development
+of the "rural mind"?
+
+21. What are the effects of isolation upon the young man or young woman
+reared in the country?
+
+22. Was Lincoln the product of isolation or of social contact?
+
+23. To what extent are rural problems the result of isolation?
+
+24. What do you understand by Thomas' statement, "The savage, the Negro,
+the peasant, the slum dwellers, and the white woman are notable
+sufferers by exclusion"?
+
+25. What other of the subtler forms of isolation occur to you?
+
+26. Is isolation to be regarded as always a disadvantage?
+
+27. What do you understand by segregation as a process?
+
+28. Give illustrations of groups other than those mentioned which have
+become segregated as a result of isolation.
+
+29. How would you describe the process by which isolation leads to the
+segregation of the feeble-minded?
+
+30. Why does a segregated group, like the feeble-minded, become an
+isolated group?
+
+31. What are other illustrations of isolation resulting from
+segregation?
+
+32. How would you compare Europe with the other continents with
+reference to number and distribution of isolated areas?
+
+33. What do you understand to be the nature of the influence of the
+cradle land upon "the historical race"?
+
+34. What illustrations from the Great War would you give of the effects
+(a) of central location; (b) of peripheral location?
+
+35. How do you explain the contrast between the characteristics of the
+inhabitants of the Grecian inland and maritime cities?
+
+36. To what extent may (a) the rise of the Greek city state, (b)
+Grecian intellectual development, and (c) the history of Greece, be
+interpreted in terms of geographic isolation?
+
+37. To what extent can you explain the cultural retardation of Africa,
+as compared with European progress, by isolation?
+
+38. Does race or isolation explain more adequately the following
+cultural differences for the several areas of France--divorce, intensity
+of suicide, distribution of awards, relative frequency of men of
+letters?
+
+39. What is the relation of village and city emigration and immigration
+to isolation?
+
+40. What is the difference between a natural and a vicinal location?
+
+41. In what ways does isolation affect national development?
+
+42. What is the relation of geographical position in area to
+literature?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[94] J. Arthur Thomson, _Heredity_, pp. 536-37. (G. P. Putnam's Sons,
+1908.)
+
+[95] From Francis Bacon, _Essays_, "Of Friendship."
+
+[96] Adapted from Jean Jacques Rousseau, _Letter to the President de
+Malesherbes, 1762_.
+
+[97] Adapted from George Albert Coe, _The Psychology of Religion_, pp.
+311-18. (The University of Chicago Press, 1917.)
+
+[98] From T. Sharper Knowlson, _Originality_, pp. 173-75. (T. Werner
+Laurie, 1918.)
+
+[99] From Maurice H. Small, "On Some Psychical Relations of Society and
+Solitude," in the _Pedagogical Seminary_, VII, No. 2 (1900), 32-36.
+
+[100] _Anthropological Review_, I (London, 1863), 21 ff.
+
+[101] _All the Year_, XVIII, 302 ff.
+
+[102] _Chambers' Journal_, LIX, 579 ff.
+
+[103] _The Penny Magazine_, II, 113.
+
+[104] Wagner, _Beitragen zur philosophischen Anthropologie_; Rauber, pp.
+49-55.
+
+[105] "Histoire d'une jeune fille sauvage trouvée dans les bois à l'âge
+de dix ans," _Magazin der Natur, Kunst, und Wissenschaft_, Leipzig,
+1756, pp. 219-72; _Mercure de France_, December, 1731; Rudolphi,
+_Grundriss der Physiologie_, I, 25; Blumenbach, _Beiträge zur
+Naturgeschichte_, II, 38.
+
+[106] Adapted from Helen Keller, _The Story of My Life_, pp. 22-24.
+(Doubleday, Page & Co., 1917.)
+
+[107] Adapted from W. H. Hudson, "The Plains of Patagonia," _Universal
+Review_, VII (1890), 551-57.
+
+[108] Adapted from C. J. Galpin, _Rural Social Centers in Wisconsin_,
+pp. 1-3. (Wisconsin Experiment Station, Bulletin 234, 1913.)
+
+[109] Adapted from W. I. Thomas, "Race Psychology," in the _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XVII (1911-12), 744-47.
+
+[110] Adapted from Robert E. Park, "The City: Suggestions for the
+Investigation of Behavior in the City Environment," in the _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XX (1915), 579-83.
+
+[111] Adapted from L. W. Crafts and E. A. Doll, "The Proportion of
+Mental Defectives among Juvenile Delinquents," in the _Journal of
+Delinquency_, II (1917), 123-37.
+
+[112] Adapted from N. S. Shaler, _Nature and Man in America_, pp.
+151-66. (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1900.)
+
+[113] Adapted from George Grote, _History of Greece_, II, 149-57. (John
+Murray, 1888.)
+
+[114] From William Z. Ripley, _The Races of Europe_, pp. 515-30. (D.
+Appleton & Co., 1899.)
+
+[115] Adapted from Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic
+Environment_, pp. 132-33. (Henry Holt & Co., 1911.)
+
+[116] Fishberg, _op. cit._, p. 555.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+SOCIAL CONTACTS
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Preliminary Notions of Social Contact
+
+The fundamental social process is that of interaction. This interaction
+is (a) of persons with persons, and (b) of groups with groups. The
+simplest aspect of interaction, or its primary phase, is contact.
+Contact may be considered as the initial stage of interaction, and
+preparatory to the later stages. The phenomena of social contact require
+analysis before proceeding to the more difficult study of the mechanism
+of social interaction.
+
+"With whom am I in contact?" Common sense has in stock ready answers to
+this question.
+
+There is, first of all, the immediate circle of contact through the
+senses. Touch is the most intimate kind of contact. Face-to-face
+relations include, in addition to touch, visual and auditory sensations.
+Speech and hearing by their very nature establish a bond of contact
+between persons.
+
+Even in common usage, the expression "social contact" is employed beyond
+the limits fixed by the immediate responses of touch, sight, and
+hearing. Its area has expanded to include connection through all the
+forms of communication, i.e., language, letters, and the printed page;
+connection through the medium of the telephone, telegraph, radio, moving
+picture, etc. The evolution of the devices for communication has taken
+place in the fields of two senses alone, those of hearing and seeing.
+Touch remains limited to the field of primary association. But the
+newspaper with its elaborate mechanism of communication gives publicity
+to events in London, Moscow, and Tokio, and the motion picture unreels
+to our gaze scenes from distant lands and foreign peoples with all the
+illusion of reality.
+
+The frontiers of social contact are farther extended to the widest
+horizons, by commerce. The economists, for example, include in their
+conception of society the intricate and complex maze of relations
+created by the competition and co-operation of individuals and societies
+within the limits of a world-wide economy. This inclusion of unconscious
+as well as conscious reciprocal influences in the concept of social
+relations brings into "contact" the members of a village missionary
+society with the savages of the equatorial regions of Africa; or the
+pale-faced drug addict, with the dark-skinned Hindu laborers upon the
+opium fields of Benares; or the man gulping down coffee at the breakfast
+table, with the Java planter; the crew of the Pacific freighter and its
+cargo of spices with the American wholesaler and retailer in food
+products. In short, everyone is in a real, though concealed and devious,
+way in contact with every other person in the world. Contacts of this
+type, remote from the familiar experiences of everyday life, have
+reality to the intellectual and the mystic and are appreciated by the
+masses only when co-operation breaks down, or competition becomes
+conscious and passes into conflict.
+
+These three popular meanings of contacts emphasize (1) the intimacy of
+sensory responses, (2) the extension of contact through devices of
+communication based upon sight and hearing, and (3) the solidarity and
+interdependence created and maintained by the fabric of social life,
+woven as it is from the intricate and invisible strands of human
+interests in the process of a world-wide competition and co-operation.
+
+
+2. The Sociological Concept of Contact
+
+The use of the term "contact" in sociology is not a departure from, but
+a development of, its customary significance. In the preceding chapter
+the point was made that the distinction between isolation and contact is
+not absolute but relative. Members of a society spatially separate, but
+socially in contact through sense perception and through communication
+of ideas, may be thereby mobilized to collective behavior. Sociological
+interest in this situation lies in the fact that the various kinds of
+social contacts between persons and groups determine behavior. The
+student of problems of American society, for example, realizes the
+necessity of understanding the mutual reactions involved in the contacts
+of the foreign and the native-born, of the white and the negro, and of
+employers and employees. In other words, contact, as the first stage of
+social interaction, conditions and controls the later stages of the
+process.
+
+It is convenient, for certain purposes, to conceive of contact in terms
+of space. The contacts of persons and of groups may then be plotted in
+units of _social distance_. This permits graphic representation of
+relations of sequence and of coexistence in terms both of units of
+separation and of contact. This spatial conception may now be applied to
+the explanation of the readings in social contacts.
+
+
+3. Classification of the Materials
+
+In sociological literature there have grown up certain distinctions
+between types of social contacts. Physical contacts are distinguished
+from social contacts; relations within the "in-group" are perceived to
+be different from relations with the "out-group"; contacts of historical
+continuity are compared with contacts of mobility; primary contacts are
+set off from secondary contacts. How far and with what advantage may
+these distinctions be stated in spatial terms?
+
+a) _Land as a basis for social contacts._--The position of persons and
+peoples on the earth gives us a literal picture of the spatial
+conception of social contact. The cluster of homes in the Italian
+agricultural community suggests the difference in social life in
+comparison with the isolated homesteads of rural America. A gigantic
+spot map of the United States upon which every family would be indicated
+by a dot would represent schematically certain different conditions
+influencing group behavior in arid areas, the open country, hamlets,
+villages, towns, and cities. The movements of persons charted with
+detail sufficient to bring out variations in the daily, weekly, monthly,
+and yearly routine, would undoubtedly reveal interesting identities and
+differences in the intimacy and intensity of social contacts. It would
+be possible and profitable to classify people with reference to the
+routine of their daily lives.
+
+b) _Touch as the physiological basis of social contact._--According to
+the spatial conception the closest contacts possible are those of touch.
+The physical proximity involved in tactile sensations is, however, but
+the symbol of the intensity of the reactions to contact. Desire and
+aversion for contacts, as Crawley shows in his selection, arise in the
+most intimate relations of human life. Love and hate, longing and
+disgust, sympathy and hostility increase in intensity with intimacy of
+association. It is a current sociological fallacy that closeness of
+contact results only in the growth of good will. The fact is, that with
+increasing contact either attraction or repulsion may be the outcome,
+depending upon the situation and upon factors not yet fully analyzed.
+Peculiar conditions of contact, as its prolonged duration, its frequent
+repetition, just as in the case of isolation from normal association,
+may lead to the inversion of the original impulses and sentiments of
+affection and antipathy.[117]
+
+c) _Contacts with the "in-group" and with the "out-group."_--The
+conception of the we-group in terms of distance is that of a group in
+which the solidarity of units is so complete that the movements and
+sentiments of all are completely regulated with reference to their
+interests and behavior as a group. This control by the in-group over its
+members makes for solidity and impenetrability in its relations with the
+out-group. Sumner in his _Folkways_ indicates how internal sympathetic
+contacts and group egotism result in double standards of behavior:
+good-will and co-operation within the members of the in-group, hostility
+and suspicion toward the out-group and its members. The essential point
+is perhaps best brought out by Shaler in his distinction between
+sympathetic and categoric contacts. He describes the transition from
+contacts of the out-group to those of the in-group, or from remote to
+intimate relations. From a distance, a person has the characteristics of
+his group, upon close acquaintance he reveals his individuality.
+
+d) _Historical continuity and mobility._--Historical continuity, which
+maintains the identity of the present with the past, implies the
+existence of a body of tradition which is transmitted from the older to
+the younger generations. Through the medium of tradition, including in
+that term all the learning, science, literature, and practical arts, not
+to speak of the great body of oral tradition which is after all a larger
+part of life than we imagine, the historical and cultural life is
+maintained. This is the meaning of the long period of childhood in man
+during which the younger generation is living under the care and
+protection of the older. When, for any reason, this contact of the
+younger with the older generation is interrupted--as is true in the case
+of immigrants--a very definite cultural deterioration frequently ensues.
+
+Contacts of mobility are those of a changing present, and measure the
+number and variety of the stimulations which the social life and
+movements--the discovery of the hour, the book of the moment, the
+passing fads and fashions--afford. Contacts of mobility give us novelty
+and news. It is through contacts of this sort that change takes place.
+
+Mobility, accordingly, measures not merely the social contacts that one
+gains from travel and exploration, but the stimulation and suggestions
+that come to us through the medium of communication, by which sentiments
+and ideas are put in social circulation. Through the newspaper, the
+common man of today participates in the social movements of his time.
+His illiterate forbear of yesterday, on the other hand, lived unmoved by
+the current of world-events outside his hamlet. The _tempo_ of modern
+societies may be measured comparatively by the relative perfection of
+devices of communication and the rapidity of the circulation of
+sentiments, opinions, and facts. Indeed, the efficiency of any society
+or of any group is to be measured not alone in terms of numbers or of
+material resources, but also in terms of mobility and access through
+communication and publicity to the common fund of tradition and culture.
+
+e) _Primary and secondary contacts._--Primary contacts are those of
+"intimate face-to-face association"; secondary contacts are those of
+externality and greater distance. A study of primary association
+indicates that this sphere of contact falls into two areas: one of
+intimacy and the other of acquaintance. In the diagram which follows,
+the field of primary contacts has been subdivided so that it includes
+(x) a circle of greater intimacy, (y) a wider circle of
+acquaintanceship. The completed chart would appear as shown on page 285.
+
+Primary contacts of the greatest intimacy are (a) those represented by
+the affections that ordinarily spring up within the family, particularly
+between parents and children, husband and wife; and (b) those of
+fellowship and affection outside the family as between lovers, bosom
+friends, and boon companions. These relations are all manifestations of
+a craving for response. These personal relationships are the nursery for
+the development of human nature and personality. John Watson, who
+studied several hundred new-born infants in the psychological
+laboratory, concludes that "the first few years are the all-important
+ones, for shaping the emotional life of the child."[118] The primary
+virtues and ideals of which Cooley writes so sympathetically are, for
+the most part, projections from family life. Certainly in these most
+intimate relations of life in the contacts of the family circle, in the
+closest friendships, personality is most severely tried, realizes its
+most characteristic expressions, or is most completely disorganized.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 3
+
+A, primary contacts; x, greater intimacy; y, acquaintanceship;
+B, secondary contacts]
+
+Just as the life of the family represents the contacts of touch and
+response, the neighborhood or the village is the natural area of primary
+contacts and the city the social environment of secondary contacts. In
+primary association individuals are in contact with each other at
+practically all points of their lives. In the village "everyone knows
+everything about everyone else." Canons of conduct are absolute, social
+control is omnipotent, the status of the family and the individual is
+fixed. In secondary association individuals are in contact with each
+other at only one or two points in their lives. In the city, the
+individual becomes anonymous; at best he is generally known in only one
+or two aspects of his life. Standards of behavior are relative; the old
+primary controls have disappeared; the new secondary instruments of
+discipline, necessarily formal, are for the most part crude and
+inefficient; the standing of the family and of the individual is
+uncertain and subject to abrupt changes upward or downward in the social
+scale.
+
+Simmel has made a brilliant contribution in his analysis of the
+sociological significance of "the stranger." "The stranger" in the
+sociological sense is the individual who unites in his social relations
+primary and secondary contacts. Simmel himself employs the conception of
+social distance in his statement of the stranger as the combination of
+the near and the far. It is interesting and significant to determine the
+different types of the union of intimacy and externality in the
+relations of teacher and student, physician and patient, minister and
+layman, lawyer and client, social worker and applicant for relief.
+
+A complete analysis of the bearing upon personal and cultural life of
+changes from a society based upon contacts of continuity and of primary
+relations to a society of increasing mobility organized around secondary
+contacts cannot be given here. Certain of the most obvious contrasts of
+the transition may, however, be stated. Increasing mobility of persons
+in society almost inevitably leads to change and therefore to loss of
+continuity. In primary groups, where social life moves slowly, there is
+a greater sense of continuity than in secondary groups where it moves
+rapidly.
+
+There is a further contrast if not conflict between direct and intimate
+contacts and contacts based upon communication of ideas. All sense of
+values, as Windelband has pointed out,[119] rests upon concrete
+experience, that is to say upon sense contacts. Society, to the extent
+that it is organized about secondary contacts, is based upon
+abstractions, upon science and technique. Secondary contacts of this
+type have only secondary values because they represent means rather than
+ends. Just as all behavior arises in sense impressions it must also
+terminate in sense impressions to realize its ends and attain its
+values. The effect of life in a society based on secondary contacts is
+to build up between the impulse and its end a world of means, to project
+values into the future, and to direct life toward the realization of
+distant hopes.
+
+The ultimate effect upon the individual as he becomes accommodated to
+secondary society is to find a substitute expression for his primary
+response in the artificial physical environment of the city. The
+detachment of the person from intimate, direct, and spontaneous contacts
+with social reality is in large measure responsible for the intricate
+maze of problems of urban life.
+
+The change from concrete and personal to abstract and impersonal
+relations in economic and social life began with the Industrial
+Revolution. The machine is the symbol of the monotonous routine of
+impersonal, unskilled, large-scale production just as the hand tool is
+the token of the interesting activity of personal, skilled, handicraft
+work. The so-called "instinct of workmanship" no longer finds expression
+in the anonymous standardized production of modern industry.[120]
+
+It is not in industry alone that the natural impulses of the person for
+response, recognition, and self-expression are balked. In social work,
+politics, religion, art, and sport the individual is represented now by
+proxies where formerly he participated in person. All the forms of
+communal activity in which all persons formerly shared have been taken
+over by professionals. The great mass of men in most of the social
+activities of modern life are no longer actors, but spectators. The
+average man of the present time has been relegated by the influence of
+the professional politician to the rôle of taxpayer. In social work
+organized charity has come between the giver and the needy.
+
+In these and other manifold ways the artificial conditions of city life
+have deprived the person of most of the natural outlets for the
+expression of his interests and his energies. To this fact is to be
+attributed in large part the restlessness, the thirst for novelty and
+excitement so characteristic of modern life. This emotional unrest has
+been capitalized by the newspapers, commercialized recreations, fashion,
+and agitation in their appeal to the sensations, the emotions, and the
+instincts loosened from the satisfying fixations of primary-group life.
+The _raison d'être_ of social work, as well as the fundamental problem
+of all social institutions in city life must be understood in its
+relation to this background.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. PHYSICAL CONTACT AND SOCIAL CONTACT
+
+
+1. The Frontiers of Social Contact[121]
+
+Sociology deals especially with the phenomena of _contact_. The
+reactions which result from voluntary or involuntary contact of human
+beings with other human beings are the phenomena peculiarly "social," as
+distinguished from the phenomena that belong properly to biology and
+psychology.
+
+In the first place, we want to indicate, not the essence of the social,
+but the location, the sphere, the extent, of the social. If we can agree
+where it is, we may then proceed to discover what it is. The social,
+then, is the term next beyond the individual. Assuming, for the sake of
+analysis, that our optical illusion, "the individual," is an isolated
+and self-sufficient fact, there are many sorts of scientific problems
+that do not need to go beyond this fact to satisfy their particular
+terms. Whether the individual can ever be abstracted from his conditions
+and remain himself is not a question that we need here discuss. At all
+events, the individual known to our experience is not isolated. He is
+connected in various ways with one or more individuals. The different
+ways in which individuals are connected with each other are indicated by
+the inclusive term "contact." Starting, then, from the individual, to
+measure him in all his dimensions and to represent him in all his
+phases, we find that each person is what he is by virtue of the
+existence of other persons, and by virtue of an alternating current of
+influence between each person and all the other persons previously or at
+the same time in existence. The last native of Central Africa around
+whom we throw the dragnet of civilization, and whom we inoculate with a
+desire for whiskey, adds an increment to the demand for our distillery
+products, and affects the internal revenue of the United States, and so
+the life-conditions of every member of our population. This is what we
+mean by "contact." So long as that African tribe is unknown to the
+outside world, and the world to it, so far as the European world is
+concerned, the tribe might as well not exist. The moment the tribe comes
+within touch of the rest of the world, the aggregate of the world's
+contacts is by so much enlarged; the social world is by so much
+extended. In other words, the realm of the social is the realm of
+circuits of reciprocal influence between individuals and the groups
+which individuals compose. The general term "contact" is proposed to
+stand for this realm, because it is a colorless word that may mark
+boundaries without prejudging contents. Wherever there is physical or
+spiritual contact between persons, there is inevitably a circuit of
+exchange of influence. The realm of the social is the realm constituted
+by such exchange. It extends from the producing of the baby by the
+mother, and the simultaneous producing of the mother by the baby, to the
+producing of merchant and soldier by the world-powers, and the producing
+of the world-powers by merchant and soldier.
+
+The most general and inclusive way in which to designate all the
+phenomena that sociology proper considers, without importing into the
+term premature hypotheses by way of explanation, is to assert that they
+are the phenomena of "contact" between persons.
+
+In accordance with what was said about the division of labor between
+psychology and sociology, it seems best to leave to the psychologist all
+that goes on inside the individual and to say that the work of the
+sociologist begins with the things that take place between individuals.
+This principle of division is not one that can be maintained absolutely,
+any more than we can hold absolutely to any other abstract
+classification of real actions. It serves, however, certain rough uses.
+Our work as students of society begins in earnest when the individual
+has become equipped with his individuality. This stage of human growth
+is both cause and effect of the life of human beings side by side in
+greater or lesser numbers. Under those circumstances individuals are
+produced; they act as individuals; by their action as individuals they
+produce a certain type of society; that type reacts on the individuals
+and helps to transform them into different types of individuals, who in
+turn produce a modified type of society; and so the rhythm goes on
+forever. Now the medium through which all this occurs is the fact of
+contacts, either physical or spiritual. In either case, contacts are
+collisions of interests in the individuals.
+
+
+2. The Land and the People[122]
+
+Every clan, tribe, state, or nation includes two ideas, a people and its
+land, the first unthinkable without the other. History, sociology,
+ethnology, touch only the inhabited areas of the earth. These areas gain
+their final significance because of the people who occupy them; their
+local conditions of climate, soil, natural resources, physical features,
+and geographic situation are important primarily as factors in the
+development of actual or possible inhabitants. A land is fully
+comprehended only when studied in the light of its influence upon its
+people, and a people cannot be understood apart from the field of its
+activities. More than this, human activities are fully intelligible only
+in relation to the various geographic conditions which have stimulated
+them in different parts of the world. The principles of the evolution of
+navigation, of agriculture, of trade, as also the theory of population,
+can never reach their correct and final statement, unless the data for
+the conclusions are drawn from every part of the world and each fact
+interpreted in the light of the local conditions whence it sprang.
+Therefore anthropology, sociology, and history should be permeated by
+geography.
+
+Most systems of sociology treat man as if he were in some way detached
+from the earth's surface; they ignore the land basis of society. The
+anthropogeographer recognizes the various social forces, economic and
+psychologic, which sociologists regard as the cement of societies; but
+he has something to add. He sees in the land occupied by a primitive
+tribe or a highly organized state the underlying material bond holding
+society together, the ultimate basis of their fundamental social
+activities, which are therefore derivatives from the land. He sees the
+common territory exercising an integrating force--weak in primitive
+communities where the group has established only a few slight and
+temporary relations with its soil, so that this low social complex
+breaks up readily like its organic counterpart, the low animal organism
+found in an amoeba; he sees it growing stronger with every advance in
+civilization involving more complex relations to the land--with settled
+habitations, with increased density of population, with a discriminating
+and highly differentiated use of the soil, with the exploitation of
+mineral resources, and, finally, with that far-reaching exchange of
+commodities and ideas which means the establishment of varied
+extra-territorial relations. Finally, the modern society or state has
+grown into every foot of its own soil, exploited its every geographic
+advantage, utilized its geographic location to enrich itself by
+international trade, and, when possible, to absorb outlying territories
+by means of colonies. The broader this geographic base, the richer, more
+varied, its resources, and the more favorable its climate to their
+exploitation, the more numerous and complex are the connections which
+the members of a social group can establish with it, and through it with
+each other; or, in other words, the greater may be its ultimate
+historical significance.
+
+
+3. Touch and Social Contact[123]
+
+General ideas concerning human relations are the medium through which
+sexual taboo works, and these must now be examined. If we compare the
+facts of social taboo generally, or of its subdivision, sexual taboo, we
+find that the ultimate test of human relations, in both _genus_ and
+_species_, is _contact_. An investigation of primitive ideas concerning
+the relations of man with man, when guided by this clue, will lay bare
+the principles which underlie the theory and practice of sexual taboo.
+Arising, as we have seen, from sexual differentiation, and forced into
+permanence by difference of occupation and sexual solidarity, this
+segregation receives the continuous support of religious conceptions as
+to human relations. These conceptions center upon contact, and ideas of
+contact are at the root of all conceptions of human relations at any
+stage of culture; contact is the one universal test, as it is the most
+elementary form, of mutual relations. Psychology bears this out, and the
+point is psychological rather than ethnological.
+
+As I have pointed out before and shall have occasion to do so again, a
+comparative examination, assisted by psychology, of the emotions and
+ideas of average modern humanity is a most valuable aid to ethnological
+inquiry. In this connection, we find that desire or willingness for
+physical contact is an animal emotion, more or less subconscious, which
+is characteristic of similarity, harmony, friendship, or love.
+Throughout the world, the greeting of a friend is expressed by contact,
+whether it be nose-rubbing, or the kiss, the embrace, or the clasp of
+hands; so the ordinary expression of friendship by a boy, that eternal
+savage, is contact of arm and shoulder. More interesting still for our
+purpose is the universal expression by contact of the emotion of love.
+To touch his mistress is the ever-present desire of the lover, and in
+this impulse, even if we do not trace it back, as we may without being
+fanciful, to polar or sexual attraction inherent in the atoms, the
+[Greek: philia] of Empedocles, yet we may place the beginning and ending
+of love. When analyzed, the emotion always comes back to contact.
+
+Further, mere willingness for contact is found universally when the
+person to be touched is healthy, if not clean, or where he is of the
+same age or class or caste, and, we may add, for ordinary humanity the
+same sex.
+
+On the other hand, the avoidance of contact, whether consciously or
+subconsciously presented, is no less the universal characteristic of
+human relations where similarity, harmony, friendship, or love is
+absent. This appears in the attitude of men to the sick, to strangers,
+distant acquaintances, enemies, and in cases of difference of age,
+position, sympathies or aims, and even of sex. Popular language is full
+of phrases which illustrate this feeling.
+
+Again, the pathology of the emotions supplies many curious cases where
+the whole being seems concentrated upon the sense of touch, with
+abnormal desire or disgust for contact; and in the evolution of the
+emotions from physiological pleasure and pain, contact plays an
+important part in connection with functional satisfaction or
+dissatisfaction with the environment.
+
+In the next place, there are the facts, first, that an element of
+thought inheres in all sensation, while sensation conditions thought;
+and secondly, that there is a close connection of all the senses, both
+in origin--each of them being a modification of the one primary sense of
+touch--and in subsequent development, where the specialized organs are
+still co-ordinated through tactile sensation, in the sensitive surface
+of organism. Again, and here we see the genesis of ideas of contact, it
+is by means of the tactile sensibility of the skin and membranes of
+sense-organs, forming a sensitized as well as a protecting surface, that
+the nervous system conveys to the brain information about the external
+world, and this information is in its original aspect the response to
+impact. Primitive physics, no less than modern, recognizes that contact
+is a modified form of a blow. These considerations show that contact not
+only plays an important part in the life of the soul but must have had a
+profound influence on the development of ideas, and it may now be
+assumed that ideas of contact have been a universal and original
+constant factor in human relations and that they are so still. The
+latter assumption is to be stressed, because we find that the ideas
+which lie beneath primitive taboo are still a vital part of human
+nature, though mostly emptied of their religious content; and also
+because, as I hold, ceremonies and etiquette, such as still obtain,
+could not possess such vitality as they do unless there were a living
+psychological force behind them, such as we find in elementary ideas
+which come straight from functional processes.
+
+These ideas of contact are _primitive_ in each sense of the word, at
+whatever stage of culture they appear. They seem to go back in origin
+and in character to that highly developed sensibility of all animal and
+even organized life, which forms at once a biological monitor and a
+safeguard for the whole organism in relation to its environment. From
+this sensibility there arise subjective ideas concerning the safety or
+danger of the environment, and in man we may suppose these subjective
+ideas as to his environment, and especially as to his fellow-men, to be
+the origin of his various expressions of avoidance or desire for
+contact.
+
+Lastly, it is to be observed that avoidance of contact is the most
+conspicuous phenomenon attaching to cases of taboo when its dangerous
+character is prominent. In taboo the connotation of "not to be touched"
+is the salient point all over the world, even in cases of permanent
+taboo such as belongs to Samoan and Maori chiefs, with whom no one dared
+come in contact; and so we may infer the same aversion to be potential
+in all such relations.
+
+
+B. SOCIAL CONTACT IN RELATION TO SOLIDARITY AND TO MOBILITY
+
+
+1. The In-Group and the Out-Group[124]
+
+The conception of "primitive society" which we ought to form is that of
+small groups scattered over a territory. The size of the groups is
+determined by the conditions of the struggle for existence. The internal
+organization of each group corresponds to its size. A group of groups
+may have some relation to each other (kin, neighborhood, alliance,
+connubium, and commercium) which draws them together and differentiates
+them from others. Thus a differentiation arises between ourselves, the
+we-group, or in-group, and everybody else, or the others-groups,
+out-groups. The insiders in a we-group are in a relation of peace,
+order, law, government, and industry, to each other. Their relation to
+all outsiders, or others-groups, is one of war and plunder, except so
+far as agreements have modified it. If a group is exogamic, the women in
+it were born abroad somewhere. Other foreigners who might be found in it
+are adopted persons, guest-friends, and slaves.
+
+The relation of comradeship and peace in the we-group and that of
+hostility and war toward others-groups are correlative to each other.
+The exigencies of war with outsiders are what make peace inside, lest
+internal discord should weaken the we-group for war. These exigencies
+also make government and law in the in-group, in order to prevent
+quarrels and enforce discipline. Thus war and peace have reacted on each
+other and developed each other, one within the group, the other in the
+intergroup relation. The closer the neighbors, and the stronger they
+are, the intenser is the warfare, and then the intenser is the internal
+organization and discipline of each. Sentiments are produced to
+correspond. Loyalty to the group, sacrifice for it, hatred and contempt
+for outsiders, brotherhood within, warlikeness without--all grow
+together, common products of the same situation.
+
+Ethnocentrism is the technical name for this view of things in which
+one's own group is the center of everything and all others are scaled
+and rated with reference to it. Folkways correspond to it to cover both
+the inner and the outer relation. Each group nourishes its own pride and
+vanity, boasts itself superior, exalts its own divinities, and looks
+with contempt on outsiders. Each group thinks its own folkways the only
+right ones, and if it observes that other groups have other folkways,
+these excite its scorn. Opprobrious epithets are derived from these
+differences. "Pig-eater," "cow-eater," "uncircumcised," "jabberers," are
+epithets of contempt and abomination.
+
+
+2. Sympathetic Contacts versus Categoric Contacts[125]
+
+Let us now consider what takes place when two men, mere strangers to one
+another, come together. The motive of classification, which I have
+considered in another chapter, leads each of them at once to recognize
+the approaching object first as living, then as human. The shape and
+dress carry the categorizing process yet farther, so that they are
+placed in groups, as of this or that tribe or social class, and as these
+determinations are made they arouse the appropriate sympathies or
+hatreds such as by experience have become associated with the several
+categories. Be it observed that these judgments are spontaneous,
+instinctive, and unnoticed. They are made so by immemorial education in
+the art of contact which man has inherited from the life of the
+ancestral beasts and men; they have most likely been in some measure
+affirmed by selection, for these determinations as to the nature of the
+neighbor were in the lower stages of existence in brute and man of
+critical importance, the creatures lived or died according as they
+determined well or ill, swiftly or slowly. If we observe what takes
+place in our own minds at such meetings we will see that the action in
+its immediateness is like that of the eyelids when the eye is
+threatened. As we say, it is done before we know it.
+
+With this view as to the conditions of human contact, particularly of
+what occurs when men first meet one another, let us glance at what takes
+place in near intercourse. We have seen that at the beginning of any
+acquaintance the fellow-being is inevitably dealt with in the categoric
+way. He is taken as a member of a group, which group is denoted to us by
+a few convenient signs; as our acquaintance with a particular person
+advances, this category tends to become qualified. Its bounds are pushed
+this way and that until they break down. It is to be noted in this
+process that the category fights for itself, or we for it, so that the
+result of the battle between the immediate truth and the prejudice is
+always doubtful. It is here that knowledge, especially that gained by
+individual experience, is most helpful. The uninformed man, who begins
+to find, on the nearer view of an Israelite, that the fellow is like
+himself, holds by his category in the primitive way. The creature _is_ a
+Jew, therefore the evidence of kinship must not count. He who is better
+informed is, or should be, accustomed to amend his categories. He may,
+indeed, remember that he is dealing with a neighbor of the race which
+gave us not only Christ, but all the accepted prophets who have shaped
+our own course, and his understanding helps to cast down the barriers of
+instinctive prejudice.
+
+At the stage of advancing acquaintance where friendship is attained, the
+category begins to disappear from our minds. We may, indeed, measure the
+advance in this relation by the extent to which it has been broken down.
+Looking attentively at our mental situation as regards those whom we
+know pretty well, we see that most of them are still, though rather
+faintly, classified into groups. While a few of the nearer stand forth
+by themselves, all of the nearest to our hearts are absolutely
+individualized, so that our judgments of them are made on the basis of
+our own motives and what we of ourselves discern. We may use categoric
+terms concerning our lovers, spouses, or children, but they have no real
+meaning; these persons are to us purely individual, all trace of the
+inclusive category has disappeared; they are, in the full sense of the
+word, our neighbors, being so near that when we look upon them we see
+nothing else, not even ourselves.
+
+Summing up these considerations concerning human contact, it may be said
+that the world works by a system of individualities rising in scale as
+we advance from the inorganic through the organic series until we find
+the summit in man. The condition of all these individuals is that of
+isolation; each is necessarily parted from all the others in the realm,
+each receiving influences, and, in turn, sending forth its peculiar tide
+of influences to those of its own and other kinds. This isolation in the
+case of man is singularly great for the reason that he is the only
+creature we know in the realm who is so far endowed with consciousness
+that he can appreciate his position and know the measure of his
+solitude. In the case of all individuals the discernible is only a small
+part of what exists. In man the measure of this presentation is, even to
+himself, very small, and that which he can readily make evident to his
+neighbor is an exceedingly limited part of the real whole. Yet it is on
+this slender basis that we must rest our relations with the fellow man
+if we are to found them upon knowledge. The imperfection of this method
+of ascertaining the fellow-man is well shown by the trifling contents of
+the category discriminations we apply to him. While, as has been
+suggested, much can be done by those who have gained in knowledge of our
+kind by importing understandings into our relations with men, the only
+effective way to the betterment of those relations is through the
+sympathies.
+
+What can be done by knowledge in helping us to a comprehension of the
+fellow-man is at best merely explanatory of his place in the phenomenal
+world; of itself it has only scientific value. The advantage of the
+sympathetic way of approach is that in this method the neighbor is
+accounted for on the supposition that he is ourself in another form, so
+we feel for and with him on the instinctive hypothesis that he is
+essentially ourself. There can be no question that this method of
+looking upon other individualities is likely to lead to many errors. We
+see examples of these blunders in all the many grades of the
+personifying process, from the savage's worship of a tree or stone to
+the civilized man's conception of a human-like god. We see them also in
+the attribution to the lower animals of thoughts and feelings which are
+necessarily limited to our own kind, but in the case of man the
+conception of identity gives a minimum of error and a maximum of truth.
+It, indeed, gives a truer result than could possibly be attained by any
+scientific inquiries that we could make, or could conceive of being
+effectively made, and this for the following reasons.
+
+When, as in the sympathetic state, we feel that the neighbor of our
+species is essentially ourself, the tacit assumption is that his needs
+and feelings are as like our own as our own states of mind at diverse
+times are like one another, so that we might exchange motives with him
+without experiencing any great sense of strangeness. What we have in
+mind is not the measure of instruction or education, not the class or
+station or other adventitious circumstances, but the essential traits of
+his being. Now this supposition is entirely valid. All we know of
+mankind justifies the statement that, as regards all the qualities and
+motives with which the primal sympathies deal, men are remarkably alike.
+Their loves, hates, fears, and sorrows are alike in their essentials; so
+that the postulate of sympathy that the other man is essentially like
+one's self is no idle fancy but an established truth. It not only
+embodies the judgment of all men in thought and action but has its
+warrant from all the science we can apply to it.
+
+It is easy to see how by means of sympathy we can at once pass the gulf
+which separates man from man. All the devices of the ages in the way of
+dumb or spoken language fail to win across the void, and leave the two
+beings apart; but with a step the sympathetic spirit passes the gulf. In
+this strange feature we have the completion of the series of differences
+between the inorganic and the organic groups of individualities. In the
+lower or non-living isolations there is no reason why the units should
+do more than mechanically interact. All their service in the realm can
+be best effected by their remaining forever completely apart. But when
+we come to the organic series, the units begin to have need of
+understanding their neighbors, in order that they may form those
+beginnings of the moral order which we find developing among the members
+even of the lowliest species. Out of this sympathetic accord arises the
+community, which we see in its simple beginnings in the earlier stages
+of life; it grows with the advance in the scale of being, and has its
+supreme success in man. Human society, the largest of all organic
+associations, requires that its units be knit together in certain common
+purposes and understandings, and the union can only be made effective by
+the ways of sympathy--by the instinctive conviction of essential
+kinship.
+
+
+3. Historical Continuity and Civilization[126]
+
+In matters connected with political and economical institutions we
+notice among the natural races very great differences in the sum of
+their civilization. Accordingly we have to look among them, not only for
+the beginnings of civilization, but for a very great part of its
+evolution, and it is equally certain that these differences are to be
+referred less to variations in endowment than to great differences in
+the conditions of their development. Exchange has also played its part,
+and unprejudiced observers have often been more struck in the presence
+of facts by agreement than by difference. "It is astonishing," exclaims
+Chapman, when considering the customs of the Damaras, "what a similarity
+there is in the manners and practices of the human family throughout the
+world. Even here, the two different classes of Damaras practice rites in
+common with the New Zealanders, such as that of chipping out the front
+teeth and cutting off the little finger." It is less astonishing if, as
+the same traveler remarks, their agreement with the Bechuanas goes even
+farther. Now, since the essence of civilization lies first in the
+amassing of experiences, then in the fixity with which these are
+retained, and lastly in the capacity to carry them farther or to
+increase them, our first question must be, how is it possible to realize
+the first fundamental condition of civilization, namely, the amassing a
+stock of culture in the form of handiness, knowledge, power, capital? It
+has long been agreed that the first step thereto is the transition from
+complete dependence upon what Nature freely offers to a conscious
+exploitation through man's own labor, especially in agriculture or
+cattle-breeding, of such of her fruits as are most important to him.
+This transition opens at one stroke all the most remote possibilities of
+Nature, but we must always remember at the same time that it is still a
+long way from the first step to the height which has now been attained.
+
+The intellect of man and also the intellect of whole races shows a wide
+discrepancy in regard to differences of endowment as well as in regard
+to the different effects which external circumstances produce upon it.
+Especially are there variations in the degree of inward coherence and
+therewith of the fixity or duration of the stock of intellect. The want
+of coherence, the breaking up of this stock, characterizes the lower
+stages of civilization no less than its coherence, its inalienability,
+and its power of growth do the higher. We find in low stages a poverty
+of tradition which allows these races neither to maintain a
+consciousness of their earlier fortunes for any appreciable period nor
+to fortify and increase their stock of intelligence either through the
+acquisitions of individual prominent minds or through the adoption and
+fostering of any stimulus. Here, if we are not entirely mistaken, is the
+basis of the deepest-seated differences between races. The opposition of
+historic and non-historic races seems to border closely upon it.
+
+There is a distinction between the quickly ripening immaturity of the
+child and the limited maturity of the adult who has come to a stop in
+many respects. What we mean by "natural" races is something much more
+like the latter than the former. We call them races deficient in
+civilization, because internal and external conditions have hindered
+them from attaining to such permanent developments in the domain of
+culture as form the mark of the true civilized races and the guaranties
+of progress. Yet we should not venture to call any of them cultureless,
+so long as none of them is devoid of the primitive means by which the
+ascent to higher stages can be made--language, religion, fire, weapons,
+implements; while the very possession of these means, and many others,
+such as domestic animals and cultivated plants, testifies to varied and
+numerous dealings with those races which are completely civilized.
+
+The reasons why they do not make use of these gifts are of many kinds.
+Lower intellectual endowment is often placed in the first rank. That is
+a convenient but not quite fair explanation. Among the savage races of
+today we find great differences in endowments. We need not dispute that
+in the course of development races of even slightly higher endowments
+have got possession of more and more means of culture, and gained
+steadiness and security for their progress, while the less endowed
+remained behind. But external conditions, in respect to their furthering
+or hindering effects, can be more clearly recognized and estimated; and
+it is juster and more logical to name them first. We can conceive why
+the habitations of the savage races are principally to be found on the
+extreme borders of the inhabited world, in the cold and hot regions, in
+remote islands, in secluded mountains, in deserts. We understand their
+backward condition in parts of the earth which offer so few facilities
+for agriculture and cattle-breeding as Australia, the Arctic regions, or
+the extreme north and south of America. In the insecurity of
+incompletely developed resources we can see the chain which hangs
+heavily on their feet and confines their movements within a narrow
+space. As a consequence their numbers are small, and from this again
+results the small total amount of intellectual and physical
+accomplishment, the rarity of eminent men, the absence of the salutary
+pressure exercised by surrounding masses on the activity and forethought
+of the individual, which operates in the division of society into
+classes, and the promotion of a wholesome division of labor. A partial
+consequence of this insecurity of resources is the instability of
+natural races. A nomadic strain runs through them all, rendering easier
+to them the utter incompleteness of their unstable political and
+economical institutions, even when an indolent agriculture seems to tie
+them to the soil. Thus it often comes about that, in spite of abundantly
+provided and well-tended means of culture, their life is desultory,
+wasteful of power, unfruitful. This life has no inward consistency, no
+secure growth; it is not the life in which the germs of civilization
+first grew up to the grandeur in which we frequently find them at the
+beginnings of what we call history. It is full rather of fallings-away
+from civilization and dim memories from civilized spheres which in many
+cases must have existed long before the commencement of history as we
+have it.
+
+By the word "civilization" or "culture" we denote usually the sum of all
+the acquirements at a given time of the human intelligence. When we
+speak of stages, of higher and lower, of semi-civilization, of civilized
+and "natural" races, we apply to the various civilizations of the earth
+a standard which we take from the degree that we have ourselves
+attained. Civilization means _our_ civilization.
+
+The confinement, in space as in time, which isolates huts, villages,
+races, no less than successive generations, involves the negation of
+culture; in its opposite, the intercourse of contemporaries and the
+interdependence of ancestors and successors, lies the possibility of
+development. The union of contemporaries secures the retention of
+culture, the linking of generations its unfolding. The development of
+civilization is a process of hoarding. The hoards grow of themselves so
+soon as a retaining power watches over them. In all domains of human
+creation and operation we shall see the basis of all higher development
+in intercourse. Only through co-operation and mutual help, whether
+between contemporaries, whether from one generation to another, has
+mankind succeeded in climbing to the stage of civilization on which its
+highest members now stand. On the nature and extent of this intercourse
+the growth depends. Thus the numerous small assemblages of equal
+importance, formed by the family stocks, in which the individual had no
+freedom, were less favorable to it than the larger communities and
+states of the modern world, with their encouragement to individual
+competition.
+
+
+4. Mobility and the Movement of Peoples[127]
+
+Every country whose history we examine proves the recipient of
+successive streams of humanity. Even sea-girt England has received
+various intruding peoples, from the Roman occupation to the recent
+influx of Russian Jews. In prehistoric times it combined several
+elements in its population, as the discovery of the "long barrow" men
+and "round barrow" men by archaeologists and the identification of a
+surviving Iberian or Mediterranean strain by ethnologists go to prove.
+Egypt, Mesopotamia, and India tell the same story, whether in their
+recorded or unrecorded history. Tropical Africa lacks a history; but all
+that has been pieced together by ethnologists and anthropologists, in an
+effort to reconstruct its past, shows incessant movement--growth,
+expansion, and short-lived conquest, followed by shrinkage, expulsion,
+or absorption by another invader. To this constant shifting of races and
+peoples the name of historical movement has been given, because it
+underlies most of written history and constitutes the major part of
+unwritten history, especially that of savage and nomadic tribes.
+
+Among primitive peoples this movement is simple and monotonous. It
+involves all members of the tribe, either in pursuit of game or
+following the herd over the tribal territory, or in migrations seeking
+more and better land. Among civilized peoples it assumes various forms
+and especially is differentiated for different members of the social
+group. The civilized state develops specialized frontiers--men, armies,
+explorers, maritime traders, colonists, and missionaries, who keep a
+part of the people constantly moving and directing external expansion,
+while the mass of the population converts the force once expended in the
+migrant food-quest into internal activity. Here we come upon a paradox.
+The nation as a whole, with the development of sedentary life, increases
+its population and therewith its need for external movements; it widens
+its national area and its circle of contact with other lands, enlarges
+its geographical horizon, and improves its internal communication over a
+growing territory; it evolves a greater mobility within and without,
+which attaches, however, to certain classes of society, not to the
+entire social group. This mobility becomes the outward expression of a
+whole complex of economic wants, intellectual needs, and political
+ambitions. It is embodied in the conquests which build up empires, in
+the colonization which develops new lands, in the world-wide exchange of
+commodities and ideas which lifts the level of civilization till this
+movement of peoples becomes a fundamental fact of history.
+
+Otis Mason finds that the life of a social group involves a variety of
+movements characterized by different ranges or scopes: (1) The daily
+round from bed to bed. (2) The annual round from year to year, like that
+of the Tunguse Orochon of Siberia who, in pursuit of various fish and
+game, change their residence within their territory from month to month,
+or the pastoral nomads who move with the seasons from pasture to
+pasture. (3) Less systematic outside movements covering the tribal
+sphere of influence, such as journeys or voyages to remote hunting or
+fishing grounds, forays or piratical descents upon neighboring lands,
+eventuating usually in conquest, expansion into border regions for
+occasional occupation, or colonization. (4) Participation in streams of
+barter or commerce. (5) And, at a higher stage, in the great currents of
+human intercourse, experience, and ideas, which finally compass the
+world. In all this series the narrower movement prepares for the
+broader, of which it constitutes at once an impulse and a part.
+
+Civilized man is at once more and less mobile than his primitive
+brother. Every advance in civilization multiplies and tightens the bonds
+uniting him with his soil, makes him a sedentary instead of a migratory
+being. On the other hand, every advance in civilization is attended by
+the rapid clearing of the forests, by the construction of bridges and
+interlacing roads, the invention of more effective vehicles for
+transportation whereby intercourse increases, and the improvement of
+navigation to the same end. Civilized man progressively modifies the
+land which he occupies, removes or reduces obstacles to intercourse, and
+thereby approximates it to the open plain. Thus far he facilitates
+movements. But while doing this he also places upon the land a dense
+population, closely attached to the soil, strong to resist incursion,
+and for economic reasons inhospitable to any marked accession of
+population from without. Herein lies the great difference between
+migration in empty or sparsely inhabited regions, such as predominated
+when the world was young, and in the densely populated countries of our
+era. As the earth grew old and humanity multiplied, peoples themselves
+became the greatest barriers to any massive migrations, till in certain
+countries of Europe and Asia the historical movement has been reduced to
+a continual pressure, resulting in compression of population here,
+repression there. Hence, though political boundaries may shift, ethnic
+boundaries scarcely budge. The greatest wars of modern Europe have
+hardly left a trace upon the distribution of its peoples. Only in the
+Balkan Peninsula, as the frontiers of the Turkish Empire have been
+forced back from the Danube, the alien Turks have withdrawn to the
+shrinking territory of the Sultan and especially to Asia Minor.
+
+Where a population too great to be dislodged occupies the land, conquest
+results in the eventual absorption of the victors and their civilization
+by the native folk, as happened to the Lombards in Italy, the Vandals in
+Africa, and the Normans in England. Where the invaders are markedly
+superior in culture, though numerically weak, conquest results in the
+gradual permeation of the conquered with the religion, economic methods,
+language, and customs of the newcomers. The latter process, too, is
+always attended by some intermixture of blood, where no race repulsion
+exists, but this is small in comparison to the diffusion of
+civilization. This was the method by which Greek traders and colonists
+Hellenized the countries about the eastern Mediterranean and spread
+their culture far back from the shores which their settlements had
+appropriated. In this way Saracen armies, soon after the death of
+Mohammed, Arabized the whole eastern and southern sides of the
+Mediterranean from Syria to Spain, and Arab merchants set the stamp of
+their language and religion on the coasts of East Africa as far as
+Mozambique. The handful of Spanish adventurers who came upon the
+relatively dense populations of Mexico and Peru left among them a
+civilization essentially European, but only a thin strain of Castilian
+blood. Thus the immigration of small bands of people sufficed to
+influence the culture of that big territory known as Latin America.
+
+Throughout the life of any people, from its fetal period in some small
+locality to its well-rounded adult era marked by the occupation and
+organization of a wide national territory, gradations in area mark
+gradations of development. And this is true, whether we consider the
+compass of their commercial exchanges, the scope of their maritime
+ventures, the extent of their linguistic area, the measure of their
+territorial ambitions, or the range of their intellectual interests and
+human sympathies. From land to ethics, the rule holds good. Peoples in
+the lower stages of civilization have contracted spatial ideas, desire
+and need at a given time only a limited territory, though they may
+change that territory often; they think in small linear terms, have a
+small horizon, a small circle of contact with others, a small range of
+influence, only tribal sympathies; they have an exaggerated conception
+of their own size and importance, because their basis of comparison is
+fatally limited. With a mature, widespread people like the English or
+French, all this is different; they have made the earth their own, so
+far as possible.
+
+Just because of this universal tendency toward the occupation of ever
+larger areas and the formation of vaster political aggregates, in making
+a sociological or political estimate of different peoples, we should
+never lose sight of the fact that all racial and national
+characteristics which operate toward the absorption of more land and
+impel to political expansion are of fundamental value. A ship of state
+manned by such a crew has its sails set to catch the winds of the world.
+
+Territorial expansion is always preceded by an extension of the circle
+of influence which a people exerts through its traders, its deep-sea
+fishermen, its picturesque marauders and more respectable missionaries,
+and earlier still by a widening of its mere geographical horizon through
+fortuitous or systematic exploration.
+
+
+C. PRIMARY AND SECONDARY CONTACTS
+
+
+1. Village Life in America (from the Diary of a Young Girl)[128]
+
+_November 21, 1852._--I am ten years old today, and I think I will write
+a journal and tell who I am and what I am doing. I have lived with my
+Grandfather and Grandmother Beals ever since I was seven years old, and
+Anna, too, since she was four. Our brothers, James and John, came too,
+but they are at East Bloomfield at Mr. Stephen Clark's Academy. Miss
+Laura Clark of Naples is their teacher.
+
+Anna and I go to school at District No. 11. Mr. James C. Cross is our
+teacher, and some of the scholars say he is cross by name and cross by
+nature, but I like him. He gave me a book by the name of _Noble Deeds of
+American Women_, for reward of merit, in my reading class.
+
+_Friday._--Grandmother says I will have a great deal to answer for,
+because Anna looks up to me so and tries to do everything that I do and
+thinks whatever I say is "gospel truth." The other day the girls at
+school were disputing with her about something and she said, "It is so,
+if it ain't so, for Calline said so." I shall have to "toe the mark," as
+Grandfather says, if she keeps watch of me all the time and walks in my
+footsteps.
+
+_April 1, 1853._--Before I go to school every morning I read three
+chapters in the Bible. I read three every day and five on Sunday and
+that takes me through the Bible in a year. Those I read this morning
+were the first, second, and third chapters of Job. The first was about
+Eliphaz reproveth Job; second, benefit of God's correction; third, Job
+justifieth his complaint. I then learned a text to say at school. I went
+to school at quarter to nine and recited my text and we had prayers and
+then proceeded with the business of the day. Just before school was out,
+we recited in _Science of Things Familiar_, and in Dictionary, and then
+we had calisthenics.
+
+_July._--Hiram Goodrich, who lives at Mr. Myron H. Clark's, and George
+and Wirt Wheeler ran away on Sunday to seek their fortunes. When they
+did not come back everyone was frightened and started out to find them.
+They set out right after Sunday school, taking their pennies which had
+been given them for the contribution, and were gone several days. They
+were finally found at Palmyra. When asked why they had run away, one
+replied that he thought it was about time they saw something of the
+world. We heard that Mr. Clark had a few moments' private conversation
+with Hiram in the barn and Mr. Wheeler the same with his boys and we do
+not think they will go traveling on their own hook again right off. Miss
+Upham lives right across the street from them and she was telling little
+Morris Bates that he must fight the good fight of faith and he asked her
+if that was the fight that Wirt Wheeler fit. She probably had to make
+her instructions plainer after that.
+
+_1854, Sunday._--Mr. Daggett's text this morning was the twenty-second
+chapter of Revelation, sixteenth verse, "I am the root and offspring of
+David and the bright and morning star." Mrs. Judge Taylor taught our
+Sunday-school class today and she said we ought not to read our
+Sunday-school books on Sunday. I always do. Mine today was entitled,
+_Cheap Repository Tracts by Hannah More_, and it did not seem
+unreligious at all.
+
+_Tuesday._--Mrs. Judge Taylor sent for me to come over to see her today.
+I didn't know what she wanted, but when I got there she said she wanted
+to talk and pray with me on the subject of religion. She took me into
+one of the wings. I never had been in there before and was frightened at
+first, but it was nice after I got used to it. After she prayed, she
+asked me to, but I couldn't think of anything but "Now I lay me down to
+sleep," and I was afraid she would not like that, so I didn't say
+anything. When I got home and told Anna, she said, "Caroline, I presume
+probably Mrs. Taylor wants you to be a missionary, but I shan't let you
+go." I told her she needn't worry for I would have to stay at home and
+look after her. After school tonight I went out into Abbie Clark's
+garden with her and she taught me how to play "mumble te peg." It is
+fun, but rather dangerous. I am afraid Grandmother won't give me a knife
+to play with. Abbie Clark has beautiful pansies in her garden and gave
+me some roots.
+
+_Sunday._--I almost forgot that it was Sunday this morning and talked
+and laughed just as I do week days. Grandmother told me to write down
+this verse before I went to church so I would remember it: "Keep thy
+foot when thou goest to the house of God, and be more ready to hear than
+to offer the sacrifice of fools." I will remember it now, sure. My feet
+are all right anyway with my new patten leather shoes on, but I shall
+have to look out for my head. Mr. Thomas Howell read a sermon today as
+Mr. Daggett is out of town. Grandmother always comes upstairs to get the
+candle and tuck us in before she goes to bed herself, and some nights we
+are sound asleep and do not hear her, but last night we only pretended
+to be asleep. She kneeled down by the bed and prayed aloud for us, that
+we might be good children and that she might have strength given her
+from on high to guide us in the straight and narrow path which leads to
+life eternal. Those were her very words. After she had gone downstairs
+we sat up in bed and talked about it and promised each other to be good,
+and crossed our hearts and "hoped to die," if we broke our promise. Then
+Anna was afraid we would die, but I told her I didn't believe we would
+be as good as that, so we kissed each other and went to sleep.
+
+_Sunday._--Rev. Mr. Tousley preached today to the children and told us
+how many steps it took to be bad. I think he said lying was first, then
+disobedience to parents, breaking the Sabbath, swearing, stealing,
+drunkenness. I don't remember just the order they came. It was very
+interesting, for he told lots of stories and we sang a great many times.
+I should think Eddy Tousley would be an awful good boy with his father
+in the house with him all the while, but probably he has to be away part
+of the time preaching to other children.
+
+_December 20, 1855._--Susan B. Anthony is in town and spoke in Bemis
+Hall this afternoon. She made a special request that all the seminary
+girls should come to hear her as well as all the women and girls in
+town. She had a large audience and she talked very plainly about our
+rights and how we ought to stand up for them, and said the world would
+never go right until the women had just as much right to vote and rule
+as the men. She asked us all to come up and sign our names who would
+promise to do all in our power to bring about that glad day when equal
+rights would be the law of the land. A whole lot of us went up and
+signed the paper. When I told Grandmother about it she said she guessed
+Susan B. Anthony had forgotten that St. Paul said the women should keep
+silence. I told her no, she didn't, for she spoke particularly about St.
+Paul and said if he had lived in these times, instead of eighteen
+hundred years ago, he would have been as anxious to have the women at
+the head of the government as she was. I could not make Grandmother
+agree with her at all and she said we might better all of us stayed at
+home. We went to prayer meeting this evening and a woman got up and
+talked. Her name was Mrs. Sands. We hurried home and told Grandmother
+and she said she probably meant all right and she hoped we did not
+laugh.
+
+_February 21, 1856._--We had a very nice time at Fannie Gaylord's party
+and a splendid supper. Lucilla Field laughed herself almost to pieces
+when she found on going home that she had worn her leggins all the
+evening. We had a pleasant walk home but did not stay till it was out.
+Someone asked me if I danced every set and I told them no, I set every
+dance. I told Grandmother and she was very much pleased. Some one told
+us that Grandfather and Grandmother first met at a ball in the early
+settlement of Canandaigua. I asked her if it was so and she said she
+never danced since she became a professing Christian and that was more
+than fifty years ago.
+
+_May, 1856._--We were invited to Bessie Seymour's party last night and
+Grandmother said we could go. The girls all told us at school that they
+were going to wear low neck and short sleeves. We have caps on the
+sleeves of our best dresses and we tried to get the sleeves out, so we
+could go bare arms, but we couldn't get them out. We had a very nice
+time, though, at the party. Some of the Academy boys were there and they
+asked us to dance but of course we couldn't do that. We promenaded
+around the rooms and went out to supper with them. Eugene Stone and Tom
+Eddy asked to go home with us but Grandmother sent our two girls for us,
+Bridget Flynn and Hannah White, so they couldn't. We were quite
+disappointed, but perhaps she won't send for us next time.
+
+_Thursday, 1857._--We have four sperm candles in four silver
+candlesticks and when we have company we light them. Johnnie Thompson,
+son of the minister, Rev. M. L. R. P., has come to the academy to school
+and he is very full of fun and got acquainted with all the girls very
+quick. He told us this afternoon to have "the other candle lit" for he
+was coming down to see us this evening. Will Schley heard him say it and
+he said he was coming too. _Later._--The boys came and we had a very
+pleasant evening but when the 9 o'clock bell rang we heard Grandfather
+winding up the clock and scraping up the ashes on the hearth to cover
+the fire so it would last till morning and we all understood the signal
+and they bade us good night. "We won't go home till morning" is a song
+that will never be sung in this house.
+
+_September, 1857._--Grandmother let Anna have six little girls here to
+supper to-night: Louisa Field, Hattie Paddock, Helen Coy, Martha
+Densmore, Emma Wheeler, and Alice Jewett. We had a splendid supper and
+then we played cards. I do not mean regular cards, mercy no! Grandfather
+thinks those kinds are contageous or outrageous or something dreadful
+and never keeps them in the house. Grandmother said they found a pack
+once, when the hired man's room was cleaned, and they went into the fire
+pretty quick. The kind we played was just "Dr. Busby," and another "The
+Old Soldier and His Dog." There are counters with them, and if you don't
+have the card called for you have to pay one into the pool. It is real
+fun. They all said they had a very nice time, indeed, when they bade
+Grandmother good night, and said: "Mrs. Beals, you must let Carrie and
+Anna come and see us some time," and she said she would. I think it is
+nice to have company.
+
+_August 30, 1858._--Some one told us that when Bob and Henry Antes were
+small boys they thought they would like to try, just for once, to see
+how it would seem to be bad, so in spite of all of Mr. Tousley's sermons
+they went out behind the barn one day and in a whisper Bob said, "I
+swear," and Henry said, "So do I." Then they came into the house
+looking guilty and quite surprised, I suppose, that they were not struck
+dead just as Ananias and Sapphira were for lying.
+
+_February, 1859._--Mary Wheeler came over and pierced my ears today, so
+I can wear my new earrings that Uncle Edward sent me. She pinched my ear
+until it was numb and then pulled a needle through, threaded with silk.
+Anna would not stay in the room. She wants hers done but does not dare.
+It is all the fashion for girls to cut off their hair and friz it. Anna
+and I have cut off ours and Bessie Seymour got me to cut off her lovely
+long hair today. It won't be very comfortable for us to sleep with curl
+papers all over our heads, but we must do it now. I wanted my new dress
+waist which Miss Rosewarne is making to hook up in front, but
+Grandmother said I would have to wear it that way all the rest of my
+life so I had better be content to hook it in the back a little longer.
+She said when Aunt Glorianna was married, in 1848, it was the fashion
+for grown-up women to have their waists fastened in the back, so the
+bride had hers made that way but she thought it was a very foolish and
+inconvenient fashion. It is nice, though, to dress in style and look
+like other people. I have a Garibaldi waist and a Zouave jacket and a
+balmoral skirt.
+
+_1860, Sunday._--Frankie Richardson asked me to go with her to teach a
+class in the colored Sunday School on Chapel Street this afternoon. I
+asked Grandmother if I could go and she said she never noticed that I
+was particularly interested in the colored race and she said she thought
+I only wanted an excuse to get out for a walk Sunday afternoon. However,
+she said I could go just this once. When we got up as far as the
+Academy, Mr. Noah T. Clarke's brother, who is one of the teachers, came
+out and Frank said he led the singing at the Sunday school and she said
+she would give me an introduction to him, so he walked up with us and
+home again. Grandmother said that when she saw him opening the gate for
+me, she understood my zeal in missionary work. "The dear little lady,"
+as we often call her, has always been noted for her keen discernment and
+wonderful sagacity and loses none of it as she advances in years. Some
+one asked Anna the other day if her Grandmother retained all her
+faculties and Anna said, "Yes, indeed, to an alarming degree."
+Grandmother knows that we think she is a perfect angel even if she does
+seem rather strict sometimes. Whether we are seven or seventeen we are
+children to her just the same, and the Bible says, "Children obey your
+parents in the Lord for this is right." We are glad that we never will
+seem old to her. I had the same company home from church in the evening.
+His home is in Naples.
+
+_Christmas, 1860._--I asked Grandmother if Mr. Clarke could take Sunday
+night supper with us and she said she was afraid he did not know the
+catechism. I asked him Friday night and he said he would learn it on
+Saturday so that he could answer every third question anyway. So he did
+and got along very well. I think he deserves a pretty good supper.
+
+
+2. Secondary Contacts and City Life[129]
+
+Modern methods of urban transportation and communication--the electric
+railway, the automobile, and the telephone--have silently and rapidly
+changed in recent years the social and industrial organization of the
+modern city. They have been the means of concentrating traffic in the
+business districts; have changed the whole character of retail trade,
+multiplying the residence suburbs and making the department store
+possible. These changes in the industrial organization and in the
+distribution of population have been accompanied by corresponding
+changes in the habits, sentiments, and character of the urban
+population.
+
+The general nature of these changes is indicated by the fact that the
+growth of cities has been accompanied by the substitution of indirect,
+"secondary," for direct, face-to-face, "primary" relations in the
+associations of individuals in the community.
+
+ By primary groups I mean those characterized by intimate
+ face-to-face association and co-operation. They are primary in
+ several senses, but chiefly in that they are fundamental in
+ forming the social nature and ideals of the individual. The
+ result of intimate association, psychologically, is a certain
+ fusion of individualities in a common whole, so that one's very
+ self, for many purposes at least, is the common life and
+ purpose of the group. Perhaps the simplest way of describing
+ this wholeness is by saying that it is a "we"; it involves the
+ sort of sympathy and mutual identification for which "we" is
+ the natural expression. One lives in the feeling of the whole
+ and finds the chief aims of his will in that feeling.
+
+Touch and sight, physical contact, are the basis for the first and most
+elementary human relationships. Mother and child, husband and wife,
+father and son, master and servant, kinsman and neighbor, minister,
+physician, and teacher--these are the most intimate and real
+relationships of life and in the small community they are practically
+inclusive.
+
+The interactions which take place among the members of a community so
+constituted are immediate and unreflecting. Intercourse is carried on
+largely within the region of instinct and feeling. Social control
+arises, for the most part spontaneously, in direct response to personal
+influences and public sentiment. It is the result of a personal
+accommodation rather than the formulation of a rational and abstract
+principle.
+
+In a great city, where the population is unstable, where parents and
+children are employed out of the house and often in distant parts of the
+city, where thousands of people live side by side for years without so
+much as a bowing acquaintance, these intimate relationships of the
+primary group are weakened and the moral order which rested upon them is
+gradually dissolved.
+
+Under the disintegrating influences of city life most of our traditional
+institutions, the church, the school, and the family, have been greatly
+modified. The school, for example, has taken over some of the functions
+of the family. It is around the public school and its solicitude for the
+moral and physical welfare of the children that something like a new
+neighborhood and community spirit tends to get itself organized.
+
+The church, on the other hand, which has lost much of its influence
+since the printed page has so largely taken the place of the pulpit in
+the interpretation of life, seems at present to be in process of
+readjustment to the new conditions.
+
+It is probably the breaking down of local attachments and the weakening
+of the restraints and inhibitions of the primary group, under the
+influence of the urban environment, which are largely responsible for
+the increase of vice and crime in great cities. It would be interesting
+in this connection to determine by investigation how far the increase in
+crime keeps pace with the increasing mobility of the population. It is
+from this point of view that we should seek to interpret all those
+statistics which register the disintegration of the moral order, for
+example, the statistics of divorce, of truancy, and of crime.
+
+Great cities have always been the melting-pots of races and of cultures.
+Out of the vivid and subtle interactions of which they have been the
+centers, there have come the newer breeds and the newer social types.
+The great cities of the United States, for example, have drawn from the
+isolation of their native villages great masses of the rural populations
+of Europe and America. Under the shock of the new contacts the latent
+energies of these primitive peoples have been released, and the subtler
+processes of interaction have brought into existence not merely
+vocational but temperamental types.
+
+Transportation and communication have effected, among many other silent
+but far-reaching changes, what I have called the "mobilization of the
+individual man." They have multiplied the opportunities of the
+individual man for contact and for association with his fellows, but
+they have made these contacts and associations more transitory and less
+stable. A very large part of the populations of great cities, including
+those who make their homes in tenements and apartment houses, live much
+as people do in some great hotel, meeting but not knowing one another.
+The effect of this is to substitute fortuitous and casual relationship
+for the more intimate and permanent associations of the smaller
+community.
+
+Under these circumstances the individual's status is determined to a
+considerable degree by conventional signs--by fashion and "front"--and
+the art of life is largely reduced to skating on thin surfaces and a
+scrupulous study of style and manners.
+
+Not only transportation and communication, but the segregation of the
+urban population, tends to facilitate the mobility of the individual
+man. The processes of segregation establish moral distances which make
+the city a mosaic of little worlds which touch but do not
+interpenetrate. This makes it possible for individuals to pass quickly
+and easily from one moral milieu to another and encourages the
+fascinating but dangerous experiment of living at the same time in
+several different contiguous, perhaps, but widely separated worlds. All
+this tends to give to city life a superficial and adventitious
+character; it tends to complicate social relationships and to produce
+new and divergent individual types. It introduces, at the same time, an
+element of chance and adventure, which adds to the stimulus of city
+life and gives it for young and fresh nerves a peculiar attractiveness.
+The lure of great cities is perhaps a consequence of stimulations which
+act directly upon the reflexes. As a type of human behavior it may be
+explained, like the attraction of the flame for the moth, as a sort of
+tropism.
+
+The attraction of the metropolis is due in part, however, to the fact
+that in the long run every individual finds somewhere among the varied
+manifestations of city life the sort of environment in which he expands
+and feels at ease; finds, in short, the moral climate in which his
+peculiar nature obtains the stimulations that bring his innate qualities
+to full and free expression. It is, I suspect, motives of this kind
+which have their basis, not in interest nor even in sentiment, but in
+something more fundamental and primitive which draw many, if not most,
+of the young men and young women from the security of their homes in the
+country into the big, booming confusion and excitement of city life. In
+a small community it is the normal man, the man without eccentricity or
+genius, who seems most likely to succeed. The small community often
+tolerates eccentricity. The city, on the contrary, rewards it. Neither
+the criminal, the defective, nor the genius has the same opportunity to
+develop his innate disposition in a small town that he invariably finds
+in a great city.
+
+Fifty years ago every village had one or two eccentric characters who
+were treated ordinarily with a benevolent toleration, but who were
+regarded meanwhile as impracticable and queer. These exceptional
+individuals lived an isolated existence, cut off by their very
+eccentricities, whether of genius or of defect, from genuinely intimate
+intercourse with their fellows. If they had the making of criminals, the
+restraints and inhibitions of the small community rendered them
+harmless. If they had the stuff of genius in them, they remained sterile
+for lack of appreciation or opportunity. Mark Twain's story of _Pudd'n
+Head Wilson_ is a description of one such obscure and unappreciated
+genius. It is not so true as it was that--
+
+ Full many a flower is born to blush unseen
+ And waste its fragrance on the desert air.
+
+Gray wrote the "Elegy in a Country Churchyard" before the existence of
+the modern city.
+
+In the city many of these divergent types now find a milieu in which for
+good or for ill their dispositions and talents parturiate and bear
+fruit.
+
+
+3. Publicity as a Form of Secondary Contact[130]
+
+In contrast with the political machine, which has founded its organized
+action on the local, personal, and immediate interests represented by
+the different neighborhoods and localities, the good-government
+organizations, the bureaus of municipal research, and the like have
+sought to represent the interests of the city as a whole and have
+appealed to a sentiment and opinion neither local nor personal. These
+agencies have sought to secure efficiency and good government by the
+education of the voter, that is to say, by investigating and publishing
+the facts regarding the government.
+
+In this way publicity has come to be a recognized form of social
+control, and advertising--"social advertising"--has become a profession
+with an elaborate technique supported by a body of special knowledge.
+
+It is one of the characteristic phenomena of city life and of society
+founded on secondary relationships that advertising should have come to
+occupy so important a place in its economy.
+
+In recent years every individual and organization which has had to deal
+with the public, that is to say, the public outside the smaller and more
+intimate communities of the village and small town, has come to have its
+press agent, who is often less an advertising man than a diplomatic man
+accredited to the newspapers, and through them to the world at large.
+Institutions like the Russell Sage Foundation, and to a less extent the
+General Education Board, have sought to influence public opinion
+directly through the medium of publicity. The Carnegie Report upon
+Medical Education, the Pittsburgh Survey, the Russell Sage Foundation
+Report on Comparative Costs of Public-School Education in the Several
+States, are something more than scientific reports. They are rather a
+high form of journalism, dealing with existing conditions critically,
+and seeking through the agency of publicity to bring about radical
+reforms. The work of the Bureau of Municipal Research in New York has
+had a similar practical purpose. To these must be added the work
+accomplished by the child-welfare exhibits, by the social surveys
+undertaken in different parts of the country, and by similar propaganda
+in favor of public health.
+
+As a source of social control public opinion becomes important in
+societies founded on secondary relationships of which great cities are a
+type. In the city every social group tends to create its own milieu,
+and, as these conditions become fixed, the mores tend to accommodate
+themselves to the conditions thus created. In secondary groups and in
+the city, fashion tends to take the place of custom, and public opinion
+rather than the mores becomes the dominant force in social control.
+
+In any attempt to understand the nature of public opinion and its
+relation to social control, it is important to investigate, first of
+all, the agencies and devices which have come into practical use in the
+effort to control, enlighten, and exploit it.
+
+The first and the most important of these is the press, that is, the
+daily newspaper and other forms of current literature, including books
+classed as current.
+
+After the newspaper, the bureaus of research which are now springing up
+in all the large cities are the most interesting and the most promising
+devices for using publicity as a means of control.
+
+The fruits of these investigations do not reach the public directly, but
+are disseminated through the medium of the press, the pulpit and other
+sources of popular enlightenment.
+
+In addition to these, there are the educational campaigns in the
+interest of better health conditions, the child-welfare exhibits, and
+the numerous "social advertising" devices which are now employed,
+sometimes upon the initiative of private societies, sometimes upon that
+of popular magazines or newspapers, in order to educate the public and
+enlist the masses of the people in the movement for the improvement of
+conditions of community life.
+
+The newspaper is the great medium of communication within the city, and
+it is on the basis of the information which it supplies that public
+opinion rests. The first function which a newspaper supplies is that
+which was formerly performed by the village gossip.
+
+In spite, however, of the industry with which newspapers pursue facts of
+personal intelligence and human interest, they cannot compete with the
+village gossips as a means of social control. For one thing, the
+newspaper maintains some reservations not recognized by gossip, in the
+matters of personal intelligence. For example, until they run for office
+or commit some other overt act that brings them before the public
+conspicuously, the private life of individual men or women is a subject
+that is for the newspaper taboo. It is not so with gossip, partly
+because in a small community no individual is so obscure that his
+private affairs escape observation and discussion; partly because the
+field is smaller. In small communities there is a perfectly amazing
+amount of personal information afloat among the individuals who compose
+them.
+
+The absence of this in the city is what, in large part, makes the city
+what it is.
+
+
+4. From Sentimental to Rational Attitudes[131]
+
+I can imagine it to be of exceeding great interest to write the history
+of mankind from the point of view of the stranger and his influence on
+the trend of events. From the earliest dawn of history we may observe
+how communities developed in special directions, no less in important
+than in insignificant things, because of influences from without. Be it
+religion or technical inventions, good form in conduct or fashions in
+dress, political revolutions or stock-exchange machinery, the impetus
+always--or, at least, in many cases--came from strangers. It is not
+surprising, therefore, that in the history of the intellectual and
+religious growth of the bourgeois the stranger should play no small
+part. Throughout the whole of the Middle Ages in Europe, and to a large
+extent in the centuries that followed, families left their homes to set
+up their hearths anew in other lands. The wanderers were in the majority
+of cases economic agents with a strongly marked tendency toward
+capitalism, and they originated capitalist methods and cultivated them.
+Accordingly, it will be helpful to trace the interaction of migrations
+and the history of the capitalist spirit.
+
+First, as to the facts themselves. Two sorts of migrations may be
+distinguished--those of single individuals and those of groups. In the
+first category must be placed the removal, of their own free will, of a
+family, or it may even be of a few families, from one district or
+country to another. Such cases were universal. But we are chiefly
+concerned with those instances in which the capitalist spirit manifested
+itself, as we must assume it did where the immigrants were acquainted
+with a more complex economic system or were the founders of new
+industries. Take as an instance the Lombards and other Italian
+merchants, who in the early Middle Ages carried on business in England,
+France, and elsewhere. Or recall how in the Middle Ages many an
+industry, more especially silk weaving, that was established in any
+district was introduced by foreigners, and very often on a capitalist
+basis. "A new phase in the development of the Venetian silk industry
+began with the arrival of traders and silk-workers from Lucca, whereby
+the industry reached its zenith. The commercial element came more and
+more to the fore; the merchants became the organizers of production,
+providing the master craftsman with raw materials which he worked up."
+So we read in Broglio d'Ajano. We are told a similar tale about the silk
+industry in Genoa, which received an enormous impetus when the Berolerii
+began to employ craftsmen from Lucca. In 1341 what was probably the
+first factory for silk manufacture was erected by one Bolognino di
+Barghesano, of Lucca. Even in Lyons tradition asserts that Italians
+introduced the making of silk, and, when in the sixteenth century the
+industry was placed on a capitalist basis, the initiative thereto came
+once more from aliens. It was the same in Switzerland, where the silk
+industry was introduced by the Pelligari in 1685. In Austria likewise we
+hear the same tale.
+
+Silk-making in these instances is but one example; there were very many
+others. Here one industry was introduced, there another; here it was by
+Frenchmen or Germans, there by Italians or Dutchmen. And always the new
+establishments came at the moment when the industries in question were
+about to become capitalistic in their organization.
+
+Individual migrations, then, were not without influence on the economic
+development of society. But much more powerful was the effect of the
+wanderings of large groups from one land to another. From the sixteenth
+century onward migrations of this sort may be distinguished under three
+heads: (1) Jewish migrations; (2) the migration of persecuted
+Christians, more especially of Protestants; and (3) the colonizing
+movement, particularly the settlement in America.
+
+We come, then, to the general question, Is it not a fact that the
+"stranger," the immigrant, was possessed of a specially developed
+capitalist spirit, and this quite apart from his environment, and, to a
+lesser degree, his religion or his nationality? We see it in the old
+states of Europe no less than in the new settlements beyond; in Jews and
+Gentiles alike; in Protestants and Catholics (the French in Louisiana
+were, by the middle of the nineteenth century, not a whit behind the
+Anglo-Saxons of the New England states in this respect). The assumption
+therefore forces itself upon us that this particular social
+condition--migration or change of habitat--was responsible for the
+unfolding of the capitalist spirit. Let us attempt to show how.
+
+If we are content to find it in a single cause, it would be the breach
+with all old ways of life and all old social relationships. Indeed, the
+psychology of the stranger in a new land may easily be explained by
+reference to this one supreme fact. His clan, his country, his people,
+his state, no matter how deeply he was rooted in them, have now ceased
+to be realities for him. His first aim is to make profit. How could it
+be otherwise? There is nothing else open to him. In the old country he
+was excluded from playing his part in public life; in the colony of his
+choice there is no public life to speak of. Neither can he devote
+himself to a life of comfortable, slothful ease; the new lands have
+little comfort. Nor is the newcomer moved by sentiment. His environment
+means nothing to him. At best he regards it as a means to an end--to
+make a living. All this must surely be of great consequence for the rise
+of a mental outlook that cares only for gain; and who will deny that
+colonial activity generates it? "Our rivulets and streams turn mill
+wheels and bring rafts into the valleys, as they do in Scotland. But not
+one ballad, not a single song, reminds us that on their banks men and
+women live who experience the happiness of love and the pangs of
+separation; that under each roof in the valleys life's joys and sorrows
+come and go." This plaint of an American of the old days expresses my
+meaning; it has been noted again and again, particularly by those who
+visited America at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The only
+relationship between the Yankee and his environment is one of practical
+usefulness. The soil, as one of them says, is not regarded as "the
+mother of men, the hearth of the gods, the abiding resting-place of the
+past generations, but only as a means to get rich." There is nothing of
+"the poetry of the place" anywhere to check commercial devastations. The
+spire of his village is for the American like any other spire; in his
+eyes the newest and most gaudily painted is the most beautiful. A
+waterfall for him merely represents so much motive power. "What a mighty
+volume of water!" is, as we are assured, the usual cry of an American on
+seeing Niagara for the first time, and his highest praise of it is that
+it surpasses all other waterfalls in the world in its horse-power.
+
+Nor has the immigrant or colonial settler a sense of the present or the
+past. He has only a future. Before long the possession of money becomes
+his one aim and ambition, for it is clear to him that by its means alone
+will he be able to shape that future. But how can he amass money? Surely
+by enterprise. His being where he is proves that he has capacities, that
+he can take risks; is it remarkable, then, that sooner or later his
+unbridled acquisitiveness will turn him into a restless capitalist
+undertaker? Here again we have cause and effect. He undervalues the
+present; he overvalues the future. Hence his activities are such as they
+are. Is it too much to say that even today American civilization has
+something of the unfinished about it, something that seems as yet to be
+in the making, something that turns from the present to the future?
+
+Another characteristic of the newcomer everywhere is that there are no
+bounds to his enterprise. He is not held in check by personal
+considerations; in all his dealings he comes into contact only with
+strangers like himself. As we have already had occasion to point out,
+the first profitable trade was carried on with strangers; your own kith
+and kin received assistance from you. You lent out money at interest
+only to the stranger, as Antonio remarked to Shylock, for from the
+stranger you could demand more than you lent.
+
+Nor is the stranger held in check by considerations other than personal
+ones. He has no traditions to respect; he is not bound by the policy of
+an old business. He begins with a clean slate; he has no local
+connections that bind him to any one spot. Is not every locality in a
+new country as good as every other? You therefore decide upon the one
+that promises most profit. As Poscher says, a man who has risked his all
+and left his home to cross the ocean in search of his fortune will not
+be likely to shrink from a small speculation if this means a change of
+abode. A little traveling more or less can make no difference.
+
+So it comes about that the feverish searching after novelties manifested
+itself in the American character quite early. "If to live means constant
+movement and the coming and going of thoughts and feelings in quick
+succession, then the people here live a hundred lives. All is
+circulation, movement, and vibrating life. If one attempt fails, another
+follows on its heels, and before every one undertaking has been
+completed, the next has already been entered upon" (Chevalier). The
+enterprising impulse leads to speculation; and here again early
+observers have noticed the national trait. "Everybody speculates and no
+commodity escapes from the speculating rage. It is not tulip speculation
+this time, but speculations in cottons, real estate, banks, and
+railways."
+
+One characteristic of the stranger's activity, be he a settler in a new
+or an old land, follows of necessity. I refer to the determination to
+apply the utmost rational effort in the field of economic and technical
+activity. The stranger must carry through plans with success because of
+necessity or because he cannot withstand the desire to secure his
+future. On the other hand, he is able to do it more easily than other
+folk because he is not hampered by tradition. This explains clearly
+enough why alien immigrants, as we have seen, furthered commercial and
+industrial progress wherever they came. Similarly we may thus account
+for the well-known fact that nowhere are technical inventions so
+plentiful as in America, that railway construction and the making of
+machinery proceed much more rapidly there than anywhere else in the
+world. It all comes from the peculiar conditions of the problem,
+conditions that have been termed colonial--great distances, dear labor,
+and the will to progress. The state of mind that will have, nay, must
+have, progress is that of the stranger, untrammeled by the past and
+gazing toward the future.
+
+Yet results such as these are not achieved by strangers merely because
+they happen to be strangers. Place a negro in a new environment; will he
+build railways and invent labor-saving machines? Hardly. There must be a
+certain fitness; it must be in the blood. In short, other forces beside
+that of being merely a stranger in a strange land are bound to
+co-operate before the total result can be fully accounted for. There
+must be a process of selection, making the best types available, and
+the ethical and moral factor, too, counts for much. Nevertheless, the
+migrations themselves were a very powerful element in the growth of
+capitalism.
+
+
+5. The Sociological Significance of the "Stranger"[132]
+
+If wandering, considered as the liberation from every given point in
+space, is the conceptual opposite to fixation at such a point, then
+surely the sociological form of "the stranger" presents the union of
+both of these specifications. It discloses, indeed, the fact that
+relations to space are only, on the one hand, the condition, and, on the
+other hand, the symbol, of relations to men. The stranger is not taken
+here, therefore, in the sense frequently employed, of the wanderer who
+comes today and goes tomorrow, but rather of the man who comes today and
+stays tomorrow, the potential wanderer, so to speak, who, although he
+has gone no further, has not quite got over the freedom of coming and
+going. He is fixed within a certain spatial circle, but his position
+within it is peculiarly determined by the fact that he does not belong
+in it from the first, that he brings qualities into it that are not, and
+cannot be, native to it.
+
+The union of nearness and remoteness, which every relation between men
+comprehends, has here produced a system of relations or a constellation
+which may, in the fewest words, be thus formulated: The distance within
+the relation signifies that the Near is far; the very fact of being
+alien, however, that the Far is near. For the state of being a stranger
+is naturally a quite positive relation, a particular form of
+interaction. The inhabitants of Sirius are not exactly strangers to us,
+at least not in the sociological sense of the word as we are considering
+it. In that sense they do not exist for us at all. They are beyond being
+far and near. The stranger is an element of the group itself, not
+otherwise than the Poor and the various "inner enemies," an element
+whose inherent position and membership involve both an exterior and an
+opposite. The manner, now, in which mutually repulsive and opposing
+elements here compose a form of a joint and interacting unity may now be
+briefly analyzed.
+
+In the whole history of economics the stranger makes his appearance
+everywhere as the trader, the trader his as the stranger. As long as
+production for one's own needs is the general rule, or products are
+exchanged within a relatively narrow circle, there is no need of any
+middleman within the group. A trader is only required with those
+products which are produced entirely outside of the group. Unless there
+are people who wander out into foreign lands to buy these necessities,
+in which case they are themselves "strange" merchants in this other
+region, the trader must be a stranger. No other has a chance for
+existence.
+
+This position of the stranger is intensified in our consciousness if,
+instead of leaving the place of his activity, he fixes himself in it.
+This will be possible for him only if he can live by trade in the rôle
+of a middleman. Any closed economic group in which the division of the
+land and of the crafts which satisfy the local demands has been achieved
+will still grant an existence to the trader. For trade alone makes
+possible unlimited combinations, in which intelligence finds ever wider
+extensions and ever newer accessions, a thing rarely possible in the
+case of the primitive producer with his lesser mobility and his
+restriction to a circle of customers which could only very gradually be
+increased. Trade can always absorb more men than primary production, and
+it is therefore the most favorable province for the stranger, who
+thrusts himself, so to speak, as a supernumerary into a group in which
+all the economic positions are already possessed. History offers as the
+classic illustration the European Jew. The stranger is by his very
+nature no landowner--in saying which, land is taken not merely in a
+physical sense but also in a metaphorical one of a permanent and a
+substantial existence, which is fixed, if not in space, then at least in
+an ideal position within the social order. The special sociological
+characteristics of the stranger may now be presented.
+
+a) _Mobility._--In the more intimate relations of man to man, the
+stranger may disclose all possible attractions and significant
+characters, but just as long as he is regarded as a stranger, he is in
+so far no landowner. Now restriction to trade, and frequently to pure
+finance, as if by a sublimation from the former, gives the stranger the
+specific character of mobility. With this mobility, when it occurs
+within a limited group, there occurs that synthesis of nearness and
+remoteness which constitutes the formal position of the stranger; for
+the merely mobile comes incidentally into contact with every single
+element but is not bound up organically, through the established ties of
+kinship, locality, or profession, with any single one.
+
+b) _Objectivity._--Another expression for this relation lies in the
+objectivity of the stranger. Because he is not rooted in the peculiar
+attitudes and biased tendencies of the group, he stands apart from all
+these with the peculiar attitude of the "objective," which does not
+indicate simply a separation and disinterestedness but is a peculiar
+composition of nearness and remoteness, concern and indifference. I call
+attention to the domineering positions of the stranger to the group, as
+whose archtype appeared that practice of Italian cities of calling their
+judges from without, because no native was free from the prejudices of
+family interests and factions.
+
+c) _Confidant._--With the objectivity of the stranger is connected the
+phenomenon which indeed belongs chiefly, but not indeed exclusively, to
+the mobile man: namely, that often the most surprising disclosures and
+confessions, even to the character of the confessional disclosure, are
+brought to him, secrets such as one carefully conceals from every
+intimate. Objectivity is by no means lack of sympathy, for that is
+something quite outside and beyond either subjective or objective
+relations. It is rather a positive and particular manner of sympathy. So
+the objectivity of a theoretical observation certainly does not mean
+that the spirit is a _tabula rasa_ on which things inscribe their
+qualities, but it means the full activity of a spirit working according
+to its own laws, under conditions in which accidental dislocations and
+accentuations have been excluded, the individual and subjective
+peculiarities of which would give quite different pictures of the same
+object.
+
+d) _Freedom from convention._--One can define objectivity also as
+freedom. The objective man is bound by no sort of proprieties which can
+prejudice for him his apprehension, his understanding, his judgment of
+the given. This freedom which permits the stranger to experience and
+deal with the relation of nearness as though from a bird's-eye view,
+contains indeed all sorts of dangerous possibilities. From the
+beginnings of things, in revolutions of all sorts, the attacked party
+has claimed that there has been incitement from without, through foreign
+emissaries and agitators. As far as that is concerned, it is simply an
+exaggeration of the specific rôle of the stranger; he is the freer man,
+practically and theoretically; he examines the relations with less
+prejudice; he submits them to more general, more objective, standards,
+and is not confined in his action by custom, piety, or precedents.
+
+e) _Abstract relations._--Finally, the proportion of nearness and
+remoteness which gives the stranger the character of objectivity gets
+another practical expression in the more abstract nature of the relation
+to him. This is seen in the fact that one has certain more general
+qualities only in common with the stranger, whereas the relation with
+those organically allied is based on the similarity of just those
+specific differences by which the members of an intimate group are
+distinguished from those who do not share that intimacy. All personal
+relations whatsoever are determined according to this scheme, however
+varied the form which they assume. What is decisive is not the fact that
+certain common characteristics exist side by side with individual
+differences which may or may not affect them but rather that the
+influence of this common possession itself upon the personal relation of
+the individuals involved is determined by certain conditions: Does it
+exist in and for these individuals and for these only? Does it represent
+qualities that are general in the group, to be sure, but peculiar to it?
+Or is it merely felt by the members of the group as something peculiar
+to individuals themselves whereas, in fact, it is a common possession of
+a group, or a type, or mankind? In the last case an attenuation of the
+effect of the common possession enters in, proportional to the size of
+the group. Common characteristics function, it is true, as a basis for
+union among the elements, but it does not specifically refer these
+elements to each other. A similarity so widely shared might serve as a
+common basis of each with every possible other. This too is evidently
+one way in which a relation may at the same moment comprehend both
+nearness and remoteness. To the extent to which the similarities become
+general, the warmth of the connection which they effect will have an
+element of coolness, a feeling in it of the adventitiousness of this
+very connection. The powers which united have lost their specific,
+centripetal character.
+
+This constellation (in which similarities are shared by large numbers)
+acquires, it seems to me, an extraordinary and fundamental
+preponderance--as against the individual and personal elements we have
+been discussing--in defining our relation to the stranger. The stranger
+is near to us in so far as we feel between him and ourselves
+similarities of nationality or social position, of profession or of
+general human nature. He is far from us in so far as these similarities
+reach out over him and us, and only ally us both because in fact they
+ally a great many.
+
+In this sense a trait of this strangeness easily comes into even the
+most intimate relations. Erotic relations show a very decided aversion,
+in the stage of first passion, to any disposition to think of them in
+general terms. A love such as this (so the lover feels) has never
+existed before, nor is there anything to be compared with our passion
+for the beloved person. An estrangement is wont, whether as cause or as
+result it is difficult to decide, to set in at that moment in which the
+sentiment of uniqueness disappears from the connection. A scepticism of
+its value in itself and for us fastens itself to the very thought that
+after all one has only drawn the lot of general humanity, one has
+experienced a thousand times re-enacted adventure, and that, if one had
+not accidentally encountered this precise person, any other one would
+have acquired the same meaning for us. And something of this cannot fail
+to be present in any relation, be it ever so intimate, because that
+which is common to the two is perhaps never common only to them but
+belongs to a general conception, which includes much else, many
+possibilities of similarities. As little actuality as they may have,
+often as we may forget them, yet here and there they crowd in like
+shadows between men, like a mist gliding before every word's meaning,
+which must actually congeal into solid corporeality in order to be
+called rivalry. Perhaps this is in many cases a more general, at least
+more insurmountable, strangeness than that afforded by differences and
+incomprehensibilities. There is a feeling, indeed, that these are
+actually not the peculiar property of just that relation but of a more
+general one that potentially refers to us and to an uncertain number of
+others, and therefore the relation experienced has no inner and final
+necessity.
+
+On the other hand, there is a sort of strangeness, in which this very
+connection on the basis of a general quality embracing the parties is
+precluded. The relation of the Greeks to the Barbarians is a typical
+example; so are all the cases in which the general characteristics which
+one takes as peculiarly and merely human are disallowed to the other.
+But here the expression "the stranger" has no longer any positive
+meaning. The relation with him is a non-relation. He is not a member of
+the group itself. As such he is much more to be considered as near and
+far at the same moment, seeing that the foundation of the relation is
+now laid simply on a general human similarity. Between these two
+elements there occurs, however, a peculiar tension, since the
+consciousness of having only the absolutely general in common has
+exactly the effect of bringing into particular emphasis that which is
+not common. In the case of strangers according to country, city, or
+race, the individual characteristics of the person are not perceived;
+but attention is directed to his alien extraction which he has in common
+with all the members of his group. Therefore the strangers are
+perceived, not indeed as individuals, but chiefly as strangers of a
+certain type. Their remoteness is no less general than their nearness.
+
+With all his inorganic adjacency, the stranger is yet an organic member
+of the group, whose uniform life is limited by the peculiar dependence
+upon this element. Only we do not know how to designate the
+characteristic unity of this position otherwise than by saying that it
+is put together of certain amounts of nearness and of remoteness, which,
+characterizing in some measure any sort of relation, determine in a
+certain proportion and with characteristic mutual tension the specific,
+formal relation of "the stranger."
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. Physical Contacts
+
+The literature of the research upon social contacts falls naturally
+under four heads: physical contacts, sensory contacts, primary contacts,
+and secondary contacts.
+
+The reaction of the person to contacts with things as contrasted with
+his contacts with persons is an interesting chapter in social
+psychology. Observation upon children shows that the individual tends to
+respond to inanimate objects, particularly if they are unfamiliar, as if
+they were living and social. The study of animism among primitive
+peoples indicates that their attitude toward certain animals whom they
+regarded as superior social beings is a specialization of this response.
+A survey of the poetry of all times and races discloses that nature to
+the poet as well as to the mystic is personal. Homesickness and
+nostalgia are an indication of the personal and intimate nature of the
+relation of man to the physical world.
+
+It seems to be part of man's original nature to take the world socially
+and personally. It is only as things become familiar and controllable
+that he gains the concept of mechanism. It is natural science and
+machinery that has made so large a part of the world impersonal for most
+of us.
+
+The scientific study of the actual reaction of persons and groups to
+their physical environment is still in the pioneer stage. The
+anthropogeographers have made many brilliant suggestions and a few
+careful and critical studies of the direct and indirect effects of the
+physical environment not merely upon man's social and political
+organization but upon his temperament and conduct. Huntington's
+suggestive observations upon the effect of climate upon manners and
+efficiency have opened a wide field for investigation.[133]
+
+Interest is growing in the psychology and sociology of the responses of
+individuals and groups to the physical conditions of their environment.
+Communities, large and small in this country, as they become civic
+conscious, have devised city plans. New York has made an elaborate
+report on the zoning of the city into business, industrial, and
+residential areas. A host of housing surveys present realistic pictures
+of actual conditions of physical existence from the standpoint of the
+hygienic and social effects of low standards of dwelling, overcrowding,
+the problem of the roomer. Even historic accounts and impressionistic
+observations of art and ornament, decoration and dress, indicate the
+relation of these material trappings to the self-consciousness of the
+individual in his social milieu.
+
+The reservation must be made that studies of zoning, city planning, and
+housing have taken account of economic, aesthetic, and hygienic factors
+rather than those of contacts. Implicit, however, in certain aspects of
+these studies, certainly present often as an unconscious motive, has
+been an appreciation of the effects of the urban, artificial physical
+environment upon the responses and the very nature of plastic human
+beings, creatures more than creators of the modern leviathan, the Great
+City.
+
+Glimpses into the nature and process of these subtle effects appear only
+infrequently in formal research. Occasionally such a book as _The
+Spirit of Youth and the City Streets_ by Jane Addams throws a flood of
+light upon the contrasts between the warmth, the sincerity, and the
+wholesomeness of primary human responses and the sophistication, the
+coldness, and the moral dangers of the secondary organization of urban
+life.
+
+A sociological study of the effect of the artificial physical and social
+environment of the city upon the person will take conscious account of
+these social factors. The lack of attachment to home in the city tenant
+as compared with the sentiments and status of home-ownership in the
+village, the mobility of the urban dweller in his necessary routine of
+work and his restless quest for pleasure, the sophistication, the front,
+the self-seeking of the individual emancipated from the controls of the
+primary group--all these represent problems for research.
+
+There are occasional references in literature to what may be called the
+inversion of the natural attitudes of the city child. His attention, his
+responses, even his images become fixed by the stimuli of the city
+streets.[134] To those interested in child welfare and human values this
+is the supreme tragedy of the city.
+
+
+2. Touch and the Primary Contacts of Intimacy
+
+The study of the senses in their relations to personal and social
+behavior had its origins in psychology, in psychoanalysis, in ethnology,
+and in the study of races and nationalities with reference to the
+conflict and fusion of cultures. Darwin's theory of the origin of the
+species increased interest in the instincts and it was the study of the
+instincts that led psychologists finally to define all forms of behavior
+in terms of stimulus and response. A "contact" is simply a stimulation
+that has significance for the understanding of group behavior.
+
+In psychoanalysis, a rapidly growing literature is accessible to
+sociologists upon the nature and the effects of the intimate contacts of
+sex and family life. Indeed, the Freudian concept of the _libido_ may be
+translated for sociological purposes into the desire for response. The
+intensity of the sentiments of love and hate that cement and disrupt the
+family is indicated in the analyses of the so-called "family romance."
+Life histories reveal the natural tendencies toward reciprocal affection
+of mother and son or father and daughter, and the mutual antagonism of
+father and son or mother and daughter.
+
+In ethnology, attention was early directed to the phenomena of taboo
+with its injunction against contamination by contacts. The literature of
+primitive communities is replete with the facts of avoidance of contact,
+as between the sexes, between mother-in-law and son-in-law, with persons
+"with the evil eye," etc. Frazer's volume on "Taboo and the Perils of
+the Soul" in his series entitled _The Golden Bough_, and Crawley, in his
+book, _The Mystic Rose_, to mention two outstanding examples, have
+assembled, classified, and interpreted many types of taboo. In the
+literature of taboo is found also the ritualistic distinction between
+"the clean" and "the unclean" and the development of reverence and awe
+toward "the sacred" and "the holy."
+
+Recent studies of the conflict of races and nationalities, generally
+considered as exclusively economic or political in nature, bring out the
+significance of disgusts and fears based fundamentally upon
+characteristic racial odors, marked variations in skin color and in
+physiognomy as well as upon differences in food habits, personal
+conduct, folkways, mores, and culture.
+
+
+3. Primary Contacts of Acquaintanceship
+
+Two of the best sociological statements of primary contacts are to be
+found in Professor Cooley's analysis of primary groups in his book
+_Social Organization_ and in Shaler's exposition of the sympathetic way
+of approach in his volume _The Neighbor_. A mass of descriptive material
+for the further study of the primary contacts is available from many
+sources. Studies of primitive peoples indicate that early social
+organizations were based upon ties of kinship and primary group
+contacts. Village life in all ages and with all races exhibits absolute
+standards and stringent primary controls of behavior. The Blue Laws of
+Connecticut are little else than primary-group attitudes written into
+law. Common law, the traditional code of legal conduct sanctioned by the
+experience of primary groups, may be compared with statute law, which is
+an abstract prescription for social life in secondary societies. Here
+also should be included the consideration of programs and projects for
+community organization upon the basis of primary contacts, as for
+example, Ward's _The Social Center_.
+
+
+4. Secondary Contacts
+
+The transition from feudal societies of villages and towns to our modern
+world-society of great cosmopolitan cities has received more attention
+from economics and politics than from sociology. Studies of the
+industrial basis of city life have given us the external pattern of the
+city: its topographical conditions, the concentration of population as
+an outcome of large-scale production, division of labor, and
+specialization of effort. Research in municipal government has proceeded
+from the muck-raking period, indicated by Lincoln Steffens' _The Shame
+of the Cities_ to surveys of public utilities and city administration of
+the type of those made by the New York Bureau of Municipal Research.
+
+Social interest in the city was first stimulated by the polemics against
+the political and social disorders of urban life. There were those who
+would destroy the city in order to remedy its evils and restore the
+simple life of the country. Sociology sought a surer basis for the
+solution of the problems from a study of the facts of city life.
+Statistics of population by governmental departments provide figures
+upon conditions and tendencies. Community surveys have translated into
+understandable form a mass of information about the formal aspects of
+city life.
+
+Naturally enough, sympathetic and arresting pictures of city life have
+come from residents of settlements as in Jane Addam's _Twenty Years at
+Hull House_, Robert Wood's _The City Wilderness_, Lillian Wald's _The
+House on Henry Street_ and Mrs. Simkhovitch's _The City Worker's World_.
+Georg Simmel has made the one outstanding contribution to a sociology
+or, perhaps better, a social philosophy of the city in his paper "The
+Great City and Cultural Life."
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY: MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF SOCIAL CONTACTS
+
+
+I. THE NATURE AND IMPORTANCE OF SOCIAL CONTACTS
+
+(1) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ An exposition of the main
+development in sociological theory from Spencer to Ratzenhofer, pp.
+486-91. Chicago, 1905.
+
+(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _The Laws of Imitation_. Translated from the French
+by Elsie Clews Parsons. Chap. iii, "What Is a Society?" New York, 1903.
+
+(3) Thomas, W. I. "Race Psychology: Standpoint and Questionnaire, with
+Particular Reference to the Immigrant and the Negro." _American Journal
+of Sociology_, XVII (May, 1912), 725-75.
+
+(4) Boas, Franz. _The Mind of Primitive Man._ New York, 1911.
+
+
+II. INTIMATE SOCIAL CONTACTS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE SENSES
+
+(1) Simmel, Georg. _Soziologie._ Untersuchungen über die Formen der
+Vergesellschaftung. Exkurs über die Soziologie der Sinne, pp. 646-65.
+Leipzig, 1908.
+
+(2) Crawley, E. _The Mystic Rose._ A study of primitive marriage. London
+and New York, 1902.
+
+(3) Sully, James. _Sensation and Intuition._ Studies in psychology and
+aesthetics. Chap, iv, "Belief: Its Varieties and Its Conditions."
+London, 1874.
+
+(4) Moll, Albert. _Der Rapport in der Hypnose._ Leipzig, 1892.
+
+(5) Elworthy, F. T. _The Evil Eye._ An account of this ancient and
+widespread superstition. London, 1895.
+
+(6) Lévy-Bruhl. _Les fonctions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures._
+Paris, 1910.
+
+(7) Starbuck, Edwin D. "The Intimate Senses as Sources of Wisdom," _The
+Journal of Religion_, I (March, 1921), 129-45.
+
+(8) Paulhan, Fr. _Les transformations saddles des sentiments._ Paris,
+1920.
+
+(9) Stoll, O. _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Völkerpsychologie._
+Chap. ix, pp. 225-29. Leipzig, 1904.
+
+(10) Hooper, Charles E. _Common Sense._ An analysis and interpretation.
+Being a discussion of its general character, its distinction from
+discursive reasoning, its origin in mental imagery, its speculative
+outlook, its value for practical life and social well-being, its
+relation to scientific knowledge, and its bearings on the problems of
+natural and rational causation. London, 1913.
+
+(11) Weigall, A. "The Influence of the Kinematograph upon National
+Life," _Nineteenth Century and After_, LXXXIX (April, 1921), 661-72.
+
+
+III. MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF MOBILITY
+
+(1) Vallaux, Camille. "Le sol et l'état," _Géographie sociale._ Paris,
+1911.
+
+(2) Demolins, Edmond. _Comment la route crée le type social._ Les
+grandes routes des peuples; essai de géographie social. 2 vols. Paris,
+1901.
+
+(3) Vandervelde, É. _L'exode rural el le retour aux champs._ Chap. iv,
+"Les conséquences de l'exode rural." (Sec. 3 discusses the political and
+intellectual, the physical and moral consequences of the rural exodus,
+pp. 202-13.) Paris, 1903.
+
+(4) Bury, J. B. _A History of Freedom of Thought._ London and New York,
+1913.
+
+(5) Bloch, Iwan. _Die Prostitution._ Handbuch der gesamten
+Sexualwissenschaft in Einzeldarstellungen. Berlin, 1912.
+
+(6) Pagnier, Armand. _Du vagabondage et des vagabonds._ Étude
+psychologique, sociologique et médico-légale. Lyon, 1906.
+
+(7) Laubach, Frank C. _Why There Are Vagrants._ A study based upon an
+examination of one hundred men. New York, 1916.
+
+(8) Ribton-Turner, Charles J. _A History of Vagrants and Vagrancy and
+Beggars and Begging._ London, 1887.
+
+(9) Florian, Eugenio. _I vagabondi._ Studio sociologicoguiridico. Parte
+prima, "L'Evoluzione del vagabondaggio." Pp. 1-124. Torino, 1897-1900.
+
+(10) Devine, Edward T. "The Shiftless and Floating City Population,"
+_Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_, X
+(September, 1897), 149-164.
+
+
+IV. SOCIAL CONTACTS IN PRIMARY GROUPS
+
+(1) Sumner, Wm. G. _Folkways._ A study of the sociological importance of
+usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. "The In-Group and the
+Out-Group," pp. 12-16. Boston, 1906.
+
+(2) Vierkandt, Alfred. _Naturvölker und Kulturvölker._ Ein Beitrag zur
+Socialpsychologie. Leipzig, 1896.
+
+(3) Pandian, T. B. _Indian Village Folk._ Their Works and Ways. London,
+1897.
+
+(4) Dobschütz, E. v. _Die urchristlichen Gemeinden._
+Sittengeschichtliche Bilder. Leipzig, 1902.
+
+(5) Kautsky, Karl. _Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the
+Reformation._ Translated by J. L. and E. G. Mulliken. London, 1897.
+
+(6) Hupka, S. von. _Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustände in der
+2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, verfolgt in einem Dörferkomplex._
+Zürich, 1910.
+
+(7) Wallace, Donald M. _Russia._ Chaps. vi, vii, viii, and ix. New York,
+1905.
+
+(8) Ditchfield, P. H. _Old Village Life, or, Glimpses of Village Life
+through All Ages._ New York, 1920.
+
+(9) Hammond, John L., and Hammond, Barbara. _The Village Labourer,
+1760-1832._ A study in the government of England before the reform bill.
+London, 1911.
+
+(10) _The Blue Laws of Connecticut._ A collection of the earliest
+statutes and judicial proceedings of that colony, being an exhibition of
+the rigorous morals and legislation of the Puritans. Edited with an
+introduction by Samuel M. Schmucker. Philadelphia, 1861.
+
+(11) Nordhoff, C. _The Communistic Societies of the United States._ From
+personal visit and observation. Including detailed accounts of the
+Economists, Zoarites, Shakers, the Amana, Oneida, Bethel, Aurora,
+Icarian, and other existing societies, their religious creeds, social
+practices, numbers, industries, and present condition. New York, 1875.
+
+(12) Hinds, William A. _American Communities and Co-operative Colonies._
+2d rev. Chicago, 1908. [Contains notices of 144 communities in the
+United States.]
+
+(13) L'Houet, A. _Zur Psychologie des Bauerntums._ Ein Beitrag.
+Tübingen, 1905.
+
+(14) Pennington, Patience. _A Woman Rice-Planter._ New York, 1913.
+
+(15) Smedes, Susan D. _A Southern Planter._ London, 1889.
+
+(16) Sims, Newell L. _The Rural Community, Ancient and Modern._ Chap.
+iv, "The Disintegration of the Village Community." New York, 1920.
+
+(17) Anderson, Wilbert L. _The Country Town._ A study of rural
+evolution. New York, 1906.
+
+(18) Zola, Émile. _La Terre._ Paris, 1907. [Romance.]
+
+
+V. SOCIAL CONTACTS IN SECONDARY GROUPS
+
+(1) Weber, Adna Ferrin. _The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth
+Century._ A study in statistics. New York, 1899.
+
+(2) Preuss, Hugo. _Die Entwicklung des deutschen Städtewesens._ I Band.
+Leipzig, 1906.
+
+(3) Green, Alice S. A. (Mrs. J. R.) _Town Life in the Fifteenth
+Century._ London and New York, 1894.
+
+(4) Toynbee, Arnold. _Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the
+Eighteenth Century in England._ London, 1890.
+
+(5) Hammond, J. L., and Hammond, Barbara. _The Town Labourer,
+1760-1832._ The new civilization. London, 1917.
+
+(6) ----. _The Skilled Labourer_, 1760-1832. London, 1919. [Presents the
+detailed history of particular bodies of skilled workers during the
+great change of the Industrial Revolution.]
+
+(7) Jastrow, J. "Die Stadtgemeinschaft in ihren kulturellen
+Beziehungen." (Indicates the institutions which have come into existence
+under conditions of urban community life.) _Zeitschrift für
+Socialwissenschaft_, X (1907), 42-51, 92-101. [Bibliography.]
+
+(8) Sombart, Werner. _The Jews and Modern Capitalism._ Translated from
+the German by M. Epstein. London, 1913.
+
+(9) ----. _The Quintessence of Capitalism._ A study of the history and
+psychology of the modern business man. Translated from the German by M.
+Epstein. New York, 1915.
+
+(10) Wallas, Graham. _The Great Society._ A psychological analysis. New
+York, 1914.
+
+(11) Booth, Charles. _Life and Labour of the People in London._ V, East
+London, chap, ii, "The Docks." III, chap, iv, "Influx of Population."
+London, 1892.
+
+(12) Marpillero, G. "Saggio di psicologia dell'urbanismo," _Rivista
+italiana di sociologia_, XII (1908), 599-626.
+
+(13) Besant, Walter. _East London._ London and New York, 1901.
+
+(14) _The Pittsburgh Survey--the Pittsburgh District._ Robert A. Woods,
+"Pittsburgh, an Interpretation." Allen T. Burns, "Coalition of
+Pittsburgh Coal Fields." New York, 1914.
+
+(15) _Hull House Maps and Papers._ A presentation of nationalities and
+wages in a congested district of Chicago, together with comments and
+essays on problems growing out of the social conditions. New York, 1895.
+
+(16) Addams, Jane. _Twenty Years at Hull House._ With autobiographical
+notes. New York, 1910.
+
+(17) ----. _The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets._ New York, 1909.
+
+(18) Simkhovitch, Mary K. _The City Worker's World in America._ New
+York, 1917.
+
+(19) Park, R. E., and Miller, H. A. _Old World Traits Transplanted._ New
+York, 1921.
+
+(20) Park, Robert E. _The Immigrant Press and Its Control._ (In press.)
+
+(21) Steiner, J. F. _The Japanese Invasion._ A study in the psychology
+of inter-racial contacts. Chicago, 1917.
+
+(22) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and
+America._ Monograph of an immigrant group. Vol. IV, Chicago, 1918.
+
+(23) Cahan, Abraham. _The Rise of David Levinsky._ A novel. New York and
+London, 1917.
+
+(24) Hasanovitz, Elizabeth. _One of Them._ Chapters from a passionate
+autobiography. Boston, 1918.
+
+(25) Ravage, M. E. _An American in the Making._ The life story of an
+immigrant. New York and London, 1917.
+
+(26) Ribbany, Abraham Mitrie. _A Far Journey._ Boston, 1914.
+
+(27) Riis, Jacob A. _The Making of an American._ New York and London,
+1901.
+
+(28) Cohen, Rose. _Out of the Shadow._ New York, 1918.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. The Land as the Basis for Social Contacts.
+
+2. Density of Population, Social Contacts and Social Organization.
+
+3. Mobility and Social Types, as the Gypsy, the Nomad, the Hobo, the
+Pioneer, the Commercial Traveler, the Missionary, the Globe-Trotter, the
+Wandering Jew.
+
+4. Stability and Social Types, as the Farmer, the Home-Owner, the
+Business Man.
+
+5. Sensory Experience and Human Behavior. Nostalgia (Homesickness).
+
+6. Race Prejudice and Primary Contacts.
+
+7. Taboo and Social Contact.
+
+8. Social Contacts in a Primary Group, as the Family, the Play Group,
+the Neighborhood, the Village.
+
+9. Social Control in Primary Groups.
+
+10. The Substitution of Secondary for Primary Contacts as the Cause of
+Social Problems, as Poverty, Crime, Prostitution, etc.
+
+11. Control of Problems through Secondary Contacts, as Charity
+Organization Society, Social Service Registration Bureau, Police
+Department, Morals Court, Publicity through the Press, etc.
+
+12. The Industrial Revolution and the Great Society.
+
+13. Attempts to Revive Primary Groups in the City, as the Social Center,
+the Settlement, the Social Unit Experiment, etc.
+
+14. Attempts to Restore Primary Contacts between Employer and Employee.
+
+15. The Anonymity of the Newspaper.
+
+16. Standardization and Impersonality of the Great Society.
+
+17. The Sociology of the Stranger; a Study of the Revivalist, the
+Expert, the Genius, the Trader.
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. What do you understand by the term contact?
+
+2. What are the ways in which geographic conditions influence social
+contacts?
+
+3. What are the differences in contact with the land between primitive
+and modern peoples?
+
+4. In what ways do increasing social contacts affect contacts with the
+soil? Give concrete illustrations.
+
+5. What is the social significance of touch as compared with that of the
+other senses?
+
+6. In what sense is touch a social contact?
+
+7. By what principle do you explain desire or aversion for contact?
+
+8. Give illustrations indicating the significance of touch in various
+fields of social life.
+
+9. How do you explain the impulse to touch objects which attract
+attention?
+
+10. What are the differences in contacts within and without the group in
+primitive society?
+
+11. In what way do external relations affect the contacts within the
+group?
+
+12. Give illustrations of group egotism or ethnocentrism.
+
+13. To what extent does the dependence of the solidarity of the in-group
+upon its relations with the out-groups have a bearing upon present
+international relations?
+
+14. To what extent is the social control of the immigrant dependent upon
+the maintenance of the solidarity of the immigrant group?
+
+15. What are our reactions upon meeting a person? a friend? a stranger?
+
+16. What do you understand Shaler to mean by the statement that "at the
+beginning of any acquaintance the fellow-being is evidently dealt with
+in the categoric way"?
+
+17. How far is "the sympathetic way of approach" practical in human
+relations?
+
+18. What is the difference in the basis of continuity between animal and
+human society?
+
+19. What types of social contacts make for historical continuity?
+
+20. What are the differences of social contacts in the movements of
+primitive and civilized peoples?
+
+21. To what extent is civilization dependent upon increasing contacts
+and intimacy of contacts?
+
+22. Does mobility always mean increasing contacts?
+
+23. Under what conditions does mobility contribute to the increase of
+experience?
+
+24. Does the hobo get more experience than the schoolboy?
+
+25. Contrast the advantages and limitations of historical continuity and
+of mobility.
+
+26. What do you understand by a primary group?
+
+27. Are primary contacts limited to members of face-to-face groups?
+
+28. What attitudes and relations characterize village life?
+
+29. Interpret sociologically the control by the group of the behavior of
+the individual in a rural community.
+
+30. Why has the growth of the city resulted in the substitution of
+secondary for primary social contacts?
+
+31. What problems grow out of the breakdown of primary relations? What
+problems are solved by the breakdown of primary relations?
+
+32. Do the contacts of city life make for the development of
+individuality? personality? social types?
+
+33. In what ways does publicity function as a form of secondary contact
+in American life?
+
+34. Why does the European peasant first become a reader of newspapers
+after his immigration to the United States?
+
+35. Why does the shift from country to city involve a change (a) from
+concrete to abstract relations; (b) from absolute to relative
+standards of life; (c) from personal to impersonal relations; and
+(d) from sentimental to rational attitudes?
+
+36. How far is social solidarity based upon concrete and sentimental
+rather than upon abstract and rational relations?
+
+37. Why does immigration make for change from sentimental to rational
+attitudes toward life?
+
+38. In what way is capitalism associated with the growth of secondary
+contacts?
+
+39. How does "the stranger" include externality and intimacy?
+
+40. In what ways would you illustrate the relation described by Simmel
+that combines "the near" and "the far"?
+
+41. Why is it that "the stranger" is associated with revolutions and
+destructive forces in the group?
+
+42. Why does "the stranger" have prestige?
+
+43. In what sense is the attitude of the academic man that of "the
+stranger" as compared with the attitude of the practical man?
+
+44. To what extent does the professional man have the characteristics of
+"the stranger"?
+
+45. Why does the feeling of a relation as unique give it value that it
+loses when thought of as shared by others?
+
+46. What would be the effect upon the problem of the relation of the
+whites and negroes in the United States of the recognition that this
+relation is of the same kind as that which exists between other races in
+similar situations?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[117] Alexander Pope, in smooth lines, and with apt phrases, has
+concretely described this process of perversion:
+
+ "Vice is a monster of so frightful mien,
+ As to be hated needs but to be seen;
+ Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face,
+ We first endure, then pity, then embrace."
+
+[118] H. S. Jennings, John B. Watson, Adolph Meyer, and W. I. Thomas,
+"Practical and Theoretical Problems in Instinct and Habit," _Suggestions
+of Modern Science Concerning Education_, p. 174.
+
+[119] See Introduction, pp. 8-10.
+
+[120] Thorstein Veblin, _The Instinct of Workmanship, and the State of
+the Industrial Arts_. (New York, 1914.)
+
+[121] From Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 486-89. (The
+University of Chicago Press, 1905.)
+
+[122] From Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic Environment_, pp.
+51-53. (Henry Holt & Co., 1911.)
+
+[123] From Ernest Crawley, _The Mystic Rose_, pp. 76-79. (Published by
+The Macmillan Co., 1902. Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[124] From W. G. Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 12-13. (Ginn & Co., 1906.)
+
+[125] Adapted from N. S. Shaler, _The Neighbor_, pp. 207-27. (Houghton
+Mifflin Co., 1904.)
+
+[126] From Friedrich Ratzel, _The History of Mankind_, I, 21-25.
+(Published by The Macmillan Co., 1896. Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[127] Adapted from Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic
+Environment_, pp. 75-84, 186-87. (Henry Holt & Co., 1911.)
+
+[128] Adapted from Caroline C. Richards, _Village Life in America_, pp.
+21-138. (Henry Holt & Co., 1912.)
+
+[129] From Robert E. Park, "The City," in the _American Journal of
+Sociology_, XX (1914-15), 593-609.
+
+[130] From Robert E. Park, "The City," in the _American Journal of
+Sociology_, XX (1914-15), 604-7.
+
+[131] Adapted from Werner Sombart, _The Quintessence of Capitalism_, pp.
+292-307. (T. F. Unwin, Ltd., 1915.)
+
+[132] Translated from Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, pp. 685-91. (Leipzig:
+Duncker und Humblot, 1908.)
+
+[133] Ellsworth Huntington, _Climate and Civilization_. (New Haven,
+1915.)
+
+[134] The following is one of the typical illustrations of this point.
+An art teacher conducted a group of children from a settlement, in a
+squalid city area, to the country. She asked the children to draw any
+object they wished. On examination of the drawings she was astonished to
+find not rural scenes but pictures of the city streets, as lamp-posts
+and smokestacks.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+SOCIAL INTERACTION
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. The Concept of Interaction
+
+The idea of interaction is not a notion of common sense. It represents
+the culmination of long-continued reflection by human beings in their
+ceaseless effort to resolve the ancient paradox of unity in diversity,
+the "one" and the "many," to find law and order in the apparent chaos of
+physical changes and social events; and thus to find explanations for
+the behavior of the universe, of society, and of man.
+
+The disposition to be curious and reflective about the physical and
+social universe is human enough. For men, in distinction from animals,
+live in a world of ideas as well as in a realm of immediate reality.
+This world of ideas is something more than the mirror that
+sense-perception offers us; something less than that ultimate reality to
+which it seems to be a prologue and invitation. Man, in his ambition to
+be master of himself and of nature, looks behind the mirror, to analyze
+phenomena and seek causes, in order to gain control. Science, natural
+science, is a research for causes, that is to say, for mechanisms, which
+in turn find application in technical devices, organization, and
+machinery, in which mankind asserts its control over physical nature and
+eventually over man himself. Education, in its technical aspects at
+least, is a device of social control, just as the printing press is an
+instrument that may be used for the same purpose.
+
+Sociology, like other natural sciences, aims at prediction and control
+based on an investigation of the nature of man and society, and nature
+means here, as elsewhere in science, just those aspects of life that are
+determined and predictable. In order to describe man and society in
+terms which will reveal their nature, sociology is compelled to reduce
+the complexity and richness of life to the simplest terms, i.e.,
+elements and forces. Once the concepts "elements" or "forces" have been
+accepted, the notion of interaction is an evitable, logical development.
+In astronomy, for example, these elements are (a) the masses of the
+heavenly bodies, (b) their position, (c) the direction of their
+movement, and (d) their velocity. In sociology, these forces are
+institutions, tendencies, human beings, ideas, anything that embodies
+and expresses motives and wishes. In _principle_, and with reference to
+their logical character, the "forces" and "elements" in sociology may be
+compared with the forces and elements in any other natural science.
+
+Ormond, in his _Foundations of Knowledge_,[135] gives an illuminating
+analysis of interaction as a concept which may be applied equally to the
+behavior of physical objects and persons.
+
+ The notion of interaction is not simple but very complex. The
+ notion involves not simply the idea of bare collision and
+ rebound, but something much more profound, namely, the internal
+ modifiability of the colliding agents. Take for example the
+ simplest possible case, that of one billiard ball striking
+ against another. We say that the impact of one ball against
+ another communicates motion, so that the stricken ball passes
+ from a state of rest to one of motion, while the striking ball
+ has experienced a change of an opposite character. But nothing
+ is explained by this account, for if nothing happens but the
+ communication of motion, why does it not pass through the
+ stricken ball and leave its state unchanged? The phenomenon
+ cannot be of this simple character, but there must be a point
+ somewhere at which the recipient of the impulse gathers itself
+ up, so to speak, into a knot and becomes the subject of the
+ impulse which is thus translated into movement. We have thus
+ movement, impact, impulse, which is translated again into
+ activity, and outwardly the billiard ball changing from a state
+ of rest to one of motion; or in the case of the impelling ball,
+ from a state of motion to one of rest. Now the case of the
+ billiard balls is one of the simpler examples of interaction.
+ We have seen that the problem it supplies is not simple but
+ very complex. The situation is not thinkable at all if we do
+ not suppose the internal modifiability of the agents, and this
+ means that these agents are able somehow to receive internally
+ and to react upon impulses which are communicated externally in
+ the form of motion or activity. The simplest form of
+ interaction involves the supposition, therefore, of internal
+ subject-points or their analogues from which impulsions are
+ received and responded to.
+
+Simmel, among sociological writers, although he nowhere expressly
+defines the term, has employed the conception of interaction with a
+clear sense of its logical significance. Gumplowicz, on the other hand,
+has sought to define social interaction as a principle fundamental to
+all natural sciences, that is to say, sciences that seek to describe
+change in terms of a process, i.e., physics, chemistry, biology,
+psychology. The logical principle is the same in all these sciences; the
+_processes_ and the _elements_ are different.
+
+
+2. Classification of the Materials
+
+The material in this chapter will be considered here under three main
+heads: (a) society as interaction, (b) communication as the medium
+of interaction, and (c) imitation and suggestion as mechanisms of
+interaction.
+
+a) _Society as interaction._--Society stated in mechanistic terms
+reduces to interaction. A person is a member of society so long as he
+responds to social forces; when interaction ends, he is isolated and
+detached; he ceases to be a person and becomes a "lost soul." This is
+the reason that the limits of society are coterminous with the limits of
+interaction, that is, of the participation of persons in the life of
+society. One way of measuring the wholesome or the normal life of a
+person is by the sheer external fact of his membership in the social
+groups of the community in which his lot is cast.
+
+Simmel has illustrated in a wide survey of concrete detail how
+interaction defines the group in time and space. Through contacts of
+historical continuity, the life of society extends backward to
+prehistoric eras. More potent over group behavior than contemporary
+discovery and invention is the control exerted by the "dead hand of the
+past" through the inertia of folkways and mores, through the revival of
+memories and sentiments and through the persistence of tradition and
+culture. Contacts of mobility, on the other hand, define the area of the
+interaction of the members of the group in space. The degree of
+departure from accepted ideas and modes of behavior and the extent of
+sympathetic approach to the strange and the novel largely depend upon
+the rate, the number, and the intensity of the contacts of mobility.
+
+b) _Communication as the medium of social interaction._--Each science
+postulates its own medium of interaction. Astronomy and physics assume
+a hypothetical substance, the ether. Physics has its principles of molar
+action and reaction; chemistry studies molecular interaction. Biology
+and medicine direct their research to the physiological interaction of
+organisms. Psychology is concerned with the behavior of the individual
+organism in terms of the interaction of stimuli and responses.
+Sociology, as collective psychology, deals with communication.
+Sociologists have referred to this process as intermental stimulation
+and response.
+
+The readings on communication are so arranged as to make clear the three
+natural levels of interaction: (x) that of the senses; (y) that of
+the emotions; and (z) that of sentiments and ideas.
+
+Interaction through sense-perceptions and emotional responses may be
+termed the natural forms of communication since they are common to man
+and to animals. Simmel's interpretation of interaction through the
+senses is suggestive of the subtle, unconscious, yet profound, way in
+which personal attitudes are formed. Not alone vision, but hearing,
+smell and touch exhibit in varying degrees the emotional responses of
+the type of appreciation. This means understanding other persons or
+objects on the perceptual basis.
+
+The selections from Darwin and from Morgan upon emotional expression in
+animals indicate how natural expressive signs become a vehicle for
+communication. A prepossession for speech and ideas blinds man to the
+important rôle in human conduct still exerted by emotional
+communication, facial expression, and gesture. Blushing and laughter are
+peculiarly significant, because these forms of emotional response are
+distinctively human. To say that a person blushes when he is
+self-conscious, that he laughs when he is detached from, and superior
+to, and yet interested in, an occurrence means that blushing and
+laughter represent contrasted attitudes to a social situation. The
+relation of blushing and laughter to social control, as an evidence of
+the emotional dependence of the person upon the group, is at its apogee
+in adolescence.
+
+Interaction through sensory impressions and emotional expression is
+restricted to the communication of attitudes and feelings. The
+selections under the heading "Language and the Communication of Ideas"
+bring out the uniquely human character of speech. Concepts, as Max
+Müller insists, are the common symbols wrought out in social experience.
+They are more or less conventionalized, objective, and intelligible
+symbols that have been defined in terms of a common experience or, as
+the logicians say, of a universe of discourse. Every group has its own
+universe of discourse. In short, to use Durkheim's phrase, concepts are
+"collective representations."
+
+History has been variously conceived in terms of great events,
+epoch-making personalities, social movements, and cultural changes. From
+the point of view of sociology social evolution might profitably be
+studied in its relation to the development and perfection of the means
+and technique of communication. How revolutionary was the transition
+from word of mouth and memory to written records! The beginnings of
+ancient civilization with its five independent centers in Egypt, the
+Euphrates River Valley, China, Mexico, and Peru appear to be
+inextricably bound up with the change from pictographs to writing, that
+is to say from symbols representing words to symbols representing
+sounds. The modern period began with the invention of printing and the
+printing press. As books became the possession of the common man the
+foundation was laid for experiments in democracy. From the sociological
+standpoint the book is an organized objective mind whose thoughts are
+accessible to all. The rôle of the book in social life has long been
+recognized but not fully appreciated. The Christian church, to be sure,
+regards the Bible as the word of God. The army does not question the
+infallibility of the Manual of Arms. Our written Constitution has been
+termed "the ark of the covenant." The orthodox Socialist appeals in
+unquestioning faith to the ponderous tomes of Marx.
+
+World-society of today, which depends upon the almost instantaneous
+communication of events and opinion around the world, rests upon the
+invention of telegraphy and the laying of the great ocean cables.
+Wireless telegraphy and radio have only perfected these earlier means
+and render impossible a monopoly or a censorship of intercommunication
+between peoples. The traditional cultures, the social inheritances of
+ages of isolation, are now in a world-process of interaction and
+modification as a result of the rapidity and the impact of these modern
+means of the circulation of ideas and sentiments. At the present time it
+is so popular to malign the newspaper that few recognize the extent to
+which news has freed mankind from the control of political parties,
+social institutions, and, it may be added, from the "tyranny" of books.
+
+c) _Imitation and suggestion the mechanistic forms of
+interaction._--In all forms of communication behavior changes occur, but
+in two cases the processes have been analyzed, defined, and reduced to
+simple terms, viz., in imitation and in suggestion.
+
+Imitation, as the etymology of the term implies, is a process of copying
+or learning. But imitation is learning only so far as it has the
+character of an experiment, or trial and error. It is also obvious that
+so-called "instinctive" imitation is not learning at all. Since the
+results of experimental psychology have limited the field of instinctive
+imitation to a few simple activities, as the tendencies to run when
+others run, to laugh when others laugh, its place in human life becomes
+of slight importance as compared with imitation which involves
+persistent effort at reproducing standard patterns of behavior.
+
+This human tendency, under social influences, to reproduce the copy
+Stout has explained in psychological terms of attention and interest.
+The interests determine the run of attention, and the direction of
+attention fixes the copies to be imitated. Without in any way
+discounting the psychological validity of this explanation, or its
+practical value in educational application, social factors controlling
+interest and attention should not be disregarded. In a primary group,
+social control narrowly restricts the selection of patterns and
+behavior. In an isolated group the individual may have no choice
+whatsoever. Then, again, attention may be determined, not by interests
+arising from individual capacity or aptitude, but rather from _rapport_,
+that is, from interest in the prestige or in the personal traits of the
+individual presenting the copy.
+
+The relation of the somewhat complex process of imitation to the simple
+method of trial and error is of significance. Learning by imitation
+implies at once both identification of the person with the individual
+presenting the copy and yet differentiation from him. Through imitation
+we appreciate the other person. We are in sympathy or _en rapport_ with
+him, while at the same time we appropriate his sentiment and his
+technique. Ribot and Adam Smith analyze this relation of imitation to
+sympathy and Hirn points out that in art this process of internal
+imitation is indispensable for aesthetic appreciation.
+
+In this process of appreciation and learning the primitive method of
+trial and error comes into the service of imitation. In a real sense
+imitation is mechanical and conservative; it provides a basis for
+originality, but its function is to transmit, not to originate the new.
+On the other hand, the simple process of trial and error, a common
+possession of man and the animals, results in discovery and invention.
+
+The most scientifically controlled situation for the play of suggestion
+is in hypnosis. An analysis of the observed facts of hypnotism will be
+helpful in arriving at an understanding of the mechanism of suggestion
+in everyday life. The essential facts of hypnotism may be briefly
+summarized as follows: (a) The establishment of a relation of
+_rapport_ between the experimenter and the subject of such a nature that
+the latter carries out suggestions presented by the former. (b) The
+successful response by the subject to the suggestion is conditional upon
+its relation to his past experience. (c) The subject responds to his
+own idea of the suggestion, and not to the idea as conceived by the
+experimenter. A consideration of cases is sufficient to convince the
+student of a complete parallel between suggestion in social life with
+suggestion in hypnosis, so far, at least, as concerns the last two
+points. Wherever rapport develops between persons, as in the love of
+mother and son, the affection of lovers, the comradeship of intimate
+friends, there also arises the mechanism of the reciprocal influence of
+suggestion. But in normal social situations, unlike hypnotism, there may
+be the effect of suggestion where no rapport exists.
+
+Herein lies the significance of the differentiation made by Bechterew
+between active perception and passive perception. In passive perception
+ideas and sentiments evading the "ego" enter the "subconscious mind"
+and, uncontrolled by the active perception, form organizations or
+complexes of "lost" memories. It thus comes about that in social
+situations, where no rapport exists between two persons, a suggestion
+may be made which, by striking the right chord of memory or by
+resurrecting a forgotten sentiment, may transform the life of the other,
+as in conversion. The area of suggestion in social life is indicated in
+a second paper selected from Bechterew. In later chapters upon "Social
+Control" and "Collective Behavior" the mechanism of suggestion in the
+determination of group behavior will be further considered.
+
+Imitation and suggestion are both mechanisms of social interaction in
+which an individual or group is controlled by another individual or
+group. The distinction between the two processes is now clear. The
+characteristic mark of imitation is the tendency, under the influence of
+copies socially presented, to build up mechanisms of habits, sentiments,
+ideals, and patterns of life. The process of suggestion, as
+differentiated from imitation in social interaction, is to release under
+the appropriate social stimuli mechanisms already organized, whether
+instincts, habits, or sentiments. The other differences between
+imitation and suggestion grow out of this fundamental distinction. In
+imitation attention is alert, now on the copy and now on the response.
+In suggestion the attention is either absorbed in, or distracted from,
+the stimulus. In imitation the individual is self conscious; the subject
+in suggestion is unconscious of his behavior. In imitation the activity
+tends to reproduce the copy; in suggestion the response may be like or
+unlike the copy.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+
+A. SOCIETY AS INTERACTION
+
+
+1. The Mechanistic Interpretation of Society[136]
+
+In every natural process we may observe the two essential factors which
+constitute it, namely, heterogeneous elements and their reciprocal
+interaction which we ascribe to certain natural forces. We observe these
+factors in the natural process of the stars, by which the different
+heavenly bodies exert certain influences over each other, which we
+ascribe either to the force of attraction or to gravity.
+
+"No material bond unites the planets to the sun. The direct activity of
+an elementary force, the general force of attraction, holds both in an
+invisible connection by the elasticity of its influence."
+
+In the chemical natural process we observe the most varied elements
+related to each other in the most various ways. They attract or repulse
+each other. They enter into combinations or they withdraw from them.
+These are nothing but actions and interactions which we ascribe to
+certain forces inherent in these elements.
+
+The vegetable and animal natural process begins, at any rate, with the
+contact of heterogeneous elements which we characterize as sexual cells
+(gametes). They exert upon each other a reciprocal influence which sets
+into activity the vegetable and animal process.
+
+The extent to which science is permeated by the hypothesis that
+heterogeneous elements reacting upon each other are necessary to a
+natural process is best indicated by the atomic theory.
+
+Obviously, it is conceded that the origins of all natural processes
+cannot better be explained than by the assumption of the existence in
+bodies of invisible particles, each of which has some sort of separate
+existence and reacts upon the others.
+
+The entire hypothesis is only the consequence of the concept of a
+natural process which the observation of nature has produced in the
+human mind.
+
+Even though we conceive the social process as characteristic and
+different from the four types of natural processes mentioned above,
+still there must be identified in it the two essential factors which
+constitute the generic conception of the natural process. And this is,
+in fact, what we find. The numberless human groups, which we assume as
+the earliest beginnings of human existence, constitute the great variety
+of heterogeneous ethnic elements. These have decreased with the decrease
+in the number of hordes and tribes. From the foregoing explanation we
+are bound to assume as certain that in this field we are concerned with
+ethnically different and heterogeneous elements.
+
+The question now remains as to the second constitutive element of a
+natural process, namely, the definite interaction of these elements, and
+especially as to those interactions which are characterized by
+regularity and permanency. Of course, we must avoid analogy with the
+reciprocal interaction of heterogeneous elements in the domain of other
+natural processes. In strict conformity with the scientific method we
+take into consideration merely such interactions as the facts of common
+knowledge and actual experience offer us. Thus will we be able, happily,
+to formulate a principle of the reciprocal interaction of heterogeneous
+ethnic, or, if you will, social elements, the mathematical certainty and
+universality of which cannot be denied irrefutably, since it manifests
+itself ever and everywhere in the field of history and the living
+present.
+
+This principle may be very simply stated: Every stronger ethnic or
+social group strives to subjugate and make serviceable to its purposes
+every weaker element which exists or may come within the field of its
+influence. This thesis of the relation of heterogeneous ethnic and
+social elements to each other, with all the consequences proceeding
+from it, contains within it the key to the solution of the entire riddle
+of the natural process of human history. We shall see this thesis
+illustrated ever and everywhere in the past and the present in the
+interrelations of heterogeneous ethnic and social elements and become
+convinced of its universal validity. In this latter relation it does not
+correspond at all to such natural laws, as, for example, attraction and
+gravitation or chemical affinity, or to the laws of vegetable and animal
+life. In order better to conceive of this social natural law in its
+general validity, we must study it in its different consequences and in
+the various forms which it assumes according to circumstances and
+conditions.
+
+
+2. Social Interaction as the Definition of the Group in Time and
+Space[137]
+
+Society exists wherever several individuals are in reciprocal
+relationship. This reciprocity arises always from specific impulses or
+by virtue of specific purposes. Erotic, religious, or merely associative
+impulses, purposes of defense or of attack, of play as well as of gain,
+of aid and instruction, and countless others bring it to pass that men
+enter into group relationships of acting for, with, against, one
+another; that is, men exercise an influence upon these conditions of
+association and are influenced by them. These reactions signify that out
+of the individual bearers of those occasioning impulses and purposes a
+unity, that is, a "society," comes into being.
+
+An organic body is a unity because its organs are in a relationship of
+more intimate interchange of their energies than with any external
+being. A _state_ is _one_ because between its citizens the corresponding
+relationship of reciprocal influences exists. We could, indeed, not call
+the world _one_ if each of its parts did not somehow influence every
+other, if anywhere the reciprocity of the influences, however mediated,
+were cut off. That unity, or socialization, may, according to the kind
+and degree of reciprocity, have very different gradations, from the
+ephemeral combination for a promenade to the family; from all
+relationships "at will" to membership in a state; from the temporary
+aggregation of the guests in a hotel to the intimate bond of a medieval
+guild.
+
+Everything now which is present in the individuals--the immediate
+concrete locations of all historical actuality--in the nature of
+impulse, interest, purpose, inclination, psychical adaptability, and
+movement of such sort that thereupon or therefrom occurs influence upon
+others, or the reception of influence from them--all this I designate as
+the content or the material of socialization. In and of themselves,
+these materials with which life is filled, these motivations which impel
+it, are not social in their nature. Neither hunger nor love, neither
+labor nor religiosity, neither the technique nor the functions and
+results of intelligence, as they are given immediately and in their
+strict sense, signify socialization. On the contrary, they constitute it
+only when they shape the isolated side-by-sideness of the individuals
+into definite forms of with-and-for-one-another, which belong under the
+general concept of reciprocity. Socialization is thus the _form_,
+actualizing itself in countless various types, in which the
+individuals--on the basis of those interests, sensuous or ideal,
+momentary or permanent, conscious or unconscious, casually driving or
+purposefully leading--grow together into a unity, and within which these
+interests come to realization.
+
+That which constitutes "society" is evidently types of reciprocal
+influencing. Any collection of human beings whatsoever becomes
+"society," not by virtue of the fact that in each of the number there is
+a life-content which actuates the individual as such, but only when the
+vitality of these contents attains the form of reciprocal influencing.
+Only when an influence is exerted, whether immediately or through a
+third party, from one upon another has society come into existence in
+place of a mere spatial juxtaposition or temporal contemporaneousness or
+succession of individuals. If, therefore, there is to be a science, the
+object of which is to be "society" and nothing else, it can investigate
+only these reciprocal influences, these kinds and forms of
+socialization. For everything else found within "society" and realized
+by means of it is not "society" itself, but merely a content which
+builds or is built by this form of coexistence, and which indeed only
+together with "society" brings into existence the real structure,
+"society," in the wider and usual sense.
+
+The persistence of the group presents itself in the fact that, in spite
+of the departure and the change of members, the group remains identical.
+We say that it is the same state, the same association, the same army,
+which now exists that existed so and so many decades or centuries ago;
+this, although no single member of the original organization remains.
+Here is one of the cases in which the temporal order of events presents
+a marked analogy with the spatial order. Out of individuals existing
+side by side, that is, apart from each other, a social unity is formed.
+The inevitable separation which space places between men is nevertheless
+overcome by the spiritual bond between them, so that there arises an
+appearance of unified interexistence. In like manner the temporal
+separation of individuals and of generations presents their union in our
+conceptions as a coherent, uninterrupted whole. In the case of persons
+spatially separated, this unity is effected by the reciprocity
+maintained between them across the dividing distance. The unity of
+complex being means nothing else than the cohesion of elements which is
+produced by the reciprocal exercise of forces. In the case of temporally
+separated persons, however, unity cannot be effected in this manner,
+because reciprocity is lacking. The earlier may influence the later, but
+the later cannot influence the earlier. Hence the persistence of the
+social unity in spite of shifting membership presents a peculiar problem
+which is not solved by explaining how the group came to exist at a given
+moment.
+
+a) _Continuity by continuance of locality._--The first and most
+obvious element of the continuity of group unity is the continuance of
+the locality, of the place and soil on which the group lives. The state,
+still more the city, and also countless other associations, owe their
+unity first of all to the territory which constitutes the abiding
+substratum for all change of their contents. To be sure, the continuance
+of the locality does not of itself alone mean the continuance of the
+social unity, since, for instance, if the whole population of a state is
+driven out or enslaved by a conquering group, we speak of a changed
+civic group in spite of the continuance of the territory. Moreover, the
+unity of whose character we are speaking is psychical, and it is this
+psychical factor itself which makes the territorial substratum a unity.
+After this has once taken place, however, the locality constitutes an
+essential point of attachment for the further persistence of the group.
+But it is only one such element, for there are groups that get along
+without a local substratum. On the one hand, there are the very small
+groups, like the family, which continue precisely the same after the
+residence is changed. On the other hand, there are the very large
+groups, like that ideal community of the "republic of letters," or the
+other international associations in the interest of culture, or the
+groups conducting international commerce. Their peculiar character
+comes from entire independence of all attachment to a definite locality.
+
+b) _Continuity through blood relationship._--In contrast with this
+more formal condition for the maintenance of the group is the
+physiological connection of the generations. Community of stock is not
+always enough to insure unity of coherence for a long time. In many
+cases the local unity must be added. The social unity of the Jews has
+been weakened to a marked degree since the dispersion, in spite of their
+physiological and confessional unity. It has become more compact in
+cases where a group of Jews have lived for a time in the same territory,
+and the efforts of the modern "Zionism" to restore Jewish unity on a
+larger scale calculate upon concentration in one locality. On the other
+hand, when other bonds of union fail, the physiological is the last
+recourse to which the self-maintenance of the group resorts. The more
+the German guilds declined, the weaker their inherent power of cohesion
+became, the more energetically did each guild attempt to make itself
+exclusive, that is, it insisted that no persons should be admitted as
+guildmasters except sons or sons-in-law of masters or the husbands of
+masters' widows.
+
+The physiological coherence of successive generations is of incomparable
+significance for the maintenance of the unitary self of the group, for
+the special reason that the displacement of one generation by the
+following _does not take place all at once_. By virtue of this fact it
+comes about that a continuity is maintained which conducts the vast
+majority of the individuals who live in a given moment into the life of
+the next moment. The change, the disappearance and entrance of persons,
+affects in two contiguous moments a number relatively small compared
+with the number of those who remain constant. Another element of
+influence in this connection is the fact that human beings are not bound
+to a definite mating season, but that children are begotten at any time.
+It can never properly be asserted of a group, therefore, that at any
+given moment a new generation begins. The departure of the older and the
+entrance of the younger elements proceed so gradually and continuously
+that the group seems as much like a unified self as an organic body in
+spite of the change of its atoms.
+
+If the change were instantaneous, it is doubtful if we should be
+justified in calling the group "the same" after the critical moment as
+before. The circumstance alone that the transition affected in a given
+moment only a minimum of the total life of the group makes it possible
+for the group to retain its selfhood through the change. We may express
+this schematically as follows: If the totality of individuals or other
+conditions of the life of the group be represented by a, b, c, d, e; in
+a later moment by m, n, o, p, q; we may nevertheless speak of the
+persistence of identical selfhood if the development takes the following
+course: a, b, c, d, e--m, b, c, d, e--m, n, c, d, e--m, n, o, d, e--m,
+n, o, p, e--m, n, o, p, q. In this case each stage is differentiated
+from the contiguous stage by only one member, and at each moment it
+shares the same chief elements with its neighboring moments.
+
+c) _Continuity through membership in the group._--This continuity in
+change of the individuals who are the vehicles of the group unity is
+most immediately and thoroughly visible when it rests upon procreation.
+The same form is found, however, in cases where this physical agency is
+excluded, as, for example, within the Catholic clerus. Here the
+continuity is secured by provision that enough persons always remain in
+office to initiate the neophytes. This is an extremely important
+sociological fact. It makes bureaucracies tenacious, and causes their
+character and spirit to endure in spite of all shifting of individuals.
+The physiological basis of self-maintenance here gives place to a
+psychological one. To speak exactly, the preservation of group identity
+in this case depends, of course, upon the amount of invariability in the
+vehicles of this unity, but, at all events, the whole body of members
+belonging in the group at any given moment only separate from the group
+after they have been associated with their successors long enough to
+assimilate the latter fully to themselves, i.e., to the spirit, the
+form, the tendency of the group. The immortality of the group depends
+upon the fact that the change is sufficiently slow and gradual.
+
+The fact referred to by the phrase "immortality of the group" is of the
+greatest importance. The preservation of the identical selfhood of the
+group through a practically unlimited period gives to the group a
+significance which, _ceteris paribus_, is far superior to that of the
+individual. The life of the individual, with its purposes, its
+valuations, its force, is destined to terminate within a limited time,
+and to a certain extent each individual must start at the beginning.
+Since the life of the group has no such a priori fixed time limit, and
+its forms are really arranged as though they were to last forever, the
+group accomplishes a summation of the achievements, powers, experiences,
+through which it makes itself far superior to the fragmentary individual
+lives. Since the early Middle Ages this has been the source of the power
+of municipal corporations in England. Each had from the beginning the
+right, as Stubbs expresses it, "of perpetuating its existence by filling
+up vacancies as they occur." The ancient privileges were given expressly
+only to the burghers and their heirs. As a matter of fact, they were
+exercised as a right to add new members so that, whatever fate befell
+the members and their physical descendants, the corporation, as such,
+was held intact. This had to be paid for, to be sure, by the
+disappearance of the individual importance of the units behind their
+rôle as vehicles of the maintenance of the group, for the group security
+must suffer, the closer it is bound up with the perishable individuality
+of the units. On the other hand, the more anonymous and unpersonal the
+unit is, the more fit is he to step into the place of another, and so to
+insure to the group uninterrupted self-maintenance. This was the
+enormous advantage through which during the Wars of the Roses the
+Commons repulsed the previously superior power of the upper house. A
+battle that destroyed half the nobility of the country took also from
+the House of Lords one-half its force, because this is attached to the
+personalities. The House of Commons is in principle assured against such
+weakening. That estate at last got predominance which, through the
+equalizing of its members, demonstrated the most persistent power of
+group existence. This circumstance gives every group an advantage in
+competition with an individual.
+
+d) _Continuity through leadership._--On this account special
+arrangements are necessary so soon as the life of the group is
+intimately bound up with that of a leading, commanding individual. What
+dangers to the integrity of the group are concealed in this sociological
+form may be learned from the history of all interregnums--dangers which,
+of course, increase in the same ratio in which the ruler actually forms
+the central point of the functions through which the group preserves its
+unity, or, more correctly, at each moment creates its unity anew.
+Consequently a break between rulers may be a matter of indifference
+where the prince only exercises a nominal sway--"reigns, but does not
+govern"--while, on the other hand, we observe even in the swarm of bees
+that anarchy results so soon as the queen is removed. Although it is
+entirely false to explain this latter phenomenon by analogy of a human
+ruler, since the queen bee gives no orders, yet the queen occupies the
+middle point of the activity of the hive. By means of her antennae she
+is in constant communication with the workers, and so all the signals
+coursing through the hive pass through her. By virtue of this very fact
+the hive feels itself a unity, and this unity dissolves with the
+disappearance of the functional center.
+
+e) _Continuity through the hereditary principle._--In political groups
+the attempt is made to guard against all the dangers of personality,
+particularly those of possible intervals between the important persons,
+by the principle: "The king never dies." While in the early Middle Ages
+the tradition prevailed that when the king dies his peace dies with him,
+this newer principle contains provision for the self-preservation of the
+group. It involves an extraordinarily significant sociological
+conception, viz., the king is no longer king as a person, but the
+reverse is the case, that is, his person is only the in itself
+irrelevant vehicle of the abstract kingship, which is as unalterable as
+the group itself, of which the kingship is the apex. The group reflects
+its immortality upon the kingship, and the sovereign in return brings
+that immortality to visible expression in his own person, and by so
+doing reciprocally strengthens the vitality of the group. That mighty
+factor of social coherence which consists of loyalty of sentiment toward
+the reigning power might appear in very small groups in the relation of
+fidelity toward the person of the ruler. For large groups the definition
+that Stubbs once gave must certainly apply, viz.: "Loyalty is a habit of
+strong and faithful attachment to a person, not so much by reason of his
+personal character as of his official position." By becoming objectified
+in the deathless office, the princely principle gains a new
+psychological power for concentration and cohesion within the group,
+while the old princely principle that rested on the mere personality of
+the prince necessarily lost power as the size of the group increased.
+
+f) _Continuity through a material symbol._--The objectification of the
+coherence of the group may also do away with the personal form to such
+an extent that it attaches itself to a material symbol. Thus in the
+German lands in the Middle Ages the imperial jewels were looked upon as
+the visible realization of the idea of the realm and of its continuity,
+so that the possession of them gave to a pretender a decided advantage
+over all other aspirants, and this was one of the influences which
+evidently assisted the heir of the body of the deceased emperor in
+securing the succession.
+
+In view of the destructibility of a material object, since too this
+disadvantage cannot be offset, as in the case of a person, by the
+continuity of heredity, it is very dangerous for the group to seek such
+a support for its self-preservation. Many a regiment has lost its
+coherence with the loss of its standard. Many kinds of associations have
+dissolved after their palladium, their storehouse, their grail, was
+destroyed. When, however, the social coherence is lost in this way, it
+is safe to say that it must have suffered serious internal disorder
+before, and that in this case the loss of the external symbol
+representing the unity of the group is itself only the symbol that the
+social elements have lost their coherence. When this last is not the
+case, the loss of the group symbol not only has no disintegrating effect
+but it exerts a direct integrating influence. While the symbol loses its
+corporeal reality, it may, as mere thought, longing, ideal, work much
+more powerfully, profoundly, indestructibly. We may get a good view of
+these two opposite influences of the forms of destruction of the group
+symbol upon the solidity of the group by reference to the consequences
+of the destruction of the Jewish temple by Titus. The hierarchal Jewish
+state was a thorn in the flesh of the Roman statecraft that aimed at the
+unity of the empire. The purpose of dissolving this state was
+accomplished, so far as a certain number of the Jews were concerned, by
+the destruction of the temple. Such was the effect with those who cared
+little, anyway, about this centralization. Thus the alienation of the
+Pauline Christians from Judaism was powerfully promoted by this event.
+For the Palestinian Jews, on the other hand, the breach between Judaism
+and the rest of the world was deepened. By this destruction of its
+symbol their national religious exclusiveness was heightened to
+desperation.
+
+g) _Continuity through group honor._--The sociological significance of
+honor as a form of cohesion is extraordinarily great. Through the appeal
+to honor, society secures from its members the kind of conduct conducive
+to its own preservation, particularly within the spheres of conduct
+intermediate between the purview of the criminal code, on the one hand,
+and the field of purely personal morality, on the other. By the demands
+upon its members contained in the group standard of honor the group
+preserves its unified character and its distinctness from the other
+groups within the same inclusive association. The essential thing is the
+specific idea of honor in narrow groups--family honor, officers' honor,
+mercantile honor, yes, even the "honor among thieves." Since the
+individual belongs to various groups, the individual may, at the same
+time, be under the demands of several sorts of honor which are
+independent of each other. One may preserve his mercantile honor, or his
+scientific honor as an investigator, who has forfeited his family honor,
+and vice versa; the robber may strictly observe the requirements of
+thieves' honor after he has violated every other; a woman may have lost
+her womanly honor and in every other respect be most honorable, etc.
+Thus honor consists in the relation of the individual to a particular
+circle, which in this respect manifests its separateness, its
+sociological distinctness, from other groups.
+
+h) _Continuity through specialized organs._--From such recourse of
+social self-preservation to individual persons, to a material substance,
+to an ideal conception, we pass now to the cases in which social
+persistence takes advantage of an organ composed of a number of persons.
+Thus a religious community embodies its coherence and its life principle
+in its priesthood; a political community its inner principle of union in
+its administrative organization, its union against foreign power in its
+military system; this latter in its corps of officers; every permanent
+union in its official head; transitory associations in their committees;
+political parties in their parliamentary representatives.
+
+
+B. THE NATURAL FORMS OF COMMUNICATION
+
+
+1. Sociology of the Senses: Visual Interaction[138]
+
+It is through the medium of the senses that we perceive our fellow-men.
+This fact has two aspects of fundamental sociological significance:
+(a) that of appreciation, and (b) that of comprehension.
+
+a) _Appreciation._--Sense-impressions may induce in us affective
+responses of pleasure or pain, of excitement or calm, of tension or
+relaxation, produced by the features of a person, or by the tone of his
+voice, or by his mere physical presence in the same room. These
+affective responses, however, do not enable us to understand or to
+define the other person. Our emotional response to the sense-image of
+the other leaves his real self outside.
+
+b) _Comprehension._--The sense-impression of the other person may
+develop in the opposite direction when it becomes the medium for
+understanding the other. What I see, hear, feel of him is only the
+bridge over which I reach his real self. The sound of the voice and its
+meaning, perhaps, present the clearest illustration. The speech, quite
+as much as the appearance, of a person, may be immediately either
+attractive or repulsive. On the other hand, what he says enables us to
+understand not only his momentary thoughts but also his inner self. The
+same principle applies to all sense-impressions.
+
+The sense-impressions of any object produce in us not only emotional and
+aesthetic attitudes toward it but also an understanding of it. In the
+case of reaction to non-human objects, these two responses are, in
+general, widely separated. We may appreciate the emotional value of any
+sense-impression of an object. The fragrance of a rose, the charm of a
+tone, the grace of a bough swaying in the wind, is experienced as a joy
+engendered within the soul. On the other hand, we may desire to
+understand and to comprehend the rose, or the tone, or the bough. In the
+latter case we respond in an entirely different way, often with
+conscious endeavor. These two diverse reactions which are independent of
+each other are with human beings generally integrated into a unified
+response. Theoretically, our sense-impressions of a person may be
+directed on the one hand to an appreciation of his emotional value, or
+on the other to an impulsive or deliberate understanding of him.
+Actually, these two reactions are coexistent and inextricably interwoven
+as the basis of our relation to him. Of course, appreciation and
+comprehension develop in quite different degrees. These two diverse
+responses--to the tone of voice and to the meaning of the utterance; to
+the appearance of a person and to his individuality; to the attraction
+or repulsion of his personality and to the impulsive judgment upon his
+character as well as many times upon his grade of culture--are present
+in any perception in very different degrees and combinations.
+
+Of the special sense-organs, the eye has a uniquely sociological
+function. The union and interaction of individuals is based upon mutual
+glances. This is perhaps the most direct and purest reciprocity which
+exists anywhere. This highest psychic reaction, however, in which the
+glances of eye to eye unite men, crystallizes into no objective
+structure; the unity which momentarily arises between two persons is
+present in the occasion and is dissolved in the function. So tenacious
+and subtle is this union that it can only be maintained by the shortest
+and straightest line between the eyes, and the smallest deviation from
+it, the slightest glance aside, completely destroys the unique character
+of this union. No objective trace of this relationship is left behind,
+as is universally found, directly or indirectly, in all other types of
+associations between men, as, for example, in interchange of words. The
+interaction of eye and eye dies in the moment in which the directness of
+the function is lost. But the totality of social relations of human
+beings, their self-assertion and self-abnegation, their intimacies and
+estrangements, would be changed in unpredictable ways if there occurred
+no glance of eye to eye. This mutual glance between persons, in
+distinction from the simple sight or observation of the other, signifies
+a wholly new and unique union between them.
+
+The limits of this relation are to be determined by the significant fact
+that the glance by which the one seeks to perceive the other is itself
+expressive. By the glance which reveals the other, one discloses
+himself. By the same act in which the observer seeks to know the
+observed, he surrenders himself to be understood by the observer. The
+eye cannot take unless at the same time it gives. The eye of a person
+discloses his own soul when he seeks to uncover that of another. What
+occurs in this direct mutual glance represents the most perfect
+reciprocity in the entire field of human relationships.
+
+Shame causes a person to look at the ground to avoid the glance of the
+other. The reason for this is certainly not only because he is thus
+spared the visible evidence of the way in which the other regards his
+painful situation, but the deeper reason is that the lowering of his
+glance to a certain degree prevents the other from comprehending the
+extent of his confusion. The glance in the eye of the other serves not
+only for me to know the other but also enables him to know me. Upon the
+line which unites the two eyes, it conveys to the other the real
+personality, the real attitude, and the real impulse. The "ostrich
+policy" has in this explanation a real justification: who does not see
+the other actually conceals himself in part from the observer. A person
+is not at all completely present to another, when the latter sees him,
+but only when he also sees the other.
+
+The sociological significance of the eye has special reference to the
+expression of the face as the first object of vision between man and
+man. It is seldom clearly understood to what an extent even our
+practical relations depend upon mutual recognition, not only in the
+sense of all external characteristics, as the momentary appearance and
+attitude of the other, but what we know or intuitively perceive of his
+life, of his inner nature, of the immutability of his being, all of
+which colors unavoidably both our transient and our permanent relations
+with him. The face is the geometric chart of all these experiences. It
+is the symbol of all that which the individual has brought with him as
+the pre-condition of his life. In the face is deposited what has been
+precipitated from past experience as the substratum of his life, which
+has become crystallized into the permanent features of his face. To the
+extent to which we thus perceive the face of a person, there enters into
+social relations, in so far as it serves practical purposes, a
+super-practical element. It follows that a man is first known by his
+countenance, not by his acts. The face as a medium of expression is
+entirely a theoretical organ; it does not act, as the hand, the foot,
+the whole body; it transacts none of the internal or practical relations
+of the man, it only tells about him. The peculiar and important
+sociological art of "knowing" transmitted by the eye is determined by
+the fact that the countenance is the essential object of the
+interindividual sight. This knowing is still somewhat different from
+understanding. To a certain extent, and in a highly variable degree, we
+know at first glance with whom we have to do. Our unconsciousness of
+this knowledge and its fundamental significance lies in the fact that we
+direct our attention from this self-evident intuition to an
+understanding of special features which determine our practical
+relations to a particular individual. But if we become conscious of this
+self-evident fact, then we are amazed how much we know about a person in
+the first glance at him. We do not obtain meaning from his expression,
+susceptible to analysis into individual traits. We cannot unqualifiedly
+say whether he is clever or stupid, good- or ill-natured, temperamental
+or phlegmatic. All these traits are general characteristics which he
+shares with unnumbered others. But what this first glance at him
+transmits to us cannot be analyzed or appraised into any such conceptual
+and expressive elements. Yet our initial impression remains ever the
+keynote of all later knowledge of him; it is the direct perception of
+his individuality which his appearance, and especially his face,
+discloses to our glance.
+
+The sociological attitude of the blind is entirely different from that
+of the deaf-mute. For the blind, the other person is actually present
+only in the alternating periods of his utterance. The expression of the
+anxiety and unrest, the traces of all past events, exposed to view in
+the faces of men, escape the blind, and that may be the reason for the
+peaceful and calm disposition, and the unconcern toward their
+surroundings, which is so often observed in the blind. Indeed, the
+majority of the stimuli which the face presents are often puzzling; in
+general, what we see of a man will be interpreted by what we hear from
+him, while the opposite is more unusual. Therefore the one who sees,
+without hearing, is much more perplexed, puzzled, and worried, than the
+one who hears without seeing. This principle is of great importance in
+understanding the sociology of the modern city.
+
+Social life in the large city as compared with the towns shows a great
+preponderance of occasions to _see_ rather than to _hear_ people. One
+explanation lies in the fact that the person in the town is acquainted
+with nearly all the people he meets. With these he exchanges a word or a
+glance, and their countenance represents to him not merely the visible
+but indeed the entire personality. Another reason of especial
+significance is the development of public means of transportation.
+Before the appearance of omnibuses, railroads, and street cars in the
+nineteenth century, men were not in a situation where for periods of
+minutes or hours they could or must look at each other without talking
+to one another. Modern social life increases in ever growing degree the
+rôle of mere visual impression which always characterizes the
+preponderant part of all sense relationship between man and man, and
+must place social attitudes and feelings upon an entirely changed basis.
+The greater perplexity which characterizes the person who only sees, as
+contrasted with the one who only hears, brings us to the problems of
+the emotions of modern life: the lack of orientation in the collective
+life, the sense of utter lonesomeness, and the feeling that the
+individual is surrounded on all sides by closed doors.
+
+
+2. The Expression of the Emotions[139]
+
+Actions of all kinds, if regularly accompanying any state of the mind,
+are at once recognized as expressive. These may consist of movements of
+any part of the body, as the wagging of a dog's tail, the shrugging of a
+man's shoulders, the erection of the hair, the exudation of
+perspiration, the state of the capillary circulation, labored breathing,
+and the use of the vocal or other sound-producing instruments. Even
+insects express anger, terror, jealousy, and love by their stridulation.
+With man the respiratory organs are of especial importance in
+expression, not only in a direct, but to a still higher degree in an
+indirect, manner.
+
+Few points are more interesting in our present subject than the
+extraordinarily complex chain of events which lead to certain expressive
+movements. Take, for instance, the oblique eyebrows of a man suffering
+from grief or anxiety. When infants scream loudly from hunger or pain,
+the circulation is affected, and the eyes tend to become gorged with
+blood; consequently the muscles surrounding the eyes are strongly
+contracted as a protection. This action, in the course of many
+generations, has become firmly fixed and inherited; but when, with
+advancing years and culture, the habit of screaming is partially
+repressed, the muscles round the eyes still tend to contract, whenever
+even slight distress is felt. Of these muscles, the pyramidals of the
+nose are less under the control of the will than are the others, and
+their contraction can be checked only by that of the central fasciae of
+the frontal muscle; these latter fasciae draw up the inner ends of the
+eyebrows and wrinkle the forehead in a peculiar manner, which we
+instantly recognize as the expression of grief or anxiety. Slight
+movements, such as these just described, or the scarcely perceptible
+drawing down of the corners of the mouth, are the last remnants or
+rudiments of strongly marked and intelligible movements. They are as
+full of significance to us in regard to expression as are ordinary
+rudiments to the naturalist in the classification and genealogy of
+organic beings.
+
+That the chief expressive actions exhibited by man and by the lower
+animals are now innate or inherited--that is, have not been learned by
+the individual--is admitted by everyone. So little has learning or
+imitation to do with several of them that they are from the earliest
+days and throughout life quite beyond our control; for instance, the
+relaxation of the arteries of the skin in blushing, and the increased
+action of the heart in anger. We may see children only two or three
+years old, and even those born blind, blushing from shame; and the naked
+scalp of a very young infant reddens from passion. Infants scream from
+pain directly after birth, and all their features then assume the same
+form as during subsequent years. These facts alone suffice to show that
+many of our most important expressions have not been learned; but it is
+remarkable that some, which are certainly innate, require practice in
+the individual before they are performed in a full and perfect manner;
+for instance, weeping and laughing. The inheritance of most of our
+expressive actions explains the fact that those born blind display them,
+as I hear from the Rev. R. H. Blair, equally well with those gifted with
+eyesight. We can thus also understand the fact that the young and the
+old of widely different races, both with man and animals, express the
+same state of mind by the same movement.
+
+We are so familiar with the fact of young and old animals displaying
+their feelings in the same manner that we hardly perceive how remarkable
+it is that a young puppy should wag its tail when pleased, depress its
+ears and uncover its canine teeth when pretending to be savage, just
+like an old dog; or that a kitten should arch its little back and erect
+its hair when frightened and angry, like an old cat. When, however, we
+turn to less common gestures in ourselves, which we are accustomed to
+look at as artificial or conventional--such as shrugging the shoulders
+as a sign of impotence, or the raising the arms with open hands and
+extended fingers as a sign of wonder--we feel perhaps too much surprise
+at finding that they are innate. That these and some other gestures are
+inherited we may infer from their being performed by very young
+children, by those born blind, and by the most widely distinct races of
+man. We should also bear in mind that new and highly peculiar tricks, in
+association with certain states of the mind, are known to have arisen
+in certain individuals and to have been afterward transmitted to their
+offspring, in some cases for more than one generation.
+
+Certain other gestures, which seem to us so natural that we might easily
+imagine that they were innate, apparently have been learned like the
+words of a language. This seems to be the case with the joining of the
+uplifted hands and the turning up of the eyes in prayer. So it is with
+kissing as a mark of affection; but this is innate, in so far as it
+depends on the pleasure derived from contact with a beloved person. The
+evidence with respect to the inheritance of nodding and shaking the head
+as signs of affirmation and negation is doubtful, for they are not
+universal, yet seem too general to have been independently acquired by
+all the individuals of so many races.
+
+We will now consider how far the will and consciousness have come into
+play in the development of the various movements of expression. As far
+as we can judge, only a few expressive movements, such as those just
+referred to, are learned by each individual; that is, were consciously
+and voluntarily performed during the early years of life for some
+definite object, or in imitation of others, and then became habitual.
+The far greater number of the movements of expression, and all the more
+important ones, are, as we have seen, innate or inherited; and such
+cannot be said to depend on the will of the individual. Nevertheless,
+all those included under our first principle were at first voluntarily
+performed for a definite object, namely, to escape some danger, to
+relieve some distress, or to gratify some desire. For instance, there
+can hardly be a doubt that the animals which fight with their teeth have
+acquired the habit of drawing back their ears closely to their heads
+when feeling savage from their progenitors having voluntarily acted in
+this manner in order to protect their ears from being torn by their
+antagonists; for those animals which do not fight with their teeth do
+not thus express a savage state of mind. We may infer as highly probable
+that we ourselves have acquired the habit of contracting the muscles
+round the eyes whilst crying gently, that is, without the utterance of
+any loud sound, from our progenitors, especially during infancy, having
+experienced during the act of screaming an uncomfortable sensation in
+their eyeballs. Again, some highly expressive movements result from the
+endeavor to check or prevent other expressive movements; thus the
+obliquity of the eyebrows and the drawing down of the corners of the
+mouth follow from the endeavor to prevent a screaming-fit from coming on
+or to check it after it has come on. Here it is obvious that the
+consciousness and will must at first have come into play; not that we
+are conscious in these or in other such cases what muscles are brought
+into action, any more than when we perform the most ordinary voluntary
+movements.
+
+The power of communication between the members of the same tribe by
+means of language has been of paramount importance in the development of
+man; and the force of language is much aided by the expressive movements
+of the face and body. We perceive this at once when we converse on an
+important subject with any person whose face is concealed. Nevertheless
+there are no grounds, as far as I can discover, for believing that any
+muscle has been developed or even modified exclusively for the sake of
+expression. The vocal and other sound-producing organs by which various
+expressive noises are produced seem to form a partial exception; but I
+have elsewhere attempted to show that these organs were first developed
+for sexual purposes, in order that one sex might call or charm the
+other. Nor can I discover grounds for believing that any inherited
+movement which now serves as a means of expression was at first
+voluntarily and consciously performed for this special purpose--like
+some of the gestures and the finger-language used by the deaf and dumb.
+On the contrary, every true or inherited movement of expression seems to
+have had some natural and independent origin. But when once acquired,
+such movements may be voluntarily and consciously employed as a means of
+communication. Even infants, if carefully attended to, find out at a
+very early age that their screaming brings relief, and they soon
+voluntarily practice it. We may frequently see a person voluntarily
+raising his eyebrows to express surprise, or smiling to express
+pretended satisfaction and acquiescence. A man often wishes to make
+certain gestures conspicuous or demonstrative, and will raise his
+extended arms with widely opened fingers above his head to show
+astonishment or lift his shoulders to his ears to show that he cannot or
+will not do something.
+
+We have seen that the study of the theory of expression confirms to a
+certain limited extent the conclusion that man is derived from some
+lower animal form, and supports the belief of the specific or
+subspecific unity of the several races; but as far as my judgment
+serves, such confirmation was hardly needed. We have also seen that
+expression in itself, or the language of the emotions, as it has
+sometimes been called, is certainly of importance for the welfare of
+mankind. To understand, as far as is possible, the source or origin of
+the various expressions which may be hourly seen on the faces of the men
+around us, not to mention our domesticated animals, ought to possess
+much interest for us. From these several causes we may conclude that the
+philosophy of our subject has well deserved that attention which it has
+already received from several excellent observers, and that it deserves
+still further attention, especially from any able physiologist.
+
+
+3. Blushing[140]
+
+Blushing is the most peculiar and the most human of all expressions.
+Monkeys redden from passion, but it would require an overwhelming amount
+of evidence to make us believe that any animal could blush. The
+reddening of the face from a blush is due to the relaxation of the
+muscular coats of the small arteries, by which the capillaries become
+filled with blood; and this depends on the proper vasomotor center being
+affected. No doubt if there be at the same time much mental agitation,
+the general circulation will be affected; but it is not due to the
+action of the heart that the network of minute vessels covering the face
+becomes under a sense of shame gorged with blood. We can cause laughing
+by tickling the skin, weeping or frowning by a blow, trembling from the
+fear of pain, and so forth; but we cannot cause a blush by any physical
+means--that is, by any action on the body. It is the mind which must be
+affected. Blushing is not only involuntary, but the wish to restrain it,
+by leading to self-attention, actually increases the tendency.
+
+The young blush much more freely than the old, but not during infancy,
+which is remarkable, as we know that infants at a very early age redden
+from passion. I have received authentic accounts of two little girls
+blushing at the ages of between two and three years; and of another
+sensitive child, a year older, blushing when reproved for a fault. Many
+children at a somewhat more advanced age blush in a strongly marked
+manner. It appears that the mental powers of infants are not as yet
+sufficiently developed to allow of their blushing. Hence, also, it is
+that idiots rarely blush. Dr. Crichton Browne observed for me those
+under his care, but never saw a genuine blush, though he has seen their
+faces flush, apparently from joy, when food was placed before them, and
+from anger. Nevertheless some, if not utterly degraded, are capable of
+blushing. A microcephalous idiot, for instance, thirteen years old,
+whose eyes brightened a little when he was pleased or amused, has been
+described by Dr. Behn as blushing and turning to one side when undressed
+for medical examination.
+
+Women blush much more than men. It is rare to see an old man, but not
+nearly so rare to see an old woman, blushing. The blind do not escape.
+Laura Bridgman, born in this condition, as well as completely deaf,
+blushes. The Rev. R. H. Blair, principal of the Worcester College,
+informs me that three children born blind, out of seven or eight then in
+the asylum, are great blushers. The blind are not at first conscious
+that they are observed, and it is a most important part of their
+education, as Mr. Blair informs me, to impress this knowledge on their
+minds; and the impression thus gained would greatly strengthen the
+tendency to blush, by increasing the habit of self-attention.
+
+The tendency to blush is inherited. Dr. Burgess gives the case of a
+family consisting of a father, mother, and ten children, all of whom,
+without exception, were prone to blush to a most painful degree. The
+children were grown up; "and some of them were sent to travel in order
+to wear away this diseased sensibility, but nothing was of the slightest
+avail." Even peculiarities in blushing seem to be inherited. Sir James
+Paget, whilst examining the spine of a girl, was struck at her singular
+manner of blushing; a big splash of red appeared first on one cheek, and
+then other splashes, variously scattered over the face and neck. He
+subsequently asked the mother whether her daughter always blushed in
+this peculiar manner and was answered, "Yes, she takes after me." Sir J.
+Paget then perceived that by asking this question he had caused the
+mother to blush and she exhibited the same peculiarity as her daughter.
+
+In most cases the face, ears, and neck are the sole parts which redden;
+but many persons, whilst blushing intensely, feel that their whole
+bodies grow hot and tingle; and this shows that the entire surface must
+be in some manner affected. Blushes are said sometimes to commence on
+the forehead, but more commonly on the cheeks, afterward spreading to
+the ears and neck. In two albinos examined by Dr. Burgess, the blushes
+commenced by a small circumscribed spot on the cheeks, over the
+parotidean plexus of nerves, and then increased into a circle; between
+this blushing circle and the blush on the neck there was an evident line
+of demarcation, although both arose simultaneously. The retina, which is
+naturally red in the albino, invariably increased at the same time in
+redness. Every one must have noticed how easily after one blush fresh
+blushes chase each other over the face. Blushing is preceded by a
+peculiar sensation in the skin. According to Dr. Burgess the reddening
+of the skin is generally succeeded by a slight pallor, which shows that
+the capillary vessels contract after dilating. In some rare cases
+paleness instead of redness is caused under conditions which would
+naturally induce a blush. For instance, a young lady told me that in a
+large and crowded party she caught her hair so firmly on the button of a
+passing servant that it took some time before she could be extricated;
+from her sensation she imagined that she had blushed crimson but was
+assured by a friend that she had turned extremely pale.
+
+The mental states which induce blushing consist of shyness, shame, and
+modesty, the essential element in all being self-attention. Many reasons
+can be assigned for believing that originally self-attention directed to
+personal appearance, in relation to the opinion of others, was the
+exciting cause, the same effect being subsequently produced, through the
+force of association, by self-attention in relation to moral conduct. It
+is not the simple act of reflecting on our own appearance, but the
+thinking what others think of us, which excites a blush. In absolute
+solitude the most sensitive person would be quite indifferent about his
+appearance. We feel blame or disapprobation more acutely than
+approbation; and consequently depreciatory remarks or ridicule, whether
+of our appearance or conduct, cause us to blush much more readily than
+does praise. But undoubtedly praise and admiration are highly efficient:
+a pretty girl blushes when a man gazes intently at her, though she may
+know perfectly well that he is not depreciating her. Many children, as
+well as old and sensitive persons, blush when they are much praised.
+Hereafter the question will be discussed how it has arisen that the
+consciousness that others are attending to our personal appearance
+should have led to the capillaries, especially those of the face,
+instantly becoming filled with blood.
+
+My reasons for believing that attention directed to personal appearance,
+and not to moral conduct, has been the fundamental element in the
+acquirement of the habit of blushing will now be given. They are
+separately light, but combined possess, as it appears to me,
+considerable weight. It is notorious that nothing makes a shy person
+blush so much as any remark, however slight, on his personal appearance.
+One cannot notice even the dress of a woman much given to blushing
+without causing her face to crimson. It is sufficient to stare hard at
+some persons to make them, as Coleridge remarks, blush--"account for
+that he who can."
+
+With the two albinos observed by Dr. Burgess, "the slightest attempt to
+examine their peculiarities" invariably caused them to blush deeply.
+Women are much more sensitive about their personal appearance than men
+are, especially elderly women in comparison with elderly men, and they
+blush much more freely. The young of both sexes are much more sensitive
+on this same head than the old, and they also blush much more freely
+than the old. Children at a very early age do not blush; nor do they
+show those other signs of self-consciousness which generally accompany
+blushing; and it is one of their chief charms that they think nothing
+about what others think of them. At this early age they will stare at a
+stranger with a fixed gaze and unblinking eyes, as on an inanimate
+object, in a manner which we elders cannot imitate.
+
+It is plain to everyone that young men and women are highly sensitive to
+the opinion of each other with reference to their personal appearance;
+and they blush incomparably more in the presence of the opposite sex
+than in that of their own. A young man, not very liable to blush, will
+blush intensely at any slight ridicule of his appearance from a girl
+whose judgment on any important subject he would disregard. No happy
+pair of young lovers, valuing each other's admiration and love more than
+anything else in the world, probably ever courted each other without
+many a blush. Even the barbarians of Tierra del Fuego, according to Mr.
+Bridges, blush "chiefly in regard to women, but certainly also at their
+own personal appearance."
+
+Of all parts of the body, the face is most considered and regarded, as
+is natural from its being the chief seat of expression and the source of
+the voice. It is also the chief seat of beauty and of ugliness, and
+throughout the world is the most ornamented. The face, therefore, will
+have been subjected during many generations to much closer and more
+earnest self-attention than any other part of the body; and in
+accordance with the principle here advanced we can understand why it
+should be the most liable to blush. Although exposure to alternations of
+temperature, etc., has probably much increased the power of dilatation
+and contraction in the capillaries of the face and adjoining parts, yet
+this by itself will hardly account for these parts blushing much more
+than the rest of the body; for it does not explain the fact of the hands
+rarely blushing. With Europeans the whole body tingles slightly when the
+face blushes intensely; and with the races of men who habitually go
+nearly naked, the blushes extend over a much larger surface than with
+us. These facts are, to a certain extent, intelligible, as the
+self-attention of primeval man, as well as of the existing races which
+still go naked, will not have been so exclusively confined to their
+faces, as is the case with the people who now go clothed.
+
+We have seen that in all parts of the world persons who feel shame for
+some moral delinquency are apt to avert, bend down, or hide their faces,
+independently of any thought about their personal appearance. The object
+can hardly be to conceal their blushes, for the face is thus averted or
+hidden under circumstances which exclude any desire to conceal shame, as
+when guilt is fully confessed and repented of. It is, however, probable
+that primeval man before he had acquired much moral sensitiveness would
+have been highly sensitive about his personal appearance, at least in
+reference to the other sex, and he would consequently have felt distress
+at any depreciatory remarks about his appearance; and this is one form
+of shame. And as the face is the part of the body which is most
+regarded, it is intelligible that any one ashamed of his personal
+appearance would desire to conceal this part of his body. The habit,
+having been thus acquired, would naturally be carried on when shame from
+strictly moral causes was felt; and it is not easy otherwise to see why
+under these circumstances there should be a desire to hide the face more
+than any other part of the body.
+
+The habit, so general with everyone who feels ashamed, of turning away
+or lowering his eyes, or restlessly moving them from side to side,
+probably follows from each glance directed toward those present,
+bringing home the conviction that he is intently regarded; and he
+endeavors, by not looking at those present, and especially not at their
+eyes, momentarily to escape from this painful conviction.
+
+
+4. Laughing[141]
+
+Sympathy, when it is not the direct cause, is conditional to the
+existence of laughter. Sometimes it provokes it; always it spreads it,
+sustains and strengthens it.
+
+First of all, it is so much the nature of laughter to communicate itself
+that when it no longer communicates itself it ceases to exist. One might
+say that outbursts of merriment need to be encouraged, that they are not
+self-sufficient. Not to share them is to blow upon them and extinguish
+them. When, in an animated and mirthful group, some one remains cold or
+gloomy, the laughter immediately stops or is checked. Yet those whom the
+common people call, in their picturesque language, wet blankets,
+spoil-sports, or kill-joys, are not necessarily hostile to the gaiety of
+the rest. They may only have, and, in fact, very often do have, nothing
+but the one fault of being out of tune with this gaiety. But even their
+calm appears an offense to the warmth and the high spirits of the others
+and kills by itself alone this merriment.
+
+Not only is laughter maintained by sympathy but it is even born of
+sympathy. The world is composed of two kinds of people: those who make
+one laugh and those who are made to laugh, these latter being infinitely
+more numerous. How many there are, indeed, who have no sense of humor,
+and who, of themselves, would not think of laughing at things at which
+they do nevertheless laugh heartily because they see others laugh. As
+for those who have a ready wit and a sense of the comic, do they not
+enjoy the success of their jokes as much, if not more, than their jokes
+themselves? Their mirthfulness, then, at least, grows with the joy of
+spreading it. Very often it happens that many good humorists are
+temperamentally far from gay, and laugh at their jokes only on the
+rebound, echoing the laughter which they provoke. To laugh, then, is to
+share the gaiety of others, whether this gaiety is communicated from
+them to us or from us to them. It seems that we can be moved to laughter
+only by the merriment of others, that we possess ours only indirectly
+when others send it to us. Human solidarity never appears more clearly
+than in the case of laughter.
+
+Yet can one say that sympathy actually produces laughter? Is it not
+enough to say that it increases it, that it strengthens its effects? All
+our sentiments are without doubt in a sense revealed to us by others.
+How many, as Rochefoucauld says, would be ignorant of love if they had
+never read novels! How many in the same way would never have discovered
+by themselves the laughable side of people and things. Yet even the
+feelings which one experiences by contagion one can experience only of
+one's own accord, in one's own way, and according to one's disposition.
+This fact alone of their contagion proves that from one's birth one
+carries the germ in himself. Sympathy would explain, then, contagion,
+but not the birth, of laughter. The fact is that our feelings exist for
+ourselves only when they acquire a communicative or social value; they
+have to be diffused in order to manifest themselves. Sympathy does not
+create them but it gives them their place in the world. It gives them
+just that access of intensity without which their nature cannot develop
+or even appear: thus it is that our laughter would be for us as if it
+did not exist, if it did not find outside itself an echo which increases
+it.
+
+From the fact that sympathy is the law of laughter, does it follow that
+it is the cause? Not at all. It would be even contradictory to maintain
+this. A laugh being given, others are born out of sympathy. But the
+first laugh or one originally given, where does it get its origin?
+Communicated laughter implies spontaneous laughter as the echo implies a
+sound. If sympathy explains one, it is, it would seem, an antipathy or
+the absence of sympathy which produces the other. "The thing at which we
+laugh," says Aristotle, "is a defect or ugliness which is not great
+enough to cause suffering or injury. Thus, for example, a ridiculous
+face is an ugly or misshapen face, but one on which suffering has not
+marked." Bain says likewise, "The laughable is the deformed or ugly
+thing which is not pushed to the point where it is painful or injurious.
+An occasion for laughter is the degradation of a person of dignity in
+circumstances which do not arouse a strong emotion," like indignation,
+anger, or pity. Descartes puts still more limits upon laughter. Speaking
+of malice he says that laughter cannot be provoked except by misfortunes
+not only _light_ but also _unforseen_ and _deserved_. "Derision or
+mockery," he says, "is a kind of joy mixed with hate, which comes from
+one's perceiving some _little misfortune_ in a person _whom one thinks
+deserves it_. We hate this misfortune but are happy at seeing it in some
+one who merits it, and, _when this happens unexpectedly, surprise causes
+us to burst out laughing_. But this misfortune must be small, for if it
+is great we cannot believe that he who meets it deserves it, unless one
+has a very malicious or hateful nature."
+
+This fact can be established directly by analyzing the most cruel
+laughter. If we enter into the feelings of the one who laughs and set
+aside the disagreeable sentiments, irritation, anger, and disgust, which
+at times they produce upon us, we come to understand even the savage
+sneer which appears to us as an insult to suffering; the laugh of the
+savage, trampling his conquered enemy under foot, or that of the child
+torturing unfortunate animals. This laugh is, in fact, inoffensive in
+its way, it is cruel in fact but not in intention. What it expresses is
+not a perverse, satanic joy but a _heartlessness_, as is so properly
+said. In the child and the savage sympathy has not been born, that is to
+say, the absence of imagination for the sufferings of others is
+complete. As a result we have a negative cruelty, a sort of altruistic
+or social anaesthesia.
+
+When such an anaesthesia is not complete, when the altruistic
+sensibility of one who laughs is only dull, his egotism being very keen,
+his laughter might appear still less hatefully cruel. It would express
+then not properly the joy of seeing others suffer but that of not having
+to undergo their suffering and the power of seeing it only as a
+spectacle.
+
+Analogous facts may be cited closer to us, easier to verify. Those who
+enjoy robust health often laugh at invalids: their imagination does not
+comprehend physical suffering, they are incapable of sympathizing with
+those who experience it. Likewise those who possess calm and even
+dispositions cannot witness without laughing an excess of mad anger or
+of impotent rage. In general we do not take seriously those feelings to
+which we ourselves are strangers; we consider them extravagant and
+amusing. "How can one be a Persian?" To laugh is to detach one's self
+from others, to separate one's self and to take pleasure in this
+separation, to amuse one's self by contrasting the feelings, character,
+and temperament of others and one's own feelings, character, and
+temperament. _Insensibility_ has been justly noted by M. Bergson as an
+essential characteristic of him who laughs. But this _insensibility_,
+this heartlessness, gives very much the effect of a positive and real
+ill nature, and M. Bergson had thus simply repeated and expressed in a
+new way, more precise and correct, the opinion of Aristotle: the cause
+of laughter is malice mitigated by insensibility or the absence of
+sympathy.
+
+Thus defined, malice is after all essentially relative, and when one
+says that the object of our laughter is the misfortune of someone else,
+_known by us_ to be endurable and slight, it must be understood that
+this misfortune may be _in itself_ very serious as well as undeserved,
+and in this way laughter is often really cruel.
+
+The coarser men are, the more destitute they are of sympathetic
+imagination, and the more they laugh at one another with an offensive
+and brutal laugh. There are those who are not even touched by contact
+with physical suffering; such ones have the heart to laugh at the
+shufflings of a bandy-legged man, at the ugliness of a hunchback, or the
+repulsive hideousness of an idiot. Others there are who are moved by
+physical suffering but who are not at all affected by moral suffering.
+These laugh at a self-love touched to the quick, at a wounded pride, at
+the tortured self-consciousness of one abashed or humiliated. These are,
+in their eyes, harmless, and slight pricks which they themselves, by a
+coarseness of nature, or a fine moral health, would endure perhaps with
+equanimity, which at any rate they do not feel in behalf of others, with
+whom they do not suffer in sympathy.
+
+_Castigat ridendo mores._ According to M. A. Michiels, the author of a
+book upon the _World of Humor and of Laughter_, this maxim must be
+understood in its broadest sense. "Everything that is contrary to the
+absolute ideal of human perfection," in whatever order it be, whether
+physical, intellectual, moral, or social, arouses laughter. The fear of
+ridicule is the most dominant of our feelings, that which controls us in
+most things and with the most strength. Because of this fear one does
+"what one would not do for the sake of justice, scrupulousness, honor,
+or good will;" one submits to an infinite number of obligations which
+morality would not dare to prescribe and which are not included in the
+laws. "Conscience and the written laws," says A. Michiels, "form two
+lines of ramparts against evil, the ludicrous is the third line of
+defense, it stops, brands, and condemns the little misdeeds which the
+guards have allowed to pass."
+
+Laughter is thus the great censor of vices, it spares none, it does not
+even grant indulgence to the slightest imperfections, of whatever nature
+they be. This mission, which M. Michiels attributes to laughter,
+granting that it is fulfilled, instead of taking its place in the
+natural or providential order of things, does it not answer simply to
+those demands, whether well founded or not, which society makes upon
+each of us? M. Bergson admits this, justly enough, it appears, when he
+defines laughter as a social bromide. But then it is no longer mere
+imperfection in general, it is not even immorality, properly speaking;
+it is merely unsociability, well or badly understood, which laughter
+corrects. More precisely, it is a special unsociability, one which
+escapes all other penalties, which it is the function of laughter to
+reach. What can this unsociability be? It is the self-love of each one
+of us in so far as it has anything disagreeable to others in it, an
+abstraction of every injurious or hateful element. It is the harmless
+self-love, slight, powerless, which one does not fear but one scorns,
+yet for all that does not pardon but on the contrary pitilessly pursues,
+wounds, and galls. Self-love thus defined is vanity, and what is called
+the moral correction administered by laughter is the wound to self-love.
+"The specific remedy for vanity," says M. Bergson, "is laughter, and the
+essentially ridiculous is vanity."
+
+One sees in what sense laughter is a "correction." Whether one considers
+the jests uttered, the feelings of the jester, or of him at whom one
+jests, laughter appears from the point of view of morality as a
+correction most often undeserved, unjust--or at least disproportionate
+to the fault--pitiless, and cruel.
+
+In fact, the self-love at which one laughs is, as we have said,
+harmless. Besides it is often a natural failing, a weakness, not a vice.
+Even if it were a vice, the jester would not be justified in laughing at
+it, for it does not appear that he himself is exempt. On the contrary,
+his vanity is magnified when that of others is upon the rack. Finally
+the humiliation caused by laughter is not a chastisement which one
+accepts but a torture to which one submits; it is a feeling of
+resentment, of bitterness, not a wholesome sense of shame, nor one from
+which anyone is likely to profit. Laughter may then have a social use;
+but it is not an act of justice. It is a quick and summary police
+measure which will not stand too close a scrutiny but which it would be
+imprudent either to condemn or to approve without reserve. Society is
+established and organized according to natural laws which seem to be
+modeled on those of reason, but self-loves discipline themselves, they
+enter into conflict and hold each other in check.
+
+
+C. LANGUAGE AND THE COMMUNICATION OF IDEAS
+
+
+1. Intercommunication in the Lower Animals[142]
+
+The foundations of intercommunication, like those of imitation, are laid
+in certain instinctive modes of response, which are stimulated by the
+acts of other animals of the same social group.
+
+Some account has already been given of the sounds made by young birds,
+which seem to be instinctive and to afford an index of the emotional
+state at the time of utterance. That in many cases they serve to evoke a
+like emotional state and correlated expressive behavior in other birds
+of the same brood cannot be questioned. The alarm note of a chick will
+place its companions on the alert; and the harsh "krek" of a young
+moor-hen, uttered in a peculiar crouching attitude, will often throw
+others into this attitude, though the maker of the warning sound may be
+invisible. That the cries of her brood influence the conduct of the hen
+is a matter of familiar observation; and that her danger signal causes
+them at once to crouch or run to her for protection is not less
+familiar. No one who has watched a cat with her kittens, or a sheep with
+her lambs, can doubt that such "dumb animals" are influenced in their
+behavior by suggestive sounds. The important questions are, how they
+originate, what is their value, and how far such intercommunication--if
+such we may call it--extends.
+
+There can be but little question that in all cases of animals under
+natural conditions such behavior has an instinctive basis. Though the
+effect may be to establish a means of communication, such is not their
+conscious purpose at the outset. They are presumably congenital and
+hereditary modes of emotional expression which serve to evoke responsive
+behavior in another animal--the reciprocal action being generally in its
+primary origin between mate and mate, between parent and offspring, or
+between members of the same family group. _And it is this reciprocal
+action which constitutes it a factor in social evolution._ Its chief
+interest in connection with the subject of behavior lies in the fact
+that it shows the instinctive foundations on which intelligent and
+eventually rational modes of intercommunication are built up. For
+instinctive as the sounds are at the outset, by entering into the
+conscious situation and taking their part in the association-complex of
+experience, they become factors in the social life as modified and
+directed by intelligence. To their original instinctive value as the
+outcome of stimuli, and as themselves affording stimuli to responsive
+behavior, is added a value for consciousness in so far as they enter
+into those guiding situations by which intelligent behavior is
+determined. And if they also serve to evoke, in the reciprocating
+members of the social group, similar or allied emotional states, there
+is thus added a further social bond, inasmuch as there are thus laid the
+foundations of sympathy.
+
+"What makes the old sow grunt and the piggies sing and whine?" said a
+little girl to a portly, substantial farmer. "I suppose they does it for
+company, my dear," was the simple and cautious reply. So far as
+appearances went, that farmer looked as guiltless of theories as man
+could be. And yet he gave terse expression to what may perhaps be
+regarded as the most satisfactory hypothesis as to the primary purpose
+of animal sounds. They are a means by which each indicates to others the
+fact of his comforting presence; and they still, to a large extent,
+retain their primary function. The chirping of grasshoppers, the song of
+the cicada, the piping of frogs in the pool, the bleating of lambs at
+the hour of dusk, the lowing of contented cattle, the call-notes of the
+migrating host of birds--all these, whatever else they may be, are the
+reassuring social links of sound, the grateful signs of kindred
+presence. Arising thus in close relation to the primitive feelings of
+social sympathy, they would naturally be called into play with special
+force and suggestiveness at times of strong emotional excitement, and
+the earliest differentiations would, we may well believe, be determined
+along lines of emotional expression. Thus would originate mating cries,
+male and female after their kind; and parental cries more or less
+differentiated into those of mother and offspring, the deeper note of
+the ewe differing little save in pitch and timbre from the bleating of
+her lamb, while the cluck of the hen differs widely from the peeping
+note of the chick in down. Thus, too, would arise the notes of anger and
+combat, of fear and distress, of alarm and warning. If we call these the
+instinctive language of emotional expression, we must remember that such
+"language" differs markedly from the "language" of which the sentence is
+the recognized unit.
+
+It is, however, not improbable that, through association in the
+conscious situation, sounds, having their origin in emotional expression
+and evoking in others like emotional states, may acquire a new value in
+suggesting, for example, the presence of particular enemies. An example
+will best serve to indicate my meaning. The following is from H. B.
+Medlicott:
+
+ In the early dawn of a grey morning I was geologizing along the
+ base of the Muhair Hills in South Behar, when all of a sudden
+ there was a stampede of many pigs from the fringe of the
+ jungle, with porcine shrieks of _sauve qui peut_ significance.
+ After a short run in the open they took to the jungle again,
+ and in a few minutes there was another uproar, but different in
+ sound and in action; there was a rush, presumably of the
+ fighting members, to the spot where the row began, and after
+ some seconds a large leopard sprang from the midst of the
+ scuffle. In a few bounds he was in the open, and stood looking
+ back, licking his chops. The pigs did not break cover, but
+ continued on their way. They were returning to their lair after
+ a night's feeding on the plain, several families having
+ combined for mutual protection; while the beasts of prey were
+ evidently waiting for the occasion. I was alone, and, though
+ armed, I did not care to beat up the ground to see if in either
+ case a kill had been effected. The numerous herd covered a
+ considerable space, and the scrub was thick. The prompt
+ concerted action must in each case have been started by the
+ special cry. I imagine that the first assailant was a tiger,
+ and the case was at once known to be hopeless, the cry
+ prompting instant flight, while in the second case the cry was
+ for defense. It can scarcely be doubted that in the first case
+ each adult pig had a vision of a tiger, and in the second of a
+ leopard or some minor foe.
+
+If we accept Mr. Medlicott's interpretation as in the main correct, we
+have in this case: (1) common action in social behavior, (2) community
+of emotional state, and (3) the suggestion of natural enemies not
+unfamiliar in the experience of the herd. It is a not improbable
+hypothesis, therefore, that in the course of evolution the initial value
+of uttered sounds is emotional; but that on this may be grafted in
+further development the indication of particular enemies. If, for
+example, the cry which prompts instant flight among the pigs is called
+forth by a tiger, it is reasonable to suppose that this cry would give
+rise to a representative generic image of that animal having its
+influence on the conscious situation. But if the second cry, for
+defense, was prompted sometimes by a leopard and sometimes by some other
+minor foe, then this cry would not give rise to a representative image
+of the same definiteness. Whether animals have the power of
+intentionally differentiating the sounds they make to indicate different
+objects is extremely doubtful. Can a dog bark in different tones to
+indicate "cat" or "rat," as the case may be? Probably not. It may,
+however, be asked why, if a pig may squeak differently, and thus,
+perhaps, incidentally indicate on the one hand "tiger" and on the other
+hand "leopard," should not a dog bark differently and thus indicate
+appropriately "cat" or "rat"? Because it is assumed that the two
+different cries in the pig are the instinctive expression of two
+different emotional states, and Mr. Medlicott could distinguish them;
+whereas, in the case of the dog, we can distinguish no difference
+between his barking in the one case and the other, nor do the emotional
+states appear to be differentiated. Of course there may be differences
+which we have failed to detect. What may be regarded, however, as
+improbable is the _intentional_ differentiation of sounds by barking in
+different tones with the _purpose_ of indicating "cat" or "rat."
+
+Such powers of intercommunication as animals possess are based on direct
+association and refer to the here and the now. A dog may be able to
+suggest to his companion the fact that he has descried a worriable cat;
+but can a dog tell his neighbor of the delightful worry he enjoyed the
+day before yesterday in the garden where the man with the biscuit tin
+lives? Probably not, bark he never so expressively.
+
+From the many anecdotes of dogs calling others to their assistance or
+bringing others to those who feed them or treat them kindly, we may
+indeed infer the existence of a social tendency and of the suggestive
+effects of behavior, but we cannot derive conclusive evidence of
+anything like descriptive communication.
+
+Such intentional communication as is to be found in animals, if indeed
+we may properly so call it, seems to arise by an association of the
+performance of some act in a conscious situation involving further
+behavior for its complete development. Thus the cat which touches the
+handle of the door when it wishes to leave the room has had experience
+in which the performance of this act has coalesced with a specific
+development of the conscious situation. The case is similar when your
+dog drops a ball or stick at your feet, wishing you to throw it for him
+to fetch. Still, it is clear that such an act would be the perceptual
+precursor of the deliberate conduct of the rational being by whom the
+sign is definitely realized as a sign, the intentional meaning of which
+is distinctly present to thought. This involves a judgment concerning
+the sign as an object of thought; and this is probably beyond the
+capacity of the dog. For, as Romanes himself says, "It is because the
+human mind is able, so to speak, to stand outside of itself and thus to
+constitute its own ideas the subject-matter of its own thought that it
+is capable of judgment, whether in the act of conception or in that of
+predication. We have no evidence to show that any animal is capable of
+objectifying its own ideas; and therefore we have no evidence that any
+animal is capable of judgment."
+
+
+2. The Concept as the Medium of Human Communication[143]
+
+There is a petrified philosophy in language, and if we examine the most
+ancient word for "name," we find it is _nâman_ in Sanskrit, _nomen_ in
+Latin, _namô_ in Gothic. This _nâman_ stands for _gnâman_, and is
+derived from the root _gnâ_, to know, and meant originally that by which
+we know a thing.
+
+And how do we know things?
+
+The first step toward the real knowledge, a step which, however small in
+appearance, separates man forever from all other animals, is _the naming
+of a thing_, or the making a thing knowable. All naming is
+classification, bringing the individual under the general; and whatever
+we know, whether empirically or scientifically, we know it by means of
+our general ideas.
+
+At the very point where man parts company with the brute world, at the
+first flash of reason as the manifestation of the light within us, there
+we see the true genesis of language. Analyze any word you like and you
+will find that it expresses a general idea peculiar to the individual to
+whom the name belongs. What is the meaning of moon? The measurer. What
+is the meaning of sun? The begetter. What is the meaning of earth? The
+ploughed.
+
+If the serpent is called in Sanskrit _sarpa_, it is because it was
+conceived under the general idea of creeping, an idea expressed by the
+root _srip_.
+
+An ancient word for man was the Sanskrit _marta_, the Greek _brotos_,
+the Latin _mortalis_. _Marta_ means "he who dies," and it is remarkable
+that, where everything else was changing, fading, and dying, this should
+have been chosen as the distinguishing name for man.
+
+There were many more names for man, as there were many names for all
+things in ancient languages. Any feature that struck the observing mind
+as peculiarly characteristic could be made to furnish a new name. In
+common Sanskrit dictionaries we find 5 words for hand, 11 for light, 15
+for cloud, 20 for moon, 26 for snake, 33 for slaughter, 35 for fire, 37
+for sun. The sun might be called the bright, the warm, the golden, the
+preserver, the destroyer, the wolf, the lion, the heavenly eye, the
+father of light and life. Hence that superabundance of synonyms in
+ancient dialects, and hence that struggle for life carried on among
+these words, which led to the destruction of the less strong, the less
+fertile, the less happy words, and ended in the triumph of _one_ as the
+recognized and proper name for every object in every language. On a very
+small scale this process of natural selection, or, as it would better be
+called, elimination, may still be watched even in modern languages, that
+is to say, even in languages so old and stricken in years as English and
+French. What it was at the first burst of dialects we can only gather
+from such isolated cases as when von Hammer counts 5,744 words all
+relating to the camel.
+
+The fact that every word is originally a predicate--that names, though
+signs of individual conceptions, are all, without exception, derived
+from general ideas--is one of the most important discoveries in the
+science of language. It was known before that language is the
+distinguishing characteristic of man; it was known also that the having
+of general ideas is that which puts a perfect distinction betwixt man
+and brutes; but that these two were only different expressions of the
+same fact was not known till the theory of roots had been established as
+preferable to the theories both of onomatopoicia and of interjections.
+But, though our modern philosophy did not know it, the ancient poets and
+framers of language must have known it. For in Greek, language is
+_logos_, but _logos_ means also reason, and _alogon_ was chosen as the
+name and the most proper name, for brute. No animal, so far as we know,
+thinks and speaks except man. Language and thought are inseparable.
+Words without thought are dead sounds; thoughts without words are
+nothing. To think is to speak low; to speak is to think aloud. The word
+is the thought incarnate.
+
+What are the two problems left unsettled at the end of the _Science of
+Language_: "How do mere cries become phonetic types?" and "How can
+sensations be changed into concepts?" What are these two, if taken
+together, but the highest problem of all philosophy, viz., "What is the
+origin of reason?"
+
+
+3. Writing as a Form of Communication[144]
+
+The earliest stages of writing were those in which pictographic forms
+were used; that is, a direct picture was drawn upon the writing surface,
+reproducing as nearly as possible the kind of impression made upon the
+observer by the object itself. To be sure, the drawing used to represent
+the object was not an exact reproduction or full copy of the object, but
+it was a fairly direct image. The visual memory image was thus aroused
+by a direct perceptual appeal to the eye. Anyone could read a document
+written in this pictograph form, if he had ever seen the objects to
+which the pictures referred. There was no special relation between the
+pictures or visual forms at this stage of development and the sounds
+used in articulate language. Concrete examples of such writing are seen
+in early monuments, where the moon is represented by the crescent, a
+king by the drawing of a man wearing a crown.
+
+The next stage of development in writing began when the pictographic
+forms were reduced in complexity to the simplest possible lines. The
+reduction of the picture to a few sketchy lines depended upon the
+growing ability of the reader to contribute the necessary
+interpretation. All that was needed in the figure was something which
+would suggest the full picture to the mind. Indeed, it is probably true
+that the full picture was not needed, even in the reader's
+consciousness. Memory images are usually much simplified reproductions
+of the perceptual facts. In writing we have a concrete expression of
+this tendency of memory to lose its full reproductive form and to become
+reduced to the point of the most meager contents for conscious thought.
+The simplification of the written forms is attained very early, and is
+seen even in the figures which are used by savage tribes. Thus, to
+represent the number of an enemy's army, it is not necessary to draw
+full figures of the forms of the enemy; it is enough if single straight
+lines are drawn with some brief indication, perhaps at the beginning of
+the series of lines, to show that these stand each for an individual
+enemy. This simplification of the drawing leaves the written symbol with
+very much larger possibilities of entering into new relations in the
+mind of the reader. Instead, now, of being a specific drawing related to
+a specific object, it invites by its simple character a number of
+different interpretations. A straight line, for example, can represent
+not only the number of an enemy's army but it can represent also the
+number of sheep in a flock, or the number of tents in a village, or
+anything else which is capable of enumeration. The use of a straight
+line for these various purposes stimulates new mental developments. This
+is shown by the fact that the development of the idea of the number
+relation, as distinguished from the mass of possible relations in which
+an object may stand, is greatly facilitated by this general written
+symbol for numbers. The intimate relation between the development of
+ideas on the one hand and the development of language on the other is
+here very strikingly illustrated. The drawing becomes more useful
+because it is associated with more elaborate ideas, while the ideas
+develop because they find in the drawing a definite content which helps
+to mark and give separate character to the idea.
+
+As soon as the drawing began to lose its significance as a direct
+perceptual reproduction of the object and took on new and broader
+meanings through the associations which attached to it, the written form
+became a symbol, rather than a direct appeal to visual memory. As a
+symbol it stood for something which, in itself, it was not. The way was
+thus opened for the written symbol to enter into relation with oral
+speech, which is also a form of symbolism. Articulate sounds are
+simplified forms of experience capable through association with ideas of
+expressing meanings not directly related to the sounds themselves. When
+the written symbol began to be related to the sound symbol, there was at
+first a loose and irregular relation between them. The Egyptians seem to
+have established such relations to some extent. They wrote at times with
+pictures standing for sounds, as we now write in rebus puzzles. In such
+puzzles the picture of an object is intended to call up in the mind of
+the reader, not the special group of ideas appropriate to the object
+represented in the picture, but rather the sound which serves as the
+name of this object. When the sound is once suggested to the reader, he
+is supposed to attend to that and to connect with it certain other
+associations appropriate to the sound. To take a modern illustration, we
+may, for example, use the picture of the eye to stand for the first
+personal pronoun. The relationship between the picture and the idea for
+which it is used is in this case through the sound of the name of the
+object depicted. That the early alphabets are of this type of rebus
+pictures appears in their names. The first three letters of the Hebrew
+alphabet, for example, are named, respectively, _aleph_ which means ox,
+_beth_ which means house, and _gimmel_ which means camel.
+
+The complete development of a sound alphabet from this type of rebus
+writing required, doubtless, much experimentation on the part of the
+nations which succeeded in establishing the association. The Phoenicians
+have generally been credited with the invention of the forms and
+relations which we now use. Their contribution to civilization cannot be
+overestimated. It consisted, not in the presentation of new material or
+content to conscious experience, but rather in the bringing together by
+association of groups of contents which, in their new relation,
+transformed the whole process of thought and expression. They associated
+visual and auditory content and gave to the visual factors a meaning
+through association which was of such unique importance as to justify us
+in describing the association as a new invention.
+
+There are certain systems of writing which indicate that the type of
+relationship which we use is not the only possible type of relationship.
+The Chinese, for example, have continued to use simple symbols which are
+related to complex sounds, not to elementary sounds, as are our own
+letters. In Chinese writing the various symbols, though much corrupted
+in form, stand each for an object. It is true that the forms of Chinese
+writing have long since lost their direct relationship to the pictures
+in which they originated. The present forms are simplified and
+symbolical. So free has the symbolism become that the form has been
+arbitrarily modified to make it possible for the writer to use freely
+the crude tools with which the Chinaman does his writing. These
+practical considerations could not have become operative, if the direct
+pictographic character of the symbols had not long since given place to
+a symbolical character which renders the figure important, not because
+of what it shows in itself, but rather because of what it suggests to
+the mind of the reader. The relation of the symbol to elementary sounds
+has, however, never been established. This lack of association with
+elementary sounds keeps the Chinese writing at a level much lower and
+nearer to primitive pictographic forms than is our writing.
+
+Whether we have a highly elaborated symbolical system, such as that
+which appears in Chinese writing, or a form of writing which is related
+to sound, the chief fact regarding writing, as regarding all language,
+is that it depends for its value very much more upon the ideational
+relations into which the symbols are brought in the individual's mind
+than upon the impressions which they arouse.
+
+The ideational associations which appear in developed language could
+never have reached the elaborate form which they have at present if
+there had not been social co-operation. The tendency of the individual
+when left to himself is to drop back into the direct adjustments which
+are appropriate to his own life. He might possibly develop articulation
+to a certain extent for his own sake, but the chief impulse to the
+development of language comes through intercourse with others. As we
+have seen, the development of the simplest forms of communication, as in
+animals, is a matter of social imitation. Writing is also an outgrowth
+of social relations. It is extremely doubtful whether even the child of
+civilized parents would ever have any sufficient motive for the
+development of writing, if it were not for the social encouragement he
+receives.
+
+
+4. The Extension of Communication by Human Invention[145]
+
+No one who is asked to name the agencies that weave the great web of
+intellectual and material influences and counter-influences by which
+modern humanity is combined into the unity of society will need much
+reflection to give first rank to the newspaper, along with the post,
+railroad, and telegraph.
+
+In fact, the newspaper forms a link in the chain of modern commercial
+machinery; it is one of those contrivances by which in society the
+exchange of intellectual and material goods is facilitated. Yet it is
+not an instrument of commercial intercourse in the sense of the post or
+the railway, both of which have to do with the transport of persons,
+goods, and news, but rather in the sense of the letter and circular.
+These make the news capable of transport only because they are enabled
+by the help of writing and printing to cut it adrift, as it were, from
+its originator and give it corporeal independence.
+
+However great the difference between letter, circular, and newspaper may
+appear today, a little reflection shows that all three are essentially
+similar products, originating in the necessity of communicating news and
+in the employment of writing in its satisfaction. The sole difference
+consists in the letter being addressed to individuals, the circular to
+several specified persons, the newspaper to many unspecified persons.
+Or, in other words, while letter and circular are instruments for the
+private communication of news, the newspaper is an instrument for its
+publication.
+
+Today we are, of course, accustomed to the regular printing of the
+newspaper and its periodical appearance at brief intervals. But neither
+of these is an essential characteristic of the newspaper as a means of
+news publication. On the contrary, it will become apparent directly that
+the primitive paper from which this mighty instrument of commercial
+intercourse is sprung appeared neither in printed form nor periodically,
+but that it closely resembled the letter from which, indeed, it can
+scarcely be distinguished. To be sure, repeated appearance at brief
+intervals is involved in the very nature of news publication. For news
+has value only so long as it is fresh; and to preserve for it the charm
+of novelty its publication must follow in the footsteps of the events.
+We shall, however, soon see that the periodicity of these intervals, as
+far as it can be noticed in the infancy of journalism, depended upon the
+regular recurrence of opportunities to transport the news, and was in no
+way connected with the essential nature of the newspaper.
+
+The regular collection and despatch of news presupposes a widespread
+interest in public affairs, or an extensive area of trade exhibiting
+numerous commercial connections and combinations of interest, or both at
+once. Such interest is not realized until people are united by some more
+or less extensive political organization into a certain community of
+life-interest. The city republics of ancient times required no
+newspaper; all their needs of publication could be met by the herald and
+by inscriptions, as occasion demanded. Only when Roman supremacy had
+embraced or subjected to its influence all the countries of the
+Mediterranean was there need of some means by which those members of the
+ruling class who had gone to the provinces as officials, tax-farmers,
+and in other occupations, might receive the current news of the capital.
+It is significant that Caesar, the creator of the military monarchy and
+of the administrative centralization of Rome, is regarded as the founder
+of the first contrivance resembling a newspaper.
+
+Indeed, long before Caesar's consulate it had become customary for
+Romans in the provinces to keep one or more correspondents at the
+capital to send them written reports on the course of political movement
+and on other events of the day. Such a correspondent was generally an
+intelligent slave or freedman intimately acquainted with affairs at the
+capital, who, moreover, often made a business of reporting for several.
+He was thus a species of primitive reporter, differing from those of
+today only in writing, not for a newspaper, but directly for readers. On
+recommendation of their employers, these reporters enjoyed at times
+admission even to the senate discussions. Antony kept such a man, whose
+duty it was to report to him not merely on the senate's resolutions but
+also on the speeches and votes of the senators. Cicero, when proconsul,
+received through his friend, M. Caelius, the reports of a certain
+Chrestus, but seems not to have been particularly well satisfied with
+the latter's accounts of gladiatorial sports, law-court proceedings, and
+the various pieces of city gossip. As in this case, such correspondence
+never extended beyond a rude relation of facts that required
+supplementing through letters from party friends of the absent person.
+These friends, as we know from Cicero, supplied the real report on
+political feeling.
+
+The innovation made by Caesar consisted in instituting the publication
+of a brief record of the transactions and resolutions of the senate, and
+in his causing to be published the transactions of the assemblies of the
+plebs, as well as other important matters of public concern.
+
+The Germanic peoples who, after the Romans, assumed the lead in the
+history of Europe were neither in civilization nor in political
+organization fitted to maintain a similar constitution of the news
+service; nor did they require it. All through the Middle Ages the
+political and social life of men was bounded by a narrow horizon;
+culture retired to the cloisters and for centuries affected only the
+people of prominence. There were no trade interests beyond the narrow
+walls of their own town or manor to draw men together. It is only in the
+later centuries of the Middle Ages that extensive social combinations
+once more appear. It is first the church, embracing with her hierarchy
+all the countries of Germanic and Latin civilization, next the burgher
+class with its city confederacies and common trade interests, and,
+finally, as a counter-influence to these, the secular territorial
+powers, who succeed in gradually realizing some form of union. In the
+twelfth and thirteenth centuries we notice the first traces of an
+organized service for transmission of news and letters in the messengers
+of monasteries, the universities, and the various spiritual dignitaries;
+in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries we have advanced to a
+comprehensive, almost postlike, organization of local messenger bureaus
+for the epistolary intercourse of traders and of municipal authorities.
+And now, for the first time, we meet with the word _Zeitung_, or
+newspaper. The word meant originally that which was happening at the
+time (_Zeit_ = "time"), a present occurrence; then information on such
+an event, a message, a report, news.
+
+Venice was long regarded as the birthplace of the newspaper in the
+modern acceptation of the word. As the channel of trade between the East
+and the West, as the seat of a government that first organized the
+political news service and the consular system in the modern sense, the
+old city of lagoons formed a natural collecting center for important
+news items from all lands of the known world. Even early in the
+fifteenth century, as has been shown by the investigations of
+Valentinelli, the librarian of St. Mark's Library, collections of news
+had been made at the instance of the council of Venice regarding events
+that had either occurred within the republic or been reported by
+ambassadors, consuls, and officials, by ships' captains, merchants, and
+the like. These were sent as circular despatches to the Venetian
+representatives abroad to keep them posted on international affairs.
+Such collections of news were called _fogli d'avvisi_.
+
+The further development of news publication in the field that it has
+occupied since the more general adoption of the printing-press has been
+peculiar. At the outset the publisher of a periodical printed newspaper
+differed in no wise from the publisher of any other printed work--for
+instance, of a pamphlet or a book. He was but the multiplier and seller
+of a literary product, over whose content he had no control. The
+newspaper publisher marketed the regular post-news in its printed form
+just as another publisher offered the public a herbal or an edition of
+an old writer.
+
+But this soon changed. It was readily perceived that the contents of a
+newspaper number did not form an entity in the same sense as the
+contents of a book or pamphlet. The news items there brought together,
+taken from different sources, were of varying reliability. They needed
+to be used judicially and critically: in this a political or religious
+bias could find ready expression. In a still higher degree was this the
+case when men began to discuss contemporary political questions in the
+newspapers and to employ them as a medium for disseminating party
+opinions.
+
+This took place first in England during the Long Parliament and the
+Revolution of 1640. The Netherlands and a part of the imperial free
+towns of Germany followed later. In France the change was not
+consummated before the era of the great Revolution: in most other
+countries it occurred in the nineteenth century. The newspaper, from
+being a mere vehicle for the publication of news, became an instrument
+for supporting and shaping public opinion and a weapon of party
+politics.
+
+The effect of this upon the internal organization of the newspaper
+undertaking was to introduce a third department, the _editorship_,
+between news collecting and news publication. For the newspaper
+publisher, however, it signified that from a mere seller of news he had
+become a dealer in public opinion as well.
+
+At first this meant nothing more than that the publisher was placed in a
+position to shift a portion of the risk of his undertaking upon a party
+organization, a circle of interested persons, or a government. If the
+leanings of the paper were distasteful to the readers, they ceased to
+buy the paper. Their wishes thus remained, in the final analysis, the
+determining factor for the contents of the newspapers.
+
+The gradually expanding circulation of the printed newspapers
+nevertheless soon led to their employment by the authorities for making
+public announcements. With this came, in the first quarter of the last
+century, the extension of private announcements, which have now
+attained, through the so-called advertising bureaus, some such
+organization as political news-collecting possesses in the
+correspondence bureaus.
+
+The modern newspaper is a capitalistic enterprise, a sort of
+news-factory in which a great number of people (correspondents, editors,
+typesetters, correctors, machine-tenders, collectors of advertisements,
+office clerks, messengers, etc.) are employed on wage, under a single
+administration, at very specialized work. This paper produces wares for
+an unknown circle of readers, from whom it is, furthermore, frequently
+separated by intermediaries, such as delivery agencies and postal
+institutions. The simple needs of the reader or of the circle of patrons
+no longer determine the quality of these wares; it is now the very
+complicated conditions of competition in the publication market. In this
+market, however, as generally in wholesale markets, the consumers of the
+goods, the newspaper readers, take no direct part; the determining
+factors are the wholesale dealers and the speculators in news: the
+governments, the telegraph bureaus dependent upon their special
+correspondents, the political parties, artistic and scientific cliques,
+men on 'change, and, last but not least, the advertising agencies and
+large individual advertisers.
+
+Each number of a great journal which appears today is a marvel of
+economic division of labor, capitalistic organization, and mechanical
+technique; it is an instrument of intellectual and economic intercourse,
+in which the potencies of all other instruments of commerce--the
+railway, the post, the telegraph, and the telephone--are united as in a
+focus.
+
+
+D. IMITATION
+
+
+1. Definition of Imitation[146]
+
+The term "imitation" is used in ordinary language to designate any
+repetition of any act or thought which has been noted by an observer.
+Thus one imitates the facial expression of another, or his mode of
+speech. The term has been brought into prominence in scientific
+discussions through the work of Gabriel Tarde, who in his _Les lois de
+l'imitation_ points out that imitation is a fundamental fact underlying
+all social development. The customs of society are imitated from
+generation to generation. The fashions of the day are imitated by large
+groups of people without any consciousness of the social solidarity
+which is derived from this common mode of behavior. There is developed
+through these various forms of imitation a body of experiences which is
+common to all of the members of a given social group. In complex society
+the various imitations which tend to set themselves up are frequently
+found to be in conflict; thus the tendency toward elaborate fashions in
+dress is constantly limited by the counter-tendency toward simpler
+fashions. The conflict of tendencies leads to individual variations from
+the example offered at any given time, and, as a result, there are new
+examples to be followed. Complex social examples are thus products of
+conflict.
+
+This general doctrine of Tarde has been elaborated by a number of recent
+writers. Royce calls attention to the fundamental importance of
+imitation as a means of social inheritance. The same doctrine is taken
+up by Baldwin in his _Mental Development in the Child and Race_, and in
+_Social and Ethical Interpretations_. With these later writers,
+imitation takes on a significance which is somewhat technical and
+broader than the significance which it has either with Tarde or in the
+ordinary use of the term. Baldwin uses the term to cover that case in
+which an individual repeats an act because he has himself gone through
+the act. In such a case one imitates himself and sets up what Baldwin
+terms a circular reaction. The principle of imitation is thus introduced
+into individual psychology as well as into general social psychology,
+and the relation between the individual's acts and his own imagery is
+brought under the same general principle as the individual's responses
+to his social environment. The term "imitation" in this broader sense is
+closely related to the processes of sympathy.
+
+The term "social heredity" has very frequently been used in connection
+with all of the processes here under discussion. Society tends to
+perpetuate itself in the new individual in a fashion analogous to that
+in which the physical characteristics of the earlier generation tend to
+perpetuate themselves in the physical characteristics of the new
+generation. Since modes of behavior, such as acts of courtesy, cannot be
+transmitted through physical structure, they would tend to lapse if they
+were not maintained through imitation from generation to generation.
+Thus imitation gives uniformity to social practices and consequently is
+to be treated as a form of supplementary inheritance extending beyond
+physical inheritance and making effective the established forms of
+social practice.
+
+
+2. Attention, Interest, and Imitation[147]
+
+Imitation is a process of very great importance for the development of
+mental life in both men and animals. In its more complex forms it
+presupposes trains of ideas; but in its essential features it is present
+and operative at the perceptual level. It is largely through imitation
+that the results of the experience of one generation are transmitted to
+the next, so as to form the basis for further development. Where trains
+of ideas play a relatively unimportant part, as in the case of animals,
+imitation may be said to be the sole form of social tradition. In the
+case of human beings, the thought of past generations is embodied in
+language, institutions, machinery, and the like. This distinctively
+human tradition presupposes trains of ideas in past generations, which
+so mold the environment of a new generation that in apprehending and
+adapting itself to this environment it must re-think the old trains of
+thought. Tradition of this kind is not found in animal life, because the
+animal mind does not proceed by way of trains of ideas. None the less,
+the more intelligent animals depend largely on tradition. This tradition
+consists essentially in imitation by the young of the actions of their
+parents, or of other members of the community in which they are born.
+The same directly imitative process, though it is very far from forming
+the whole of social tradition in human beings, forms a very important
+part of it.
+
+a) _The imitative impulse._--We must distinguish between ability to
+imitate and impulse to imitate. We may be already fully able to perform
+an action, and the sight of it as performed by another may merely prompt
+us to reproduce it. But the sight of an act performed by another may
+also have an educational influence; it may not only stimulate us to do
+what we are already able to do without its aid; it may also enable us to
+do what we could not do without having an example to follow. When the
+cough of one man sets another coughing, it is evident that imitation
+here consists only in the impulse to follow suit. The second man does
+not learn how to cough from the example of the first. He is simply
+prompted to do on this particular occasion what he is otherwise quite
+capable of doing. But if I am learning billiards and someone shows me by
+his own example how to make a particular stroke, the case is different.
+It is not his example which in the first instance prompts me to the
+action. He merely shows the way to do what I already desire to do.
+
+We have then first to discuss the nature of the imitative impulse--the
+impulse to perform an action which arises from the perception of it as
+performed by another.
+
+This impulse is an affair of attentive consciousness. The perception of
+an action prompts us to reproduce it when and so far as it excites
+interest or is at least intimately connected with what does excite
+interest. Further, the interest must be of such a nature that it is more
+fully gratified by partially or wholly repeating the interesting action.
+Thus imitation is a special development of attention. Attention is
+always striving after a more vivid, more definite, and more complete
+apprehension of its object. Imitation is a way in which this endeavor
+may gratify itself when the interest in the object is of a certain kind.
+It is obvious that we do not try to imitate all manner of actions,
+without distinction, merely because they take place under our eyes. What
+is familiar and commonplace or what for any other reason is unexciting
+or insipid fails to stir us to re-enact it. It is otherwise with what is
+strikingly novel or in any way impressive, so that our attention dwells
+on it with relish or fascination. It is, of course, not true that
+whatever act fixes attention prompts to imitation. This is only the case
+where imitation helps attention, where it is, in fact, a special
+development of attention. This is so when interest is directly
+concentrated on the activity itself for its own sake rather than for the
+sake of its possible consequences and the like ulterior motives. But it
+is not necessary that the act in itself should be interesting; in a most
+important class of cases the interest centers, not directly in the
+external act imitated, but in something else with which this act is so
+intimately connected as virtually to form a part of it. Thus there is a
+tendency to imitate not only interesting acts but also the acts of
+interesting persons. Men are apt to imitate the gestures and modes of
+speech of those who excite their admiration or affection or some other
+personal interest. Children imitate their parents or their leaders in
+the playground. Even the mannerisms and tricks of a great man are often
+unconsciously copied by those who regard him as a hero. In such
+instances the primary interest is in the whole personality of the model;
+but this is more vividly and distinctly brought before consciousness by
+reproducing his external peculiarities. Our result, then, is that
+interest in an action prompts to imitation in proportion to its
+intensity, provided the interest is of a kind which will be gratified or
+sustained by imitative activity.
+
+b) _Learning by imitation._--Let us now turn to the other side of the
+question. Let us consider the case in which the power of performing an
+action is acquired in and by the process of imitation itself. Here there
+is a general rule which is obvious when once it is pointed out. It is
+part of the still more general rule that "to him that hath shall be
+given." Our power of imitating the activity of another is strictly
+proportioned to our pre-existing power of performing the same general
+kind of action independently. For instance, one devoid of musical
+faculty has practically no power of imitating the violin playing of
+Joachim. Imitation may develop and improve a power which already exists,
+but it cannot create it. Consider the child beginning for the first time
+to write in a copybook. He learns by imitation; but it is only because
+he has already some rudimentary ability to make such simple figures as
+pothooks that the imitative process can get a start. At the outset, his
+pothooks are very unlike the model set before him. Gradually he
+improves; increased power of independent production gives step by step
+increased power of imitation, until he approaches too closely the limits
+of his capacity in this direction to make any further progress of an
+appreciable kind.
+
+But this is an incomplete account of the matter. The power of learning
+by imitation is part of the general power of learning by experience; it
+involves mental plasticity. An animal which starts life with congenital
+tendencies and aptitudes of a fixed and stereotyped kind, so that they
+admit of but little modification in the course of individual
+development, has correspondingly little power of learning by imitation.
+
+At higher levels of mental development the imitative impulse is far less
+conspicuous because impulsive activity in general is checked and
+overruled by activity organized in a unified system. Civilized men
+imitate not so much because of immediate interest in the action imitated
+as with a view to the attainment of desirable results.
+
+
+3. The Three Levels of Sympathy[148]
+
+Sympathy is not an instinct or a tendency, i.e., a group of co-ordinated
+movements adapted to a particular end, and showing itself in
+consciousness as an emotion, such as fear, anger, sex attraction; it is,
+on the contrary, a highly generalized psycho-physiological property. To
+the specialized character of each emotion it opposes a character of
+almost unlimited plasticity. We have not to consider it under all its
+aspects but as one of the most important manifestations of emotional
+life, as the basis of the tender emotions, and one of the foundations of
+social and moral existence.
+
+a) _The first phase._--In its primitive form sympathy is reflex,
+automatic, unconscious, or very slightly conscious; it is, according to
+Bain, the tendency to produce in ourselves an attitude, a state, a
+bodily movement which we perceive in another person. This is imitation
+in its most rudimentary form. Between sympathy and imitation, at any
+rate in this primitive period, I see only one difference of aspect:
+sympathy everywhere marks the passive, receptive side of the phenomenon;
+imitation, its active and motor side.
+
+It manifests itself in animals forming aggregates (not societies), such
+as a flock of sheep, or a pack of dogs who run, stop, bark all at the
+same time, through a purely physical impulse of imitation; in man,
+infectious laughter or yawning, walking in step, imitating the movements
+of a rope-walker while watching him, feeling a shock in one's legs when
+one sees a man falling, and a hundred other occurrences of this kind are
+cases of physiological sympathy. It plays a great part in the psychology
+of crowds, with their rapid attacks and sudden panics. In nervous
+diseases, there is a superfluity of examples: epidemics of hysteric
+fits, convulsive barking, hiccup, etc. I omit the mental maladies
+(epidemics of suicide, double or triple madness) since we are only
+considering the purely physiological stage.
+
+To sum up, sympathy is originally a property of living matter: as there
+is an organic memory and an organic sensitiveness, being those of the
+tissues and ultimate elements which compose them, there is an organic
+sympathy, made up of receptivity and imitative movements.
+
+b) _The second phase._--The next phase is that of sympathy in the
+psychological sense, necessarily accompanied by consciousness; it
+creates in two or more individuals analogous emotional states. Such are
+the cases in which we say that fear, indignation, joy, or sorrow are
+communicated. It consists in feeling an emotion existing in another, and
+is revealed to us by its physiological expression. This phase consists
+of two stages.
+
+(1) The first might be defined as psychological unison. If, during this
+period of unison, we could read the minds of those who sympathize, we
+should see a single emotional fact reflected in the consciousness of
+several individuals. L. Noiré, in his book, _Ursprung der Sprache_, has
+proposed the theory that language originated in community of action
+among the earliest human beings. When working, marching, dancing,
+rowing, they uttered (according to this writer) sounds which became the
+appellatives of these different actions, or of various objects; and
+these sounds, being uttered by all, must have been understood by all.
+Whether this theory be correct or not (it has been accepted as such by
+Max Müller), it will serve as an illustration. But this state of
+sympathy does not by itself constitute a tie of affection or tenderness
+between those who feel it; it only prepares the way for such an emotion.
+It may be the basis of a certain social solidarity, because the same
+internal states excite the same acts of a mechanical, exterior,
+non-moral solidarity.
+
+(2) The second stage is that of sympathy, in the restricted and popular
+sense of the word. This consists of psychological unison, _plus_ a new
+element: there is added another emotional manifestation, tender emotion
+(benevolence, sympathy, pity, etc.). It is no longer sympathy pure and
+simple, it is a binary compound. The common habit of considering
+phenomena only under their higher and complete forms often misleads us
+as to their origin and constitution. Moreover, in order to understand
+that this is a case of duality--the fusion of two distinct elements--and
+that our analysis is not a factitious one, it is sufficient to point out
+that sympathy (in the etymological sense) may exist without any tender
+emotion--nay, that it may exclude instead of excite it. According to
+Lubbock, while ants carry away their wounded, bees--though forming a
+society--are indifferent toward each other. It is well known that
+gregarious animals nearly always shun and desert a wounded member of the
+herd. Among men, how many there are who, when they see suffering, hasten
+to withdraw themselves from the spectacle, in order to escape the pain
+which it sympathetically awakens in them. This impulse may go to the
+length of aversion, as typified by Dives in the Gospel. It is therefore
+a complete psychological error to consider sympathy as capable, unaided,
+of delivering men from egoism; it only takes the first step, and not
+always that.
+
+c) _The third phase._--Under its intellectual form, sympathy is an
+agreement in feelings and actions, founded on unity of representation.
+The law of development is summed up in Spencer's formula, "The degree
+and range of sympathy depend on the clearness and extent of
+representation." I should, however, add: on condition of being based on
+an emotional temperament. This last is the source _par excellence_ of
+sympathy, because it vibrates like an echo; the active temperament lends
+itself less to such impulses, because it has so much to do in
+manifesting its own individuality that it can scarcely manifest those of
+others; finally, the phlegmatic temperament does so least of all,
+because it presents a minimum of emotional life; like Leibnitz' monads,
+it has no windows.
+
+In passing from the emotional to the intellectual phase, sympathy gains
+in extent and stability. In fact, emotional sympathy requires some
+analogy in temperament or nature; it can scarcely be established between
+the timid and the daring, between the cheerful and the melancholic; it
+may be extended to all human beings and to the animals nearest us, but
+not beyond them. On the contrary, it is the special attribute of
+intelligence to seek resemblances or analogies everywhere, to unify; it
+embraces the whole of nature. By the law of transfer (which we have
+already studied) sympathy follows this invading march and comprehends
+even inanimate objects, as in the case of the poet, who feels himself in
+communion with the sea, the woods, the lakes, or the mountains. Besides,
+intellectual sympathy participates in the relative fixity of
+representation; we find a simple instance of this in animal societies,
+such as those of the bees, where unity or sympathy among the members is
+only maintained by the perception or representation of the queen.
+
+
+4. Rational Sympathy[149]
+
+As we have no immediate experience of what other men feel, we can form
+no idea of the manner in which they are affected but by conceiving what
+we ourselves should feel in the like situation. Though our brother is
+upon the rack, as long as we ourselves are at our ease our senses will
+never inform us of what he suffers. They never did, and never can, carry
+us beyond our own person, and it is by the imagination only that we can
+form any conception of what are his sensations. Neither can that faculty
+help us to this any other way than by representing to us what would be
+our own, if we were in his case. It is the impressions of our own senses
+only, not those of his, which our imaginations copy. By the imagination
+we place ourselves in his situation, we conceive ourselves enduring all
+the same torments, we enter as it were into his body and become in some
+measure the same person with him, and thence form some idea of his
+sensations, and even feel something which, though weaker in degree, is
+not altogether unlike them. His agonies, when they are thus brought home
+to ourselves, when we have thus adopted and made them our own, begin at
+last to affect us, and we then tremble and shudder at the thought of
+what he feels. For, as to be in pain or distress of any kind excites the
+most excessive sorrow, so to conceive or to imagine that we are in it
+excites some degree of the same emotion, in proportion to the vivacity
+or dulness of the conception.
+
+That this is the source of our fellow-feeling for the misery of others,
+that it is by changing places in fancy with the sufferer that we come
+either to conceive or to be affected by what he feels, may be
+demonstrated by many obvious observations, if it should not be thought
+sufficiently evident of itself. When we see a stroke aimed, and just
+ready to fall upon the leg or arm of another person, we naturally shrink
+and draw back our own leg or our own arm; and when it does fall, we feel
+it in some measure and are hurt by it as well as the sufferer. The mob,
+when they are gazing at a dancer on the slack rope, naturally writhe and
+twist and balance their own bodies as they see him do, and as they feel
+that they themselves must do if in his situation. Persons of delicate
+fibers and a weak constitution of body complain that in looking on the
+sores and ulcers which are exposed by beggars in the streets they are
+apt to feel an itching or uneasy sensation in the corresponding part of
+their own bodies. The horror which they conceive at the misery of those
+wretches affects that particular part in themselves more than any other
+because that horror arises from conceiving what they themselves would
+suffer if they really were the wretches whom they are looking upon, and
+if that particular part in themselves was actually affected in the same
+miserable manner. The very force of this conception is sufficient, in
+their feeble frames, to produce that itching or uneasy sensation
+complained of. Men of the most robust make observe that in looking upon
+sore eyes they often feel a very sensible soreness in their own, which
+proceeds from the same reason; that organ, being in the strongest man
+more delicate than any other part of the body, is the weakest.
+
+Upon some occasions sympathy may seem to arise merely from the view of a
+certain emotion in another person. The passions upon some occasions may
+seem to be transfused from one man to another instantaneously and
+antecedent to any knowledge of what excited them in the person
+principally concerned. Grief and joy, for example, strongly expressed in
+the look and gestures of any person at once affect the spectator with
+some degree of a like painful or agreeable emotion. A smiling face is,
+to everybody that sees it, a cheerful object, as a sorrowful
+countenance, on the other hand, is a melancholy one.
+
+This, however, does not hold universally, or with regard to every
+passion. There are some passions of which the expressions excite no
+sort of sympathy, but, before we are acquainted with what gave occasion
+to them, serve rather to disgust and provoke us against them. The
+furious behavior of an angry man is more likely to exasperate us against
+himself than against his enemies. As we are unacquainted with his
+provocation, we cannot bring his case home to ourselves, nor conceive
+anything like the passions which it excites. But we plainly see what is
+the situation of those with whom he is angry, and to what violence they
+may be exposed from so enraged an adversary. We readily, therefore,
+sympathize with their fear or resentment, and are immediately disposed
+to take part against the man from whom they appear to be in danger.
+
+If the very appearances of grief and joy inspire us with some degree of
+the like emotions, it is because they suggest to us the general idea of
+some good or bad fortune that has befallen the person in whom we observe
+them: and in these passions this is sufficient to have some little
+influence upon us. The effects of grief and joy terminate in the person
+who feels these emotions, of which the expressions do not, like those of
+resentment, suggest to us the idea of any other person for whom we are
+concerned and whose interests are opposite to his. The general idea of
+good or bad fortune, therefore, creates some concern for the person who
+has met with it; but the general idea of provocation excites no sympathy
+with the anger of the man who has received it. Nature, it seems, teaches
+us to be more averse to enter into this passion, and, till informed of
+its cause, to be disposed rather to take part against it.
+
+Even our sympathy with the grief or joy of another, before we are
+informed of the cause of either, is always extremely imperfect. General
+lamentations, which express nothing but the anguish of the sufferer,
+create rather a curiosity to inquire into his situation, along with some
+disposition to sympathize with him, than any actual sympathy that is
+very sensible. The first question which we ask is, What has befallen
+you? Till this be answered, though we are uneasy both from the vague
+idea of his misfortune and still more from torturing ourselves with
+conjectures about what it may be, yet our fellow-feeling is not very
+considerable.
+
+Sympathy, therefore, does not arise so much from the view of the passion
+as from that of the situation which excites it. We sometimes feel for
+another a passion of which he himself seems to be altogether incapable,
+because, when we put ourselves in his case, that passion arises in our
+breast from the imagination, though it does not in his from the reality.
+We blush for the impudence and rudeness of another, though he himself
+appears to have no sense of the impropriety of his own behavior, because
+we cannot help feeling with what confusion we ourselves should be
+covered, had we behaved in so absurd a manner.
+
+Of all the calamities to which the condition of mortality exposes
+mankind, the loss of reason appears, to those who have the least spark
+of humanity, by far the most dreadful; and they behold that last stage
+of human wretchedness with deeper commiseration than any other. But the
+poor wretch who is in it laughs and sings, perhaps, and is altogether
+insensible to his own misery. The anguish which humanity feels,
+therefore, at the sight of such an object cannot be the reflection of
+any sentiment of the sufferer. The compassion of the spectator must
+arise altogether from the consideration of what he himself would feel if
+he was reduced to the same unhappy situation, and, what perhaps is
+impossible, was at the same time able to regard it with his present
+reason and judgment.
+
+What are the pangs of a mother when she hears the meanings of her
+infant, that, during the agony of disease, cannot express what it feels?
+In her idea of what it suffers, she joins to its real helplessness her
+own consciousness of that helplessness and her own terrors for the
+unknown consequences of its disorder; and, out of all these, forms for
+her own sorrow the most complete image of misery and distress. The
+infant, however, feels only the uneasiness of the present instant, which
+can never be great. With regard to the future it is perfectly secure in
+its thoughtlessness and want of anxiety, the great tormentors of the
+human breast, from which reason and philosophy will in vain attempt to
+defend it when it grows up to a man.
+
+But whatever may be the cause of sympathy, or however it may be excited,
+nothing pleases us more than to observe in other men a fellow-feeling
+with all the emotions of our own breast; nor are we ever so much shocked
+as by the appearance of the contrary. Those who are fond of deducing all
+our sentiments from certain refinements of self-love think themselves at
+no loss to account, according to their own principles, both for this
+pleasure and for this pain. Man, say they, conscious of his own weakness
+and of the need which he has for the assistance of others, rejoices
+whenever he observes that they adopt his own passions because he is then
+assured of that assistance and grieves whenever he observes the
+contrary, because he is then assured of their opposition. But both the
+pleasure and the pain are always felt so instantaneously, and often upon
+such frivolous occasions, that it seems evident that neither of them can
+be derived from any such self-interested consideration. A man is
+mortified when, after having endeavored to divert the company, he looks
+round and sees that nobody laughs at his jests but himself. On the
+contrary, the mirth of the company is highly agreeable to him and he
+regards this correspondence of their sentiments with his own as the
+greatest applause.
+
+
+5. Art, Imitation, and Appreciation[150]
+
+The investigation into the psychology of masses, as well as the
+experiments on suggestive therapeutics, have proved to how great an
+extent mental states may be transmitted from individual to individual by
+unconscious imitation of the accompanying movements. The doctrine of
+universal sympathy, a clear statement of which was given long ago in the
+ethical theory of Adam Smith, has thus acquired a psychological
+justification in the modern theories of imitative movement. Contemporary
+science has at last learned to appreciate the fundamental importance of
+imitation for the development of human culture. And some authors have
+even gone so far as to endeavor to deduce all sociological laws from
+this one principle. At the same time natural history has begun to pay
+more and more attention to the indispensability of imitation for the
+full development of instincts, as well as for training in those
+activities which are the most necessary in life.
+
+It is fortunate for the theory of art that the importance of the
+imitative functions has thus been simultaneously acknowledged in various
+departments of science. Whatever one may think of the somewhat audacious
+generalizations which have been made in the recent application of this
+new principle, it is incontestable that the aesthetic activities can be
+understood and explained only by reference to the universal tendency to
+imitate. It is also significant that writers on aesthetic had felt
+themselves compelled to set up a theory of imitation long before
+experimental psychologists had begun to turn their attention in this
+direction. In Germany the enjoyment of form and form-relations has,
+since Vischer's time, been interpreted as the result of the movements by
+which, not only our eye, but also our whole body follows the outlines of
+external things. In France Jouffroy stated the condition for the
+receiving of aesthetic impressions to be a "power of internally
+imitating the states which are externally manifested in living nature."
+In England, finally, Vernon Lee and Anstruther Thompson have founded a
+theory of beauty and ugliness upon this same psychical impulse to copy
+in our own unconscious movements the forms of objects. And in the
+writings of, for instance, Home, Hogarth, Dugald Stewart, and Spencer,
+there can be found a multitude of isolated remarks on the influence
+which is in a direct way exercised on our mental life by the perception
+of lines and forms.
+
+In most of these theories and observations, however, the imitative
+activity has been noticed only in so far as it contributes to the
+aesthetic delight which may be derived from sensual impressions. But its
+importance is by no means so restricted as this; on the contrary, we
+believe it to be a fundamental condition for the existence of intuition
+itself. Without all these imperceptible tracing movements with which our
+body accompanies the adaptation of the eye-muscles to the outlines of
+external objects, our notions of depth, height, and distance, and so on,
+would certainly be far less distinct than they are. On the other hand,
+the habit of executing such movements has, so to say, brought the
+external world within the sphere of the internal. The world has been
+measured with man as a standard, and objects have been translated into
+the language of mental experience. The impressions have hereby gained,
+not only in emotional tone, but also in intellectual comprehensibility.
+
+Greater still is the importance of imitation for our intuition of moving
+objects. And a difficult movement itself is fully understood only when
+it has been imitated, either internally or in actual outward activity.
+The idea of a movement, therefore, is generally associated with an
+arrested impulse to perform it. Closer introspection will show everyone
+to how great a part our knowledge, even of persons, is built up of motor
+elements. By unconscious and imperceptible copying in our own body the
+external behavior of a man, we may learn to understand him with
+benevolent or malevolent sympathy. And it will, no doubt, be admitted
+by most readers that the reason why they know their friends and foes
+better than they know anyone else is that they carry the remembrance of
+them not only in their eyes, but in their whole body. When in idle
+moments we find the memory of an absent friend surging up in our minds
+with no apparent reason, we may often note, to our astonishment, that we
+have just been unconsciously adopting one of his characteristic
+attitudes, or imitating his peculiar gestures or gait.
+
+It may, however, be objected that the above-mentioned instances refer
+only to a particular class of individuals. In other minds, it will be
+said, the world-picture is entirely built up of visual and acoustic
+elements. It is also impossible to deny that the classification of minds
+in different types, which modern psychology has introduced, is as
+legitimate as it is advantageous for the purposes of research. But we
+can hardly believe that such divisions have in view anything more than a
+relative predominance of the several psychical elements. It is easily
+understood that a man in whose store of memory visual or acoustic images
+occupy the foremost place may be inclined to deny that motor sensations
+of unconscious copying enter to any extent into his psychical
+experience. But an exclusively visual world-image, if such a thing is
+possible, must evidently be not only emotionally poorer, but also
+intellectually less distinct and less complete, than an intuition, in
+which such motor elements are included.
+
+The importance of motor sensations in the psychology of knowledge is by
+itself of no aesthetic interest. The question has been touched upon in
+this connection only because of the illustration which it gives to the
+imitation theory. If, as we believe is the case, it is really necessary,
+for the purpose of acquiring a complete comprehension of things and
+events, to "experience" them--that is to say, to pursue and seize upon
+them, not only with that particular organ of sense to which they appeal,
+but also by tracing movements of the whole body--then there is no need
+to wonder at the universality of the imitative impulse. Imitation does
+not only, according to this view, facilitate our training in useful
+activities, and aid us in deriving an aesthetic delight from our
+sensations; it serves also, and perhaps primarily, as an expedient for
+the accommodating of ourselves to the external world, and for the
+explaining of things by reference to ourselves. It is therefore natural
+that imitative movements should occupy so great a place among the
+activities of children and primitive men. And we can also understand why
+this fundamental impulse, which has played so important a part in racial
+as well as in individual education, may become so great as to be a
+disease and dominate the whole of conscious life. As children we all
+imitated before we comprehended, and we have learned to comprehend by
+imitating. It is only when we have grown familiar by imitation with the
+most important data of perception that we become capable of
+appropriating knowledge in a more rational way. Although no adult has
+any need to resort to external imitation in order to comprehend new
+impressions, it is still only natural that in a pathological condition
+he should relapse into the primitive imitative reaction. And it is
+equally natural that an internal, i.e., arrested, imitation should take
+place in all our perceptions. After this explanation of the universality
+of this phenomenon we have no further need to occupy ourselves with the
+general psychology of imitation. We have here only to take notice of its
+importance for the communication of feeling.
+
+As is well known, it is only in cases of abnormally increased
+sensibility--for instance, in some of the stages of hypnotism and
+thought transmission--that the motor counterpart of a mental state can
+be imitated with such faithfulness and completeness that the imitator is
+thereby enabled to partake of all the _intellectual_ elements of the
+state existing in another. The hedonic qualities, on the other hand,
+which are physiologically conditioned by much simpler motor
+counterparts, may of course be transmitted with far greater perfection:
+it is easier to suggest a pleasure than a thought. It is also evident
+that it is the most general hedonic and volitional elements which have
+been considered by the German authors on aesthetic in their theories on
+internal imitation ("Die innere Nachahmung"). They seem to have thought
+that the adoption of the attitudes and the performance of the movements
+which usually accompany a given emotional state will also succeed to
+some extent in producing a similar emotional state. This assumption is
+perfectly legitimate, even if the connection between feeling and
+movement be interpreted in the associative way. And it needs no
+justification when the motor changes are considered as the physiological
+correlate of the feeling itself.
+
+Everyday experience affords many examples of the way in which feelings
+are called into existence by the imitation of their expressive
+movements. A child repeats the smiles and the laughter of its parents,
+and can thus partake of their joy long before it is able to understand
+its cause. Adult life naturally does not give us many opportunities of
+observing this pure form of direct and almost automatic transmission.
+But even in adult life we may often meet with an exchange of feeling
+which seems almost independent of any intellectual communication. Lovers
+know it, and intimate friends like the brothers Goncourt, to say nothing
+of people who stand in so close a rapport with each other as a
+hypnotiser and his subject. And even where there is no previous
+sympathetic relation, a state of joy or sadness may often, if it is only
+distinctly expressed, pass over, so to say, from the individual who has
+been under the influence of its objective cause, to another who, as it
+were, borrows the feeling, but remains unconscious of its cause. We
+experience this phenomenon almost daily in the influence exerted upon us
+by social intercourse, and even by those aspects of nature--for
+instance, blue open sky or overhanging mountains--which naturally call
+up in us the physical manifestation of emotional states. The coercive
+force with which our surroundings--animate or inanimate--compel us to
+adopt the feelings which are suggested by their attitudes, forms, or
+movements, is perhaps as a rule too weak to be noticed by a
+self-controlled, unemotional man. But if we want an example of this
+influence at its strongest, we need but remember how difficult it is for
+an individual to resist the contagion of collective feeling. On public
+occasions the common mood, whether of joy or sorrow, is often
+communicated even to those who were originally possessed by the opposite
+feeling. So powerful is the infection of great excitement
+that--according to M. Féré--even a perfectly sober man who takes part in
+a drinking bout may often be tempted to join in the antics of his
+drunken comrades in a sort of second-hand intoxication, "drunkenness by
+induction." In the great mental epidemics of the Middle Ages this kind
+of contagion operated with more fatal results than ever before or
+afterward. But even in modern times a popular street riot may often show
+us something of the same phenomenon. The great tumult in London in 1886
+afforded, it is said, a good opportunity of observing how people who had
+originally maintained an indifferent attitude were gradually carried
+away by the general excitement, even to the extent of joining in the
+outrages. In this instance the contagious effect of expressional
+movements was undoubtedly facilitated by their connection with so
+primary an impulse as that of rapine and destruction. But the case is
+the same with all the activities which appear as the outward
+manifestations of our strongest feeling-states. They all consist of
+instinctive actions with which everyone is well familiar from his own
+experience. It is therefore natural that anger, hate, or love may be
+communicated almost automatically from an individual to masses, and from
+masses to individuals.
+
+Now that the principle of the interindividual diffusion of feeling has
+been stated and explained, we may return to our main line of research
+and examine its bearings on the expressional impulse. We have seen that
+in the social surroundings of the individual there is enacted a process
+resembling that which takes place within his own organism. Just as
+functional modifications spread from organ to organ, just as wider and
+wider zones of the system are brought into participation in the primary
+enhancement or inhibition, so a feeling is diffused from an individual
+to a circle of sympathisers who repeat its expressional movements. And
+just as all the widened "somatic resonances" contribute to the primary
+feeling-tone increased strength and increased definiteness, so must the
+emotional state of an individual be enhanced by retroactive stimulation
+from the expressions by which the state has, so to say, been continued
+in others. By the reciprocal action of primary movements and borrowed
+movements, which mutually imitate each other, the social expression
+operates in the same way as the individual expression. And we are
+entitled to consider it as a secondary result of the general
+expressional impulse, that when mastered by an overpowering feeling we
+seek enhancement or relief by retroaction from sympathisers, who
+reproduce and in their expression represent the mental state by which we
+are dominated.
+
+In point of fact, we can observe in the manifestations of all strong
+feelings which have not found a satisfactory relief in individual
+expression, a pursuit of social resonance. A happy man wants to see glad
+faces around him, in order that from their expression he may derive
+further nourishment and increase for his own feeling. Hence the
+benevolent attitude of mind which as a rule accompanies all strong and
+pure joy. Hence also the widespread tendency to express joy by gifts or
+hospitality. In moods of depression we similarly desire a response to
+our feeling from our surroundings. In the depth of despair we may long
+for a universal cataclysm to extend, as it were, our own pain. As joy
+naturally makes men good, so pain often makes them hard and cruel. That
+this is not always the case is a result of the increased power of
+sympathy which we gain by every experienced pain. Moreover, we have need
+of sympathetic rapport for our motor reactions against pain. All the
+active manifestations of sorrow, despair, or anger which are not wholly
+painful in themselves are facilitated by the reciprocal influence of
+collective excitement. Thus all strong feelings, whether pleasurable or
+painful, act as socialising factors. This socialising action may be
+observed at all stages of development. Even the animals seek their
+fellows in order to stimulate themselves and each other by the common
+expression of an overpowering feeling. As has been remarked by Espinas,
+the flocking together of the male birds during the pairing season is
+perhaps as much due to this craving for mutual stimulation as to the
+desire to compete for the favor of the hen. The howling choirs of the
+macaws and the drum concerts of the chimpanzees are still better and
+unmistakable instances of collective emotional expression. In man we
+find the results of the same craving for social expression in the
+gatherings for rejoicing or mourning which are to be met with in all
+tribes, of all degrees of development. And as a still higher development
+of the same fundamental impulse, there appears in man the artistic
+activity.
+
+The more conscious our craving for retroaction from sympathisers, the
+more there must also be developed in us a conscious endeavor to cause
+the feeling to be appropriated by as many as possible and as completely
+as possible. The expressional impulse is not satisfied by the resonance
+which an occasional public, however sympathetic, is able to afford. Its
+natural aim is to bring more and more sentient beings under the
+influence of the same emotional state. It seeks to vanquish the
+refractory and arouse the indifferent. An echo, a true and powerful
+echo--that is what it desires with all the energy of an unsatisfied
+longing. As a result of this craving the expressional activities lead to
+artistic production. The work of art presents itself as the most
+effective means by which the individual is enabled to convey to wider
+and wider circles of sympathisers an emotional state similar to that by
+which he is himself dominated.
+
+
+E. SUGGESTION
+
+
+1. A Sociological Definition of Suggestion[151]
+
+The nature of suggestion manifestly consists not in any external
+peculiarities whatever. It is based upon the peculiar kind of relation
+of the person making the suggestion to the "ego" of the subject during
+the reception and realization of the suggestion.
+
+Suggestion, is, in general, one of many means of influence of man on man
+that is exercised with or without intention on persons, who respond
+either consciously or unconsciously.
+
+For a closer acquaintance with what we call "suggestion," it may be
+observed that our perceptive activities are divided into (a) active,
+and (b) passive.
+
+a) _Active perception._--In the first case the "ego" of the subject
+necessarily takes a part, and according to the trend of our thinking or
+to the environmental circumstances directs the attention to these or
+those external impressions. These, since they enter the mind through the
+participation of attention and will and through reflection and judgment,
+are assimilated and permanently incorporated in the personal
+consciousness or in our "ego." This type of perception leads to an
+enrichment of our personal consciousness and lies at the bottom of our
+points of view and convictions. The organization of more or less
+definite convictions is the product of the process of reflection
+instituted by active perception. These convictions, before they become
+the possession of our personal consciousness, may conceal themselves
+awhile in the so-called subconsciousness. They are capable of being
+aroused at any moment at the desire of the "ego" whenever certain
+experienced representations are reproduced.
+
+b) _Passive perception._--In contrast to active perception we perceive
+much from the environment in a passive manner without that participation
+of the "ego." This occurs when our attention is diverted in any
+particular direction or concentrated on a certain thought, and when its
+continuity for one or another reason is broken up, which, for instance,
+occurs in cases of so-called distraction. In these cases the object of
+the perception does not enter into the personal consciousness, but it
+makes its way into other spheres of our mind, which we call the general
+consciousness. The general consciousness is to a certain degree
+independent of the personal consciousness. For this reason everything
+that enters into the general consciousness cannot be introduced at will
+into the personal consciousness. Nevertheless products of the general
+consciousness make their way into the sphere of the personal
+consciousness, without awareness by it of their original derivation.
+
+In passive perception, without any participation of attention, a whole
+series of varied impressions flow in upon us and press in past our "ego"
+directly to the general consciousness. These impressions are the sources
+of those influences from the outer world so unintelligible even to
+ourselves, which determine our emotional attitudes and those obscure
+motives and impulses which often possess us in certain situations.
+
+The general consciousness, in this way, plays a permanent rôle in the
+spiritual life of the individual. Now and then an impression passively
+received in the train of an accidental chain of ideas makes its way into
+the sphere of the personal consciousness as a mental image, whose
+novelty astounds us. In specific cases this image or illusion takes the
+form of a peculiar voice, a vision, or even a hallucination, whose
+origin undoubtedly lies in the general consciousness. When the personal
+consciousness is in abeyance, as in sleep or in profound hypnosis, the
+activity of the general consciousness comes into the foreground. The
+activity of the general consciousness is limited neither by our ways of
+viewing things nor by the conditions under which the personal
+consciousness operates. On this account, in a dream and in profound
+hypnosis acts appear feasible and possible which with our full personal
+consciousness we would not dare to contemplate.
+
+This division of our mind into a personal and a general consciousness
+affords a basis for a clear understanding of the principles of
+suggestion. The personal consciousness, the so-called "ego," aided by
+the will and attention, largely controls the reception of external
+impressions, influences the trend of our ideas, and determines the
+execution of our voluntary behavior. Every impression that the personal
+consciousness transmits to the mind is usually subject to a definite
+criticism and remodeling which results in the development of our points
+of view and of our convictions.
+
+This mode of influence from the outer world upon our mind is that of
+"logical conviction." As the final result of that inner reconstruction
+of impressions appears always the conviction: "This is true, that
+useful, inevitable, etc." We can say this inwardly when any
+reconstruction of the impressions has been affected in us through the
+activity of the personal consciousness. Many impressions get into our
+mind without our remarking them. In case of distraction, when our
+voluntary attention is in abeyance, the impression from without evades
+our personal consciousness and enters the mind without coming into
+contact with the "ego." Not through the front door, but--so to speak--up
+the back steps, it gets, in this case, directly into the inner rooms of
+the soul.
+
+Suggestion may now be defined as the direct infection of one person by
+another of certain mental states. In other words, suggestion is the
+penetration or inoculation of a strange idea into the consciousness,
+without direct immediate participation of the "ego" of the subject.
+Moreover, the personal consciousness in general appears quite incapable
+of rejecting the suggestion, even when the "ego" detects its
+irrationality. Since the suggestion enters the mind without the active
+aid of the "ego," it remains outside the borders of the personal
+consciousness. All further effects of the suggestion, therefore, take
+place without the control of the "ego."
+
+By the term suggestion we do not usually understand the effect upon the
+mind of the totality of external stimuli, but the influence of person
+upon person which takes place through passive perception and is
+therefore independent of the activity of the personal consciousness.
+Suggestion is, moreover, to be distinguished from the other type of
+influences operating through mental processes of attention and the
+participation of the personal consciousness, which result in logical
+convictions and the development of definite points of view.
+
+Lowenfeld emphasized a distinction between the actual process of
+"suggesting" and its result, which one simply calls "suggestion." It is
+self-evident that these are two different processes, which should not be
+mistaken for each other. A more adequate definition might be accepted,
+which embraces at once the characteristic manner of the "suggesting,"
+and the result of its activity.
+
+Therefore for suggestion it is not alone the process itself that is
+characteristic, or the kind of psychic influence, but also the result
+of this reaction. For that reason I do not understand under "suggesting"
+alone a definite sort and manner of influence upon man but at the same
+time the eventual result of it; and under "suggestion" not only a
+definite psychical result but to a certain degree also the manner in
+which this result was obtained.
+
+An essential element of the concept of suggestion is, first of all, a
+pronounced directness of action. Whether a suggestion takes place
+through words or through attitudes, impressions, or acts, whether it is
+a case of a verbal or of a concrete suggestion, makes no difference here
+so long as its effect is never obtained through logical conviction. On
+the other hand, the suggestion is always immediately directed to the
+mind by evading the personal consciousness, or at least without previous
+recasting by the "ego" of the subject. This process represents a real
+infection of ideas, feelings, emotions, or other psychophysical states.
+
+In the same manner there arise somewhat similar mental states known as
+auto-suggestion. These do not require an external influence for their
+appearance but originate immediately in the mind itself. Such is the
+case, for instance, when any sort of an image forces itself into the
+consciousness as something complete, whether it is in the form of an
+idea that suddenly emerges and dominates consciousness, or a vision, a
+premonition, or the like.
+
+In all these cases psychic influences which have arisen without external
+stimulus have directly inoculated the mind, thereby evading the
+criticism of the "ego" or of personal consciousness.
+
+"Suggesting" signifies, therefore, to inoculate the mind of a person
+more or less directly with ideas, feelings, emotions, and other
+psychical states, in order that no opportunity is left for criticism and
+consideration. Under "suggestion," on the other hand, is to be
+understood that sort of direct inoculation of the mind of an individual
+with ideas, feelings, emotions, and other psychophysical states which
+evade his "ego," his personal self-consciousness, and his critical
+attitude.
+
+Now and then, especially in the French writers, one will find besides
+"suggestion" the term "psychic contagion," under which, however, nothing
+further than involuntary imitation is to be understood (compare A.
+Vigouroux and P. Juquelier, _La contagion mentale_, Paris, 1905). If one
+takes up the conception of suggestion in a wider sense, and considers
+by it the possibility of involuntary suggestion in the way of example
+and imitation, one will find that the conceptions of suggestion and of
+psychic contagion depend upon each other most intimately, and to a great
+extent are not definitely to be distinguished from each other. In any
+case, it is to be maintained that a strict boundary between psychic
+contagion and suggestion does not always exist, a fact which Vigouroux
+and Juquelier in their paper have rightly emphasized.
+
+
+2. The Subtler Forms of Suggestion[152]
+
+In one very particular respect hypnotism has given us a lesson of the
+greatest importance to psychology: it has proved that special
+precautionary measures must be taken in planning psychological
+experiments. The training of hypnotics has thrown light on this source
+of error. A hypnotizer may, often without knowing it, by the tone of his
+voice or by some slight movement cause the hypnotic to exhibit phenomena
+that at first could only be produced by explicit verbal suggestion, and
+that altogether the signs used by the hypnotizer to cause suggestions
+may go on increasing in delicacy. A dangerous source of error is
+provided by the hypnotic's endeavor to divine and obey the
+experimenter's intentions. This observation has also proved useful in
+non-hypnotic experiments. We certainly knew before the days of hypnotism
+that the signs by which A betrays his thoughts to B may gradually become
+more delicate. We see this, for example, in the case of the schoolboy,
+who gradually learns how to detect from the slightest movement made by
+his master whether the answer he gave was right or not. We find the same
+sort of thing in the training of animals--the horse, for instance, in
+which the rough methods at first employed are gradually toned down until
+in the end an extremely slight movement made by the trainer produces the
+same effect that the rougher movements did originally. But even if this
+lessening in the intensity of the signals exists independently of
+hypnosis, it is the latter that has shown us how easily neglect of this
+factor may lead to erroneous conclusions being drawn. The suggestibility
+of the hypnotic makes these infinitesimal signals specially dangerous in
+his case. But when once this danger was recognized, greater attention
+was paid to this source of error in non-hypnotic cases than before. It
+is certain that many psychological experiments are vitiated by the fact
+that the subject knows what the experimenter wishes. Results are thus
+brought about that can only be looked upon as the effects of suggestion;
+they do not depend on the external conditions of the experiment but on
+what is passing in the mind of the subject.
+
+An event which at the time of its occurrence created a considerable
+commotion (I refer to the case of Clever Hans), will show how far we may
+be led by neglecting the above lesson taught us by hypnotism. If the
+Berlin psychologist Stumpf, the scientific director of the committee of
+investigation, had but taken into consideration the teachings of
+hypnotism, he would never have made the fiasco of admitting that the
+horse, Clever Hans, had been educated like a boy, not trained like an
+animal.
+
+Clever Hans answered questions by tapping his hoof on the stage; and the
+observers, more particularly the committee presided over by Stumpf,
+believed that answers tapped out were the result of due deliberation on
+the part of the horse, exactly as spiritists believe that the spirits
+hold intelligent intercourse with them by means of "raps." One tap
+denoted a, two taps b, three taps c, etc.; or, where numbers were
+concerned, one tap signified 1, two taps 2, etc. In this way the animal
+answered the most complicated questions. For instance, it apparently not
+only solved such problems as 3 times 4 by tapping 12 times, and 6 times
+3 by tapping 18 times, but even extracted square roots, distinguished
+between concords and discords, also between ten different colors, and
+was able to recognize the photographs of people; altogether, Clever Hans
+was supposed to be at that time about upon a level with fifth-form boys
+(the fifth form is the lowest form but one in a German gymnasium). After
+investigating the matter, Stumpf and the members of his committee drew
+up the following conjoint report, according to which only one of two
+things was possible--either the horse could think and calculate
+independently, or else he was under telepathic, perhaps occult,
+influence:
+
+ The undersigned met together to decide whether there was any
+ trickery in the performance given by Herr v. Osten with his
+ horse, i.e., whether the latter was helped or influenced
+ intentionally. As the result of the exhaustive tests employed,
+ they have come to the unanimous conclusion that, apart from the
+ personal character of Herr v. Osten, with which most of them
+ were well acquainted, the precautions taken during the
+ investigation altogether precluded any such assumption.
+ Notwithstanding the most careful observation, they were well
+ unable to detect any gestures, movements, or other intimations
+ that might serve as signs to the horse. To exclude the possible
+ influence of involuntary movements on the part of spectators, a
+ series of experiments was carried out solely in the presence of
+ Herr Busch, councilor of commissions. In some of these
+ experiments, tricks of the kind usually employed by trainers
+ were, in his judgment as an expert, excluded. Another series of
+ experiments was so arranged that Herr v. Osten himself could
+ not know the answer to the question he was putting to the
+ horse. From previous personal observations, moreover, the
+ majority of the undersigned knew of numerous individual cases
+ in which other persons had received correct answers in the
+ momentary absence of Herr v. Osten and Herr Schillings. These
+ cases also included some in which the questioner was either
+ ignorant of the solution or only had an erroneous notion of
+ what it should be. Finally, some of the undersigned have a
+ personal knowledge of Herr v. Osten's method, which is
+ essentially different from ordinary "training" and is copied
+ from the system of instruction employed in primary schools. In
+ the opinion of the undersigned, the collective results of these
+ observations show that even unintentional signs of the kind at
+ present known were excluded. It is their unanimous opinion that
+ we have here to deal with a case that differs in principle from
+ all former and apparently similar cases; that it has nothing to
+ do with "training" in the accepted sense of the word, and that
+ it is consequently deserving of earnest and searching
+ scientific investigation. Berlin, September 12, 1904. [Here
+ follow the signatures, among which is that of Privy Councilor
+ Dr. C. Stumpf, university professor, director of the
+ Psychological Institute, member of the Berlin Academy of
+ Sciences.]
+
+Anyone who has done critical work in the domain of hypnotism after the
+manner insisted on by the Nancy school cannot help considering Stumpf's
+method of investigation erroneous from the very outset. A first source
+of error that had to be considered was that someone present--it
+might have been Herr v. Osten or it might have been anyone
+else--unintentionally had given the horse a sign when to stop tapping.
+It cannot be considered sufficient, as stated in Stumpf's report, that
+Herr v. Osten did not know the answer; no one should be present who
+knows it. This is the first condition to be fulfilled when making such
+experiments. Anybody who has been engaged in training hypnotized
+subjects knows that these insignificant signs constitute one of the
+chief sources of error. Some of the leading modern investigators in the
+domain of hypnotism--Charcot and Heidenhain, for instance--were misled
+by them at the time they thought they had discovered new physical
+reflexes in hypnosis. But in 1904, by which time suggestion had been
+sufficiently investigated to prevent such an occurrence, a psychologist
+should not have fallen into an error that had been sufficiently made
+more than twenty years previously. But the main point is this: signs
+that are imperceptible to others are nevertheless perceived by a subject
+trained to do so, no matter whether that subject be a human being or an
+animal.
+
+
+3. Social Suggestion and Mass or "Corporate" Action[153]
+
+In most cases the crowd naturally is under leaders, who, with an
+instinctive consciousness of the importance and strength of the crowd,
+seek to direct it much more through the power of suggestion than by
+sound conviction.
+
+It is conceivable, therefore, that anyone who understands how to arrest
+the attention of the crowd, may always influence it to do great deeds,
+as history, indeed, sufficiently witnesses. One may recall from the
+history of Russia Minin, who with a slogan saved his native land from
+the gravest danger. His "Pawn your wife and child, and free your
+fatherland" necessarily acted as a powerful suggestion on the already
+intense crowd. How the crowd and its sentiments may be controlled is
+indicated in the following account by Boris Sidis:
+
+ On the 11th of August, 1895, there took place in the open air a
+ meeting at Old Orchard, Maine. The business at hand was a
+ collection for missionary purposes. The preacher resorted to
+ the following suggestions: "The most remarkable remembrance
+ which I have of foreign lands is that of multitudes, the waves
+ of lost humanity who ceaselessly are shattered on the shores of
+ eternity. How despairing are they, how poor in love--their
+ religion knows no joy, no pleasure, nor song. Once I heard a
+ Chinaman say why he was a Christian. It seemed to him that he
+ lay in a deep abyss, out of which he could not escape. Have you
+ ever wept for the sake of the lost world, as did Jesus Christ?
+ If not, then woe to you. Your religion is then only a dream and
+ a blind. We see Christ test his disciples. Will he take them
+ with him? My beloved, today he will test you. [Indirect
+ suggestion.] He could convert a thousand millionaires, but he
+ gives you an opportunity to be saved. [More direct suggestion.]
+ Are you strong enough in faith? [Here follows a discussion
+ about questions of faith.] Without faith God can do no great
+ things. I believe that Jesus will appear to them who believe
+ firmly in him. My dear ones, if only you give for the sake of
+ God, you have become participants in the faith. [Still more
+ direct suggestion.] The youth with the five loaves and the two
+ little fishes [the story follows]. When everything was ended,
+ he did not lose his loaves; there were twelve baskets left
+ over. O my dear ones, how will that return! Sometime the King
+ of Kings will call to you and give you an empire of glory, and
+ simply because you have had a little faith in him. It is a day
+ of much import to you. Sometime God will show us how much
+ better he has guarded our treasure than we ourselves." The
+ suggestion had the desired effect. Money streamed from all
+ sides; hundreds became thousands, tens of thousands. The crowd
+ gave seventy thousand dollars.
+
+Of analogous importance are the factors of suggestions in wars, where
+the armies go to brilliant victories. Discipline and the sense of duty
+unite the troops into a single mighty giant's body. To develop its full
+strength, however, this body needs some inspiration through a suggested
+idea, which finds an active echo in the hearts of the soldiers.
+Maintenance of the warlike spirit in decisive moments is one of the most
+important problems for the ingenious general.
+
+Even when the last ray of hope for victory seems to have disappeared,
+the call of an honored war chief, like a suggestive spark, may fire the
+hosts to self-sacrifice and heroism. A trumpet signal, a cry "hurrah,"
+the melody of the national hymn, can here at the decisive moment have
+incalculable effects. There is no need to recall the rôle of the
+"Marsellaise" in the days of the French Revolution. The agencies of
+suggestion in such cases make possible, provided that they are only able
+to remove the feeling of hopelessness, results which a moment before are
+neither to be anticipated nor expected. Where will and the sense of duty
+alone seem powerless, the mechanisms of suggestion may develop
+surprising effects.
+
+Excited masses are, it is well known, capable of the most inhuman
+behavior, and indeed for the very reason that, instead of sound logic,
+automatism and impulsiveness have entered in as direct results of
+suggestion. The modern barbarities of the Americans in the shape of
+lynch law for criminals or those who are only under a suspicion of a
+crime redound to the shame of the land of freedom, but find their full
+explanation in that impulsiveness of the crowd which knows no mercy.
+
+The multitude can, therefore, ever be led according to the content of
+the ideas suggested to it, as well to sublime and noble deeds as, on the
+other hand, to expressions of the lower and barbaric instincts. That is
+the art of manipulating the masses.
+
+It is a mistake to regard popular assemblies who have adopted a certain
+uniform idea simply as a sum of single elements, as is now and then
+attempted. For one is dealing in such cases, not with accidental, but
+with actual psychical, processes of fusion, which reciprocal suggestion
+is to a high degree effective in establishing and maintaining. The
+aggressiveness of the single elements of the mass arrives in this at
+their high point at one and the same time, and with complete spiritual
+unanimity the mass can now act as _one_ man; it moves, then, like one
+enormous social body, which unites in itself the thoughts and feelings
+of all by the very fact that there is a temper of mind common to all.
+Easily, however, as the crowd is to excite to the highest degrees of
+activity, as quickly--indeed, much more quickly--does it allow itself,
+as we have already seen, to be dispersed by a panic. Here too the panic
+rests entirely on suggestion, contra-suggestion, and the instinct of
+imitation, not on logic and conviction. Automatism, not intelligence, is
+the moving factor therein.
+
+Other, but quite generally favorable, conditions for suggestions are
+universally at hand in the human society, whose individual members in
+contrast to the crowd are physically separated from each other but stand
+in a spiritual alliance to each other. Here obviously those preliminary
+conditions for the dissemination of psychical infections are lacking as
+they exist in the crowd, and the instruments of the voice, of mimicry,
+of gestures, which often fire the passions with lightning rapidity, are
+not allowed to assert themselves. There exists much rather a certain
+spiritual cohesion on the ground perhaps of common impressions
+(theatrical representations), a similar direction of thoughts (articles
+in periodicals, etc.). These conditions are quite sufficient to prepare
+the foundation on which similar feelings propagate themselves from
+individual to individual by the method of suggestion and
+auto-suggestion, and similar decisions for many are matured.
+
+Things occur here more slowly, more peacefully, without those passionate
+outbreaks to which the crowd is subjected; but this slow infection
+establishes itself all the more surely in the feelings, while the
+infection of the crowd often only continues for a time until the latter
+is broken up.
+
+Moreover, such contagious examples in the public do not usually lead to
+such unexpected movements as they easily induce in the crowd. But here,
+too, the infection frequently acts in defiance of a man's sound
+intelligence; complete points of view are accepted upon trust and faith,
+without further discussion, and frequently immature resolutions are
+formed. On the boards representing the stage of the world there are ever
+moving idols, who after the first storm of admiration which they call
+out, sink back into oblivion. The fame of the people's leaders maintains
+itself in quite the same way by means of psychical infection through the
+similar national interest of a unified group. It has often happened that
+their brightness was extinguished with the first opposition which the
+masses saw setting its face against their wishes and ideals. What we,
+however, see in close popular masses recurs to a certain degree in every
+social milieu, in every larger society.
+
+Between the single elements of such social spheres there occur
+uninterrupted psychical infections and contra-infections. Ever according
+to the nature of the material of the infection that has been received,
+the individual feels himself attracted to the sublime and the noble, or
+to the lower and bestial. Is, then, the intercourse between teacher and
+pupil, between friends, between lovers, uninfluenced by reciprocal
+suggestion? Suicide pacts and other mutual acts present a certain
+participation of interacting suggestion. Yet more. Hardly a single deed
+whatever occurs that stands out over the everyday, hardly a crime is
+committed, without the concurrence of third persons, direct or indirect,
+not unseldom bearing a likeness to the effects of suggestion.
+
+We must here admit that Tarde was right when he said that it is less
+difficult to find crimes of the crowd than to discover crimes which were
+not such and which would indicate no sort of promotion or participation
+of the environment. That is true to such a degree that one may ask
+whether there are any individual crimes at all, as the question is also
+conceivable whether there are any works of genius which do not have a
+collective character.
+
+Many believe that crimes are always pondered. A closer insight into the
+behavior of criminals testifies, however, in many cases that even when
+there is a long period of indecision, a single encouraging word from the
+environment, an example with a suggestive effect, is quite sufficient to
+scatter all considerations and to bring the criminal intention to the
+deed. In organized societies, too, a mere nod from the chief may often
+lead with magic power to a crime.
+
+The ideas, efforts, and behavior of the individual may by no means be
+looked on as something sharply distinct, individually peculiar, since
+from the form and manner of these ideas, efforts, and behavior, there
+shines forth ever, more or less, the influence of the milieu.
+
+In close connection with this fact there stands also the so-called
+astringent effect of the milieu upon the individuals who are incapable
+of rising out of their environment, of stepping out of it. In society
+that bacillus for which one has found the name "suggestion" appears
+certainly as a leveling element, and, accordingly, whether the
+individual stands higher or lower than his environment, whether he
+becomes worse or better under its influence, he always loses or gains
+something from the contact with others. This is the basis of the great
+importance of suggestion as a factor in imposing a social uniformity
+upon individuals.
+
+The power of suggestion and contra-suggestion, however, extends yet
+further. It enhances sentiments and aims and enkindles the activity of
+the masses to an unusual degree.
+
+Many historical personages who knew how to embody in themselves the
+emotions and the desires of the masses--we may think of Jeanne d'Arc,
+Mahomet, Peter the Great, Napoleon I--were surrounded with a nimbus by
+the more or less blind belief of the people in their genius; this
+frequently acted with suggestive power upon the surrounding company
+which it carried away with a magic force to its leaders, and supported
+and aided the mission historically vested in the latter by means of
+their spiritual superiority. A nod from a beloved leader of any army is
+sufficient to enkindle anew the courage of the regiment and to lead them
+irresistibly into sure death.
+
+Many, it is well known, are still inclined to deny the individual
+personality any influence upon the course of historic events. The
+individual is to them only an expression of the views of the mass, an
+embodiment of the epoch, something, therefore, that cannot actively
+strike at the course of history; he is much rather himself heaved up out
+of the mass by historic events, which, unaffected by the individual,
+proceed in the courses they have themselves chosen.
+
+We forget in such a theory the influences of the suggestive factors
+which, independently of endowments and of energy, appear as a mighty
+lever in the hands of the fortunately situated nature and of those
+created to be the rulers of the masses. That the individual reflects his
+environment and his time, that the events of world-history only take
+their course upon an appropriately prepared basis and under
+appropriately favorable circumstances, no one will deny. There rests,
+however, in the masters of speech and writing, in the demagogues and the
+favorites of the people, in the great generals and statesmen, an inner
+power which welds together the masses for battle for an ideal, sweeps
+them away to heroism, and fires them to do deeds which leave enduring
+impressions in the history of humanity.
+
+I believe, therefore, that suggestion as an active agent should be the
+object of the most attentive study for the historians and the
+sociologists. Where this factor is not reckoned with, a whole series of
+historical and social phenomena is threatened with the danger of
+incomplete, insufficient, and perhaps even incorrect elucidation.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. The Process of Interaction
+
+The concept of universal interaction was first formulated in philosophy.
+Kant listed community or reciprocity among his dynamic categories. In
+the Herbartian theory of a world of coexisting individuals, the notion
+of reciprocal action was central. The distinctive contribution of Lotze
+was his recognition that interaction of the parts implies the unity of
+the whole since external action implies internal changes in the
+interacting objects. Ormond in his book _The Foundations of Knowledge_
+completes this philosophical conception by embodying in it a conclusion
+based on social psychology. Just as society is constituted by
+interacting persons whose innermost nature, as a result of interaction,
+is internal to each, so the universe is constituted by the totality of
+interacting units internally predisposed to interaction as elements and
+products of the process.
+
+In sociology, Gumplowicz arrived at the notions of a "natural social
+process" and of "reciprocal action of heterogeneous elements" in his
+study of the conflict of races. Ratzenhofer, Simmel, and Small place the
+social process and socialization central in their systems of sociology.
+Cooley's recent book _The Social Process_ is an intimate and sympathetic
+exposition of "interaction" and the "social process." "Society is a
+complex of forms or processes each of which is living and growing by
+interaction with the others, the whole being so unified that what takes
+place in one part affects all the rest. It is a vast tissue of
+reciprocal activity, differentiated into innumerable systems, some of
+them quite distinct, others not readily traceable, and all interwoven to
+such a degree that you see different systems according to the point of
+view you take."[154]
+
+This brief résumé of the general literature upon the social process and
+social interaction is introductory to an examination of the more
+concrete material upon communication, imitation, and suggestion.
+
+
+2. Communication
+
+"Many works have been written on Expression, but a greater number on
+Physiognomy" wrote Charles Darwin in 1872. Physiognomy, or the
+interpretation of character through the observation of the features, has
+long been relegated by the scientific world to the limbo occupied by
+astrology, alchemy, phrenology, and the practice of charlatans.
+
+While positive contributions to an appreciation of human expression were
+made before Darwin, as by Sir Charles Bell, Pierre Gratiolet, and Dr.
+Piderit, his volume on _The Expression of the Emotions in Man and
+Animals_ marked an epoch in the thinking upon the subject. Although his
+three principles of utility, antithesis, and direct nervous discharge to
+explain the signs of emotions may be open to question, as the
+physiological psychologist, Wilhelm Wundt, asserts, the great value of
+his contribution is generally conceded. His convincing demonstration of
+the universal similarity of emotional expression in the various human
+races, a similarity based on a common human inheritance, prepared the
+way for further study.
+
+Darwin assumed that the emotion was a mental state which preceded and
+caused its expression. According to the findings of later observation,
+popularly known as the James-Lange Theory, the emotion is the mental
+sign of a behavior change whose external aspects constitute the
+so-called "expression." The important point brought out by this new view
+of the emotion was an emphasis upon the nature of physiological changes
+involved in emotional response. Certain stimuli affect visceral
+processes and thereby modify the perception of external objects.
+
+The impetus to research upon this subject given by Darwin was first
+manifest in the reports of observation upon the expression of different
+emotions. Fear, anger, joy, were made the subjects of individual
+monographs. Several brilliant essays, as those by Sully, Dugas, and
+Bergson, appeared in one field alone, that of laughter. In the last
+decade there has been a distinct tendency toward the experimental study
+of the physiological and chemical changes which constitute the inner
+aspect of emotional responses, as for example, the report of Cannon upon
+his studies in his book _Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear, and
+Rage_.
+
+Simultaneous with this study of the physiological aspect of the
+emotional responses went further observation of its expression, the
+manifestation of the emotion. The research upon the communication of
+emotions and ideas proceeded from natural signs to gesture and finally
+to language. Genetic psychologists pointed out that the natural gesture
+is an abbreviated act. Mallery's investigation upon "Sign Language among
+North American Indians Compared with that among Other Peoples and Deaf
+Mutes" disclosed the high development of communication by gestures among
+Indian tribes. Wilhelm Wundt in his study of the origin of speech
+indicated the intimate relation between language and gesture in his
+conclusion that speech is vocal gesture. Similarly research in the
+origin of writing derives it, as indicated earlier in this chapter,
+through the intermediate form of pictographs from pictures.
+
+The significance for social life of the extension of communication
+through inventions has impressed ethnologists, historians, and
+sociologists. The ethnologist determines the beginnings of ancient
+civilization by the invention of writing. Historians have noted and
+emphasized the relation of the printing press to the transition from
+medieval to modern society. Graham Wallas in his _Great Society_
+interprets modern society as a creation of the machine and of the
+artificial means of communication.
+
+Sociological interest in language and writing is turning from studies of
+origins to investigations of their function in group life. Material is
+now available which indicates the extent to which the group may be
+studied through its language. Accordingly the point of view for the
+study of orthodox speech, or "correct" English, is that of the
+continuity of society; just as the standpoint for the study of heterodox
+language, or "slang," is that of the life of the group at the moment.
+The significance of the fact that "every group has its own language" is
+being recognized in its bearings upon research. Studies of dialects of
+isolated groups, of the argot of social classes, of the technical terms
+of occupational groups, of the precise terminology of scientific groups
+suggest the wide range of concrete materials. The expression "different
+universes of discourse" indicates how communication separates as well as
+unites persons and groups.
+
+
+3. Imitation
+
+Bagehot's _Physics and Politics_ published in 1872, with its chapter on
+"Imitation," was the first serious account of the nature of the rôle of
+imitation in social life. Gabriel Tarde, a French magistrate, becoming
+interested in imitation as an explanation of the behavior of criminals,
+undertook an extensive observation of its effects in the entire field of
+human activities. In his book _Laws of Imitation_, published in 1890, he
+made imitation synonymous with all intermental activity. "I have always
+given it (imitation) a very precise and characteristic meaning, that of
+the action at a distance of one mind upon another.... By imitation I
+mean every impression of interpsychical photography, so to speak, willed
+or not willed, passive or active."[155] "The unvarying characteristic of
+every social fact whatsoever is that it is imitative, and this
+characteristic belongs exclusively to social facts."[156]
+
+In this unwarranted extension of the concept of imitation Tarde
+undeniably had committed the unpardonable sin of science, i.e., he
+substituted for the careful study and patient observation of imitative
+behavior, easy and glittering generalizations upon uniformities in
+society. Contributions to an understanding of the actual process of
+imitation came from psychologists. Baldwin brought forward the concept
+of circular reaction to explain the interrelation of stimulus and
+response in imitation. He also indicated the place of imitation in
+personal development in his description of the dialectic of personal
+growth where the self develops in a process of give-and-take with other
+selves. Dewey, Stout, Mead, Henderson, and others, emphasizing the
+futility of the mystical explanation of imitation by imitation, have
+pointed out the influence of interest and attention upon imitation as a
+learning process. Mead, with keen analysis of the social situation,
+interprets imitation as the process by which the person practices rôles
+in social life. The studies of Thorndike may be mentioned as
+representative of the important experimental research upon this subject.
+
+
+4. Suggestion
+
+The reflective study of imitation originated in attempts at the
+explanation of uniformities in the behavior of individuals. Research in
+suggestion began in the narrow but mysterious field of the occult. In
+1765 Mesmer secured widespread attention by advancing the theory that
+heavenly bodies influence human beings by means of a subtle fluid which
+he called "animal magnetism." Abbé Faria, who came to Paris from India
+in 1814-15, demonstrated by experiments that the cause of the hypnotic
+sleep was subjective. With the experiments in 1841 of Dr. James Braid,
+the originator of the term "hypnotism," the scientific phase of the
+development of hypnotism began. The acceptance of the facts of hypnotism
+by the scientific world was the result of the work of Charcot and his
+students of the so-called Nancy School of Psychology.
+
+From the study of hypnotism to observation upon the rôle of suggestion
+in social life was a short step. Binet, Sidis, Münsterberg have
+formulated psychological definitions of suggestion and indicated its
+significance for an understanding of so-called crowd phenomena in human
+behavior. Bechterew in his monograph _Die Bedeutung der Suggestion im
+Sozialen Leben_ has presented an interpretation of distinct value for
+sociological research. At the present time there are many promising
+developments in the study of suggestion in special fields, such as
+advertising, leadership, politics, religion.
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+I. INTERACTION AND SOCIAL INTERACTION
+
+(1) Lotze, Hermann. _Metaphysic._ Vol. I, chap, vi, "The Unity of
+Things." Oxford, 1887.
+
+(2) Ormond, Alexander T. _Foundations of Knowledge._ Chap, vii,
+"Community or Interaction." London and New York, 1900.
+
+(3) Gumplowicz, L. _Der Rassenkampf._ Sociologische Untersuchungen. Pp.
+158-75. Innsbruck, 1883.
+
+(4) Simmel, Georg. "Über sociale Differenzierung, sociologische und
+psychologische Untersuchungen." _Staats- und Socialwissenschaftliche
+Forschungen_, edited by G. Schmoller. Vol. X. Leipzig, 1891.
+
+(5) Royce, J. _The World and the Individual._ 2d ser. "Nature, Man, and
+the Moral Order," Lecture IV. "Physical and Social Reality." London and
+New York, 1901.
+
+(6) Boodin, J. E. "Social Systems," _American Journal of Sociology_,
+XXIII (May, 1918), 705-34.
+
+(7) Tosti, Gustavo. "Social Psychology and Sociology," _The
+Psychological Review_, V (July, 1898), 348-61.
+
+(8) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ Chicago, 1905.
+
+(9) Cooley, Charles H. _The Social Process._ New York, 1918.
+
+
+II. SOCIAL INTERACTION AND SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS
+
+(1) Marshall, Henry R. _Consciousness._ Chap, vii, "Of Consciousnesses
+More Complex than Human Consciousnesses." New York and London, 1909.
+
+(2) Baldwin, James Mark. _Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental
+Development._ A study in social psychology. New York and London, 1906.
+
+(3) Royce, Josiah. "Self-Consciousness, Social Consciousness and
+Nature," _Philosophical Review_, IV (1895), 465-85; 577-602.
+
+(4) ----. "The External World and the Social Consciousness,"
+_Philosophical Review_, III (1894), 513-45.
+
+(5) Worms, René. _Organisme et Société._ Chap. x, "Fonctions de
+Relation." Paris, 1896.
+
+(6) Mead, G. H. "Social Consciousness and the Consciousness of Meaning,"
+_Psychological Bulletin_, VII (Dec. 15, 1910), 397-405.
+
+(7) ----. "Psychology of Social Consciousness Implied in Instruction,"
+_Science_, N. S., XXI (1910), 688-93.
+
+(8) Novicow, J. _Conscience et volonté sociales._ Paris, 1897.
+
+(9) McDougall, W. _The Group Mind._ A sketch of the principles of
+collective psychology with some attempt to apply them to the
+interpretation of national life and character. New York and London,
+1920.
+
+(10) Ames, Edward S. "Religion in Terms of Social Consciousness," _The
+Journal of Religion_, I (1921), 264-70.
+
+(11) Burgess, E. W. _The Function of Socialization in Social Evolution._
+Chicago, 1916.
+
+(12) Maciver, R. M. _Community._ A sociological study, being an attempt
+to set out the nature and fundamental laws of social life. London, 1917.
+
+
+III. COMMUNICATION AND INTERACTION
+
+
+A. _The Emotions and Emotional Expression_
+
+(1) James, William. _The Principles of Psychology._ Vol. II, chap. xxv.
+New York, 1896.
+
+(2) Dewey, John. "The Theory of Emotion," _Psychological Review_, I
+(1894), 553-69; II (1895), 13-32.
+
+(3) Wundt, Wilhelm. _Grundzüge der physiologischen Psychologie._ 3 vols.
+6th ed. Leipzig, 1908-11.
+
+(4) Ribot, T. _The Psychology of the Emotions._ London and New York,
+1898.
+
+(5) Darwin, Charles. _The Expression of the Emotions in Man and
+Animals._ London and New York, 1873.
+
+(6) Rudolph, Heinrich. _Der Ausdruck der Gemütsbewegungen des Menschen
+dargestellt und erklärt auf Grund der Urformen-und der Gesetze des
+Ausdrucks und der Erregungen._ Dresden, 1903.
+
+(7) Piderit, T. _Mimik und Physiognomik._ Rev. ed. Detmold, 1886.
+
+(8) Cannon, Walter B. _Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear, and Rage._
+An account of recent researches into the function of emotional
+excitement. New York and London, 1915.
+
+(9) Hirn, Yrjö. _The Origins of Art._ A psychological and sociological,
+inquiry. London and New York, 1900.
+
+(10) Bergson, H. _Le Rire._ Essai sur la signification du comique.
+Paris, 1900.
+
+(11) Sully, James. _An Essay on Laughter._ Its forms, its causes, its
+development, and its value. London and New York, 1902.
+
+(12) Dugas, L. _Psychologie du rire._ Paris, 1902.
+
+(13) Groos, Karl. _The Play of Man._ Translated from the German by
+Elizabeth L. Baldwin. New York, 1901.
+
+(14) ----. _The Play of Animals._ Translated from the German by
+Elizabeth L. Baldwin. New York, 1898.
+
+(15) Royce, J. _The Spirit of Modern Philosophy._ An essay in the form
+of lectures. Chap. xii, "Physical Law and Freedom: The World of
+Description and the World of Appreciation." Boston, 1892.
+
+(16) Bücher, Karl. _Arbeit und Rhythmus._ Leipzig, 1902.
+
+(17) Mallery, Garrick. "Sign Language among North American Indians
+compared with That among Other Peoples and Deaf Mutes." _United States
+Bureau of American Ethnology. First Annual Report._ Washington, 1881.
+
+
+B. _Language and the Printing Press_
+
+(1) Schmoller, Gustav. _Grundriss der allgemeinen
+Volkswirtschaftslehre._ Chap, ii, 2, "Die psychophysischen Mittel
+menschlicher Verständigung: Sprache und Schrift." Leipzig, 1900.
+
+(2) Lazarus, Moritz. "Das Leben der Seele," _Geist und Sprache_, Vol.
+II. Berlin, 1878.
+
+(3) Wundt, Wilhelm. "Völkerpsychologie." Eine Untersuchung der
+Entwicklungsgesetze von Sprache, Mythus, und Sitte. _Die Sprache_, Vol.
+I. Part i. Leipzig, 1900.
+
+(4) Wuttke, Heinrich. _Die deutschen Zeitschriften und die Entstehung
+der öffentlichen Meinung._ Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des
+Zeitungswesens. Leipzig, 1875.
+
+(5) Mason, William A. _A History of the Art of Writing._ New York, 1920.
+
+(6) Bücher, Carl. _Industrial Evolution._ Translated from the German by
+S. M. Wickett. Chap. vi, "The Genesis of Journalism." New York, 1901.
+
+(7) Dibblee, G. Binney. _The Newspaper._ New York and London, 1913.
+
+(8) Payne, George Henry. _History of Journalism in the United States._
+New York and London, 1920.
+
+(9) Kawabé, Kisaburo. _The Press and Politics in Japan._ A study of
+the relation between the newspaper and the political development of
+modern Japan. Chicago, 1921.
+
+(10) Münsterberg, Hugo. _The Photoplay._ A psychological study. New
+York, 1916.
+
+(11) Kingsbury, J. E. _The Telephone and Telephone Exchanges._ Their
+invention and development. London and New York, 1915.
+
+(12) Borght, R. van der. _Das Verkehrswesen._ Leipzig, 1894.
+
+(13) Mason, O. T. _Primitive Travel and Transportation._ New York, 1897.
+
+
+C. _Slang, Argot, and Universes of Discourse_
+
+(1) Farmer, John S. _Slang and Its Analogues Past and Present._ A
+dictionary, historical and comparative, of the heterodox speech of all
+classes of society for more than three hundred years. With synonyms in
+English, French, German, Italian, etc. London, 1890-1904.
+
+(2) Sechrist, Frank K. _The Psychology of Unconventional Language._
+Worcester, Mass., 1913.
+
+(3) Ware, J. Redding. _Passing English of the Victorian Era._ A
+dictionary of heterodox English, slang and phrase. New York, 1909.
+
+(4) Hotten, John C. _A Dictionary of Modern Slang, Cant, and Vulgar
+Words._ Used at the present day in the streets of London; the
+universities of Oxford and Cambridge; the houses of Parliament; the dens
+of St. Giles; and the palaces of St. James. Preceded by a history of
+cant and vulgar language; with glossaries of two secret languages,
+spoken by the wandering tribes of London, the costermongers, and the
+patterers. London, 1859.
+
+(5) ----. _The Slang Dictionary._ Etymological, historical, and
+anecdotal. New York, 1898.
+
+(6) Farmer, John S. _The Public School Word-Book._ A contribution to a
+historical glossary of words, phrases, and turns of expression, obsolete
+and in present use, peculiar to our great public schools, together with
+some that have been or are modish at the universities. London, 1900.
+
+(7) _A New Dictionary of the Terms Ancient and Modern of the Canting
+Crew._ In its several tribes of gypsies, beggars, thieves, cheats, etc.,
+with an addition of some proverbs, phrases, and figurative speeches,
+etc. London, 1690. Reprinted, 19--.
+
+(8) Kluge, F. _Rotwelsch._ Quellen und Wortschatz der Gaunersprache und
+der verwandten Geheimsprachen. Strassburg, 1901.
+
+(9) Barrère, Albert, and Leland, C. G., editors. _A Dictionary of Slang,
+Jargon, and Cant._ Embracing English, American, and Anglo-Indian slang,
+pidgin English, gypsies' jargon, and other irregular phraseology. 2
+vols. London, 1897.
+
+(10) Villatte, Césaire. _Parisismen._ Alphabetisch geordnete Sammlung
+der eigenartigen Ausdrucksweisen des Pariser Argot. Ein Supplement zu
+allen französisch-deutschen Wörterbüchern. Berlin, 1899.
+
+(11) Delesalle, Georges. _Dictionnaire argot-français et
+français-argot._ Nouvelle Edition. Paris, 1899.
+
+(12) Villon, François. _Le jargon et jobelin de François Villon, suivi
+du jargon an théatre._ Paris, 1888.
+
+(13) Saineanu, Lazar. _L'Argot ancien_ (1455-1850). Ses éléments
+constitutifs, ses rapports avec les langues secrètes de l'Europe
+méridionale et l'argot moderne, avec un appendice sur l'argot juge par
+Victor Hugo et Balzac; par Lazare Sainéan, pseud. Paris, 1907.
+
+(14) Dauzat, Albert. _Les argots des métiers franco-provençaux._ Paris,
+1917.
+
+(15) Leland, Charles G. _The English Gypsies and Their Languages._ 4th
+ed. New York, 1893.
+
+(16) _Dictionnaire des termes militaires et de l'argot poilu._ Paris,
+1916.
+
+(17) Empey, Arthur Guy. _Over the Top._ By an American soldier who went,
+Arthur Guy Empey, machine gunner, serving in France; together with
+Tommy's dictionary of the trenches. New York and London, 1917.
+
+(18) Smith, L. N. _Lingo of No Man's Land; or, War Time Lexicon._
+Compiled by Sergt. Lorenzo N. Smith. Chicago, 1918.
+
+(19) Saineanu, Lazar. _L'Argot des tranchées._ D'après les lettres
+des poilus et les journaux du front. Paris, 1915.
+
+(20) Horn, Paul. _Die deutsche Soldatensprache._ Giessen, 1905.
+
+
+IV. IMITATION AND SUGGESTION
+
+A. _Imitation_
+
+(1) Bagehot, Walter. _Physics and Politics; or, Thoughts on the
+Application of the Principles of "Natural Selection" and "Inheritance"
+to Political Society._ New York, 1873.
+
+(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _The Laws of Imitation._ Translated from the 2d.
+French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons. New York, 1903.
+
+(3) Baldwin, James M. _Mental Development in the Child and the Race._
+Methods and processes. 3d. rev. ed. New York, 1906.
+
+(4) ----. _Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development._ A
+study in social psychology. 4th ed. New York, 1906.
+
+(5) Royce, Josiah. _Outlines of Psychology._ An elementary treatise with
+some practical applications. New York, 1903.
+
+(6) Henderson, Ernest N. _A Text-Book in the Principles of Education._
+Chap. xi, "Imitation." New York, 1910.
+
+(7) Thorndike, E. L. _Educational Psychology._ Vol. I., The Original
+Nature of Man. Chap. viii, pp. 108-22. New York, 1913.
+
+(8) Hughes, Henry. _Die Mimik des Menschen auf Grund voluntarischer
+Psychologie._ Frankfurt a. M., 1900.
+
+(9) Park, Robert E. _Masse und Publikum._ Eine methodologische und
+soziologische Untersuchung. Chap. ii, "Der soziologische Prozess,"
+describes the historical development of the conception of imitation in
+its relation to sympathy and mimicry in the writings of Hume, Butler,
+and Dugald Stewart. Bern, 1904.
+
+(10) Smith, Adam. _The Theory of Moral Sentiments._ To which is added a
+dissertation on the origin of languages. London, 1892.
+
+(11) Ribot, T. _The Psychology of the Emotions._ Part II, chap. iv,
+"Sympathy and the Tender Emotions," pp. 230-38. Translated from the
+French, 2d ed. London, 1911.
+
+(12) Dewey, John. "Imitation in Education," _Cyclopedia of Education_,
+III, 389-90.
+
+(13) Him, Yrjö. _The Origins of Art._ A psychological and sociological
+inquiry. Chap. vi, "Social Expression." London and New York, 1900.
+
+
+B. _Suggestion_
+
+(1) Moll, Albert. _Hypnotism._ Including a study of the chief points of
+psychotherapeutics and occultism. Translated from the 4th enl. ed. by A.
+F. Hopkirk. London and New York, 1909.
+
+(2) Binet, A., and Féré, Ch. _Animal Magnetism._ New York, 1892.
+
+(3) Janet, Pierre. _L'Automisme psychologique._ Essai de psychologie
+expérimental sur les formes inférieures de l'activité humaine. Paris,
+1889.
+
+(4) Bernheim, H. _Hypnotisme, Suggestion, Psychothérapie._ Paris, 1891.
+
+(5) Richet, Ch. _Experimentelle Studien auf dem Gebiete der
+Gedankenübertragung und des sogenannten Hellsehens._ Deutsch von Frhrn.
+von Schrenck-Notzing. Stuttgart, 1891.
+
+(6) Pfungst, Oskar. _Clever Hans (The Horse of Mr. von Osten)._ A
+contribution to experimental animal and human psychology. New York,
+1911. [Bibliography.]
+
+(7) Hansen, F. C. C., and Lehmann, A. _Über unwillkürliches Flüstern._
+Philosophische Studien, Leipzig, XI (1895), 471-530.
+
+(8) Féré, Ch. _Sensation et mouvement._ Chap, xix, pp. 120-24. Paris,
+1887.
+
+(9) Sidis, Boris. _The Psychology of Suggestion._ A research into the
+subconscious nature of man and society. New York, 1898.
+
+(10) Bechterew, W. v. _Die Bedeutung der Suggestion im Sozialen Leben._
+Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens. Wiesbaden, 1905.
+
+(11) Stoll, Otto. _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Völkerpsychologie._
+Leipzig, 1904.
+
+(12) Binet, Alfred. _La Suggestibilité._ Paris, 1900.
+
+(13) Münsterberg, Hugo. _Psychotherapy._ Chap. v, "Suggestion and
+Hypnotism," pp. 85-124. New York, 1909.
+
+(14) Cooley, Charles. _Human Nature and the Social Order._ Chap. ii. New
+York, 1902.
+
+(15) Gulick, Sidney. _The American Japanese Problem._ A study of the
+racial relations of the East and the West. Pp. 118-68. New York, 1914.
+
+(16) Fishberg, Maurice. _The Jews._ A study of race and environment.
+London and New York, 1911.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. A History of the Concept of Social Interaction.
+
+2. Interaction and the Atomic Theory.
+
+3. Interaction and Social Consciousness.
+
+4. Interaction and Self-Consciousness.
+
+5. Religion and Social Consciousness.
+
+6. Publicity and Social Consciousness.
+
+7. Interaction and the Limits of the Group.
+
+8. The Senses and Communication: a Comparative Study of the Rôle of
+Touch, Smell, Sight, and Hearing in Social Intercourse.
+
+9. Facial Expression as a Form of Communication.
+
+10. Laughter and Blushing and Self-Consciousness.
+
+11. The Sociology of Gesture.
+
+12. The Subtler Forms of Interaction; "Mind-Reading," "Thought
+Transference."
+
+13. Rapport, A Study of Mutual Influence in Intimate Associations.
+
+14. A History of Imitation as a Sociological Theory.
+
+15. Suggestion as an Explanation of Collective Behavior.
+
+16. Adam Smith's Theory of the Relation of Sympathy and Moral Judgment.
+
+17. Interest, Attention, and Imitation.
+
+18. Imitation and Appreciation.
+
+19. The History of Printing and of the Press.
+
+20. Modem Extensions of Communication: the Telephone, the Telegraph,
+Radio, the Motion Picture, Popular Music.
+
+21. An Explanation of Secondary Society in Terms of Secondary Devices of
+Communication.
+
+22. Graham Wallas' Conception of the Problem of Social Heritages in
+Secondary Society.
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. What do you understand Gumplowicz to mean by a "natural process"?
+
+2. Do you think that the idea of a "natural process" is applicable to
+society?
+
+3. Is Gumplowicz' principle of the interaction of social elements
+valid?
+
+4. What do you understand Simmel to mean by society? by socialization?
+
+5. Do you agree with Simmel when he says, "In and of themselves, these
+materials with which life is filled, these motivations which impel it,
+are not social in their nature"?
+
+6. In what ways, according to Simmel, does interaction maintain the
+mechanism of the group in time?
+
+7. What do you understand to be the distinction which Simmel makes
+between attitudes of appreciation and comprehension?
+
+8. "The interaction of individuals based upon mutual glances is perhaps
+the most direct and purest reciprocity which exists." Explain.
+
+9. Explain the sociology of the act of looking down to avoid the glance
+of the other.
+
+10. In what way does Simmel's distinction between the reactions to other
+persons of the blind and the deaf-mute afford an explanation of the
+difference between the social life of the village and of the large city?
+
+11. In what sense are emotions expressive? To whom are they expressive?
+
+12. What is the relation of emotional expression to communication?
+
+13. Why would you say Darwin states that "blushing is the most peculiar
+and the most human of all expressions"?
+
+14. Does a person ever blush in isolation?
+
+15. What in your opinion is the bearing of the phenomenon of blushing
+upon interaction and communication?
+
+16. What is the difference between the function of blushing and of
+laughing in social life?
+
+17. In what sense is sympathy the "law of laughter"?
+
+18. What determines the object of laughter?
+
+19. What is the sociological explanation of the rôle of laughter and
+ridicule in social control?
+
+20. What are the likenesses and differences between intercommunication
+among animals and language among men?
+
+21. What is the criterion of the difference between man and the animal,
+according to Max Müller?
+
+22. In your opinion, was the situation in which language arose one of
+unanimity or diversity of attitude?
+
+23. "Language and ideational processes developed together and are
+necessary to each other." Explain.
+
+24. What is the relation of the evolution of writing as a form of
+communication (a) to the development of ideas, and (b) to social
+life?
+
+25. What difference in function, if any, is there between communication
+carried on (a) merely through expressive signs, (b) language, (c)
+writing, (d) printing?
+
+26. How does the evolution of publicity exhibit the extension of
+communication by human invention?
+
+27. In what ways is the extension of communication related to primary
+and secondary contacts?
+
+28. Does the growth of communication make for or against the development
+of individuality?
+
+29. How do you define imitation?
+
+30. What is the relation of attention and interest to the mechanism of
+imitation?
+
+31. What is the relation of imitation to learning?
+
+32. What is the relation of imitation to the three phases of sympathy
+differentiated by Ribot?
+
+33. What do you understand by Smith's definition of sympathy? How does
+it differ from that of Ribot?
+
+34. Under what conditions is the sentiment aroused in the observer
+likely to resemble that of the observed? When is it likely to be
+different?
+
+35. In what sense is sympathy the basis for passing a moral judgment
+upon a person or an act?
+
+36. What do you understand by "internal imitation"?
+
+37. What is the significance of imitation for artistic appreciation?
+
+38. What do you understand by the term "appreciation"? Distinguish
+between "appreciation" and "comprehension." (Compare Hirn's distinction
+with that made by Simmel.)
+
+39. Upon what is the nature of suggestion based? How do you define
+suggestion?
+
+40. What do you understand by Bechterew's distinction between active
+perception and passive perception?
+
+41. Why can we speak of suggestion as a mental automatism?
+
+42. How real is the analogy of suggestion to an infection or an
+inoculation?
+
+43. What do you understand by the distinction between personal
+consciousness and general consciousness?
+
+44. What is the significance of attention in determining the character
+of suggestion?
+
+45. What is the relation of rapport to suggestion?
+
+46. How would you distinguish suggestion from other forms of stimulus
+and response?
+
+47. Is suggestion a term of individual or of social psychology?
+
+48. What is the significance of the case of Clever Hans for the
+interpretation of so-called telepathy? of muscle reading?
+
+49. How extensive, would you say, are the subtler forms of suggestion in
+normal life? What illustrations would you give?
+
+50. What is the rôle of social contagion in mass action?
+
+51. What do you understand Bechterew to mean by "the psychological
+processes of fusion"? "spiritual cohesion," etc.?
+
+52. What does it mean to say that historical personages "embody in
+themselves the emotions and the desires of the masses"?
+
+53. What, in your judgment, are the differentiating criteria of
+suggestion and imitation?
+
+54. What do you understand is meant by speaking of imitation and
+suggestion as mechanisms of interaction?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[135] Pp. 70 and 72.
+
+[136] Translated and adapted from Ludwig Gumplowicz, _Der Rassenkampf_,
+pp. 158-61. (Innsbruck: Wagnerische Univ. Buchhandlung, 1883.)
+
+[137] Translated from Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, by Albion W. Small,
+_American Journal of Sociology_, XV (1909), 296-98; III (1898), 667-83.
+
+[138] Translated and adapted from Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, pp.
+646-51. (Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot, 1908.)
+
+[139] Adapted from Charles Darwin, _The Expression of the Emotions_, pp.
+350-67. (John Murray, 1873.)
+
+[140] Adapted from Charles Darwin, _The Expression of the Emotions_, pp.
+310-37. (John Murray, 1873.)
+
+[141] Translated and adapted from L. Dugas, _Psychologie du rire_, pp.
+32-153. (Félix Alcan, 1902.)
+
+[142] Adapted from C. Lloyd Morgan, _Animal Behaviour_, pp. 193-205.
+(Edward Arnold, 1908.)
+
+[143] Adapted from F. Max Müller, _The Science of Language_, I, 520-27.
+(Longmans, Green & Co., 1891.)
+
+[144] Adapted from Charles H. Judd, _Psychology_, pp. 219-24. (Ginn &
+Co., 1917.)
+
+[145] Adapted from Carl Bücher, _Industrial Evolution_. Translated by S.
+Morley Wickett, pp. 216-43. (Henry Holt & Co., 1907.)
+
+[146] From Charles H. Judd, "Imitation," in _Monroe's Cyclopedia of
+Education_, III, 388-89. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1912.
+Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[147] Adapted from G. F. Stout, _A Manual of Psychology_, pp. 390-91.
+(The University Tutorial Press, 1913.)
+
+[148] Adapted from Th. Ribot, _The Psychology of the Emotions_, pp.
+230-34. (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1898.)
+
+[149] Adapted from Adam Smith, _The Theory of Moral Sentiments_, pp.
+3-10. (G. Bell & Sons, 1893.)
+
+[150] From Yrjö Hirn, _The Origins of Art_, pp. 74-85. (Published by The
+Macmillan Co., 1900. Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[151] Translated and adapted from the German, _Die Bedeutung der
+Suggestion im Sozialen Leben_, pp. 10-15, from the original Russian of
+W. v. Bechterew. (J. F. Bergmann, Wiesbaden, 1905.)
+
+[152] Adapted from Albert Moll, _Hypnotism_, pp. 453-57. The
+Contemporary Science Series. (Walter Scott, 1909.)
+
+[153] Translated and adapted from the German, _Die Bedeutung der
+Suggestion im Sozialen Leben_, pp. 134-42, from the original Russian of
+W. v. Bechterew. (Wiesbaden: J. F. Bergmann, 1905.)
+
+[154] _The Social Process_, p. 28.
+
+[155] P. xiv.
+
+[156] P. 41.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+SOCIAL FORCES
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Sources of the Notion of Social Forces
+
+The concept of interaction is an abstraction so remote from ordinary
+experience that it seems to have occurred only to scientists and
+philosophers. The idea of forces behind the manifestations of physical
+nature and of society is a notion which arises naturally out of the
+experience of the ordinary man. Historians, social reformers, and
+students of community life have used the term in the language of common
+sense to describe factors in social situations which they recognized but
+did not attempt to describe or define. Movements for social reform have
+usually met with unexpected obstacles. Public welfare programs have not
+infrequently been received with popular antagonism instead of popular
+support. Lack of success has led to the search for causes, and
+investigation has revealed the obstacles, as well as the aids, to reform
+embodied in influential persons, "political bosses," "union leaders,"
+"the local magnate," and in powerful groups such as party organizations,
+unions, associations of commerce, etc. Social control, it appears, is
+resident, not in individuals as individuals, but as members of
+communities and social groups. Candid recognition of the rôle of these
+persons and groups led popular writers on social, political, and
+economic topics to give them the impersonal designation "social forces."
+
+A student made the following crude and yet illuminating analysis of the
+social forces in a small community where he had lived: the community
+club, "the Davidson clique," and the "Jones clique" (these two large
+family groups are intensely hostile and divide village life); the
+community Methodist church; the Presbyterian church group (no church);
+the library; two soft-drink parlors where all kinds of beverages are
+sold; the daily train; the motion-picture show; the dance hall; a
+gambling clique; sex attraction; gossip; the "sporting" impulse; the
+impulse to be "decent."
+
+"The result," he states, "is a disgrace to our modern civilization. It
+is one of the worst communities I ever saw."
+
+The most significant type of community study has been the social survey,
+with a history which antedates its recent developments. Yet the survey
+movement from the _Domesday Survey_, initiated in 1085 by William the
+Conqueror, to the recent _Study of Methods of Americanization_ by the
+Carnegie Corporation, has been based upon an implicit or explicit
+recognition of the interrelations of the community and its constituent
+groups. The _Domesday Survey_, although undertaken for financial and
+political purposes, gives a picture of the English nation as an
+organization of isolated local units, which the Norman Conquest first of
+all forced into closer unity. The surveys of the Russell Sage Foundation
+have laid insistent emphasis upon the study of social problems and of
+social institutions in their context within the life of the community.
+The central theme of the different divisions of the Carnegie _Study of
+Methods of Americanization_ is the nature and the degree of the
+participation of the immigrant in our national and cultural life. In
+short, the survey, wittingly or unwittingly, has tended to penetrate
+beneath surface observations to discover the interrelations of social
+groups and institutions and has revealed community life as a
+_constellation of social forces_.
+
+
+2. History of the Concept of Social Forces
+
+The concept of social forces has had a history different from that of
+interaction. It was in the writings of the historians rather than of the
+sociologists that the term first gained currency. The historians, in
+their description and interpretation of persons and events, discerned
+definite motives or tendencies, which served to give to the mere
+temporal sequence of the events a significance which they did not
+otherwise possess. These tendencies historians called "social forces."
+
+From the point of view and for the purposes of reformers social forces
+were conceived as embodied in institutions. For the purposes of the
+historian they are merely tendencies which combine to define the general
+trend of historical change. The logical motive, which has everywhere
+guided science in formulating its conceptions, is here revealed in its
+most naïve and elementary form. Natural science invariably seeks to
+describe change in terms of process, that is to say, in terms of
+interaction of tendencies. These tendencies are what science calls
+forces.
+
+For the purposes of an adequate description, however, it is necessary
+not merely to conceive change in terms of the interplay of forces, but
+to think of these forces as somehow objectively embodied, as social
+forces are conceived to be embodied in institutions, organizations, and
+persons. These objects in which the forces are, or seem to be, resident
+are not forces in any real or metaphysical sense, as the physicists tell
+us. They are mere points of reference which enable us to visualize the
+direction and measure the intensity of change.
+
+Institutions and social organizations may, in any given situation, be
+regarded as social forces, but they are not ultimate nor elementary
+forces. One has but to carry the analysis of the community a little
+farther to discover the fact that institutions and organizations may be
+further resolved into factors of smaller and smaller denominations until
+we have arrived at individual men and women. For common sense the
+individual is quite evidently the ultimate factor in every community or
+social organization.
+
+Sociologists have carried the analysis a step farther. They have sought
+to meet the problem raised by two facts: (1) the same individual may be
+a member of different societies, communities, and social groups at the
+same time; (2) under certain circumstances his interests as a member of
+one group may conflict with his interests as a member of another group,
+so that the conflict between different social groups will be reflected
+in the mental and moral conflicts of the individual himself.
+Furthermore, it is evident that the individual is, as we frequently say,
+"not the same person" at different times and places. The phenomena of
+moods and of dual personality has sociological significance in just this
+connection.
+
+From all this it is quite evident that the individual is not elementary
+in a sociological sense. It is for this reason that sociologists have
+invariably sought the sociological element, not in the individual but in
+his appetites, desires, wishes--the human motives which move him to
+action.
+
+
+3. Classification of the Materials
+
+The readings in this chapter are arranged in the natural order of the
+development of the notion of social forces. They were first thought of
+by historians as tendencies and trends. Then in the popular sociology
+social forces were identified with significant social objects in which
+the factors of the situations under consideration were embodied. This
+was a step in the direction of a definition of the elementary social
+forces. Later the terms interests, sentiments, and attitudes made their
+appearance in the literature of economics, social psychology, and
+sociology. Finally the concept of the wishes, first vaguely apprehended
+by sociologists under the name "desires," having gained a more adequate
+description and definition in the use made of it by psychoanalysis, has
+been reintroduced into sociology by W. I. Thomas under the title of the
+"four wishes." This brief statement is sufficient to indicate the
+motives determining the order of the materials included under "Social
+Forces."
+
+In the list of social forces just enumerated, attitudes are, for the
+purposes of sociology, elementary. They are elementary because, being
+tendencies to act, they are expressive and communicable. They present us
+human motives in the only form in which we can know them objectively,
+namely, as behavior. Human motives become social forces only so far as
+they are communicable, only when they are communicated. Because
+attitudes have for the purposes of sociology this elementary character,
+it is desirable to define the term "attitude" before attempting to
+define its relation to the wishes and sentiments.
+
+a) _The social element defined._--What is an attitude? Attitudes are
+not instincts, nor appetites, nor habits, for these refer to specific
+tendencies to act that condition attitudes but do not define them.
+Attitudes are not the same as emotions or sentiments although attitudes
+always are emotionally toned and frequently supported by sentiments.
+Opinions are not attitudes. An opinion is rather a statement made to
+justify and make intelligible an existing attitude or bias. A wish is an
+inherited tendency or instinct which has been fixed by attention
+directed to objects, persons, or patterns of behavior, which objects
+then assume the character of values. An attitude is the tendency of the
+person to react positively or negatively to the total situation.
+Accordingly, attitudes may be defined as the mobilization of the will of
+the person.
+
+Attitudes are as many and as varied as the situations to which they are
+a response. It is, of course, not to be gainsaid that instincts,
+appetites, habits, emotions, sentiments, opinions, and wishes are
+involved in and with the attitudes. Attitudes are mobilizations and
+organizations of the wishes with reference to definite situations. My
+wishes may be very positive and definite in a given situation, but my
+attitude may be wavering and undetermined. On the other hand, my
+attitude may be clearly defined in situations where my wishes are not
+greatly involved. It is characteristic of the so-called academic, as
+distinguished from the "practical" and emotional, attitude that, under
+its influence, the individual seeks to emphasize all the factors in the
+situation and thus qualifies and often weakens the will to act. The
+wishes enter into attitudes as components. How many, varied,
+ill-defined, and conflicting may be and have been the wishes that have
+determined at different times the attitudes and the sentiments of
+individuals and nations toward the issues of war and peace? The
+fundamental wishes, we may assume, are the same in all situations. The
+attitudes and sentiments, however, in which the wishes of the individual
+find expression are determined not merely by these wishes, but by other
+factors in the situation, the wishes of other individuals, for example.
+The desire for recognition is a permanent and universal trait of human
+nature, but in the case of an egocentric personality, this wish may take
+the form of an excessive humility or a pretentious boasting. The wish is
+the same but the attitudes in which it finds expression are different.
+
+The attitudes which are elementary for _sociological analysis_ may be
+resolved by _psychological analysis_ into smaller factors so that we may
+think, if we choose, of attitudes as representing constellations of
+smaller components which we call wishes. In fact it has been one of the
+great contributions of psychoanalysis to our knowledge of human behavior
+that it has been able to show that attitudes may be analyzed into still
+more elementary components and that these components, like the
+attitudes, are involved in a process of interaction among themselves. In
+other words there is organization, tension, and change in the
+constituent elements of the attitudes. This accounts, in part, for their
+mutability.
+
+b) _Attitudes as behavior patterns._--If the attitude may be said to
+play the rôle in sociological analysis that the elementary substances
+play in chemical analysis, then the rôle of the wishes may be compared
+to that of the electrons.
+
+The clearest way to think of attitudes is as behavior patterns or units
+of behavior. The two most elementary behavior patterns are the tendency
+to approach and the tendency to withdraw. Translated into terms of the
+individual organism these are tendencies to expand and to contract. As
+the self expands to include other selves, as in sympathy and in
+fellowship, there is an extension of self-feeling to the whole group.
+Self-consciousness passes over, in the rapport thus established, into
+group consciousness. In the expansive movements characteristic of
+individuals under the influence of crowd excitements the individual is
+submerged in the mass.
+
+On the other hand, in movements of withdrawal or of recoil from other
+persons, characteristic of fear and embarrassment, there is a
+heightening of self-consciousness. The tendency to identify one's self
+with other selves, to lose one's self in the ecstasy of psychic union
+with others, is essentially a movement toward contact; while the
+inclination to differentiate one's self, to lead a self-sufficient
+existence, apart from others, is as distinctly a movement resulting in
+isolation.
+
+The simplest and most fundamental types of behavior of individuals and
+of groups are represented in these contrasting tendencies to approach an
+object or to withdraw from it. If instead of thinking of these two
+tendencies as unrelated, they are thought of as conflicting responses to
+the same situation, where the tendency to approach is modified and
+complicated by a tendency to withdraw, we get the phenomenon of _social
+distance_. There is the tendency to approach, but not too near. There is
+a feeling of interest and sympathy of A for B, but only when B remains
+at a certain distance. Thus the Negro in the southern states is "all
+right in his place." The northern philanthropist is interested in the
+advancement of the Negro but wants him to remain in the South. At least
+he does not want him for a neighbor. The southern white man likes the
+Negro as an individual, but he is not willing to treat him as an equal.
+The northern white man is willing to treat the Negro as an equal but he
+does not want him too near. The wishes are in both cases essentially the
+same but the attitudes are different.
+
+The accommodations between conflicting tendencies, so flagrantly
+displayed in the facts of race prejudice, are not confined to the
+relation of white men and black. The same mechanisms are involved in all
+the subordinations, exclusions, privacies, social distances, and
+reserves which we seek everywhere, by the subtle devices of taboo and
+social ritual, to maintain and defend. Where the situation calls forth
+rival or conflicting tendencies, the resulting attitude is likely to be
+an accommodation, in which what has been described as distance is the
+determining factor. When an accommodation takes the form of the
+domination of A and the submission of B, the original tendencies of
+approach and withdrawal are transformed into attitudes of
+superordination and subordination. If primary attitudes of expansion and
+of contraction are thought of in terms of lateral distance, then
+attitudes of superiority and inferiority may be charted in the vertical
+plane as illustrated by the following diagram:
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 4.--A = tendency to approach; B = tendency to
+withdraw; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 = distance defining levels of accommodation; X
+= superordination; Y = subordination.]
+
+This polar conception of attitudes, in which they are conceived in terms
+of movements of expansion and contraction, of approach and withdrawal,
+of attraction and repulsion, of domination and submission, may be
+applied in an analysis of the sentiments.
+
+A sentiment, as defined by McDougall, is "an organized system of
+emotional dispositions centered about the idea of some object." The
+polarity of the sentiments is, however, one of its evident and striking
+characteristics. Love and hate, affection and dislike, attachment and
+aversion, self-esteem and humility have this character of polarity
+because each pair of sentiments and attitudes represents a different
+constellation of the same component wishes.
+
+A significant feature of sentiments and attitudes is inner tension and
+consequent tendency to mutation. Love changes into hate, or dislike is
+transformed into affection, or humility is replaced by self-assertion.
+This mutability is explained by the fact, just mentioned, that the
+sentiment-attitude is a complex of wishes and desires organized around a
+person or object. In this complex one motive--love, for example--is for
+a moment the dominant component. In this case components which tend to
+excite repulsion, hostility, and disgust are for the moment suppressed.
+With a change in the situation, as in the distance, these suppressed
+components are released and, gaining control, convert the system into
+the opposite sentiment, as hate.
+
+c) _Attitudes and wishes._--The wishes, as popularly conceived, are as
+numerous as the objects or values toward which they are directed. As
+there are positive and negative values, so there are positive and
+negative wishes. Fears are negative wishes. The speculations of the
+Freudian school of psychology have attempted to reduce all wishes to
+one, the _libido_. In that case, the wishes, as we know them and as they
+present themselves to us in consciousness, are to be regarded as
+offshoots or, perhaps better, specifications of the _one wish_. As the
+one wish is directed to this or that object, it makes of that object a
+value and the object gives its name to the wish. In this way the one
+wish becomes many wishes.
+
+Science demands, however, not a theory of the origin of the wishes but a
+classification based on fundamental natural differences; differences
+which it is necessary to take account of in explaining human behavior.
+Thomas' fourfold classification fulfils this purpose. The wish for
+security, the wish for new experience, the wish for response, and the
+wish for recognition are the permanent and fundamental unconscious
+motives of the person which find expression in the many and changing
+concrete and conscious wishes. As wishes find expression in
+characteristic forms of behavior they may also be thought of in spatial
+terms as tendencies to move toward or away from their specific objects.
+The wish for security may be represented by position, mere immobility;
+the wish for new experience by the greatest possible freedom of movement
+and constant change of position; the wish for response, by the number
+and closeness of points of contact; the wish for recognition, by the
+level desired or reached in the vertical plane of superordination and
+subordination.
+
+The fundamental value for social research of the classification inheres
+in the fact that the wishes in one class cannot be substituted for
+wishes in another. The desire for response and affection cannot be
+satisfied by fame and recognition or only partially so. The wholesome
+individual is he who in some form or other realizes all the four
+fundamental wishes. The security and permanence of any society or
+association depends upon the extent to which it permits the individuals
+who compose it to realize their fundamental wishes. The restless
+individual is the individual whose wishes are not realized even in
+dreams.
+
+This suggests the significance of the classification for the purposes of
+social science. Human nature, and personality as we know it, requires
+for its healthy growth security, new experience, response, and
+recognition. In all races and in all times these fundamental longings of
+human nature have manifested themselves; the particular patterns in
+which the wish finds expression and becomes fixed depends upon some
+special experience of the person, is influenced by individual
+differences in original nature, and is circumscribed by the folkways,
+the mores, the conventions, and the culture of his group.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. TRENDS, TENDENCIES, AND PUBLIC OPINION
+
+
+1. Social Forces in American History[157]
+
+That political struggles are based upon economic interests is today
+disputed by few students of society. The attempt has been made in this
+work to trace the various interests that have arisen and struggled in
+each social stage and to determine the influence exercised by these
+contending interests in the creation of social institutions.
+
+Back of every political party there has always stood a group or class
+which expected to profit by the activity and the success of that party.
+When any party has attained to power, it has been because it has tried
+to establish institutions or to modify existing ones in accord with its
+interests.
+
+Changes in the industrial basis of society--inventions, new processes,
+and combinations and methods of producing and distributing goods--create
+new interests with new social classes to represent them. These
+improvements in the technique of production are the dynamic element that
+brings about what we call progress in society.
+
+In this work I have sought to begin at the origin of each line of social
+progress. I have first endeavored to describe the steps in mechanical
+progress, then the social classes brought into prominence by the
+mechanical changes, then the struggle by which these new classes sought
+to gain social power, and, finally, the institutions which were created
+or the alterations made in existing institutions as a consequence of the
+struggle or as a result of the victory of a new class.
+
+It has seemed to me that these underlying social forces are of more
+importance than the individuals that were forced to the front in the
+process of these struggles, or even than the laws that were established
+to record the results of the conflict. In short, I have tried to
+describe the dynamics of history rather than to record the accomplished
+facts, to answer the question, "Why did it happen?" as well as, "What
+happened?"
+
+An inquiry into causes is manifestly a greater task than the recording
+of accomplished facts. To determine causes it is necessary to spend much
+time in the study of "original documents"--the newspapers, magazines,
+and pamphlet literature of each period. In these, rather than in the
+"musty documents" of state, do we find history in the making. Here we
+can see the clash of contending interests before they are crystallized
+into laws and institutions.
+
+
+2. Social Tendencies as Social Forces[158]
+
+The philosophy of the eighteenth century viewed external nature as the
+principal thing to be considered in a study of society, and not society
+itself. The great force in society was extraneous to society. But
+according to the philosophy of our times, the chief forces working in
+society are truly social forces, that is to say, they are immanent in
+society itself.
+
+Let us briefly examine the social forces which are at work, either
+concentrating or diffusing the ownership of wealth. If it is true that,
+necessarily, there is going forward a concentration of property, that
+the rich are necessarily becoming richer, that wealth is passing into
+fewer and fewer hands, this gives a strong reason for believing that
+those are right who hold to the fact that every field of production must
+soon be controlled by monopoly. If, on the other hand, we find that the
+forces which make for diffusion are dominant, we may believe that it is
+quite possible for society to control the forces of production.
+
+a) Forces operating in the direction of concentration of wealth: (1)
+The unearned increment of land, especially in cities, is no doubt a real
+force. (2) The trust movement is operating in its earlier phases, at
+least, in the direction of concentration. (3) In the third place, war,
+whenever it comes, carries with it forces which bring wealth to the few
+rather than to the many. (4) Arrangements of one kind and another may be
+mentioned by means of various trust devices to secure the ends of
+primogeniture and entail. (5) Another force operating to concentrate the
+ownership of wealth may be called economic inertia. According to the
+principle of inertia, forces continue to operate until they are checked
+by other forces coming into contact with them.
+
+b) Forces which operate to diffuse wealth: (1) Education, broadly
+considered, should be mentioned first of all. (2) Next, mention must be
+made of the public control of corporations. (3) Changes in taxation are
+the third item in this enumeration of forces. (4) The development of the
+idea of property as a trust is next mentioned. (5) Profit-sharing and
+co-operation. (6) Sound currency is next mentioned. (7) Public ownership
+of public utilities is a further force. (8) Labor organizations. (9)
+Institutions, especially in the interest of the wage-earning and
+economically weaker elements in the community. (10) Savings institutions
+and insurance.
+
+
+3. Public Opinion: School of Thought and Legislation in England[159]
+
+Public legislative opinion, as it has existed in England during the
+nineteenth century, presents several noteworthy aspects or
+characteristics. They may conveniently be considered under five heads:
+the existence at any given period of a predominant public opinion; the
+origin of such opinion; the development and continuity thereof; the
+checks imposed on such opinion by the existence of counter-currents and
+cross-currents of opinion; the action of laws themselves as the creators
+of legislative opinion.
+
+_First_, there exists at any given time a body of beliefs, convictions,
+sentiments, accepted principles, or firmly rooted prejudices, which,
+taken together, make up the public opinion of a particular era, or what
+we may call the reigning or predominant current of opinion, and, as
+regards at any rate the last three or four centuries, and especially the
+nineteenth century, the influence of this dominant current of opinion
+has, in England, if we look at the matter broadly, determined, directly
+or indirectly, the course of legislation.
+
+_Second_, the opinion which affects the development of the law has, in
+modern England at least, often originated with some single thinker or
+school of thinkers. No doubt it is at times allowable to talk of a
+prevalent belief or opinion as "being in the air," by which expression
+is meant that a particular way of looking at things has become the
+common possession of all the world. But though a belief, when it
+prevails, may at last be adopted by the whole of a generation, it rarely
+happens that a widespread conviction has grown up spontaneously among
+the multitude. "The initiation," it has been said, "of all wise or noble
+things comes, and must come, from individuals; generally at first from
+some one individual," to which it ought surely to be added that the
+origination of a new folly or of a new form of baseness comes, and must
+in general come, at first from individuals or from some one individual.
+The peculiarity of individuals, as contrasted with the crowd, lies
+neither in virtue nor in wickedness but in originality. It is idle to
+credit minorities with all the good without ascribing to them
+most, at least, of the evils due to that rarest of all human
+qualities--inventiveness.
+
+The course of events in England may often, at least, be thus described:
+A new and, let us assume, a true idea presents itself to some one man of
+originality or genius; the discoverer of the new conception, or some
+follower who has embraced it with enthusiasm, preaches it to his friends
+or disciples, they in their turn become impressed with its importance
+and its truth, and gradually a whole school accepts the new creed. These
+apostles of a new faith are either persons endowed with special ability
+or, what is quite as likely, they are persons who, owing to their
+peculiar position, are freed from a bias, whether moral or intellectual,
+in favor of prevalent errors. At last the preachers of truth make an
+impression, either directly upon the general public or upon some person
+of eminence, say a leading statesman, who stands in a position to
+impress ordinary people and thus to win the support of the nation.
+Success, however, in converting mankind to a new faith, whether
+religious or economical or political, depends but slightly on the
+strength of the reasoning by which the faith can be defended, or even
+on the enthusiasm of its adherents. A change of belief arises, in the
+main, from the occurrence of circumstances which incline the majority of
+the world to hear with favor theories which, at one time, men of common
+sense derided as absurdities or distrusted as paradoxes. The doctrine of
+free trade, for instance, has in England for about half a century held
+the field as an unassailable dogma of economic policy, but a historian
+would stand convicted of ignorance or folly who should imagine that the
+fallacies of protection were discovered by the intuitive good sense of
+the people, even if the existence of such a quality as the good sense of
+the people be more than a political fiction. The principle of free trade
+may, as far as Englishmen are concerned, be treated as the doctrine of
+Adam Smith. The reasons in its favor never have been, nor will, from the
+nature of things, be mastered by the majority of any people. The apology
+for freedom of commerce will always present, from one point of view, an
+air of paradox. Every man feels or thinks that protection would benefit
+his own business, and it is difficult to realize that what may be a
+benefit for any man taken alone may be of no benefit to a body of men
+looked at collectively. The obvious objections to free trade may, as
+free traders conceive, be met; but then the reasoning by which these
+objections are met is often elaborate and subtle and does not carry
+conviction to the crowd. It is idle to suppose that belief in freedom of
+trade--or indeed in any other creed--ever won its way among the majority
+of converts by the mere force of reasoning. The course of events was
+very different. The theory of free trade won by degrees the approval of
+statesmen of special insight, and adherents to the new economic religion
+were one by one gained among persons of intelligence. Cobden and Bright
+finally became potent advocates of truths of which they were in no sense
+the discoverers. This assertion in no way detracts from the credit due
+to these eminent men. They performed to admiration the proper function
+of popular leaders; by prodigies of energy and by seizing a favorable
+opportunity, of which they made the very most use that was possible,
+they gained the acceptance by the English people of truths which have
+rarely, in any country but England, acquired popularity. Much was due to
+the opportuneness of the time. Protection wears its most offensive guise
+when it can be identified with a tax on bread, and therefore can,
+without patent injustice, be described as the parent of famine and
+starvation. The unpopularity, moreover, inherent in a tax on corn is
+all but fatal to a protective tariff when the class which protection
+enriches is comparatively small, whilst the class which would suffer
+keenly from dearness of bread and would obtain benefit from free trade
+is large, and, having already acquired much, is certain soon to acquire
+more political power. Add to all this that the Irish famine made the
+suspension of the corn laws a patent necessity. It is easy, then, to see
+how great in England was the part played by external circumstances--one
+might almost say by accidental conditions--in determining the overthrow
+of protection. A student should further remark that after free trade
+became an established principle of English policy, the majority of the
+English people accepted it mainly on authority. Men who were neither
+land-owners nor farmers perceived with ease the obtrusive evils of a tax
+on corn, but they and their leaders were far less influenced by
+arguments against protection generally than by the immediate and almost
+visible advantage of cheapening the bread of artisans and laborers.
+What, however, weighed with most Englishmen, above every other
+consideration, was the harmony of the doctrine that commerce ought to be
+free, with that disbelief in the benefits of state intervention which in
+1846 had been gaining ground for more than a generation.
+
+It is impossible, indeed, to insist too strongly upon the consideration
+that whilst opinion controls legislation, public opinion is itself far
+less the result of reasoning or of argument than of the circumstances in
+which men are placed. Between 1783 and 1861 negro slavery was
+abolished--one might almost say ceased of itself to exist--in the
+northern states of the American Republic; in the South, on the other
+hand, the maintenance of slavery developed into a fixed policy, and
+before the War of Secession the "peculiar institution" had become the
+foundation stone of the social system. But the religious beliefs and,
+except as regards the existence of slavery, the political institutions
+prevalent throughout the whole of the United States were the same. The
+condemnation of slavery in the North, and the apologies for slavery in
+the South, must therefore be referred to difference of circumstances.
+Slave labor was obviously out of place in Massachusetts, Vermont, or New
+York; it appeared to be, even if in reality it was not, economically
+profitable in South Carolina. An institution, again, which was utterly
+incompatible with the social condition of the northern states
+harmonized, or appeared to harmonize, with the social conditions of the
+southern states. The arguments against the peculiar institution were in
+themselves equally strong in whatever part of the Union they were
+uttered, but they carried conviction to the white citizens of
+Massachusetts, whilst, even when heard or read, they did not carry
+conviction to the citizens of South Carolina. Belief, and, to speak
+fairly, honest belief, was to a great extent the result, not of
+argument, nor even of direct self-interest, but of circumstances. What
+was true in this instance holds good in others. There is no reason to
+suppose that in 1830 the squires of England were less patriotic than the
+manufacturers, or less capable of mastering the arguments in favor of or
+against the reform of Parliament. But everyone knows that, as a rule,
+the country gentlemen were Tories and anti-reformers, whilst the
+manufacturers were Radicals and reformers. Circumstances are the
+creators of most men's opinions.
+
+_Third_, the development of public opinion generally, and therefore of
+legislative opinion, has been in England at once gradual, or slow, and
+continuous. The qualities of slowness and continuity may conveniently be
+considered together, and are closely interconnected, but they are
+distinguishable and essentially different.
+
+Legislative public opinion generally changes in England with unexpected
+slowness. Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ was published in 1776; the
+policy of free exchange was not completely accepted by England till
+1846. All the strongest reasons in favor of Catholic emancipation were
+laid before the English world by Burke between 1760 and 1797; the Roman
+Catholic Relief Act was not carried till 1829.
+
+The opinion which changes the law is in one sense the opinion of the
+time when the law is actually altered; in another sense it has often
+been in England the opinion prevalent some twenty or thirty years before
+that time; it has been as often as not in reality the opinion, not of
+today, but of yesterday.
+
+Legislative opinion must be the opinion of the day, because, when laws
+are altered, the alteration is of necessity carried into effect by
+legislators who act under the belief that the change is an amendment;
+but this law-making opinion is also the opinion of yesterday, because
+the beliefs which have at last gained such hold on the legislature as to
+produce an alteration in the law have generally been created by
+thinkers or writers who exerted their influence long before the change
+in the law took place. Thus it may well happen that an innovation is
+carried through at a time when the teachers who supplied the arguments
+in its favor are in their graves, or even--and this is well worth
+noting--when in the world of speculation a movement has already set in
+against ideas which are exerting their full effect in the world of
+action and of legislation.
+
+Law-making in England is the work of men well advanced in life; the
+politicians who guide the House of Commons, to say nothing of the peers
+who lead the House of Lords, are few of them below thirty, and most of
+them are above forty, years of age. They have formed or picked up their
+convictions, and, what is of more consequence, their prepossessions, in
+early manhood, which is the one period of life when men are easily
+impressed with new ideas. Hence English legislators retain the
+prejudices or modes of thinking which they acquired in their youth; and
+when, late in life, they take a share in actual legislation, they
+legislate in accordance with the doctrines which were current, either
+generally or in the society to which the law-givers belonged, in the
+days of their early manhood. The law-makers, therefore, of 1850 may give
+effect to the opinions of 1830, whilst the legislators of 1880 are
+likely enough to impress upon the statute book the beliefs of 1860, or
+rather the ideas which in the one case attracted the young men of 1830
+and in the other the youth of 1860. We need not therefore be surprised
+to find that a current of opinion may exert its greatest legislative
+influence just when its force is beginning to decline. The tide turns
+when at its height; a school of thought or feeling which still governs
+law-makers has begun to lose its authority among men of a younger
+generation who are not yet able to influence legislation.
+
+_Fourth_, the reigning legislative opinion of the day has never, at any
+rate during the nineteenth century, exerted absolute or despotic
+authority. Its power has always been diminished by the existence of
+counter-currents or cross-currents of opinion which were not in harmony
+with the prevalent opinion of the time.
+
+A counter-current here means a body of opinion, belief, or sentiment
+more or less directly opposed to the dominant opinion of a particular
+era. Counter-currents of this kind have generally been supplied by the
+survival of ideas or convictions which are gradually losing their hold
+upon a given generation, and particularly the youthful part thereof.
+This kind of "conservatism" which prompts men to retain convictions
+which are losing their hold upon the mass of the world is found, it
+should be remarked, as much among the adherents of one religious or
+political creed as of another. Any Frenchman who clung to Protestantism
+during the reign of Louis the Fourteenth; any north-country squire who
+in the England of the eighteenth century adhered to the Roman
+Catholicism of his fathers; Samuel Johnson, standing forth as a Tory and
+a High Churchman amongst Whigs and Free Thinkers; the Abbé Gregoire,
+retaining in 1830 the attitude and the beliefs of a bishop of that
+constitutional church of France whereof the claims have been repudiated
+at once by the Church and by the State; James Mill, who, though the
+leader in 1832 of philosophic Radicals, the pioneers as they deemed
+themselves of democratic progress, was in truth the last "of the
+eighteenth century"--these are each and all of them examples of that
+intellectual and moral conservatism which everywhere, and especially in
+England, has always been a strong force. The past controls the present.
+
+Counter-currents, again, may be supplied by new ideals which are
+beginning to influence the young. The hopes or dreams of the generation
+just coming into the field of public life undermine the energy of a
+dominant creed.
+
+Counter-currents of opinion, whatever their source, have one certain and
+one possible effect. The certain effect is that a check is imposed upon
+the action of the dominant faith.
+
+_Fifth_, laws foster or create law-making opinion. This assertion may
+sound, to one who has learned that laws are the outcome of public
+opinion, like a paradox; when properly understood, it is nothing but an
+undeniable, though sometimes neglected, truth.
+
+
+B. INTERESTS, SENTIMENTS, AND ATTITUDES
+
+
+1. Social Forces and Interaction[160]
+
+We must guard at the outset against an illusion that has exerted a
+confusing influence. There are no social forces which are not at the
+same time forces lodged in individuals, deriving their energy from
+individuals and operating in and through individuals. There are no
+social forces that lurk in the containing ether, and affect persons
+without the agency of other persons. There are, to be sure, all the
+physical conditions that affect persons just as they affect all other
+forms of matter. So far, these are not social forces at all. They do not
+get to be social forces until they get into persons, and in these
+persons they take the form of feelings which impel them to react upon
+other persons. Persons are thus transmuters of physical forces into
+social forces; but all properly designated social forces are essentially
+personal. They are within some persons, and stimulate them to act upon
+other persons; or they are in other persons, and exert themselves as
+external stimuli upon otherwise inert persons. In either case social
+forces are personal influences passing from person to person and
+producing activities that give content to the association.
+
+The conception of social forces was never challenged so long as it was
+merely an everyday commonplace. When it passed into technical forms of
+expression, doubts began to be urged. If anyone in the United States had
+questioned the existence of Mrs. Grundy fifty years ago, he would have
+been pitied and ignored as a harmless "natural." Social forces in the
+form of gossip, and personified in Mrs. Grundy, were real to everybody.
+But the particular species of social forces which Mrs. Grundy
+represented were neither more nor less real than the other social forces
+which had no name in folklore. Persons incessantly influence persons.
+The modes of this influence are indescribably varied. They are conscious
+and unconscious, accidental and momentary, or deliberate and persistent;
+they are conventional and continuous, the result of individual habit, or
+of customs crystallized into national or racial institutions.
+
+The simple fact which the concept "social forces" stands for is that
+every individual acts and is acted upon in countless ways by the other
+persons with whom he associates. These modes of action and reaction
+between persons may be classified, and the more obvious and recurrent
+among them may be enumerated. More than this, the action of these social
+forces may be observed, and the results of observation may be organized
+into social laws. Indeed, there would be only two alternatives, if we
+did not discover the presence and action of social forces. On the one
+hand, social science would at most be a subdivision of natural science;
+on the other hand, the remaining alternative would be the impossibility
+of social science altogether.
+
+But social forces are just as distinctly discernible as chemical forces.
+The fact that we are not familiar with them no more makes against their
+existence and their importance than general ignorance of the pressure of
+the atmosphere takes that phenomenon out of the physical world. They are
+not only the atmosphere but they are a very large part of the moral
+world in general. If we could compose a complete account of the social
+forces, we should at the same time have completed, from one point of
+attention at least, a science of everything involved in human society.
+
+"All beings which can be said to perform actions do so in obedience to
+those mental states which are denominated desires." But we have gone
+back a step beyond the desires and have found it necessary to assume the
+existence of underlying interests. These have to desires very nearly the
+relation of substance to attribute, or, in a different figure, of genus
+to species. Our interests may be beyond or beneath our ken; our desires
+are strong and clear. I may not be conscious of my health interests in
+any deep sense, but the desires that my appetites assert are specific
+and concrete and real. The implicit interests, of which we may be very
+imperfectly aware, move us to desires which may correspond well or ill
+with the real content of the interests. At all events, it is these
+desires which make up the active social forces, whether they are more or
+less harmonious with the interests from which they spring. The desires
+that the persons associating actually feel are practically the elemental
+forces with which we have to reckon. They are just as real as the
+properties of matter. They have their ratios of energy, just as
+certainly as though they were physical forces. They have their peculiar
+modes of action, which may be formulated as distinctly as the various
+modes of chemical action.
+
+Every desire that any man harbors is a force making or marring,
+strengthening or weakening, the structure and functions of the society
+of which he is a part. What the human desires are, what their relations
+are to each other, what their peculiar modifications are under different
+circumstances--these are questions of detail which must be answered in
+general by social psychology, and in particular by specific analysis of
+each social situation. The one consideration to be urged at this point
+is that the concept "social forces" has a real content. It represents
+reality. There are social forces. They are the desires of persons. They
+range in energy from the vagrant whim that makes the individual a
+temporary discomfort to his group, to the inbred feelings that whole
+races share. It is with these subtle forces that social arrangements and
+the theories of social arrangements have to deal.
+
+
+2. Interests[161]
+
+During the past generation, the conception of the "atom" has been of
+enormous use in physical discovery. Although no one has ever seen an
+atom, the supposition that there are ultimate particles of matter in
+which the "promise and potency" of all physical properties and actions
+reside has served as a means of investigation during the most intensive
+period of research in the history of thought. Without the hypothesis of
+the atom, physics and chemistry, and in a secondary sense biology, would
+have lacked chart and compass upon their voyages of exploration.
+Although the notion of the atom is rapidly changing, and the tendency of
+physical science is to construe physical facts in terms of motion rather
+than of the traditional atom, it is probably as needless as it is
+useless for us to concern ourselves as laymen with this refinement.
+Although we cannot avoid speaking of the smallest parts into which
+matter can be divided, and although we cannot imagine, on the other
+hand, how any portions of matter can exist and not be divisible into
+parts, we are probably quite as incapable of saving ourselves from
+paradox by resort to the vortex hypothesis in any form. That is, these
+subtleties are too wonderful for most minds. Without pushing analysis
+too far, and without resting any theory upon analogy with the atom of
+physical theory, it is necessary to find some starting-place from which
+to trace up the composition of sentient beings, just as the physicists
+assumed that they found their starting-place in the atom. The notion of
+interests is accordingly serving the same purpose in sociology which the
+notion of atoms has served in physical science. Interests are the stuff
+that men are made of. More accurately expressed, the last elements to
+which we can reduce the actions of human beings are units which we may
+conveniently name "interests." It is merely inverting the form of
+expression to say: _Interests are the simplest modes of motion which we
+can trace in the conduct of human beings._
+
+To the psychologist the individual is interesting primarily as a center
+of knowing, feeling, and willing. To the sociologist the individual
+begins to be interesting when he is thought as knowing, feeling, and
+willing _something_. In so far as a mere trick of emphasis may serve to
+distinguish problems, this ictus indicates the sociological
+starting-point. The individual given in experience is thought to the
+point at which he is available for sociological assumption, when he is
+recognized as a center of activities which make for something outside of
+the psychical series in which volition is a term. These activities must
+be referred primarily to desires, but the desires themselves may be
+further referred to certain universal interests. In this character the
+individual becomes one of the known or assumed terms of sociology. The
+individual as a center of active interests may be thought both as the
+lowest term in the social equation and as a composite term whose factors
+must be understood. These factors are either the more evident desires,
+or the more remote interests which the individual's desires in some way
+represent. At the same time, we must repeat the admission that these
+assumed interests are like the atom of physics. They are the
+metaphysical recourse of our minds in accounting for concrete facts. We
+have never seen or touched them. They are the hypothetical substratum of
+those regularities of conduct which the activities of individuals
+display.
+
+We may start with the familiar popular expressions, "the farming
+interest," "the railroad interest," "the packing interest," "the milling
+interest," etc., etc. Everyone knows what the expressions mean. Our use
+of the term "interest" is not co-ordinate with these, but it may be
+approached by means of them. All the "interests" that are struggling for
+recognition in business and in politics are highly composite. The owner
+of a flour mill, for example, is a man before he is a miller. He becomes
+a miller at last because he is a man; i.e., because he has interests--in
+a deeper sense than that of the popular expressions--which impel him to
+act in order to gain satisfactions. The clue to all social activity is
+in this fact of individual interests. Every act that every man performs
+is to be traced back to an interest. We eat because there is a desire
+for food; but the desire is set in motion by a bodily interest in
+replacing exhausted force. We sleep because we are tired; but the
+weariness is a function of the bodily interest in rebuilding used-up
+tissue. We play because there is a bodily interest in use of the
+muscles. We study because there is a mental interest in satisfying
+curiosity. We mingle with our fellow-men because there is a mental
+interest in matching our personality against that of others. We go to
+market to supply an economic interest, and to war because of some social
+interest of whatever mixed or simple form.
+
+With this introduction, we may venture an extremely abstract definition
+of our concept "interest." In general, _an interest is an unsatisfied
+capacity, corresponding to an unrealized condition, and it is
+predisposition to such rearrangement as would tend to realize the
+indicated condition_. Human needs and human wants are incidents in the
+series of events between the latent existence of human interest and the
+achievement of partial satisfaction. Human interests, then, are the
+ultimate terms of calculation in sociology. _The whole life-process, so
+far as we know it, whether viewed in its individual or in its social
+phase, is at last the process of developing, adjusting, and satisfying
+interests._
+
+No single term is of more constant use in recent sociology than this
+term "interests." We use it in the plural partly for the sake of
+distinguishing it from the same term in the sense which has become so
+familiar in modern pedagogy. The two uses of the term are closely
+related, but they are not precisely identical. The pedagogical emphasis
+is rather on the voluntary attitude toward a possible object of
+attention. The sociological emphasis is on attributes of persons which
+may be compared to the chemical affinities of different elements.
+
+To distinguish the pedagogical from the sociological use of the term
+"interest," we may say pedagogically of a supposed case: "The boy has no
+_interest_ in physical culture, or in shopwork, or in companionship with
+other boys, or in learning, or in art, or in morality." That is,
+attention and choice are essential elements of interest in the
+pedagogical sense. On the other hand, we may say of the same boy, in the
+sociological sense: "He has not discovered his health, wealth,
+sociability, knowledge, beauty, and rightness _interests_." We thus
+imply that interests, in the sociological sense, are not necessarily
+matters of attention and choice. They are affinities, latent in persons,
+pressing for satisfaction, whether the persons are conscious of them
+either generally or specifically, or not; they are indicated spheres of
+activity which persons enter into and occupy in the course of realizing
+their personality.
+
+Accordingly, we have virtually said that interests are merely
+specifications in the make-up of the personal units. We have several
+times named the most general classes of interests which we find
+serviceable in sociology, viz.: _health_, _wealth_, _sociability_,
+_knowledge_, _beauty_, and _rightness_.
+
+We need to emphasize, in addition, several considerations about these
+interests which are the motors of all individual and social action.
+First, there is a subjective and an objective aspect of them all. It
+would be easy to use terms of these interests in speculative arguments
+in such a way as to shift the sense fallaciously from the one aspect to
+the other; e.g., moral conduct, as an actual adjustment of the person in
+question with other persons, is that person's "interest," in the
+objective sense. On the other hand, we are obliged to think of something
+in the person himself impelling him, however unconsciously, toward that
+moral conduct, i.e., interest as "unsatisfied capacity" in the
+subjective sense. So with each of the other interests. The fact that
+these two senses of the term are always concerned must never be ignored;
+but, until we reach refinements of analysis which demand use for these
+discriminations, they may be left out of sight. Second, human interests
+pass more and more from the latent, subjective, unconscious state to the
+active, objective, conscious form. That is, before the baby is
+self-conscious, the baby's essential interest in bodily well-being is
+operating in performance of the organic functions. A little later the
+baby is old enough to understand that certain regulation of his diet,
+certain kinds of work or play, will help to make and keep him well and
+strong. Henceforth there is in him a co-operation of interest in the
+fundamental sense, and interest in the derived, secondary sense,
+involving attention and choice. If we could agree upon the use of terms,
+we might employ the word "desire" for this development of interest;
+i.e., physiological performance of function is, strictly speaking, the
+health interest; the desires which men actually pursue within the realm
+of bodily function may be normal or perverted, in an infinite scale of
+variety. So with each of the other interests. Third, with these
+qualifications provided for, resolution of human activities into pursuit
+of differentiated interests becomes the first clue to the combination
+that unlocks the mysteries of society. For our purposes in this
+argument we need not trouble ourselves very much about nice metaphysical
+distinctions between the aspects of interest, because we have mainly to
+do with interests in the same sense in which the man of affairs uses the
+term. The practical politician looks over the lobby at Washington and he
+classifies the elements that compose it. He says: "Here is the railroad
+interest, the sugar interest, the labor interest, the army interest, the
+canal interest, the Cuban interest, etc." He uses the term "interest"
+essentially in the sociological sense but in a relatively concrete form,
+and he has in mind little more than variations of the wealth interest.
+He would explain the legislation of a given session as the final balance
+between these conflicting pecuniary interests. He is right, in the main;
+and every social action is, in the same way, an accommodation of the
+various interests which are represented in the society concerned.
+
+
+3. Social Pressures[162]
+
+The phenomena of government are from start to finish phenomena of force.
+But force is an objectionable word. I prefer to use the word pressure
+instead of force, since it keeps the attention closely directed upon the
+groups themselves, instead of upon any mystical "realities" assumed to
+be underneath and supporting them, and since its connotation is not
+limited to the narrowly "physical." We frequently talk of "bringing
+pressure to bear" upon someone, and we can use the word here with but
+slight extension beyond this common meaning.
+
+Pressure, as we shall use it, is always a group phenomenon. It indicates
+the push and resistance between groups. The balance of the group
+pressures _is_ the existing state of society. Pressure is broad enough
+to include all forms of the group influence upon group, from battle and
+riot to abstract reasoning and sensitive morality. It takes up into
+itself "moral energy" and the finest discriminations of conscience as
+easily as bloodthirsty lust of power. It allows for humanitarian
+movements as easily as for political corruption. The tendencies to
+activity are pressures, as well as the more visible activities.
+
+All phenomena of government are phenomena of groups pressing one
+another, forming one another, and pushing out new groups and group
+representatives (the organs or agencies of government) to mediate the
+adjustments. It is only as we isolate these group activities, determine
+their representative values, and get the whole process stated in terms
+of them that we approach to a satisfactory knowledge of government.
+
+When we take such an agency of government as a despotic ruler, we cannot
+possibly advance to an understanding of him except in terms of the group
+activities of his society which are most directly represented through
+him, along with those which almost seem not to be represented through
+him at all, or to be represented to a different degree or in a different
+manner. And it is the same with democracies, even in their "purest" and
+simplest forms, as well as in their most complicated forms. We cannot
+fairly talk of despotisms or of democracies as though they were
+absolutely distinct types of government to be contrasted offhand with
+each other or with other types. All depends for each despotism and each
+democracy and each other form of government on the given interests,
+their relations, and their methods of interaction. The interest groups
+create the government and work through it; the government, as activity,
+works "for" the groups; the government, from the viewpoint of certain of
+the groups, may at times be their private tool; the government, from the
+viewpoint of others of the groups, seems at times their deadly enemy;
+but the process is all one, and the joint participation is always
+present, however it may be phrased in public opinion or clamor.
+
+It is convenient most of the time in studying government to talk of
+these groups as interests. But I have already indicated with sufficient
+clearness that the interest is nothing other than the group activity
+itself. The words by which we name the interests often give the best
+expression to the value of the group activities in terms of other group
+activities: if I may be permitted that form of phrasing, they are more
+qualitative than quantitative in their implications. But that is
+sometimes a great evil as well as sometimes an advantage. We must always
+remember that there is nothing in the interests purely because of
+themselves and that we can depend on them only as they stand for groups
+which are acting or tending toward activity or pressing themselves along
+in their activity with other groups.
+
+When we get the group activities on the lower planes worked out and show
+them as represented in various forms of higher groups, culminating in
+the political groups, then we make progress in our interpretations.
+Always and everywhere our study must be a study of the interests that
+work through government; otherwise we have not got down to facts. Nor
+will it suffice to take a single interest group and base our
+interpretation upon it, not even for a special time and a special place.
+No interest group has meaning except with reference to other interest
+groups; and those other interest groups are pressures; they count in the
+government process. The lowest of despised castes, deprived of rights to
+the protection of property and even life, will still be found to be a
+factor in the government, if only we can sweep the whole field and
+measure the caste in its true degree of power, direct or represented, in
+its potentiality of harm to the higher castes, and in its identification
+with them for some important purposes, however deeply hidden from
+ordinary view. No slaves, not the worst abused of all, but help to form
+the government. They are an interest group within it.
+
+Tested by the interest groups that function through them, legislatures
+are of two general types. First are those which represent one class or
+set of classes in the government as opposed to some other class, which
+is usually represented in a monarch. Second are those which are not the
+exclusive stronghold of one class or set of classes, but are instead the
+channel for the functioning of all groupings of the population. The
+borders between the two types are of course indistinct, but they
+approximate closely to the borders between a society with class
+organization and one with classes broken down into freer and more
+changeable group interests.
+
+Neither the number of chambers in the legislative body nor the
+constitutional relations of the legislature to the executive can serve
+to define the two types. The several chambers may represent several
+classes, or again the double-chamber system may be in fact merely a
+technical division, with the same interests present in both chambers.
+The executive may be a class representative, or merely a co-ordinate
+organ, dividing with the legislature the labor of providing channels
+through which the same lot of manifold interest groups can work.
+
+It lies almost on the surface that a legislature which is a class agency
+will produce results in accordance with the class pressure behind it.
+Its existence has been established by struggle, and its life is a
+continual struggle against the representatives of the opposite class. Of
+course there will be an immense deal of argument to be heard on both
+sides, and the argument will involve the setting forth of "reasons" in
+limitless number. It is indeed because of the advantages (in group
+terms, of course) of such argument as a technical means of adjustment
+that the legislative bodies survive. Argument under certain conditions
+is a greater labor-saver than blows, and in it the group interests more
+fully unfold themselves. But beneath all the argument lies the strength.
+The arguments go no farther than the strength goes. What the new Russian
+duma will get, if it survives, will be what the people it solidly
+represents are strong enough to make it get, and no more and no less,
+with bombs and finances, famine and corruption funds alike in the scale.
+
+But the farther we advance among legislatures of the second type, and
+the farther we get away from the direct appeal to muscle and weapon, the
+more difficult becomes the analysis of the group components, the greater
+is the prominence that falls to the process of argumentation, the more
+adroitly do the group forces mask themselves in morals, ideals, and
+phrases, the more plausible becomes the interpretation of the
+legislature's work as a matter of reason, not of pressure, and the more
+common it is to hear condemnations of those portions of the process at
+which violence shows through the reasoning as though they were per se
+perverted, degenerate, and the bearers of ruin. There is, of course, a
+strong, genuine group opposition to the technique of violence, which is
+an important social fact; but a statement of the whole legislative
+process in terms of the discussion forms used by that anti-violence
+interest group is wholly inadequate.
+
+
+4. Idea-Forces[163]
+
+The principle that I assume at the outset is that every idea tends to
+act itself out. If it is an isolated idea, or if it is not
+counterbalanced by a stronger force, its realization must take place.
+Thus the principle of the struggle for existence and of selection,
+taking the latter word in its broadest sense, is in my opinion as
+applicable to ideas as to individuals and living species; a selection
+takes place in the brain to the advantage of the strongest and most
+exclusive idea, which is thus able to control the whole organism. In
+particular, the child's brain is an arena of conflict for ideas and the
+impulses they include; in the brain the new idea is a new force which
+encounters the ideas already installed, and the impulses already
+developed therein. Assume a mind, as yet a blank, and suddenly introduce
+into it the representation of any movement, the idea of any action--such
+as raising the arm. This idea being isolated and unopposed, the wave of
+disturbance arising in the brain will take the direction of the arm,
+because the nerves terminating in the arm are disturbed by the
+representation of the arm. The arm will therefore be lifted. Before a
+movement begins, we must think of this; now no movement that has taken
+place is lost; it is necessarily communicated from the brain to the
+organs if unchecked by any other representation or impulse. The
+transmission of the idea to the limbs is inevitable as long as the idea
+is isolated or unopposed. This I have called the law of idea-forces, and
+I think I have satisfactorily explained the curious facts in connection
+with the impulsive actions of the idea.
+
+The well-known experiments of Chevreul on the "pendule explorateur," and
+on the divining rod, show that if we represent to ourselves a movement
+in a certain direction, the hand will finally execute this movement
+without our consciousness, and so will transmit it to the instrument.
+Table-turning is the realization of the expected movement by means of
+the unconscious motion of the hands. Thought-reading is the
+interpretation of imperceptible movements, in which the thought of the
+subject betrays itself, even without his being conscious of it. In the
+process that goes on when we are fascinated or on the point of fainting,
+a process more obvious in children than in adults, there is an inchoate
+movement which the paralysis of the will fails to check. When I was a
+lad, I was once running over a plank across the weir of a river, it
+never entering my head that I ran any risk of falling; suddenly this
+idea came into play like a force obliquely compounded with the straight
+course of thought which had up to that moment been guiding my footsteps.
+I felt as if an invisible arm had seized me and was dragging me down. I
+shrieked and stood trembling above the foaming water until assistance
+came. Here the mere idea of vertigo produced vertigo. A plank on the
+ground may be crossed without arousing any idea of falling; but if it is
+above a precipice, and we think of the distance below, the impulse to
+fall is very strong. Even when we are in perfect safety we may feel what
+is known as the "fascination" of a precipice. The sight of the gulf
+below, becoming a fixed idea, produces a resultant inhibition on all
+other ideas. Temptation, which is always besetting a child because
+everything is new to it, is nothing but the power of an idea and its
+motor impulse.
+
+The power of an idea is the greater, the more prominently it is singled
+out from the general content of consciousness. This selection of an
+idea, which becomes so exclusive that the whole consciousness is
+absorbed in it, is called _monoïdeism_. This state is precisely that of
+a person who has been hypnotized. What is called hypnotic suggestion is
+nothing but the artificial selection of one idea to the exclusion of all
+others, so that it passes into action. Natural somnambulism similarly
+exhibits the force of ideas; whatever idea is conceived by the
+somnambulist, he carries into action. The kind of dream in which
+children often live is not without analogy to somnambulism. The fixed
+idea is another instance of the same phenomenon, which is produced in
+the waking state, and which, when exaggerated, becomes monomania, a kind
+of morbid monoïdeism; children, having very few ideas, would very soon
+acquire fixed ideas, if it were not for the mobility of attention which
+the ceaseless variation of the surrounding world produces in them. Thus
+all the facts grouped nowadays under the name of auto-suggestion may, in
+my opinion, be explained. Here we shall generalize the law in this form:
+every idea conceived by the mind is an auto-suggestion, the selective
+effect of which is only counterbalanced by other ideas producing a
+different auto-suggestion. This is especially noticeable in the young,
+who so rapidly carry into action what is passing through their minds.
+
+The philosophers of the seventeenth century, with Descartes and Pascal,
+considered sentiments and passions as indistinct thoughts, as "thoughts,
+as it were, in process of precipitation." This is true. Beneath all our
+sentiments lies a totality of imperfectly analyzed ideas, a swelling
+stream of crowded and indistinct reasons by the momentum of which we are
+carried away and swept along. Inversely, sentiments underlie all our
+ideas; they smoulder in the dying embers of abstractions. Even language
+has a power because it arouses all the sentiments which it condenses in
+a formula; the mere names "honor" and "duty" arouse infinite echoes in
+the consciousness. At the name of "honor" alone, a legion of images is
+on the point of surging up; vaguely, as with eyes open in the dark, we
+see all the possible witnesses of our acts, from father and mother to
+friends and fellow-countrymen; further, if our imagination is vivid
+enough, we can see those great ancestors who did not hesitate under
+similar circumstances. "We must; forward!" We feel that we are enrolled
+in an army of gallant men; the whole race, in its most heroic
+representatives, is urging us on. There is a social and even a
+historical element beneath moral ideas. Besides, language, a social
+product, is also a social force. The pious mind goes farther still; duty
+is personified as a being--the living Good whose voice we hear.
+
+Some speak of lifeless formulas; of these there are very few. A word, an
+idea, is a formula of possible action and of sentiments ready to pass
+into acts; they are "verbs." Now, every sentiment, every impulse which
+becomes formulated with, as it were, a _fiat_, acquires by this alone a
+new and quasi-creative force; it is not merely rendered visible by its
+own light to itself but it is defined, specified, and selected from the
+rest, and _ipso facto_ directed in its course. That is why formulas
+relative to action are so powerful for good or evil; a child feels a
+vague temptation, a tendency for which it cannot account. Pronounce in
+its hearing the formula, change the blind impulse into the luminous
+idea, and this will be a new suggestion which may, perhaps, cause it to
+fall in the direction to which it was already inclined. On the other
+hand, some formulas of generous sentiments will carry away a vast
+audience immediately they are uttered. The genius is often the man who
+translates the aspirations of his age into ideas; at the sound of his
+voice a whole nation is moved. Great moral, religious, and social
+revolutions ensue when the sentiments, long restrained and scarcely
+conscious of their own existence, become formulated into ideas and
+words; the way is then opened, the means and the goal are visible alike,
+selection takes place, all the volitions are simultaneously guided in
+the same direction, like a torrent which has found the weakest point in
+the dam.
+
+
+5. Sentiments[164]
+
+We seldom experience the primary emotions in the pure or unmixed forms
+in which they are commonly manifested by the animals. Our emotional
+states commonly arise from the simultaneous excitement of two or more of
+the instinctive dispositions; and the majority of the names currently
+used to denote our various emotions are the names of such mixed,
+secondary, or complex emotions. That the great variety of our emotional
+states may be properly regarded as the result of the compounding of a
+relatively small number of primary or simple emotions is no new
+discovery. Descartes, for example, recognized only six primary emotions,
+or passions as he termed them, namely--admiration, love, hatred, desire,
+joy, and sadness, and he wrote, "All the others are composed of some out
+of these six and derived from them." He does not seem to have formulated
+any principles for the determination of the primaries and the
+distinction of them from the secondaries.
+
+The compounding of the primary emotions is largely, though not wholly,
+due to the existence of sentiments, and some of the complex emotional
+processes can only be generated from sentiments. Before going on to
+discuss the complex emotions, we must therefore try to understand as
+clearly as possible the nature of a sentiment.
+
+The word "sentiment" is still used in several different senses. M. Ribot
+and other French authors use its French equivalent as covering all the
+feelings and emotions, as the most general name for the affective aspect
+of mental processes. We owe to Mr. A. F. Shand the recognition of
+features of our mental constitution of a most important kind that have
+been strangely overlooked by other psychologists, and the application of
+the word "sentiments" to denote features of this kind. Mr. Shand points
+out that our emotions, or, more strictly speaking, our emotional
+dispositions, tend to become organized in systems about the various
+objects and classes of objects that excite them. Such an organized
+system of emotional tendencies is not a fact or mode of experience, but
+is a feature of the complexly organized structure of the mind that
+underlies all our mental activity. To such an organized system of
+emotional tendencies centered about some object Mr. Shand proposes to
+apply the name "sentiment." This application of the word is in fair
+accordance with its usage in popular speech, and there can be little
+doubt that it will rapidly be adopted by psychologists.
+
+The organization of the sentiments in the developing mind is determined
+by the course of experience; that is to say, the sentiment is a growth
+in the structure of the mind that is not natively given in the inherited
+constitution. This is certainly true in the main, though the maternal
+sentiment might almost seem to be innate; but we have to remember that
+in the human mother this sentiment may, and generally does, begin to
+grow up about the idea of its object, before the child is born.
+
+The growth of the sentiments is of the utmost importance for the
+character and conduct of individuals and of societies; it is the
+organization of the affective and conative life. In the absence of
+sentiments our emotional life would be a mere chaos, without order,
+consistency, or continuity of any kind; and all our social relations and
+conduct, being based on the emotions and their impulses, would be
+correspondingly chaotic, unpredictable, and unstable. It is only through
+the systematic organization of the emotional dispositions in sentiments
+that the volitional control of the immediate promptings of the emotions
+is rendered possible. Again, our judgments of value and of merit are
+rooted in our sentiments; and our moral principles have the same source,
+for they are formed by our judgments of moral value.
+
+The sentiments may be classified according to the nature of their
+objects; they then fall into three main classes: the concrete
+particular, the concrete general, and the abstract sentiments--e.g., the
+sentiment of love for a child, of love for children in general, of love
+for justice or virtue. Their development in the individual follows this
+order, the concrete particular sentiments being, of course, the earliest
+and most easily acquired. The number of sentiments a man may acquire,
+reckoned according to the number of objects in which they are centered,
+may, of course, be very large; but almost every man has a small number
+of sentiments--perhaps one only--that greatly surpass all the rest in
+strength and as regards the proportion of his conduct that springs from
+them.
+
+Each sentiment has a life-history, like every other vital organization.
+It is gradually built up, increasing in complexity and strength and may
+continue to grow indefinitely, or may enter upon a period of decline,
+and may decay slowly or rapidly, partially or completely.
+
+When any one of the emotions is strongly or repeatedly excited by a
+particular object, there is formed the rudiment of a sentiment. Suppose
+that a child is thrown into the company of some person given to frequent
+outbursts of violent anger, say, a violent-tempered father who is
+otherwise indifferent to the child and takes no further notice of him
+than to threaten, scold, and, perhaps, beat him. At first the child
+experiences fear at each exhibition of violence, but repetition of these
+incidents very soon creates the habit of fear, and in the presence of
+his father, even in his mildest moods, the child is timorous; that is to
+say, the mere presence of the father throws the child's fear-disposition
+into a condition of sub-excitement, which increases on the slightest
+occasion until it produces all the subjective and objective
+manifestations of fear. As a further stage, the mere idea of the father
+becomes capable of producing the same effects as his presence; this idea
+has become associated with the emotion; or, in stricter language, the
+psychophysical disposition whose excitement involves the rise to
+consciousness of this idea, has become associated or intimately
+connected with the psychophysical disposition whose excitement produces
+the bodily and mental symptoms of fear. Such an association constitutes
+a rudimentary sentiment that we can only call a sentiment of fear.
+
+In a similar way, a single act of kindness done by A to B may evoke in B
+the emotion of gratitude; and if A repeats his kindly acts, conferring
+benefits on B, the gratitude of B may become habitual, may become an
+enduring emotional attitude of B towards A--a sentiment of gratitude.
+Or, in either case, a single act--one evoking very intense fear or
+gratitude--may suffice to render the association more or less durable
+and the attitude of fear, or gratitude, of B toward A more or less
+permanent.
+
+
+6. Social Attitudes[165]
+
+"Consciousness," says Jacques Loeb, "is only a metaphysical term for
+phenomena which are determined by associative memory. By associative
+memory I mean that mechanism by which a stimulus brings about not only
+the effects which its nature and the specific structure of the irritable
+organ call for, but by which it brings about also the effects of other
+stimuli which formerly acted upon the organism almost or quite
+simultaneously with the stimulus in question. If an animal can be
+trained, if it can learn, it possesses associative memory." In short,
+because we have memories we are able to profit by experiences.
+
+It is the memories that determine, on the whole, what objects shall mean
+to us, and how we shall behave toward them. We cannot say, however, that
+a perception or an object is ever wholly without meaning to us. The
+flame to which the child stretches out its hand means, even before he
+has any experience of it, "something to be reached for, something to be
+handled." After the first experience of touching it, however, it means
+"something naturally attractive but still to be avoided." Each new
+experience, so far as it is preserved in memory, adds new meanings to
+the objects with which it is associated.
+
+Our perceptions and our ideas embody our experiences of objects and so
+serve as signs of what we may expect of them. They are the means by
+which we are enabled to control our behavior toward them. On the other
+hand, if we lose our memories, either temporarily or permanently, we
+lose at the same time our control over our actions and are still able to
+respond to objects, but only in accordance with our inborn tendencies.
+After all our memories are gone, we still have our original nature to
+fall back upon.
+
+There is a remarkable case reported by Sidis and Goodhart which
+illustrates the rôle that memory plays in giving us control over our
+inherited tendencies. It is that of Rev. Thomas C. Hanna, who, while
+attempting to alight from a carriage, lost his footing, fell to the
+ground and was picked up unconscious. When he awoke it was found that he
+had not only lost the faculty of speech but he had lost all voluntary
+control of his limbs. He had forgotten how to walk. He had not lost his
+senses. He could feel and see, but he was not able to distinguish
+objects. He had no sense of distance. He was in a state of complete
+"mental blindness." At first he did not distinguish between his own
+movements and those of other objects. "He was as much interested in the
+movements of his own limbs as in that of external things." He had no
+conception of time. "Seconds, minutes, and hours were alike to him." He
+felt hunger but he did not know how to interpret the feeling and had no
+notion of how to satisfy it. When food was offered him he did not know
+what to do with it. In order to get him to swallow food it had to be
+placed far back in his throat, in order to provoke reflex swallowing
+movements. In their report of the case the authors say:
+
+ Like an infant, he did not know the meaning of the simplest
+ words, nor did he understand the use of language. Imitation was
+ the factor in his first education. He learned the meaning of
+ words by imitating definite articulate sounds made in
+ connection with certain objects and activities. The
+ pronunciation of words and their combination into whole phrases
+ he acquired in the same imitative way. At first he simply
+ repeated any word and sentence heard, thinking that this meant
+ something to others. This manner of blind repetition and
+ unintelligent imitation was, however, soon given up, and he
+ began systematically to learn the meaning of words in
+ connection with the objective content they signified. As in the
+ case of children who, in their early developmental stage, use
+ one word to indicate many objects different in their nature,
+ but having some common point of superficial resemblance, so was
+ it in the case of Mr. Hanna: the first word he acquired was
+ used by him to indicate all the objects he wanted.
+
+The first word he learned was "apple" and for a time apple was the only
+word he knew. At first he learned only the names of particular objects.
+He did not seem able to learn words with an abstract or general
+significance. But although he was reduced to a state of mental infancy,
+his "intelligence" remained, and he learned with astonishing rapidity.
+"His faculty of judgment, his power of reasoning, were as sound and
+vigorous as ever," continues the report. "The content of knowledge
+seemed to have been lost, but the form of knowledge remained as active
+as before the accident and was perhaps even more precise and definite."
+
+One reason why man is superior to the brutes is probably that he has a
+better natural memory. Another reason is that there are more things that
+he can do, and so he has an opportunity to gain a wider and more varied
+experience. Consider what a man can do with his hands! To this he has
+added tools and machinery, which are an extension of the hand and have
+multiplied its powers enormously. It is now pretty well agreed, however,
+that the chief advantage which mankind has over the brutes is in the
+possession of speech by which he can communicate his ideas. In
+comparatively recent times he has supplemented this means of
+communication by the invention of the printing press, the telegraph, and
+the telephone. In this way he has been able not only to communicate his
+experiences but to fund and transmit them from one generation to
+another.
+
+As soon as man began to point out objects and associate them with vocal
+sounds, he had obtained possession of a symbol by which he was able to
+deliberately communicate his desires and his intentions to other men in
+a more precise and definite way than he had been able to do through the
+medium of spontaneous emotional expression.
+
+The first words, we may suppose, were onomatopoetic, that is to say,
+vocal imitations of the objects to which they referred. At any rate they
+arose spontaneously in connection with the situation that inspired them.
+They were then imitated by others and thus became the common and
+permanent possession of the group. Language thus assumed for the group
+the rôle of perception in the individual. It became the sign and symbol
+of those meanings which were the common possession of the group.
+
+As the number of such symbols was relatively small in comparison to the
+number of ideas, words inevitably came to have different meanings in
+different contexts. In the long run the effect of this was to detach the
+words from the particular contexts in which they arose and loosen their
+connections with the particular sentiments and attitudes with which they
+were associated. They came to have thus a more distinctively symbolic
+and formal character. It was thus possible to give them more precise
+definitions, to make of them abstractions and mental toys, which the
+individual could play with freely and disinterestedly. Like the child
+who builds houses with blocks, he was able to arrange them in orders and
+systems, create ideal structures, like the constructions of mathematics,
+which he was then able to employ as means of ordering and systematizing
+his more concrete experiences.
+
+All this served to give the individual a more complete control over his
+own experience and that of the group. It made it possible to analyze and
+classify his own experiences and compare them with those of his fellows
+and so, eventually, to erect the vast structure of formal and scientific
+knowledge on the basis of which men are able to live and work together
+in co-operation upon the structure of a common civilization.
+
+The point is that the breadth of the experience over which man has
+control and the disinterestedness with which he is able to view it is
+the basis of the intellectual attainment of the individual, as of the
+race.
+
+If human beings were thoroughly rational creatures, we may presume that
+they would act, at every instant, on the basis of all their experience
+and all the knowledge that they were able to obtain from the experience
+of others. The truth is, however, that we are never able, at any one
+time, to mobilize, control, and use all the experience and all the
+knowledge that we now possess and which, if we were less human than we
+are, might serve to guide and control our actions. It is precisely the
+function of science to collect, organize, and make available for our
+practical uses the fund of experience and of knowledge we do possess.
+
+Not only do we already have more knowledge than we can use, but much of
+our personal and individual experience drops out and is lost in the
+course of a lifetime. Meanwhile, later experiences are constantly adding
+themselves to the earlier ones. In this way the meaning of the world is
+constantly changing for us, much as the surface of the earth is
+constantly under the influence of the weather.
+
+The actual constellation of our memories and ideas is determined at any
+given moment not merely by processes of association but also by
+processes of dissociation. Practical interests, sentiments, and
+emotional outbursts--love, fear, and anger--are constantly interrupting
+the logical and constructive processes of the mind. These forces tend to
+dissolve established connections between ideas and disintegrate our
+memories so that they rarely function as a whole or as a unit, but
+rather as more or less dissociated systems.
+
+The mere act of attention, for example, so far as it focuses the
+activities upon a single object, tends to narrow the range of
+associations, check deliberation, and, by isolating one idea or system
+of ideas, prepares us to act in accordance with them without regard to
+the demands of other ideas in the wider but now suppressed context of
+our experience. The isolation of one group of ideas implies the
+suppression of other groups which are inconsistent with them or hinder
+the indicated action.
+
+When the fundamental instinct-emotions are aroused, they invariably have
+the effect of isolating the ideas with which they are associated and of
+inhibiting the contrary emotions. This is the explanation of war. When
+the fighting instincts are stirred, men lose the fear of death and the
+horror of killing.
+
+When an idea, particularly one that is associated with some original
+tendency of human nature, is thus isolated in consciousness, the
+tendency is to respond to it automatically, just as one would respond to
+a simple reflex. This explains the phenomena of suggestion. A state of
+suggestibility is always a pre-condition of suggestion, and
+suggestibility means just such an isolation and dissociation of the
+suggested idea as has been described. Hypnotic trance may be defined as
+a condition of abnormal suggestibility, in which the subject tends to
+carry out automatically the commands of the experimenter, "as if," as
+the familiar phrase puts it, "he had no will of his own," or rather, as
+if the will of the experimenter had been substituted for that of the
+subject. In fact the phenomena of auto-suggestion, in which one obeys
+his own suggestion, seems to differ from other forms of the same
+phenomena only in the fact that the subject obeys his own commands
+instead of those of the experimenter. Not only suggestion and
+auto-suggestion, but imitation, which is nothing more than another form
+of suggestion, are made possible by the existence of mental mechanisms
+created by dissociation.
+
+Hypnotism represents an extreme but temporary form of dissociation of
+the memories, artificially produced. Fascination and abstraction
+(absent-mindedness) are milder forms of the same phenomena with this
+difference, that they occur "in nature" and without artificial
+stimulation.
+
+A more permanent dissociation is represented in moods. The memories
+which connect themselves with moods are invariably such as will support
+the dominant emotion. At the same time memories which tend in any way to
+modify the prevailing tone of the mood are spontaneously suppressed.
+
+It is a familiar fact that persons whose occupations or whose mode of
+life brings them habitually into different worlds, so that the
+experiences in one have little or nothing in common with those of the
+other, inevitably develop something akin to a dual personality. The
+business man, for example, is one person in the city and another at his
+home in the suburbs.
+
+The most striking and instructive instances of dissociation, however,
+are the cases of dual or multiple personality in which the same
+individual lives successively or simultaneously two separate lives, each
+of which is wholly oblivious of the other. The classic instance of this
+kind is the case of the Rev. Ansel Bourne reported by William James in
+his _Principles of Psychology_. Ansel Bourne was an itinerant preacher
+living at Greene, Rhode Island. On January 19, 1887, he drew $551.00
+from a bank in Providence and entered a Pawtucket horse car and
+disappeared. He was advertised as missing, foul play being suspected.
+
+On the morning of March 24, at Norristown, Pennsylvania, a man calling
+himself A. J. Brown awoke in a fright and called on the people of the
+house to tell him who he was. Later he said he was Ansel Bourne. Nothing
+was known of him in Norristown except that six weeks before he had
+rented a small shop, stocked it with stationery, confectionery, and
+other small articles, and was carrying on a quiet trade "without seeming
+to anyone unnatural or eccentric." At first it was thought he was
+insane, but his story was confirmed and he was returned to his home. It
+was then deemed that he had lost all memory of the period which had
+elapsed since he boarded the Pawtucket car. What he had done or where he
+had been between the time he left Providence and arrived in Norristown,
+no one had the slightest information.
+
+In 1890 he was induced by William James to submit to hypnotism in order
+to see whether in his trance state his "Brown" memories would come back.
+The experiment was so successful that, as James remarks, "it proved
+quite impossible to make him, while in hypnosis, remember any of the
+facts of his normal life." The report continues:
+
+ He had heard of Ansel Bourne, but "didn't know as he had ever
+ met the man." When confronted with Mrs. Bourne he said that he
+ had "never seen the woman before," etc. On the other hand, he
+ told of his peregrinations during the lost fortnight, and gave
+ all sorts of details about the Norristown episode. The whole
+ thing was prosaic enough; and the Brown-personality seems to be
+ nothing but a rather shrunken, dejected, and amnesic extract of
+ Mr. Bourne himself. He gave no motive for the wandering except
+ that there was "trouble back there" and he "wanted rest."
+ During the trance he looks old, the corners of his mouth are
+ drawn down, his voice is slow and weak, and he sits screening
+ his eyes and trying vainly to remember what lay before and
+ after the two months of the Brown experience. "I'm all hedged
+ in," he says, "I can't get out at either end. I don't know what
+ set me down in that Pawtucket horse-car, and I don't know how I
+ ever left that store or what became of it." His eyes are
+ practically normal, and all his sensibilities (save for tardier
+ response) about the same in hypnosis as in waking. I had hoped
+ by suggestion to run the two personalities into one, and make
+ the memories continuous, but no artifice would avail to
+ accomplish this, and Mr. Bourne's skull today still covers two
+ distinct personal selves.
+
+An interesting circumstance with respect to this case and others is that
+the different personalities, although they inhabit the same body and
+divide between them the experiences of a single individual, not only
+regard themselves as distinct and independent persons but they exhibit
+marked differences in character, temperament, and tastes, and frequently
+profess for one another a decided antipathy. The contrasts in
+temperament and character displayed by these split-off personalities are
+illustrated in the case of Miss Beauchamp, to whose strange and
+fantastic history Morton Prince has devoted a volume of nearly six
+hundred pages.
+
+In this case, the source of whose morbidity was investigated by means of
+hypnotism, not less than three distinct personalities in addition to
+that of the original and real Miss Beauchamp were evolved. Each one of
+these was distinctly different and decidedly antipathetic to the others.
+
+Pierre Janet's patient, Madam B, however, is the classic illustration of
+this dissociated personality. From the time she was sixteen years of
+age, Léonie, as she was called, had been so frequently hypnotized and
+subjected to so much clinical experimentation that a well-organized
+secondary personality was elaborated, which was designated as Léontine.
+Léonie was a poor peasant woman, serious, timid, and melancholy.
+Léontine was gay, noisy, restless, and ironical. Léontine did not
+recognize that she had any relationship with Léonie, whom she referred
+to as "that good woman," "the other," who "is not I, she is too stupid."
+Eventually a third personality, known as Léonore, appeared who did not
+wish to be mistaken for either that "good but stupid woman" Léonie, nor
+for the "foolish babbler" Léontine.
+
+Of these personalities Léonie possessed only her own memories, Léontine
+possessed the memories of Léonie and her own, while the memories of
+Léonore, who was superior to them both, included Madam B's whole life.
+
+What is particularly interesting in connection with this phenomenon of
+multiple personality is the fact that it reveals in a striking way the
+relation of the subconscious to the conscious. The term subconscious, as
+it occurs in the literature of psychology, is a word of various
+meanings. In general, however, we mean by subconscious a region of
+consciousness in which the dissociated memories, the "suppressed
+complexes," as they are called, maintain some sort of conscious
+existence and exercise an indirect though very positive influence upon
+the ideas in the focus of consciousness, and so upon the behavior of the
+individual. The subconscious, in short, is the region of the suppressed
+memories. They are suppressed because they have come into conflict with
+the dominant complex in consciousness which represents the personality
+of the individual.
+
+"Emotional conflicts" have long been the theme of literary analysis and
+discussion. In recent years they have become the subject of scientific
+investigation. In fact a new school of medical psychology with a vast
+literature has grown up around and out of the investigations of the
+effects of the suppression of a single instinct--the sexual impulse. A
+whole class of nervous disorders, what are known as psychoneuroses, are
+directly attributed by Dr. Sigmund Freud and the psychoanalytic school,
+as it is called, to these suppressions, many of which consist of
+memories that go back to the period of early childhood before the sexual
+instinct had attained the form that it has in adults.
+
+The theory of Freud, stated briefly, amounts to this: As a result of
+emotional conflicts considerable portions of the memories of certain
+individuals, with the motor impulses connected with them, are thrust
+into the background of the mind, that is to say, the subconscious. Such
+suppressed memories, with the connected motor dispositions, he first
+named "suppressed complexes." Now it is found that these suppressed
+complexes, which no longer respond to stimulations as they would under
+normal conditions, may still exercise an indirect influence upon the
+ideas which are in the focus of consciousness. Under certain conditions
+they may not get into consciousness at all but manifest themselves, for
+example, in the form of hysterical tics, twitchings, and muscular
+convulsions.
+
+Under other circumstances the ideas associated with the suppressed
+complexes tend to have a dominating and controlling place in the life of
+the individual. All our ideas that have a sentimental setting are of
+this character. We are all of us a little wild and insane upon certain
+subjects or in regard to certain persons or objects. In such cases a
+very trivial remark or even a gesture will fire one of these loaded
+ideas. The result is an emotional explosion, a sudden burst of weeping,
+a gust of violent, angry, and irrelevant emotion, or, in case the
+feelings are more under control, merely a bitter remark or a chilling
+and ironical laugh. It is an interesting fact that a jest may serve as
+well to give expression to the "feelings" as an expletive or any other
+emotional expression. All forms of fanaticism, fixed ideas, phobias,
+ideals, and cherished illusions may be explained as the effects of
+mental mechanisms created by the suppressed complexes.
+
+From what has been said we are not to assume that there is any necessary
+and inevitable conflict among ideas. In our dreams and day-dreams, as in
+fairyland, our memories come and go in the most disorderly and fantastic
+way, so that we may seem to be in two places at the same time, or we may
+even be two persons, ourselves and someone else. Everything trips
+lightly along, in a fantastic pageant without rhyme or reason. We
+discover something of the same freedom when we sit down to speculate
+about any subject. All sorts of ideas present themselves; we entertain
+them for a moment, then dismiss them and turn our attention to some
+other mental picture which suits our purpose better. At such times we do
+not observe any particular conflict between one set of ideas and
+another. The lion and the lamb lie down peacefully together, and even if
+the lamb happens to be inside we are not particularly disturbed.
+
+Conflict arises between memories when our personal interests are
+affected, when our sentiments are touched, when some favorite opinion is
+challenged. Conflict arises between our memories when they are connected
+with some of our motor dispositions, that is to say, when we begin to
+act. Memories which are suppressed as a result of emotional conflicts,
+memories associated with established motor dispositions, inevitably tend
+to find some sort of direct or symbolic expression. In this way they
+give rise to the symptoms which we meet in hysteria and
+psychasthenia--fears, phobias, obsessions, and tics, like stammering.
+
+The suppressed complexes do not manifest themselves in the pathological
+forms only, but neither do the activities of the normal complexes give
+any clear and unequivocal evidence of themselves in ordinary
+consciousness. We are invariably moved to act by motives of which we are
+only partially conscious or wholly unaware. Not only is this true, but
+the accounts we give to ourselves and others of the motives upon which
+we acted are often wholly fictitious, although they may be given in
+perfect good faith.
+
+A simple illustration will serve, however, to indicate how this can be
+effected. In what is called post-hypnotic suggestion we have an
+illustration of the manner in which the waking mind may be influenced by
+impulses of whose origin and significance the subject is wholly unaware.
+In a state of hypnotic slumber the suggestion is given that after
+awaking the subject will, upon a certain signal, rise and open the
+window or turn out the light. He is accordingly awakened and, at the
+signal agreed upon while he was in the hypnotic slumber but of which he
+is now wholly unconscious, he will immediately carry out the command as
+previously given. If the subject is then asked why he opened the window
+or turned out the light, he will, in evident good faith, make some
+ordinary explanation, as that "it seemed too hot in the room," or that
+he "thought the light in the room was disagreeable." In some cases, when
+the command given seems too absurd, the subject may not carry it out,
+but he will then show signs of restlessness and discomfort, just for
+instance as one feels when he is conscious that he has left something
+undone which he intended to do, although he can no longer recall what it
+was. Sometimes when the subject is not disposed to carry out the command
+actually given, he will perform some other related act as a substitute,
+just as persons who have an uneasy conscience, while still unwilling to
+make restitution or right the wrong which they have committed, will
+perform some other act by way of expiation.
+
+Our moral sentiments and social attitudes are very largely fixed and
+determined by our past experiences of which we are only vaguely
+conscious.
+
+"This same principle," as Morton Prince suggests, "underlies what is
+called the 'social conscience,' the 'civic' and 'national conscience,'
+'patriotism,' 'public opinion,' what the Germans call 'Sittlichkeit,'
+the war attitude of mind, etc. All these mental attitudes may be reduced
+to common habits of thought and conduct derived from mental experiences
+common to a given community and conserved as complexes in the
+unconscious of the several individuals of the community."
+
+Sentiments were first defined and distinguished from the emotions by
+Shand, who conceived of them as organizations of the emotions about some
+particular object or type of object. Maternal love, for example,
+includes the emotions of fear, anger, joy, or sorrow, all organized
+about the child. This maternal love is made up of innate tendencies but
+is not itself a part of original nature. It is the mother's fostering
+care of the child which develops her sentiments toward it, and the
+sentiment attaches to any object that is bound up with the life of the
+child. The cradle is dear to the mother because it is connected with her
+occupation in caring for the child. The material fears for its welfare,
+her joy in its achievements, her anger with those who injure or even
+disparage it, are all part of the maternal sentiment.
+
+The mother's sentiment determines her attitude toward her child, toward
+other children, and toward children in general. Just as back of every
+sensation, perception, or idea there is some sort of motor disposition,
+so our attitudes are supported by our sentiments. Back of every
+political opinion there is a political sentiment and it is the sentiment
+which gives force and meaning to the opinion.
+
+Thus we may think of opinions merely as representative of a
+psycho-physical mechanism, which we may call the sentiment-attitude.
+These sentiment-attitudes are to be regarded in turn as organizations of
+the original tendencies, the instinct-emotions, about some memory, idea,
+or object which is, or once was, the focus and the end for which the
+original tendencies thus organized exist. In this way opinions turn out,
+in the long run, to rest on original nature, albeit original nature
+modified by experience and tradition.
+
+
+C. THE FOUR WISHES: A CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL FORCES
+
+
+1. The Wish, the Social Atom[166]
+
+The Freudian psychology is based on the doctrine of the "wish," just as
+physical science is based, today, on the concept of function. Both of
+these are what may be called dynamic concepts, rather than static; they
+envisage natural phenomena not as things but as processes and largely to
+this fact is due their pre-eminent explanatory value. Through the "wish"
+the "thing" aspect of mental phenomena, the more substantive "content of
+consciousness," becomes somewhat modified and reinterpreted. This
+"wish," which as a concept Freud does not analyze, includes all that
+would commonly be so classed, and also whatever would be called impulse,
+tendency, desire, purpose, attitude, and the like, not including,
+however, any emotional components thereof. Freud also acknowledges the
+existence of what he calls "negative wishes," and these are not fears
+but negative purposes. An exact definition of the "wish" is that it is
+_a course of action_ which some mechanism of the body is _set_ to carry
+out, whether it actually does so or does not. All emotions, as well as
+the feelings of pleasure and displeasure, are separable from the
+"wishes," and this precludes any thought of a merely hedonistic
+psychology. The wish is any purpose of project for _a course of action_,
+whether it is being merely entertained by the mind or is being actually
+executed--a distinction which is really of little importance. We shall
+do well if we consider this to be, as in fact it is, dependent on a
+_motor attitude_ of the physical body, which goes over into overt action
+and _conduct_ when the wish is carried into execution.
+
+It is this "wish" which transforms the principal doctrines of psychology
+and recasts the science, much as the "atomic theory" and later the
+"ionic theory" have reshaped earlier conceptions of chemistry. This
+so-called "wish" becomes the unit of psychology, replacing the older
+unit commonly called "sensation," which latter, it is to be noted, was a
+_content_ of consciousness unit, whereas the "wish" is a more dynamic
+affair.
+
+Unquestionably the mind is somehow "embodied" in the body. But how?
+Well, if the unit of mind and character is a "wish," it is easy enough
+to perceive how it is incorporated. It is, this "wish," something which
+the body as a piece of mechanism can do--a course of action with regard
+to the environment which the machinery of the body is capable of
+carrying out. This capacity resides clearly in the parts of which the
+body consists and in the way in which these are put together, not so
+much in the matter of which the body is composed, as in the forms which
+this matter assumes when organized.
+
+In order to look at this more closely we must go a bit down the
+evolutionary series to the fields of biology and physiology. Here we
+find much talk of nerves and muscles, sense-organs, reflex arcs,
+stimulation, and muscular response, and we feel that somehow these
+things do not reach the core of the matter, and that they never can;
+that spirit is not nerve or muscle; and that intelligent conduct, to say
+nothing of conscious thought, can never be reduced to reflex arcs and
+the like--just as a printing press is not merely wheels and rollers,
+and still less is it chunks of iron. The biologist has only himself to
+thank if he has overlooked a thing which lay directly under his nose. He
+has overlooked the _form of organization_ of these his reflex arcs, has
+left out of account that step which assembles wheels and rollers into a
+printing press, and that which organizes reflex arcs, as we shall
+presently see, into an intelligent, conscious creature. Evolution took
+this important little step of organization ages ago, and thereby
+produced the rudimentary "wish."
+
+Now in the reflex arc a sense-organ is stimulated and the energy of
+stimulation is transformed into nervous energy, which then passes along
+an afferent nerve to the central nervous system, passes through this and
+out by an efferent or motor nerve to a muscle, where the energy is again
+transformed and the muscle contracts. Stimulation at one point of the
+animal organism produces contraction at another. The principles of
+irritability and of motility are involved, but all further study of
+_this_ process will lead us only to the physics and chemistry of the
+energy transformations--will lead us, that is, in the direction of
+_analysis_. If, however, we inquire in what way such reflexes are
+combined or "integrated" into more complicated processes, we shall be
+led in exactly the opposite direction, that of _synthesis_, and here we
+soon come, as is not surprising, to a synthetic novelty. This is
+_specific response_ or _behavior_.
+
+In this single reflex something is done to a sense-organ and the process
+within the organ is comparable to the process in any unstable substance
+when the foreign energy strikes it; it is strictly a chemical process,
+and so for the conducting nerve, likewise for the contracting muscle. It
+happens, as a physiological fact, that in this process stored energy is
+released so that a reflex contraction is literally comparable to the
+firing of a pistol. But the reflex arc is not "aware" of anything, and
+indeed there is nothing more to say about the process unless we should
+begin to analyze it. But even two such processes going on together in
+one organism are a very different matter. Two such processes require two
+sense-organs, two conduction paths, and two muscles; and since we are
+considering the result of the two in combination, the relative
+anatomical location of these six members is of importance. For
+simplicity I will take a hypothetical but strictly possible case. A
+small water animal has an eyespot located on each side of its anterior
+end; each spot is connected by a nerve with a vibratory silium or fin
+on the side of the posterior end; the thrust exerted by each fin is
+toward the rear. If, now, light strikes one eye, say the right, the left
+fin is set in motion and the animal's body is set rotating toward the
+right like a rowboat with one oar. This is all that one such reflex arc
+could do for the animal. Since, however, there are now two, when the
+animal comes to be turned far enough toward the right so that some of
+the light strikes the second eyespot (as will happen when the animal
+comes around facing the light), the second fin, on the right side, is
+set in motion, and the two together propel the animal forward in a
+straight line. The direction of this line will be that in which the
+animal lies when its two eyes receive equal amounts of light. In other
+words, by the combined operation of two reflexes the animal swims
+_toward the light_, while either reflex alone would only have set it
+spinning like a top. It now responds specifically in the direction of
+the light, whereas before it merely spun when lashed.
+
+Suppose, now, that it possess a _third_ reflex arc--a "heat spot" so
+connected with the same or other fins that when stimulated by a certain
+intensity of heat it initiates a nervous impulse which stops the forward
+propulsion. The animal is still "lashed," but nevertheless no light can
+force it to swim "blindly to its death" by scalding. It has the
+rudiments of "intelligence." But so it had before. For as soon as two
+reflex arcs capacitate it mechanically to swim _toward light_, it was no
+longer exactly like a pinwheel; it could respond specifically toward at
+least one thing in its environment.
+
+It is this objective reference of a process of release that is
+significant. The mere reflex does not refer to anything beyond itself;
+if it drives an organism in a certain direction, it is only as a rocket
+ignited at random shoots off in some direction, depending on how it
+happened to lie. But specific response is not merely in some random
+direction, it is _toward an object_, and if this object is moved, the
+responding organism changes its direction and still moves after it. And
+the objective reference is that the organism is _moving with reference
+to some object or fact of the environment_. For the organism, while a
+very interesting mechanism in itself, is one whose movements turn on
+objects outside of itself, much as the orbit of the earth turns upon the
+sun; and these external, and sometimes very distant, objects are as much
+_constituents_ of the behavior process as is the organism which does
+the turning. It is this _pivotal outer object_, the object of specific
+response, which seems to me to have been overneglected.
+
+It is not surprising, then, that in animals as highly organized reflexly
+as are many of the invertebrates, even though they should possess no
+other principle of action than that of specific response, the various
+life-activities should present an appearance of considerable
+intelligence. And I believe that in fact this intelligence is solely the
+product of accumulated specific responses. Our present point is that the
+specific response and the "wish" as Freud uses the term, are one and the
+same thing.
+
+
+2. The Freudian Wish[167]
+
+"If wishes were horses, beggars would ride" is a nursery saw which, in
+the light of recent developments in psychology, has come to have a much
+more universal application than it was formerly supposed to have. If the
+followers of the Freudian school of psychologists can be believed--and
+there are many reasons for believing them--all of us, no matter how
+apparently contented we are and how well we are supplied with the good
+things of the earth, are "beggars," because at one time or another and
+in one way or another we are daily betraying the presence of unfulfilled
+wishes. Many of these wishes are of such a character that we ourselves
+cannot put them into words. Indeed, if they were put into words for us,
+we should straightway deny that such a wish is or was ever harbored by
+us in our waking moments. But the stretch of time indicated by "waking
+moments" is only a minor part of the twenty-four hours. Even during the
+time we are not asleep we are often abstracted, day-dreaming, letting
+moments go by in reverie. Only during a limited part of our waking
+moments are we keenly and alertly "all there" in the possession of our
+faculties. There are thus, even apart from sleep, many unguarded moments
+when these so-called "repressed wishes" may show themselves.
+
+In waking moments we wish only for the conventional things which will
+not run counter to our social traditions or code of living. But these
+open and above-board wishes are not very interesting to the
+psychologist. Since they are harmless and call for the kinds of things
+that everybody in our circle wishes for, we do not mind admitting them
+and talking about them. Open and uncensored wishes are best seen in
+children (though children at an early age begin to show repressions).
+Only tonight I heard a little girl of nine say: "I wish I were a boy and
+were sixteen years old--I'd marry Ann" (her nine-year old companion).
+And recently I heard a boy of eight say to his father: "I wish you would
+go away forever; then I could marry mother." The spontaneous and
+uncensored wishes of children gradually disappear as the children take
+on the speech conventions of the adult. But even though the crassness of
+the form of expression of the wish disappears with age, there is no
+reason to suppose that the human organism ever gets to the point where
+wishes just as unconventional as the above do not rise to trouble it.
+Such wishes, though, are immediately repressed; we never harbor them nor
+do we express them clearly to ourselves in our waking moments.
+
+The steps by which repression takes place in the simpler cases are not
+especially difficult to understand. When the child wants something it
+ought not to have, its mother hands it something else and moves the
+object about until the child reaches out for it. When the adult strives
+for something which society denies him, his environment offers him, if
+he is normal, something which is "almost as good," although it may not
+wholly take the place of the thing he originally strove for. This in
+general is the process of substitution or sublimation. It is never
+complete from the first moment of childhood. Consequently it is natural
+to suppose that many of the things which have been denied us should at
+times beckon to us. But since they are banned they must beckon in
+devious ways. These sometime grim specters both of the present and of
+the past cannot break through the barriers of our staid and sober waking
+moments, so they exhibit themselves, at least to the initiated, in
+shadowy form in reverie, and in more substantial form in the slips we
+make in conversation and in writing, and in the things we laugh at; but
+clearest of all in dreams. I say the meaning is clear to the initiated
+because it does require special training and experience to analyze these
+seemingly nonsensical slips of tongue and pen, these highly elaborated
+and apparently meaningless dreams, into the wishes (instinct and habit
+impulses) which gave them birth. It is fortunate for us that we are
+protected in this way from having to face openly many of our own wishes
+and the wishes of our friends.
+
+We get our clue to the dream as being a wish fulfilment by taking the
+dreams of children. Their dreams are as uncensored as is their
+conversation. Before Christmas my own children dreamed nightly that they
+had received the things they wanted for Christmas. The dreams were
+clear, logical, and open wishes. Why should the dreams of adults be less
+logical and less open unless they are to act as concealers of the wish?
+If the dream processes in the child run in an orderly and logical way,
+would it indeed not be curious to find the dream processes of the adult
+less logical and full of meaning?
+
+This argument gives us good a priori grounds for supposing that the
+dreams of adults too are full of meaning and are logical; that there is
+a wish in every dream and that the wish is fulfilled in the dream. The
+reason dreams appear illogical is due to the fact that if the wish were
+to be expressed in its logical form it would not square with our
+everyday habits of thought and action. We should be disinclined to admit
+even to ourselves that we have such dreams. Immediately upon waking only
+so much of the dream is remembered, that is, put into ordinary speech,
+as will square with our life at the time. The dream is "censored," in
+other words.
+
+The question immediately arises, who is the censor or what part of us
+does the censoring? The Freudians have made more or less of a
+"metaphysical entity" out of the censor. They suppose that when wishes
+are repressed, they are repressed into the "unconscious," and that this
+mysterious censor stands at the trapdoor lying between the conscious and
+the unconscious. Many of us do not believe in a world of the unconscious
+(a few of us even have grave doubts about the usefulness of the term
+consciousness), hence we try to explain censorship along ordinary
+biological lines. We believe that one group of habits can "down" another
+group of habits--or instincts. In this case our ordinary system of
+habits--those which we call expressive of our "real selves"--inhibit or
+quench (keep inactive or partially inactive) those habits and
+instinctive tendencies which belong largely in the past.
+
+This conception of the dream as having both censored and uncensored
+features has led us to divide the dream into its specious or manifest
+content (face value, which is usually nonsensical) and its latent or
+logical content. We should say that while the manifest content of the
+dream is nonsensical, its true or latent content is usually logical and
+expressive of some wish that has been suppressed in the waking state.
+
+On examination the manifest content of dreams is found to be full of
+symbols. As long as the dream does not have to be put into customary
+language, it is allowed to stand as it is dreamed--the symbolic features
+are uncensored. Symbolism is much more common than is ordinarily
+supposed. All early language was symbolic. The language of children and
+of savages abounds in symbolism. Symbolic modes of expression both in
+art and in literature are among the earliest forms of treating difficult
+situations in delicate and inoffensive ways. In other words, symbols in
+art are a necessity and serve the same purpose as does the censor in the
+dreams. Even those of us who have not an artistic education, however,
+have become familiar with the commoner forms of symbolism through our
+acquaintance with literature. In the dream, when the more finely
+controlled physiological processes are in abeyance, there is a tendency
+to revert to the symbolic modes of expression. This has its use, because
+on awaking the dream does not shock us, since we make no attempt to
+analyze or trace back in the dream the symbol's original meaning. Hence
+we find that the manifest content is often filled with symbols which
+occasionally give us the clue to the dream analysis.
+
+The dream then brings surcease from our maladjustments: If we are denied
+power, influence, or love by society or by individuals, we can obtain
+these desiderata in our dreams. We can possess in dreams the things
+which we cannot have by day. In sleep the poor man becomes a Midas, the
+ugly woman handsome, the childless woman surrounded by children, and
+those who in daily life live upon a crust in their dreams dine like
+princes (after living upon canned goods for two months in the Dry
+Tortugas, the burden of my every dream was food). Where the wished-for
+things are compatible with our daily code, they are remembered on
+awaking as they were dreamed. Society, however, will not allow the
+unmarried woman to have children, however keen her desire for them.
+Hence her dreams in which the wish is gratified are remembered in
+meaningless words and symbols.
+
+Long before the time Freud's doctrine saw the light of day, William
+James gave the key to what I believed to be the true explanation of the
+wish. Thirty years ago he wrote:
+
+ I am often confronted by the necessity of standing by one of my
+ selves and relinquishing the rest. Not that I would not, if I
+ could, be both handsome and fat and well dressed, and a great
+ athlete, and make a million a year, be a wit, a _bon vivant_,
+ and a lady-killer, as well as a philosopher, a philanthropist,
+ a statesman, a warrior, and African explorer, as well as a
+ "tone-poet" and a saint. But the thing is simply impossible.
+ The millionaire's work would run counter to the saint's; the
+ _bon vivant_ and the philanthropist would trip each other up;
+ the philosopher and the lady-killer could not well keep house
+ in the same tenement of clay. Such different characters may
+ conceivably at the outset of life be alike possible to a man.
+ But to make any one of them actual, the rest must more or less
+ be suppressed.
+
+What James is particularly emphasizing here is that the human organism
+is instinctively capable of developing along many different lines, but
+that due to the stress of civilization some of these instinctive
+capacities must be thwarted. In addition to these impulses which are
+instinctive, and therefore hereditary, there are many habit impulses
+which are equally strong and which for similar reasons must be given up.
+The systems of habits we form (i.e., the acts we learn to perform) at
+four years of age will not serve us when we are twelve, and those formed
+at the age of twelve will not serve us when we become adults. As we pass
+from childhood to man's estate, we are constantly having to give up
+thousands of activities which our nervous and muscular systems have a
+tendency to perform. Some of these instinctive tendencies born with use
+are poor heritages; some of the habits we early develop are equally poor
+possessions. But, whether they are "good" or "bad," they must give way
+as we put on the habits required of adults. Some of them yield with
+difficulty and we often get badly twisted in attempting to put them
+away, as every psychiatric clinic can testify. It is among these
+frustrated impulses that I would find the biological basis of the
+unfulfilled wish. Such "wishes" need never have been "conscious" and
+_need never have been suppressed into Freud's realm of the unconscious_.
+It may be inferred from this that there is no particular reason for
+applying the term "wish" to such tendencies. What we discover then in
+dreams and in conversational slips and other lapses are really at heart
+"reaction tendencies"--tendencies which we need never have faced nor put
+into words at any time. On Freud's theory these "wishes" have at one
+time been faced and put into words by the individual, and when faced
+they were recognized as not squaring with his ethical code. They were
+then immediately "repressed into the unconscious."
+
+A few illustrations may help in understanding how thwarted tendencies
+may lay the basis for the so-called unfulfilled wish which later appears
+in the dream. One individual becomes a psychologist in spite of his
+strong interest in becoming a medical man, because at the time it was
+easier for him to get the training along psychological lines. Another
+pursues a business career, when, if he had had his choice, he would have
+become a writer of plays. Sometimes on account of the care of a mother
+or of younger brothers and sisters, a young man cannot marry, even
+though the mating instinct is normal; such a course of action
+necessarily leaves unfulfilled wishes and frustrated impulses in its
+train. Again a young man will marry and settle down when mature
+consideration would show that his career would advance much more rapidly
+if he were not burdened with a family. Again, an individual marries and
+without even admitting to himself that his marriage is a failure he
+gradually shuts himself off from any emotional expression--protects
+himself from the married state by sublimating his natural domestic ties,
+usually in some kind of engrossing work, but often in questionable
+ways--by hobbies, speed manias, and excesses of various kinds. In
+connection with this it is interesting to note that the automobile,
+quite apart from its utilitarian value, is coming to be a widely used
+means of repression or wish sublimation. I have been struck by the
+enormously increasing number of women drivers. Women in the present
+state of society have not the same access to absorbing kinds of works
+that men have (which will shortly come to be realized as a crime far
+worse than that of the Inquisition). Hence their chances of normal
+sublimation are limited. For this reason women seek an outlet by rushing
+to the war as nurses, in becoming social workers, pursuing aviation,
+etc. Now if I am right in this analysis these unexercised tendencies to
+do things other than we are doing are never quite got rid of. We cannot
+get rid of them unless we could build ourselves over again so that our
+organic machinery would work only along certain lines and only for
+certain occupations. Since we cannot completely live these tendencies
+down, we are all more or less "unadjusted" and ill adapted. These
+maladjustments are exhibited whenever the brakes are off, that is,
+whenever our higher and well-developed habits of speech and action are
+dormant, as in sleep, in emotional disturbances, etc.
+
+Many but not all of these "wishes" can be traced to early childhood or
+to adolescence, which is a time of stress and strain and a period of
+great excitement. In childhood the boy often puts himself in his
+father's place; he wishes that he were grown like his father and could
+take his father's place, for then his mother would notice him more and
+he would not have to feel the weight of authority. The girl likewise
+often becomes closely attached to her father and wishes her mother would
+die (which in childhood means to disappear or go away) so that she could
+be all in all to her father. These wishes, from the standpoint of
+popular morality, are perfectly innocent; but as the children grow older
+they are told that such wishes are wrong and that they should not speak
+in such a "dreadful" way. Such wishes are, then, gradually
+suppressed--replaced by some other mode of expression. But the
+replacement is often imperfect. The apostle's saying, "When we become
+men we put away childish things" was written before the days of
+psychoanalysis.
+
+
+3. The Person and His Wishes[168]
+
+The human being has a great variety of "wishes," ranging from the desire
+to have food to the wish to serve humanity.
+
+Anything capable of being appreciated (wished for) is a "value." Food,
+money, a poem, a political doctrine, a religious creed, a member of the
+other sex, etc., are values.
+
+There are also negative values--things which exist but which the
+individual does not want, which he may even despise. Liquor or the
+Yiddish language may be a positive value for one person and a negative
+value for another.
+
+The state of mind of the individual toward a value is an "attitude."
+Love of money, desire for fame, appreciation of a given poem, reverence
+for God, hatred of the Jew, are attitudes.
+
+We divide wishes into four classes: (1) the desire for new experience;
+(2) the desire for security; (3) the desire for recognition; (4) the
+desire for response.
+
+1. The desire for new experience is seen in simple forms in the prowling
+and meddling activities of the child, and the love of adventure and
+travel in the boy and the man. It ranges in moral quality from the
+pursuit of game and the pursuit of pleasure to the pursuit of knowledge
+and the pursuit of ideals. It is found equally in the vagabond and the
+scientific explorer. Novels, theaters, motion pictures, etc., are means
+of satisfying this desire vicariously, and their popularity is a sign of
+the elemental force of this desire.
+
+In its pure form the desire for new experience implies motion, change,
+danger, instability, social irresponsibility. The individual dominated
+by it shows a tendency to disregard prevailing standards and group
+interests. He may be a complete failure, on account of his instability;
+or a conspicuous success, if he converts his experiences into social
+values--puts them in the form of a poem, makes of them a contribution to
+science, etc.
+
+2. The desire for security is opposed to the desire for new experience.
+It implies avoidance of danger and death, caution, conservatism.
+Incorporation in an organization (family, community, state) provides the
+greatest security. In certain animal societies (e.g., the ants) the
+organization and co-operation are very rigid. Similarly among the
+peasants of Europe, represented by our immigrant groups, all lines of
+behavior are predetermined for the individual by tradition. In such a
+group the individual is secure as long as the group organization is
+secure, but evidently he shows little originality or creativeness.
+
+3. The desire for recognition expresses itself in devices for securing
+distinction in the eyes of the public. A list of the different modes of
+seeking recognition would be very long. It would include courageous
+behavior, showing off through ornament and dress, the pomp of kings, the
+display of opinions and knowledge, the possession of special
+attainments--in the arts, for example. It is expressed alike in
+arrogance and in humility, even in martyrdom. Certain modes of seeking
+recognition we define as "vanity," others as "ambition." The "will to
+power" belongs here. Perhaps there has been no spur to human activity so
+keen and no motive so naïvely avowed as the desire for "undying fame,"
+and it would be difficult to estimate the rôle the desire for
+recognition has played in the creation of social values.
+
+4. The desire for response is a craving, not for the recognition of the
+public at large, but for the more intimate appreciation of individuals.
+It is exemplified in mother-love (touch plays an important rôle in this
+connection), in romantic love, family affection, and other personal
+attachments. Homesickness and loneliness are expressions of it. Many of
+the devices for securing recognition are used also in securing response.
+
+Apparently these four classes comprehend all the positive wishes. Such
+attitudes as anger, fear, hate, and prejudice are attitudes toward those
+objects which may frustrate a wish.
+
+Our hopes, fears, inspirations, joys, sorrows are bound up with these
+wishes and issue from them. There is, of course, a kaleidoscopic
+mingling of wishes throughout life, and a single given act may contain a
+plurality of them. Thus when a peasant emigrates to America he may
+expect to have a good time and learn many things (new experience), to
+make a fortune (greater security), to have a higher social standing on
+his return (recognition), and to induce a certain person to marry him
+(response).
+
+The "character" of the individual is determined by the nature of the
+organization of his wishes. The dominance of any one of the four types
+of wishes is the basis of our ordinary judgment of his character. Our
+appreciation (positive or negative) of the character of the individual
+is based on his display of certain wishes as against others, and on his
+modes of seeking their realization.
+
+The individual's attitude toward the totality of his attitudes
+constitutes his conscious "personality." The conscious personality
+represents the conception of self, the individual's appreciation of his
+own character.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+Literature on the concept of social forces falls under four heads: (1)
+popular notions of social forces; (2) social forces and history; (3)
+interests, sentiments, and attitudes as social forces; and (4) wishes as
+social forces.
+
+
+1. Popular Notions of Social Forces
+
+The term "social forces" first gained currency in America with the rise
+of the "reformers," so called, and with the growth of popular interest
+in the problems of city life; that is, labor and capital, municipal
+reform and social welfare, problems of social politics.
+
+In the rural community the individual had counted; in the city he is
+likely to be lost. It was this declining weight of the individual in the
+life of great cities, as compared with that of impersonal social
+organizations, the parties, the unions, and the clubs, that first
+suggested, perhaps, the propriety of the term social forces. In 1897
+Washington Gladden published a volume entitled _Social Facts and Forces:
+the Factory, the Labor Union, the Corporation, the Railway, the City,
+the Church_. The term soon gained wide currency and general acceptance.
+
+At the twenty-eighth annual National Conference of Charities and
+Correction, at Washington, D.C., Mary E. Richmond read a paper upon
+"Charitable Co-operation" in which she presented a diagram and a
+classification of the social forces of the community from the point of
+view of the social worker[169] given on page 492.
+
+Beginning in October, 1906, there appeared for several years in the
+journal of social workers, _Charities and Commons_, now _The Survey_,
+editorial essays upon social, industrial, and civic questions under the
+heading "Social Forces." In the first article E. T. Devine made the
+following statement: "In this column the editor intends to have his say
+from month to month about the persons, books, and events which have
+significance as social forces.... Not all the social forces are
+obviously forces of good, although they are all under the ultimate
+control of a power which makes for righteousness."
+
+[Illustration: DIAGRAM OF FORCES WITH WHICH THE CHARITY WORKER MAY
+CO-OPERATE
+
+A. Family Forces B. Personal Forces C. Neighborhood Forces D. Civic
+Forces E. Private Charitable Forces F. Public Relief Forces
+
+
+A.--_Family Forces._
+ Capacity of each member for
+ Affection
+ Training
+ Endeavor
+ Social development.
+B.--_Personal Forces._
+ Kindred.
+ Friends.
+C.--_Neighborhood Forces._
+ Neighbors, landlords, tradesmen.
+ Former and present employers.
+ Clergymen, Sunday-school teachers, fellow church members.
+ Doctors.
+ Trade-unions, fraternal and benefit societies, social clubs,
+ fellow-workmen.
+ Libraries, educational clubs, classes, settlements, etc.
+ Thrift agencies, savings-banks, stamp-savings, building and
+ loan associations.
+D.--_Civic Forces._
+ School-teachers, truant officers.
+ Police, police magistrates, probation officers, reformatories.
+ Health department, sanitary inspectors, factory inspectors.
+ Postmen.
+ Parks, baths, etc.
+E.--_Private Charitable Forces._
+ Charity organization society.
+ Church of denomination to which family belongs.
+ Benevolent individuals.
+ National, special, and general relief societies.
+ Charitable employment agencies and work-rooms.
+ Fresh-air society, children's aid society, society for protection of
+children, children's homes, etc.
+ District nurses, sick-diet kitchens, dispensaries, hospitals, etc.
+ Society for suppression of vice, prisoner's aid society, etc.
+F.--_Public Relief Forces._
+ Almshouses.
+ Outdoor poor department.
+ Public hospitals and dispensaries.]
+
+Ten years later a group of members in the National Conference of Social
+Work formed a division under the title "The Organization of the Social
+Forces of the Community." The term community, in connection with that of
+social forces, suggests that every community may be conceived as a
+definite constellation of social forces. In this form the notion has
+been fruitful in suggesting a more abstract, intelligible, and, at the
+same time, sounder conception of the community life.
+
+Most of the social surveys made in recent years are based upon this
+conception of the community as a complex of social forces embodied in
+institutions and organizations. It is the specific task of every
+community survey to reveal the community in its separated and often
+isolated organs. The references to the literature on the community
+surveys at the conclusion of chapter iii, "Society and the Group,"[170]
+will be of service in a further study of the application of the concept
+of social forces to the study of the community.
+
+
+2. Social Forces and History
+
+Historians, particularly in recent years, have frequently used the
+expression "social forces" although they have nowhere defined it. Kuno
+Francke, in the Preface of his book entitled _A History of German
+Literature as Determined by Social Forces_, states that it "is an honest
+attempt to analyze the social, religious, and moral forces which
+determined the growth of German literature as a whole." Taine in the
+Preface to _The Ancient Régime_ says: "Without taking any side,
+curiosity becomes scientific and centres on the secret forces which
+direct the wonderful process. These forces consist of the situations,
+the passions, the ideas, and the wills of each group of actors, and
+which can be defined and almost measured."[171]
+
+It is in the writings of historians, like Taine in France, Buckle in
+England, and Karl Lamprecht in Germany, who started out with the
+deliberate intention of writing history as if it were natural history,
+that we find the first serious attempts to use the concept of social
+forces in historical analysis. Writers of this school are quite as much
+interested in the historical process as they are in historical fact, and
+there is a constant striving to treat the individual as representative
+of the class, and to define historical tendencies in general and
+abstract terms.
+
+But history conceived in those terms tends to become sociology.
+"History," says Lamprecht, "is a _socio-psychological science_. In the
+conflict between the old and the new tendencies in historical
+investigation, the main question has to do with social-psychic, as
+compared and contrasted with individual-psychic factors; or to speak
+somewhat generally, the understanding on the one hand of conditions, on
+the other of heroes, as the motive powers in the course of
+history."[172] It was Carlyle--whose conception of history is farthest
+removed from that of Lamprecht--who said, "Universal history is at
+bottom the history of great men."
+
+The criticism of history by historians and the attempts, never quite
+successful, to make history positive furnish further interesting comment
+on this topic.[173]
+
+
+3. Interest, Sentiments, and Attitudes as Social Forces
+
+More had been written, first and last, about human motives than any
+other aspect of human life. Only in very recent years, however, have
+psychologists and social psychologists had either a point of view or
+methods of investigation which enabled them to analyze and explain the
+facts. The tendency of the older introspective psychology was to refer
+in general terms to the motor tendencies and the will, but in the
+analysis of sensation and the intellectual processes, will disappeared.
+
+The literature on this subject covers all that has been written by the
+students of animal behavior and instinct, Lloyd Morgan, Thorndike,
+Watson, and Loeb. It includes the interesting studies of human behavior
+by Bechterew, Pavlow, and the so-called objective school of psychology
+in Russia. It should include likewise writers like Graham Wallas in
+England, Carleton Parker and Ordway Tead in America, who are seeking to
+apply the new science of human nature to the problems of society.[174]
+
+Every social science has been based upon some theory, implicit or
+explicit, of human motives. Economics, political science, and ethics,
+before any systematic attempt had been made to study the matter
+empirically, had formulated theories of human nature to justify their
+presuppositions and procedures.
+
+In classical political economy the single motive of human action was
+embodied in the abstraction "the economic man." The utilitarian school
+of ethics reduced all human motives to self-interest. Disinterested
+conduct was explained as enlightened self-interest. This theory was
+criticized as reducing the person to "an intellectual calculating
+machine." The theory of evolution suggested to Herbert Spencer a new
+interpretation of human motives which reasserted their individualistic
+origin, but explained altruistic sentiments as the slowly accumulated
+products of evolution. Altruism to Spencer was the enlightened
+self-interest of the race.
+
+It was the English economists of the eighteenth century who gave us the
+first systematic account of modern society in deterministic terms. The
+conception of society implicit in Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_
+reflects at once the temper of the English people and of the age in
+which he lived.[175] The eighteenth century was the age of
+individualism, laissez faire and freedom. Everything was in process of
+emancipation except woman.
+
+The attention of economists at this time was directed to that region of
+social life in which the behavior of the individual is most
+individualistic and least controlled, namely, the market place. The
+economic man, as the classical economists conceived him, is more
+completely embodied in the trader in the auction pit, than in any other
+figure in any other situation in society. And the trader in that
+position performs a very important social function.[176]
+
+There are, however, other social situations which have created other
+social types, and the sociologists have, from the very first, directed
+their attention to a very different aspect of social life, namely, its
+unity and solidarity. Comte conceived humanity in terms of the family,
+and most sociologists have been disposed to take the family as
+representative of the type of relations they are willing to call social.
+Not the auction pit but the family has been the basis of the
+sociological conception of society. Not competition but control has been
+the central fact and problem of sociology.
+
+Socialization, when that word is used as a term of appreciation rather
+than of description, sets up as the goal of social effort a world in
+which conflict, competition, and the externality of individuals, if they
+do not disappear altogether, will be so diminished that all men may live
+together as members of one family. This, also, is the goal of progress
+according to our present major prophet, H. G. Wells.[177]
+
+It is intelligible, therefore, that sociologists should conceive of
+social forces in other terms than self-interest. If there had been no
+other human motives than those attributed to the economic man there
+would have been economics but no sociology, at least in the sense in
+which we conceive it today.
+
+In the writings of Ratzenhofer and Small human interests are postulated
+as both the unconscious motives and the conscious ends of behavior.
+Small's classification of interests--health, wealth, sociability,
+knowledge, beauty, rightness--has secured general acceptance.
+
+"Sentiment" was used by French writers, Ribot, Binet, and others, as a
+general term for the entire field of affective life. A. F. Shand in two
+articles in _Mind_, "Character and the Emotions" and "Ribot's Theory of
+the Passions," has made a distinct contribution by distinguishing the
+sentiments from the emotions. Shand pointed out that the sentiment, as a
+product of social experience, is an organization of emotions around the
+idea of an object. McDougall in his _Social Psychology_ adopted Shand's
+definition and described the organization of typical sentiments, as love
+and hate.
+
+Thomas was the first to make fruitful use of the term attitude, which he
+defined as a "tendency to act." Incidentally he points out that
+attitudes are social, that is, the product of interaction.
+
+
+4. Wishes and Social Forces
+
+Ward had stated that "The social forces are wants seeking satisfaction
+through efforts, and are thus social motives or motors inspiring
+activities which either create social structures through social synergy
+or modify the structures already created through innovation and
+conation."[178] Elsewhere Ward says that "desire is the only motive to
+action."[179]
+
+The psychoanalytic school of psychiatrists have attempted to reduce all
+motives to one--the wish, or _libido_. Freud conceived that sex appetite
+and memories connected with it were the unconscious sources of some if
+not all of the significant forms of human behavior. Freud's
+interpretation of sex, however, seemed to include the whole field of
+desires that have their origin in touch stimulations. To Jung the
+_libido_ is vital energy motivating the life-adjustments of the person.
+Adler from his study of organic inferiority interpreted the _libido_ as
+the wish for completeness or perfection. Curiously enough, these critics
+of Freud, while not accepting his interpretation of the unconscious
+wish, still seek to reduce all motives to a single unit. To explain all
+behavior by one formula, however, is to explain nothing.
+
+On the other hand, interpretation by a multitude of unrelated conscious
+desires in the fashion of the older sociological literature is no great
+advance beyond the findings of common sense. The distinctive value of
+the definition, and classification, of Thomas lies in the fact that it
+reduces the multitude of desires to four. These four wishes, however,
+determine the simplest as well as the most complex behavior of persons.
+The use made of this method in his study of the Polish peasant indicated
+its possibilities for the analysis of the organization of the life of
+persons and of social groups.
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+I. POPULAR NOTION OF SOCIAL FORCES
+
+(1) Patten, Simon N. _The Theory of Social Forces._ Philadelphia, 1896.
+
+(2) Gladden, Washington. _Social Facts and Forces._ The factory, the
+labor union, the corporation, the railway, the city, the church. New
+York, 1897.
+
+(3) Richmond, Mary. "Charitable Co-operation," _Proceedings of the
+National Conference of Charities and Correction_, 1901, pp. 298-313.
+(Contains "Diagram of Forces with which Charity Worker may Co-operate.")
+
+(4) Devine, Edward T. _Social Forces._ From the editor's page of _The
+Survey_. New York, 1910.
+
+(5) Edie, Lionel D., Editor. _Current Social and Industrial Forces._
+Introduction by James Harvey Robinson. New York, 1920.
+
+(6) Burns, Allen T. "Organization of Community Forces for the Promotion
+of Social Programs," _Proceedings of the National Conference of
+Charities and Correction_, 1916, pp. 62-78.
+
+(7) _Social Forces._ A topical outline with bibliography. Wisconsin
+Woman's Suffrage Association, Educational Committee. Madison, Wis.,
+1915.
+
+(8) Wells, H. G. _Social Forces in England and America._ London and New
+York, 1914.
+
+
+II. HISTORICAL TENDENCIES AS SOCIAL FORCES
+
+(1) Lamprecht, Karl. _What Is History?_ Five lectures on the modern
+science of history. Translated from the German by E. A. Andrews. London
+and New York, 1905.
+
+(2) Loria, A. _The Economic Foundations of Society._ Translated from the
+2d French ed. by L. M. Keasbey. London and New York, 1899.
+
+(3) Beard, Charles A. _An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of
+the United States._ New York, 1913.
+
+(4) Brandes, Georg. _Main Currents in Nineteenth-Century Literature._ 6
+vols. London, 1906.
+
+(5) Taine, H. A. _The Ancient Régime._ Translated from the French by
+John Durand. New York, 1891.
+
+(6) Buckle, Henry Thomas. _History of Civilization in England._ 2 vols.
+New York, 1892.
+
+(7) Lacombe, Paul. _De l'histoire considérée comme science._ Paris,
+1894.
+
+(8) Francke, Kuno. _Social Forces in German Literature._ A study in the
+history of civilization. New York, 1896.
+
+(9) Hart, A. B. _Social and Economic Forces in American History._ From
+_The American Nation, A History_. London and New York, 1904.
+
+(10) Turner, Frederick J. _Social Forces in American History, The
+American Historical Review_, XVI (1910-11), 217-33.
+
+(11) Woods, F. A. _The Influence of Monarchs._ Steps in a new science of
+history. New York, 1913.
+
+
+III. INTERESTS AND WANTS
+
+
+A. _Interests, Desires, and Wants as Defined by the Sociologist_
+
+(1) Ward, Lester F. _Dynamic Sociology, or Applied Social Science._ As
+based upon statical sociology and the less complex sciences. "The Social
+Forces," I, 468-699. New York, 1883.
+
+(2) ----. _Pure Sociology._ A treatise on the origin and spontaneous
+development of society. Chap. xii, "Classification of the Social
+Forces," pp. 256-65. New York, 1903.
+
+(3) ----. _The Psychic Factors of Civilization._ Chap. ix, "The
+Philosophy of Desire," pp. 50-58, chap. xviii, "The Social Forces," pp.
+116-24. Boston, 1901.
+
+(4) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ Chaps. xxvii and xxxi, pp.
+372-94; 425-42. Chicago, 1905.
+
+(5) Ross, Edward A. _The Principles of Sociology._ Part II, "Social
+Forces," pp. 41-73. New York, 1920.
+
+(6) Blackmar, F. W., and Gillin, J. L. _Outlines of Sociology._ Part
+III, chap ii, "Social Forces," pp. 283-315. New York, 1915.
+
+(7) Hayes, Edward C. "The 'Social Forces' Error," _American Journal of
+Sociology_, XVI (1910-11), 613-25; 636-44.
+
+(8) Fouillée, Alfred. _Education from a National Standpoint._ Translated
+from the French by W. J. Greenstreet. Chap. i, pp. 10-27. New York,
+1892.
+
+(9) ----. _Morale des idées-forces._ 2d ed. Paris, 1908. [Book II, Part
+II, chap. iii, pp. 290-311, describes opinion, custom, law, education
+from the point of view of "Idea-Forces."]
+
+
+B. _Interests and Wants as Defined by the Economist_
+
+(1) Hermann, F. B. W. v. _Staatswirthschaftliche Untersuchungen._ Chap.
+ii. München, 1870. [First of the modern attempts to classify wants.]
+
+(2) Walker, F. A. _Political Economy._ 3d ed. New York, 1888. [See
+discussion of competition, pp. 91-111.]
+
+(3) Marshall, Alfred. _Principles of Economics._ An introductory volume.
+Chap. ii, "Wants in Relation to Activities," pp. 86-91. 6th ed. London,
+1910.
+
+(4) ----. "Some Aspects of Competition," _Journal of the Royal
+Statistical Society._ Sec. VII, "Modern Analysis of the Motives of
+Business Competition," LIII (1890), 634-37. [See also Sec. VIII,
+"Growing Importance of Public Opinion as an Economic Force," pp.
+637-41.]
+
+(5) Menger, Karl. _Grundsatze der Volkswirthschaftslehre._ Chap. ii,
+Wien, 1871.
+
+(6) ----. _Untersuchungen über die Methode der Socialwissenschaften und
+der politischen Ökonomie insbesondere._ Chap. vii, "Über das Dogma,"
+etc. Leipzig, 1883.
+
+(7) Jevons, W. S. _The Theory of Political Economy._ Chap. ii, "Theory
+of Pleasure and Pain," pp. 28-36; "The Laws of Human Wants," pp. 39-43.
+4th ed. London, 1911.
+
+(8) Bentham, Jeremy. "A Table of the Springs of Action." Showing the
+several species of pleasures and pains of which man's nature is
+susceptible; together with the several species of _interests_, _desires_
+and _motives_ respectively corresponding to them; and the several sets
+of appellatives, _neutral_, _eulogistic_, and _dyslogistic_, by which
+each species of _motive_ is wont to be designated. [First published in
+1817.] _The Works of Jeremy Bentham_, I, 195-219. London, 1843.
+
+
+C. _Wants and Values_
+
+(1) Kreibig, Josef K. _Psychologische Grundlegung eines Systems der
+Wert-Theorie._ Wien, 1902.
+
+(2) Simmel, Georg. _Einleitung in die Moralwissenschaft._ Eine Kritik
+der ethischen Grundbegriffe. Vol. I, chap. iv, "Die Glückseligkeit." 2
+vols. Berlin, 1904-05.
+
+(3) Meinong, Alexius. _Psychologische-ethische Untersuchungen zur
+Wert-Theorie._ Graz, 1894.
+
+(4) Ehrenfels, Chrn. v. _System der Wert-Theorie._ 2 vols. Leipzig,
+1897-98.
+
+(5) Brentano, Franz. _Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkte._ Chap.
+vi-ix, pp. 256-350. Leipzig, 1874.
+
+(6) Urban, Wilbur Marshall. _Valuation, Its Nature and Laws._ Being an
+introduction to the general theory of value. London, 1909.
+
+(7) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Process._ Part VI, "Valuation," pp.
+283-348. New York, 1918.
+
+
+IV. SENTIMENTS, ATTITUDES, AND WISHES
+
+(1) White, W. A. _Mechanisms of Character Formation._ An introduction to
+psychoanalysis. New York, 1916.
+
+(2) Pfister, Oskar. _The Psychoanalytic Method._ Translated from the
+German by Dr. C.R. Payne. New York, 1917.
+
+(3) Jung, Carl G. _Analytical Psychology._ Translated from the German by
+Dr. Constance E. Long. New York, 1916.
+
+(4) Adler, Alfred. _The Neurotic Constitution._ Outlines of a
+comparative individualistic psychology and psychotherapy. Translated
+from the German by Bernard Glueck. New York, 1917.
+
+(5) Freud, Sigmund. _General Introduction to Psychoanalysis._ New York,
+1920.
+
+(6) Tridon, André. _Psychoanalysis and Behavior._ New York, 1920.
+
+(7) Holt, Edwin B. _The Freudian Wish and Its Place in Ethics._ New
+York, 1915.
+
+(8) Mercier, C.A. _Conduct and Its Disorders Biologically Considered._
+London, 1911.
+
+(9) Bechterew, W. v. _La psychologie objective._ Translated from the
+Russian. Paris, 1913.
+
+(10) Kostyleff, N. _Le mécanisme cérébral de la pensée._ Paris, 1914.
+
+(11) Bentley, A. F. _The Process of Government._ A study of social
+pressures. Chicago, 1908.
+
+(12) Veblen, T. _The Theory of the Leisure Class._ An economic study in
+the evolution of institutions. New York, 1899. [Discusses the wish for
+recognition.]
+
+(13) ----. _The Instinct of Workmanship._ And the state of the
+industrial arts. New York, 1914. [Discusses the wish for recognition.]
+
+(14) McDougall, William. _An Introduction to Social Psychology._ Chaps.
+v-vi, pp. 121-73. 13th ed. Boston, 1918.
+
+(15) Shand, A. F. "Character and the Emotions," _Mind._, n. s., V
+(1896), 203-26.
+
+(16) ----. "M. Ribot's Theory of the Passions," _Mind._, n. s., XVI
+(1907), 477-505.
+
+(17) ----. _The Foundations of Character._ Being a study of the
+tendencies of the emotions and sentiments. Chaps. iv-v, "The Systems of
+the Sentiments," pp. 35-63. London, 1914.
+
+(18) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and
+America._ III, 5-81. Boston, 1919.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. The Concept of Forces in the Natural Sciences.
+
+2. Historical Interpretation and Social Forces.
+
+3. The Concept of Social Forces in Recent Studies of the Local
+Community.
+
+4. Institutions as Social Forces: The Church, the Press, the School,
+etc.
+
+5. Institutions as Organizations of Social Forces: Analysis of a Typical
+Institution, Its Organization, Dominant Personalities, etc.
+
+6. Persons as Social Forces: Analysis of the Motives determining the
+Behavior of a Dominant Personality in a Typical Social Group.
+
+7. Group Opinion as a Social Force.
+
+8. Tendencies, Trends, and the Spirit of the Age.
+
+9. History of the Concepts of Attitudes, Sentiments, and Wishes as
+Defined in Psychology, Psychoanalysis, and Sociology.
+
+10. Attitudes as the Organizations of Wishes.
+
+11. The Freudian Wish.
+
+12. Personal and Social Disorganization from the Standpoint of the Four
+Wishes.
+
+13. The Law of the Four Wishes: All the Wishes Must Be Realized. A Wish
+of One Type, Recognition, Is Not a Substitute for a Wish of Another
+Type, Response.
+
+14. The Dominant Wish: Its Rôle in the Organization of the Person and of
+the Group.
+
+15. Typical Attitudes: Familism, Individualism, "Oppressed Nationality
+Psychosis," Race Prejudice.
+
+16. The Mutability of the Sentiment-Attitude: Love and Hate, Self-esteem
+and Humility, etc.
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. Make a list of the outstanding social forces affecting social life in
+a community which you know. What is the value of such an analysis?
+
+2. How does Simons use the term "social forces" in analyzing the course
+of events in American history?
+
+3. In what sense do you understand Ely to use the term "social forces"?
+
+4. Would there be, in your opinion, a social tendency without conflict
+with other tendencies?
+
+5. How far is it correct to predict from present tendencies what the
+future will be?
+
+6. What do you understand by _Zeitgeist_, "trend of the times," "spirit
+of the age"?
+
+7. What do you understand by public opinion? How does it originate?
+
+8. Is legislation in the United States always a result of public
+opinion?
+
+9. Does the trend of public opinion determine corporate action?
+
+10. Is public opinion the same as the sum of the opinion of the members
+of the group?
+
+11. What is the relation of social forces to interaction?
+
+12. Is it possible to study trends, tendencies, and public opinion as
+integrations of interests, sentiments, and attitudes?
+
+13. Are desires the fundamental "social elements"?
+
+14. What do you understand Small to mean when he says, "The last
+elements to which we can reduce the actions of human beings are units
+which we may conveniently name 'interests'"?
+
+15. What is Small's classification of interests? Do you regard it as
+satisfactory?
+
+16. What do you think is the difference between an impulse and an
+interest?
+
+17. Do people behave according to their interests or their impulses?
+
+18. Make a chart showing the difference in interests of six persons with
+whom you are acquainted.
+
+19. Make a chart indicating the variations in interests of six selected
+groups.
+
+20. What difference is there, in your opinion, between interests and
+social pressures?
+
+21. Do you consider the following statement of Bentley's correct: "No
+slaves, not the worst abused of all, but help to form the government"?
+
+22. Does the group exert social pressure upon its members? Give
+illustrations.
+
+23. What do you understand to be the differences between an idea and an
+idea-force?
+
+24. Give illustrations of idea-forces.
+
+25. Are there any ideas that are not idea-forces?
+
+26. What do you understand by a sentiment?
+
+27. What is the difference between an interest and a sentiment? Give an
+illustration of each.
+
+28. Are sentiments or interests more powerful in influencing the
+behavior of a person or of a group?
+
+29. What do you understand by a social attitude?
+
+30. What is a mental conflict?
+
+31. To what extent does unconsciousness rather than consciousness
+determine the behavior of a person? Give an illustration where the
+behavior of a person was inconsistent with his rational determination.
+
+32. What do you understand by mental complexes?
+
+33. What is the relation of memory to mental complexes?
+
+34. What do you understand by personality? What is its relation to
+mental complexes?
+
+35. What is meant by common sense?
+
+36. How does Holt define the Freudian wish?
+
+37. What distinction does he make between the wish and the motor
+attitude?
+
+38. How would you illustrate the difference between an attitude and a
+wish as defined in the introduction?
+
+39. How far would you say that the attitude may be described as an
+organization of the wishes?
+
+40. How far is the analogy between the wish as the social atom and the
+attitude as the social element justified?
+
+41 What is the "psychic censor"?
+
+42. What is the Freudian theory of repression? Is repression conscious
+or unconscious?
+
+43. What is the relation of wishes to occupational selection?
+
+44. Give illustrations of the "four wishes."
+
+45. Describe a person in terms of the type of expression of these four
+wishes.
+
+46. What social problems arise because of the repression of certain
+wishes?
+
+47. "Wishes in one class cannot be substituted for wishes in another."
+Do you agree? Elaborate your position.
+
+48. Analyze the organization of a group from the standpoint of the four
+wishes.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[157] Adapted from A. M. Simons, in the Preface to _Social Forces in
+American History_, pp. vii-viii. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1912.
+Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[158] Adapted from Richard T. Ely, _Evolution of Industrial Society_,
+pp. 456-84. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1903. Reprinted by
+permission.)
+
+[159] Adapted from A. V. Dicey, _Law and Public Opinion in England_, pp.
+19-41. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1905. Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[160] Adapted from Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 532-36.
+(The University of Chicago Press, 1905.)
+
+[161] Adapted from Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 425-36.
+(The University of Chicago Press, 1905.)
+
+[162] Adapted from Arthur F. Bentley, _The Process of Government_, pp.
+258-381. (The University of Chicago Press, 1908.)
+
+[163] Adapted from Alfred Fouillée, _Education from a National
+Standpoint_, pp. 10-16. (D. Appleton & Co., 1897.)
+
+[164] Adapted from William McDougall, _An Introduction to Social
+Psychology_, pp. 121-64. (John W. Luce & Co., 1916.)
+
+[165] From Robert E. Park, _Principles of Human Behavior_, pp. 18-34.
+(The Zalaz Corporation, 1915.)
+
+[166] Adapted from Edwin B. Holt, _The Freudian Wish and Its Place in
+Ethics_, pp. 3-56. (Henry Holt & Co., 1915.)
+
+[167] Adapted from John B. Watson, "The Psychology of Wish Fulfillment,"
+in the _Scientific Monthly_, III (1916), 479-86.
+
+[168] A restatement from a paper by William I. Thomas, "The Persistence
+of Primary-Group Norms in Present-Day Society," in Jennings, Watson,
+Meyer, and Thomas, _Suggestions of Modern Science Concerning Education_.
+(Published by The Macmillan Co., 1917. Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[169] _Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and
+Correction_, 1901, p. 300.
+
+[170] See p. 219.
+
+[171] H. A. Taine, _The Ancient Régime_, Preface, p. viii. (New York,
+1891.)
+
+[172] Karl Lamprecht, _What Is History?_ p. 3. (New York, 1905.)
+
+[173] See chap. i, _Sociology and the Social Sciences_, pp. 6-12.
+
+[174] See references, chap. ii, "Human Nature," p. 149.
+
+[175] For a discussion of the philosophical background of Adam Smith's
+political philosophy see Wilhelm Hasbach, _Untersuchungen über Adam
+Smith_. (Leipzig, 1891.)
+
+[176] "The science of Political Economy as we have it in England may be
+defined as the science of business, such as business is in large
+productive and trading communities. It is an analysis of that world so
+familiar to many Englishmen--the 'great commerce' by which England has
+become rich. It assumes the principal facts which make that commerce
+possible, and as is the way of an abstract science it isolates and
+simplifies them: it detaches them from the confusion with which they are
+mixed in fact. And it deals too with the men who carry on that commerce,
+and who make it possible. It assumes a sort of human nature such as we
+see everywhere around us, and again it simplifies that human nature; it
+looks at one part of it only. Dealing with matters of 'business,' it
+assumes that man is actuated only by motives of business. It assumes
+that every man who makes anything, makes it for money, that he always
+makes that which brings him in most at least cost, and that he will make
+it in the way that will produce most and spend least; it assumes that
+every man who buys, buys with his whole heart, and that he who sells,
+sells with his whole heart, each wanting to gain all possible advantage.
+Of course we know that this is not so, that men are not like this; but
+we assume it for simplicity's sake, as an hypothesis."--Walter Bagehot,
+_The Postulates of English Political Economy_. (New York and London,
+1885.)
+
+[177] H. G. Wells, _The Outline of History_, Vol. II, pp. 579-95. (New
+York, 1920.)
+
+[178] _Pure Sociology_, p. 261. (New York, 1903.)
+
+[179] _Dynamic Sociology_, II, 90.(New York, 1883.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+COMPETITION
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Popular Conception of Competition
+
+Competition, as a universal phenomenon, was first clearly conceived and
+adequately described by the biologists. As defined in the evolutionary
+formula "the struggle for existence" the notion captured the popular
+imagination and became a commonplace of familiar discourse. Prior to
+that time competition had been regarded as an economic rather than a
+biological phenomenon.
+
+It was in the eighteenth century and in England that we first find any
+general recognition of the new rôle that commerce and the middleman were
+to play in the modern world. "Competition is the life of trade" is a
+trader's maxim, and the sort of qualified approval that it gives to the
+conception of competition contains the germ of the whole philosophy of
+modern industrial society as that doctrine was formulated by Adam Smith
+and the physiocrats.
+
+The economists of the eighteenth century were the first to attempt to
+rationalize and justify the social order that is based on competition
+and individual freedom. They taught that there was a natural harmony in
+the interests of men, which once liberated would inevitably bring about,
+in the best of all possible worlds, the greatest good to the greatest
+number.
+
+The individual man, in seeking his own profit, will necessarily seek to
+produce and sell that which has most value for the community, and so "he
+is in this, as in many other cases," as Adam Smith puts it, "led by an
+invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention."
+
+The conception has been stated with even greater unction by the French
+writer, Frédéric Bastiat.
+
+ Since goods which seem at first to be the exclusive property of
+ individuals become by the estimable decrees of a wise
+ providence [competition] the common possession of all; since
+ the natural advantages of situation, the fertility,
+ temperature, mineral richness of the soil and even industrial
+ skill do not accrue to the producers, because of competition
+ among themselves, but contribute so much the more to the profit
+ of the consumer; it follows that there is no country that is
+ not interested in the advancement of all the others.[180]
+
+The freedom which commerce sought and gained upon the principle of
+laissez faire has enormously extended the area of competition and in
+doing so has created a world-economy where previously there were only
+local markets. It has created at the same time a division of labor that
+includes all the nations and races of men and incidentally has raised
+the despised middleman to a position of affluence and power undreamed of
+by superior classes of any earlier age. And now there is a new demand
+for the control of competition in the interest, not merely of those who
+have not shared in the general prosperity, but in the interest of
+competition itself.
+
+"Unfair competition" is an expression that is heard at the present time
+with increasing frequency. This suggests that there are rules governing
+competition by which, in its own interest, it can and should be
+controlled. The same notion has found expression in the demand for
+"freedom of competition" from those who would safeguard competition by
+controlling it. Other voices have been raised in denunciation of
+competition because "competition creates monopoly." In other words,
+competition, if carried to its logical conclusion, ends in the
+annihilation of competition. In this destruction of competition by
+competition we seem to have a loss of freedom by freedom, or, to state
+it in more general terms, unlimited liberty, without social control,
+ends in the negation of freedom and the slavery of the individual. But
+the limitation of competition by competition, it needs to be said, means
+simply that the process of competition tends invariably to establish an
+equilibrium.
+
+The more fundamental objection is that in giving freedom to economic
+competition society has sacrificed other fundamental interests that are
+not directly involved in the economic process. In any case economic
+freedom exists in an order that has been created and maintained by
+society. Economic competition, as we know it, presupposes the existence
+of the right of private property, which is a creation of the state. It
+is upon this premise that the more radical social doctrines, communism
+and socialism, seek to abolish competition altogether.
+
+
+2. Competition a Process of Interaction
+
+Of the four great types of interaction--competition, conflict,
+accommodation, and assimilation--competition is the elementary,
+universal and fundamental form. Social contact, as we have seen,
+initiates interaction. But competition, strictly speaking, is
+_interaction without social contact_. If this seems, in view of what has
+already been said, something of a paradox, it is because in human
+society competition is always complicated with other processes, that is
+to say, with conflict, assimilation, and accommodation.
+
+It is only in the plant community that we can observe the process of
+competition in isolation, uncomplicated with other social processes. The
+members of a plant community live together in a relation of mutual
+interdependence which we call social probably because, while it is close
+and vital, it is not biological. It is not biological because the
+relation is a merely external one and the plants that compose it are not
+even of the same species. They do not interbreed. The members of a plant
+community adapt themselves to one another as all living things adapt
+themselves to their environment, but there is no conflict between them
+because they are not conscious. Competition takes the form of conflict
+or rivalry only when it becomes conscious, when competitors identify one
+another as rivals or as enemies.
+
+This suggests what is meant by the statement that competition is
+interaction _without social contact_. It is only when minds meet, only
+when the meaning that is in one mind is communicated to another mind so
+that these minds mutually influence one another, that social contact,
+properly speaking, may be said to exist.
+
+On the other hand, social contacts are not limited to contacts of touch
+or sense or speech, and they are likely to be more intimate and more
+pervasive than we imagine. Some years ago the Japanese, who are brown,
+defeated the Russians, who are white. In the course of the next few
+months the news of this remarkable event penetrated, as we afterward
+learned, uttermost ends of the earth. It sent a thrill through all Asia
+and it was known in the darkest corners of Central Africa. Everywhere it
+awakened strange and fantastic dreams. This is what is meant by social
+contact.
+
+a) _Competition and competitive co-operation._--Social contact, which
+inevitably initiates conflict, accommodation, or assimilation,
+invariably creates also sympathies, prejudices, personal and moral
+relations which modify, complicate, and control competition. On the
+other hand, within the limits which the cultural process creates, and
+custom, law, and tradition impose, competition invariably tends to
+create an impersonal social order in which each individual, being free
+to pursue his own profit, and, in a sense, compelled to do so, makes
+every other individual a means to that end. In doing so, however, he
+inevitably contributes through the mutual exchange of services so
+established to the common welfare. It is just the nature of the trading
+transaction to isolate the motive of profit and make it the basis of
+business organization, and so far as this motive becomes dominant and
+exclusive, business relations inevitably assume the impersonal character
+so generally ascribed to them.
+
+"Competition," says Walker, "is opposed to sentiment. Whenever any
+economic agent does or forbears anything under the influence of any
+sentiment other than the desire of giving the least and gaining the most
+he can in exchange, be that sentiment patriotism, or gratitude, or
+charity, or vanity, leading him to do otherwise than as self interest
+would prompt, in that case also, the rule of competition is departed
+from. Another rule is for the time substituted."[181]
+
+This is the significance of the familiar sayings to the effect that one
+"must not mix business with sentiment," that "business is business,"
+"corporations are heartless," etc. It is just because corporations are
+"heartless," that is to say impersonal, that they represent the most
+advanced, efficient, and responsible form of business organization. But
+it is for this same reason that they can and need to be regulated in
+behalf of those interests of the community that cannot be translated
+immediately into terms of profit and loss to the individual.
+
+The plant community is the best illustration of the type of social
+organization that is created by competitive co-operation because in the
+plant community competition is unrestricted.
+
+b) _Competition and freedom._--The economic organization of society,
+so far as it is an effect of free competition, is an ecological
+organization. There is a human as well as a plant and an animal ecology.
+
+If we are to assume that the economic order is fundamentally ecological,
+that is, created by the struggle for existence, an organization like
+that of the plant community in which the relations between individuals
+are conceivably at least wholly external, the question may be very
+properly raised why the competition and the organization it has created
+should be regarded as social at all. As a matter of fact sociologists
+have generally identified the social with the moral order, and Dewey, in
+his _Democracy and Education_, makes statements which suggest that the
+purely economic order, in which man becomes a means rather than an end
+to other men, is unsocial, if not anti-social.
+
+The fact is, however, that this character of _externality_ in human
+relations is a fundamental aspect of society and social life. It is
+merely another manifestation of what has been referred to as the
+distributive aspect of society. Society is made up of individuals
+spatially separated, territorially distributed, and capable of
+independent locomotion. This capacity of independent locomotion is the
+basis and the symbol of every other form of independence. Freedom is
+fundamentally freedom to move and individuality is inconceivable without
+the capacity and the opportunity to gain an individual experience as a
+result of independent action.
+
+On the other hand, it is quite as true that society may be said to exist
+only so far as this independent activity of the individual is
+_controlled_ in the interest of the group as a whole. That is the reason
+why the problem of control, using that term in its evident significance,
+inevitably becomes the central problem of sociology.
+
+c) _Competition and control._--Conflict, assimilation and
+accommodation as distinguished from competition are all intimately
+related to control. Competition is the process through which the
+distributive and ecological organization of society is created.
+Competition determines the distribution of population territorially and
+vocationally. The division of labor and all the vast organized economic
+interdependence of individuals and groups of individuals characteristic
+of modern life are a product of competition. On the other hand, the
+moral and political order, which imposes itself upon this competitive
+organization, is a product of conflict, accommodation and assimilation.
+
+Competition is universal in the world of living things. Under ordinary
+circumstances it goes on unobserved even by the individuals who are most
+concerned. It is only in periods of crisis, when men are making new and
+conscious efforts to control the conditions of their common life, that
+the forces with which they are competing get identified with persons,
+and competition is converted into conflict. It is in what has been
+described as the _political process_ that society consciously deals with
+its crises.[182] War is the political process par excellence. It is in
+war that the great decisions are made. Political organizations exist for
+the purpose of dealing with conflict situations. Parties, parliaments
+and courts, public discussion and voting are to be considered simply as
+substitutes for war.
+
+d) _Accommodation, assimilation, and competition._--Accommodation, on
+the other hand, is the process by which the individuals and groups make
+the necessary internal adjustments to social situations which have been
+created by competition and conflict. War and elections change
+situations. When changes thus effected are decisive and are accepted,
+conflict subsides and the tensions it created are resolved in the
+process of accommodation into profound modifications of the competing
+units, i.e., individuals and groups. A man once thoroughly defeated is,
+as has often been noted, "never the same again." Conquest, subjugation,
+and defeat are psychological as well as social processes. They establish
+a new order by changing, not merely the status, but the attitudes of the
+parties involved. Eventually the new order gets itself fixed in habit
+and custom and is then transmitted as part of the established social
+order to succeeding generations. Neither the physical nor the social
+world is made to satisfy at once all the wishes of the natural man. The
+rights of property, vested interests of every sort, the family
+organization, slavery, caste and class, the whole social organization,
+in fact, represent accommodations, that is to say, limitations of the
+natural wishes of the individual. These socially inherited
+accommodations have presumably grown up in the pains and struggles of
+previous generations, but they have been transmitted to and accepted by
+succeeding generations as part of the natural, inevitable social order.
+All of these are forms of control in which competition is limited by
+status.
+
+Conflict is then to be identified with the political order and with
+conscious control. Accommodation, on the other hand, is associated with
+the social order that is fixed and established in custom and the mores.
+
+Assimilation, as distinguished from accommodation, implies a more
+thoroughgoing transformation of the personality--a transformation which
+takes place gradually under the influence of social contacts of the most
+concrete and intimate sort.
+
+Accommodation may be regarded, like religious conversion, as a kind of
+mutation. The wishes are the same but their organization is different.
+Assimilation takes place not so much as a result of changes in the
+organization as in the content, i.e., the memories, of the personality.
+The individual units, as a result of intimate association,
+interpenetrate, so to speak, and come in this way into possession of a
+common experience and a common tradition. The permanence and solidarity
+of the group rest finally upon this body of common experience and
+tradition. It is the rôle of history to preserve this body of common
+experience and tradition, to criticise and reinterpret it in the light
+of new experience and changing conditions, and in this way to preserve
+the continuity of the social and political life.
+
+The relation of social structures to the processes of competition,
+conflict, accommodation, and assimilation may be represented
+schematically as follows:
+
+ SOCIAL PROCESS SOCIAL ORDER
+
+ Competition The economic equilibrium
+ Conflict The political order
+ Accommodation Social organization
+ Assimilation Personality and the cultural heritage
+
+
+3. Classification of the Materials
+
+The materials in this chapter have been selected to exhibit (1) the rôle
+which competition plays in social life and all life, and (2) the types
+of organization that competition has everywhere created as a result of
+the division of labor it has everywhere enforced. These materials fall
+naturally under the following heads: (a) the struggle for existence;
+(b) competition and segregation; and (c) economic competition.
+
+This order of the materials serves the purpose of indicating the stages
+in the growth and extension of man's control over nature and over man
+himself. The evolution of society has been the progressive extension of
+control over nature and the substitution of a moral for the natural
+order.
+
+Competition has its setting in the struggle for existence. This struggle
+is ordinarily represented as a chaos of contending individuals in which
+the unfit perish in order that the fit may survive. This conception of
+the natural order as one of anarchy, "the war of each against all,"
+familiar since Hobbes to the students of society, is recent in biology.
+Before Darwin, students of plant and animal life saw in nature, not
+disorder, but order; not selection, but design. The difference between
+the older and the newer interpretation is not so much a difference of
+fact as of point of view. Looking at the plant and animal species with
+reference to their classification they present a series of relatively
+fixed and stable types. The same thing may be said of the plant and
+animal communities. Under ordinary circumstances the adjustment between
+the members of the plant and animal communities and the environment is
+so complete that the observer interprets it as an order of co-operation
+rather than a condition of competitive anarchy.
+
+Upon investigation it turns out, however, that the plant and animal
+communities are in a state of unstable equilibrium, such that any change
+in the environment may destroy them. Communities of this type are not
+organized to resist or adapt themselves as communities to changes in the
+environment. The plant community, for example, is a mere product of
+segregation, an aggregate without nerves or means of communication that
+would permit the individuals to be controlled in the interest of the
+community as a whole.[183]
+
+The situation is different in the so-called animal societies. Animals
+are adapted in part to the situation of competition, but in part also to
+the situation of co-operation. With the animal, maternal instinct,
+gregariousness, sex attraction restrict competition to a greater or less
+extent among individuals of the same family, herd, or species. In the
+case of the ant community competition is at a minimum and co-operation
+at a maximum.
+
+With man the free play of competition is restrained by sentiment,
+custom, and moral standards, not to speak of the more conscious control
+through law.
+
+It is a characteristic of competition, when unrestricted, that it is
+invariably more severe among organisms of the same than of different
+species. Man's greatest competitor is man. On the other hand, man's
+control over the plant and animal world is now well-nigh complete, so
+that, generally speaking, only such plants and animals are permitted to
+exist as serve man's purpose.
+
+Competition among men, on the other hand, has been very largely
+converted into rivalry and conflict. The effect of conflict has been to
+extend progressively the area of control and to modify and limit the
+struggle for existence within these areas. The effect of war has been,
+on the whole, to extend the area over which there is peace. Competition
+has been restricted by custom, tradition, and law, and the struggle for
+existence has assumed the form of struggle for a livelihood and for
+status.
+
+Absolute free play of competition is neither desirable nor even
+possible. On the other hand, from the standpoint of the individual,
+competition means mobility, freedom, and, from the point of view of
+society, pragmatic or experimental change. Restriction of competition is
+synonymous with limitation of movement, acquiescence in control, and
+telesis, Ward's term for changes ordained by society in distinction from
+the natural process of change.
+
+The political problem of every society is the practical one: how to
+secure the maximum values of competition, that is, personal freedom,
+initiative, and originality, and at the same time to control the
+energies which competition has released in the interest of the
+community.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. THE STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE
+
+
+1. Different Forms of the Struggle for Existence[184]
+
+The formula "struggle for existence," familiar in human affairs, was
+used by Darwin in his interpretation of organic life, and he showed
+that we gain clearness in our outlook on animate nature if we recognize
+there, in continual process, a struggle for existence not merely
+analogous to, but fundamentally the same as, that which goes on in human
+life. He projected on organic life a sociological idea, and showed that
+it fitted. But while he thus vindicated the relevancy and utility of the
+sociological idea within the biological realm, he declared explicitly
+that the phrase "struggle for existence" was meant to be a shorthand
+formula, summing up a vast variety of strife and endeavor, of thrust and
+parry, of action and reaction.
+
+Some of Darwin's successors have taken pains to distinguish a great many
+different forms of the struggle for existence, and this kind of analysis
+is useful in keeping us aware of the complexities of the process. Darwin
+himself does not seem to have cared much for this logical mapping out
+and defining; it was enough for him to insist that the phrase was used
+"in a large and metaphorical sense," and to give full illustrations of
+its various modes. For our present purpose it is enough for us to follow
+his example.
+
+a) _Struggle between fellows._--When the locusts of a huge swarm have
+eaten up every green thing, they sometimes turn on one another. This
+cannibalism among fellows of the same species--illustrated, for
+instance, among many fishes--is the most intense form of the struggle
+for existence. The struggle does not need to be direct to be real; the
+essential point is that the competitors seek after the same desiderata,
+of which there is a limited supply.
+
+As an instance of keen struggle between nearly related species, Darwin
+referred to the combats of rats. The black rat was in possession of many
+European towns before the brown rat crossed the Volga in 1727; whenever
+the brown rat arrived, the black rat had to go to the wall. Thus at the
+present day there are practically no black rats in Great Britain. Here
+the struggle for existence is again directly competitive. It is
+difficult to separate the struggle for food and foothold from the
+struggle for mates, and it seems clearest to include here the battles of
+the stags and the capercailzies, or the extraordinary lek of the
+blackcock, showing off their beauty at sunrise on the hills.
+
+b) _Struggle between foes._--In the locust swarm and in the rats'
+combats there is competition between fellows of the same or nearly
+related species, but the struggle for existence includes much wider
+antipathies. We see it between foes of entirely different nature,
+between carnivores and herbivores, between birds of prey and small
+mammals. In both these cases there may be a stand-up fight, for instance
+between wolf and stag, or between hawk and ermine; but neither the logic
+nor the biology of the process is different when all the fight is on one
+side. As the lemmings, which have overpopulated the Scandinavian
+valleys, go on the march they are followed by birds and beasts of prey,
+which thin their ranks. Moreover, the competition between species need
+not be direct; it will come to the same result if both types seek after
+the same things. The victory will be with the more effective and the
+more prolific.
+
+c) _Struggle with fate._--Our sweep widens still further, and we pass
+beyond the idea of competition altogether to cases where the struggle
+for existence is between the living organism and the inanimate
+conditions of its life--for instance, between birds and the winter's
+cold, between aquatic animals and changes in the water, between plants
+and drought, between plants and frost--in a wide sense, between Life and
+Fate.
+
+We cannot here pursue the suggestive idea that, besides struggle between
+individuals, there is struggle between groups of individuals--the latter
+most noticeably developed in mankind. Similarly, working in the other
+direction, there is struggle between parts or tissues in the body,
+between cells in the body, between equivalent germ-cells, and, perhaps,
+as Weismann pictures, between the various multiplicate items that make
+up our inheritance.
+
+
+2. Competition and Natural Selection[185]
+
+The term "struggle for existence" is used in a large and metaphorical
+sense, including dependence of one being on another, and including
+(which is more important) not only the life of the individual but
+success in leaving progeny. Two canine animals in a time of dearth may
+be truly said to struggle with each other which shall get food and live.
+But a plant on the edge of a desert is said to struggle for life against
+the drought, though more properly it should be said to be dependent on
+the moisture. A plant which annually produces a thousand seeds, of which
+only one of an average comes to maturity, may be more truly said to
+struggle with the plants of the same and other kinds which already
+clothe the ground. The mistletoe is dependent on the apple and a few
+other trees, but can only in a far-fetched sense be said to struggle
+with these trees, for, if too many of these parasites grow on the same
+tree, it languishes and dies. But several seedling mistletoes growing
+close together on the same branch may more truly be said to struggle
+with each other. As the mistletoe is disseminated by birds, its
+existence depends on them; and it may metaphorically be said to struggle
+with other fruit-bearing plants in tempting the birds to devour and thus
+disseminate its seeds. In these several senses which pass into each
+other, I use for convenience' sake the general term of "struggle for
+existence."
+
+A struggle for existence inevitably follows from the high rate at which
+all organic beings tend to increase. Every being which during its
+natural lifetime produces several eggs or seeds must suffer destruction
+during some period of its life, and during some season or occasional
+year, otherwise, on the principle of geometrical increase, its numbers
+would quickly become so inordinately great that no country could support
+the product. Hence, as more individuals are produced than can possibly
+survive, there must in every case be a struggle for existence, either
+one individual with another of the same species, or with the individuals
+of distinct species, or with the physical conditions of life. It is the
+doctrine of Malthus applied with manifold force to the whole animal and
+vegetable kingdoms; for in this case there can be no artificial increase
+of food, and no prudential restraint from marriage. Although some
+species may be now increasing more or less rapidly in numbers, all
+cannot do so, for the world would not hold them.
+
+There is no exception to the rule that every organic being naturally
+increases at so high a rate that, if not destroyed, the earth would soon
+be covered by the progeny of a single pair. Even slow-breeding man has
+doubled in twenty-five years, and at this rate in less than a thousand
+years there would literally not be standing-room for his progeny.
+Linnaeus has calculated that if an annual plant produced only two
+seeds--and there is no plant so unproductive as this--and their
+seedlings next year produced two, and so on, then in twenty years there
+would be a million plants. The elephant is reckoned the slowest breeder
+of all known animals, and I have taken some pains to estimate its
+probable minimum rate of natural increase; it will be safest to assume
+that it begins breeding when thirty years old and goes on breeding till
+ninety years old, bringing forth six young in the interval and surviving
+till one hundred years old; if this be so, after a period of from 740 to
+750 years there would be nearly nineteen million elephants alive,
+descended from the first pair.
+
+The struggle for life is most severe between individuals and varieties
+of the same species. As the species of the same genus usually have,
+though by no means invariably, much similarity in habits and
+constitution, and always similarity in structure, the struggle will
+generally be more severe between them if they come into competition with
+each other than between the species of distinct genera. We see this in
+the recent extension over parts of the United States of one species of
+swallow having caused the decrease of another species. The recent
+increase of the missel-thrush in parts of Scotland has caused the
+decrease of the song-thrush. How frequently we hear of one species of
+rat taking the place of another species under the most different
+climates! In Russia the small Asiatic cockroach has everywhere driven
+before it its great congener. In Australia the imported hive-bee is
+rapidly exterminating the small, stingless native bee. We can dimly see
+why the competition should be most severe between allied forms which
+fill nearly the same place in the economy of nature; but probably in no
+one case could we precisely say why one species has been victorious over
+another in the great battle of life.
+
+A corollary of the highest importance may be deduced from the foregoing
+remarks, namely, that the structure of every organic being is related,
+in the most essential yet often hidden manner, to that of all the other
+organic beings with which it comes into competition for food or
+residence or from which it has to escape or on which it preys. This is
+obvious in the structure of the teeth and talons of the tiger; and in
+that of the legs and claws of the parasite which clings to the hair on
+the tiger's body. But in the beautifully plumed seed of the dandelion,
+and in the flattened and fringed legs of the water-beetle, the relation
+seems at first confined to the elements of air and water. Yet the
+advantage of plumed seeds no doubt stands in the closest relations to
+the land being already thickly clothed with other plants; so that the
+seeds may be widely distributed and fall on unoccupied ground. In the
+water beetle, the structure of its legs, so well adapted for diving,
+allows it to compete with other aquatic insects, to hunt for its own
+prey, and to escape serving as prey to other animals.
+
+The store of nutriment laid up within the seeds of many plants seems at
+first sight to have no sort of relation to other plants. But from the
+strong growth of young plants produced from such seeds, as peas and
+beans, when sown in the midst of long grass, it may be suspected that
+the chief use of the nutriment in the seed is to favor the growth of
+seedlings whilst struggling with other plants growing vigorously all
+around.
+
+Look at a plant in the midst of its range; why does it not double or
+quadruple its numbers? We know that it can perfectly well withstand a
+little more heat or cold, dampness or dryness, for elsewhere it ranges
+into slightly hotter or colder, damper or drier, districts. In this case
+we can clearly see that if we wish in imagination to give the plant the
+power of increasing in number, we should have to give it some advantage
+over its competitors, or over the animals which prey upon it. On the
+confines of its geographical range, a change of constitution with
+respect to climate would clearly be an advantage to our plant; but we
+have reason to believe that only a few plants or animals range so far,
+that they are destroyed exclusively by the rigor of the climate. Not
+until we reach the extreme confines of life, in the Arctic regions or on
+the borders of an utter desert, will competition cease. The land may be
+extremely cold or dry, yet there will be competition between some few
+species, or between the individuals of the same species, for the warmest
+or dampest spots.
+
+Hence we can see that when a plant or an animal is placed in a new
+country amongst new competitors, the conditions of its life will
+generally be changed in an essential manner, although the climate may be
+exactly the same as in its former home. If its average numbers are to
+increase in its new home, we should have to modify it in a different way
+to what we should have had to do in its native country; for we should
+have to give it some advantage over a different set of competitors or
+enemies.
+
+It is good thus to try in imagination to give to any one species an
+advantage over another. Probably in no single instance should we know
+what to do. This ought to convince us of our ignorance on the mutual
+relations of all organic beings, a conviction as necessary as it is
+difficult to acquire. All that we can do is to keep steadily in mind
+that each organic being is striving to increase in a geometrical ratio;
+that each at some period of its life, during some season of the year,
+during each generation or at intervals, has to struggle for life and to
+suffer great destruction. When we reflect on this struggle, we may
+console ourselves with the full belief that the war of nature is not
+incessant, that no fear is felt, that death is generally prompt, and
+that the vigorous, the healthy, and the happy survive and multiply.
+
+
+3. Competition, Specialization, and Organization[186]
+
+Natural selection acts exclusively by the preservation and accumulation
+of variations, which are beneficial under the organic and inorganic
+conditions to which each creature is exposed at all periods of life. The
+ultimate result is that each creature tends to become more and more
+improved in relation to its conditions. This improvement inevitably
+leads to the gradual advancement of the organization of the greater
+number of living beings throughout the world.
+
+But here we enter on a very intricate subject, for naturalists have not
+defined to each other's satisfaction what is meant by an advance in
+organization. Amongst the vertebrata the degree of intellect and an
+approach in structure to man clearly come into play. It might be thought
+that the amount of change which the various parts and organs pass
+through in their development from the embryo to maturity would suffice
+as a standard of comparison; but there are cases, as with certain
+parasitic crustaceans, in which several parts of the structure become
+less perfect, so that the mature animal cannot be called higher than its
+larva. Von Baer's standard seems the most widely applicable and the
+best, namely, the amount of differentiation of the parts of the same
+organic being, in the adult state, as I should be inclined to add, and
+their specialization for different functions; or, as Milne Edwards would
+express it, the completeness of the division of physiological labor. But
+we shall see how obscure this subject is if we look, for instance, to
+fishes, amongst which some naturalists rank those as highest which, like
+the sharks, approach nearest to amphibians; whilst other naturalists
+rank the common bony or teleostean fishes as the highest, inasmuch as
+they are most strictly fishlike and differ most from the other
+vertebrate classes. We see still more plainly the obscurity of the
+subject by turning to plants, amongst which the standard of intellect
+is, of course, quite excluded; and here some botanists rank those plants
+as highest which have every organ, as sepals, petals, stamens, and
+pistils, fully developed in each flower; whereas other botanists,
+probably with more truth, look at the plants which have their several
+organs much modified and reduced in number as the highest.
+
+If we take as the standard of high organization the amount of
+differentiation and specialization of the several organs in each being
+when adult (and this will include the advancement of the brain for
+intellectual purposes), natural selection clearly leads toward this
+standard; for all physiologists admit that the specialization of organs,
+inasmuch as in this state they perform their functions better, is an
+advantage to each being; and hence the accumulation of variations
+tending toward specialization is within the scope of natural selection.
+On the other hand, we can see, bearing in mind that all organic beings
+are striving to increase at a high ratio and to seize on every
+unoccupied or less well-occupied place in the economy of nature, that it
+is quite possible for natural selection gradually to fit a being to a
+situation in which several organs would be superfluous or useless: in
+such cases there would be retrogression in the scale of organization.
+
+But it may be objected that if all organic beings thus tend to rise in
+the scale, how is it that throughout the world a multitude of the lowest
+forms still exist; and how is it that in each great class some forms are
+far more highly developed than others? Why have not the more highly
+developed forms everywhere supplanted and exterminated the lower? On our
+theory the continued existence of lowly organisms offers no difficulty
+for natural selection, or the survival of the fittest does not
+necessarily include progressive development--it only takes advantage of
+such variations as arise and are beneficial to each creature under its
+complex relations of life. And it may be asked what advantage, as far as
+we can see, would it be to an infusorian animalcule--to an intestinal
+worm, or even to an earthworm--to be highly organized. If it were no
+advantage, these forms would be left, by natural selection, unimproved
+or but little improved, and might remain for indefinite ages in their
+present lowly condition. And geology tells us that some of the lowest
+forms, as the infusoria and rhizopods, have remained for an enormous
+period in nearly their present state. But to suppose that most of the
+many low forms now existing have not in the least advanced since the
+first dawn of life would be extremely rash; for every naturalist who has
+dissected some of the beings now ranked as very low in the scale must
+have been struck with their really wondrous and beautiful organization.
+
+Nearly the same remarks are applicable if we look to the different
+grades of organization within the same great group; for instance, in the
+vertebrata to the coexistence of mammals and fish; amongst mammalia to
+the coexistence of man and the ornithorhynchus; amongst fishes to the
+coexistence of the shark and the lancelet (Amphioxus), which later fish
+in the extreme simplicity of its structure approaches the invertebrate
+classes. But mammals and fish hardly come into competition with each
+other; the advancement of the whole class of mammals, or of certain
+members in this class, to the highest grade would not lead to their
+taking the place of fishes. Physiologists believe that the brain must be
+bathed by warm blood to be highly active, and this requires aerial
+respiration; so that warm-blooded mammals when inhabiting the water lie
+under a disadvantage in having to come continually to the surface to
+breathe. With fishes, members of the shark family would not tend to
+supplant the lancelet; for the lancelet, as I hear from Fritz Müller,
+has as sole companion and competitor on the barren sandy shore of South
+Brazil an anomalous annelid. The three lowest orders of mammals, namely,
+marsupials, edentata, and rodents, coexist in South America in the same
+region with numerous monkeys, and probably interfere little with each
+other.
+
+Although organization, on the whole, may have advanced and may be still
+advancing throughout the world, yet the scale will always present many
+degrees of perfection; for the high advancement of certain whole
+classes, or of certain members of each class, does not at all
+necessarily lead to the extinction of those groups with which they do
+not enter into close competition. In some cases, lowly organized forms
+appear to have been preserved to the present day from inhabiting
+confined or peculiar stations, where they have been subjected to less
+severe competition and where their scanty numbers have retarded the
+chance of favorable variations arising.
+
+Finally, I believe that many lowly organized forms now exist throughout
+the world from various causes. In some cases variations or individual
+differences of a favorable nature may never have arisen for natural
+selection to act on and accumulate. In no case, probably, has time
+sufficed for the utmost possible amount of development. In some few
+cases there has been what we must call retrogression of organization.
+But the main cause lies in the fact that under very simple conditions of
+life a high organization would be of no service--possibly would be of
+actual disservice, as being of a more delicate nature and more liable to
+be put out of order and injured.
+
+
+4. Man: An Adaptive Mechanism[187]
+
+Everything in nature, living or not living, exists and develops at the
+expense of some other thing, living or not living. The plant borrows
+from the soil; the soil from the rocks and the atmosphere; men and
+animals take from the plants and from each other the elements which they
+in death return to the soil, the atmosphere, and the plants. Year after
+year, century after century, eon after eon, the mighty, immeasurable,
+ceaseless round of elements goes on, in the stupendous process of
+chemical change, which marks the eternal life of matter.
+
+To the superficial observer, nature in all her parts seems imbued with a
+spirit of profound peace and harmony; to the scientist it is obvious
+that every infinitesimal particle of the immense concourse is in a state
+of desperate and ceaseless struggle to obtain such share of the
+available supply of matter and energy as will suffice to maintain its
+present ephemeral form in a state of equilibrium with its surroundings.
+Not only is this struggle manifest among living forms, among birds and
+beasts and insects in their competition for food and habitat, but--if we
+may believe the revelations of the science of radio-activity--a process
+of transmutation, of disintegration of the atoms of one element with
+simultaneous formation of another element, is taking place in every
+fragment of inanimate matter, a process which parallels in character the
+more transitory processes of life and death in organisms and is
+probably a representation of the primary steps in that great process of
+evolution by which all terrestrial forms, organic and inorganic, have
+been evolved from the original ether by an action inconceivably slow,
+continuous, and admitting of no break in the series from inanimate to
+animate forms.
+
+From colloidal slime to man is a long road, the conception of which
+taxes our imaginations to the utmost, but it is an ascent which is now
+fairly well demonstrated. Indeed, the problems of the missing links are
+not so difficult as is the problem of the origin of the organs and
+functions which man has acquired as products of adaptation. For whether
+we look upon the component parts of our present bodies as useful or
+useless mechanisms, we must regard them as the result of age-long
+conflicts between environmental forces and organisms.
+
+Everywhere something is pursuing and something is escaping another
+creature. It is a constant drama of getting food and of seeking to
+escape being made food, evolving in the conflict structures fitted to
+accomplish both reactions. Everywhere the strong prey upon the weak, the
+swift upon the slow, the clever upon the stupid; and the weak, the slow,
+the stupid, retaliate by evolving mechanisms of defense, which more or
+less adequately repel or render futile the oppressor's attack. For each
+must live, and those already living have proved their right to existence
+by a more or less complete adaptation to their environment. The result
+of this twofold conflict between living beings is to evolve the manifold
+structures and functions--teeth, claws, skin, color, fur, feathers,
+horns, tusks, wily instincts, strength, stealth, deceit, and
+humility--which make up character in the animal world. According to the
+nature and number of each being's enemies has its own special mechanism
+been evolved, distinguishing it from its fellows and enabling it to get
+a living in its particular environment.
+
+In every case the fate of each creature seems to have been staked upon
+one mechanism. The tiger by its teeth and claws, the elephant and the
+rhinoceros by their strength, the bird by its wings, the deer by its
+fleetness, the turtle by its carapace--all are enabled to counter the
+attacks of enemies and to procreate. Where there is a negative defense,
+such as a shell or quills, there is little need and no evidence of
+intelligence: where a rank odor, no need and no presence of claws or
+carapace; where sting or venom, no need and no possession of odor,
+claws, shell, extraordinary strength, or sagacity. Where the struggle is
+most bitter, there exist the most complex and most numerous contrivances
+for living.
+
+Throughout its whole course the process of evolution, where it is
+visible in the struggle of organisms, has been marked by a progressive
+victory of brain over brawn. And this, in turn, may be regarded as but a
+manifestation of the process of survival by _lability_ rather than by
+_stability_. Everywhere the organism that exhibits the qualities of
+quick response, of extreme sensibility to stimuli, of capacity to
+change, is the individual that survives, "conquers," "advances." The
+quality most useful in nature, from the point of view of the domination
+of a wider environment, is the quality of _changeableness_,
+_plasticity_, _mobility_, or _versatility_. Man's particular means of
+adaptation to his environment is this quality of versatility. By means
+of this quality expressed through the manifold reactions of his highly
+organized central nervous system, man has been able to dominate the
+beasts and to maintain himself in an environment many times more
+extensive than theirs. Like the defensive mechanisms of shells, poisons,
+and odors, man's particular defensive mechanism--his versatility of
+nervous response (mind)--was acquired automatically as a result of a
+particular combination of circumstances in his environment.
+
+In the Tertiary era--some twenty millions of years ago--the earth,
+basking in the warmth of a tropical climate, had produced a luxuriant
+vegetation and a swarming progeny of gigantic small-brained animals for
+which the exuberant vegetation provided abundant and easily acquired
+sustenance. They were a breed of huge, clumsy, and grotesque monsters,
+vast in bulk and strength, but of little intelligence, that wandered
+heavily on the land and gorged lazily on the abundant food at hand. With
+the advance of the carnivora, the primitive forerunners of our tigers,
+wolves, hyenas, and foxes, came a period of stress, comparable to a
+seven years of famine following a seven years of plenty, which subjected
+the stolid herbivorous monsters to a severe selective struggle.
+
+Before the active onslaught of lighter, lither, more intelligent foes,
+the clumsy, inelastic types succumbed, those only surviving which,
+through the fortunate possession of more varied reactions, were able to
+evolve modes of defense equal to the modes of attack possessed by their
+enemies. Many, unable to evolve the acute senses and the fleet limbs
+necessary for the combat on the ground, shrank from the fray and
+acquired more negative and passive means of defense. Some, like the bat,
+escaped into the air. Others, such as the squirrel and the ape, took
+refuge in the trees.
+
+It was in this concourse of weak creatures which fled to the trees
+because they lacked adequate means of offense, defense, or escape on the
+ground that the lineaments of man's ancient ancestor might have been
+discerned. One can imagine what must have been the pressure from the
+carnivora that forced a selective transformation of the feet of the
+progenitor of the anthropoids into grasping hands. Coincidentally with
+the tree life, man's special line of adaptation--_versatility_--was
+undoubtedly rapidly evolved. Increased versatility and the evolution of
+hands enabled man to come down from the trees millions of years
+thereafter, to conquer the world by the further evolution and exercise
+of his organ of strategy--the brain. Thus we may suppose have arisen the
+intricate reactions we now call mind, reason, foresight, invention, etc.
+
+Man's claim to a superior place among animals depends less upon
+_different_ reactions than upon a _greater number_ of reactions as
+compared with the reactions of "lower" animals. Ability to respond
+adaptively to more elements in the environment gives a larger dominion,
+that is all.
+
+The same measure applies within the human species--the number of nervous
+reactions of the artist, the financier, the statesman, the scientist,
+being invariably greater than the reactions of the stolid savage. That
+man alone of all animals should have achieved the degree of versatility
+sufficient for such advance is no more remarkable than that the elephant
+should have evolved a larger trunk and tusks than the boar; that the
+legs of the deer should be fleeter than those of the ox; that the wings
+of the swallow should outfly those of the bat. Each organism, in
+evolving the combination of characters commensurate with safety in its
+particular environment, has touched the limit of both its necessity and
+its power to "advance." There exists abundant and reliable evidence of
+the fact that wherever man has been subjected to the stunting influences
+of an unchanging environment fairly favorable to life, he has shown no
+more disposition to progress than the most stolid animals. Indeed, he
+has usually retrograded. The need to fight for food and home has been
+the spur that has ever driven man forward to establish the manifold
+forms of physical and mental life which make up human existence today.
+Like the simple adaptive mechanisms of the plant by which it gets air,
+and of the animal by which it overcomes its rivals in battle, the
+supremely differentiated functions of thought and human relations are
+the outcome of the necessity of the organism to become adapted to
+entities in its environment.
+
+
+B. COMPETITION AND SEGREGATION
+
+
+1. Plant Migration, Competition, and Segregation[188]
+
+Invasion is the complete or complex process of which migration, ecesis
+(the adjustment of a plant to a new home), and competition are the
+essential parts. It embraces the whole movement of a plant or group of
+plants from one area into another and their colonization in the latter.
+From the very nature of migration, invasion is going on at all times and
+in all directions.
+
+Effective invasion is predominantly local. It operates in mass only
+between bare areas and adjacent communities which contain species
+capable of pioneering, or between contiguous communities which offer
+somewhat similar conditions or contain species of wide range of
+adjustment. Invasion into a remote region rarely has any successional
+effect (effect tending to transform the character of a plant community),
+as the invaders are too few to make headway against the plants in
+possession or against those much nearer a new area. Invasion into a new
+area or a plant community begins with migration when this is followed by
+ecesis. In new areas, ecesis produces reaction (the effect which a plant
+or a community exerts upon its habitat) at once, and this is followed by
+aggregation and competition, with increasing reaction. In an area
+already occupied by plants, ecesis and competition are concomitant and
+quickly produce reactions. Throughout the development migrants are
+entering and leaving, and the interactions of the various processes come
+to be complex in the highest degree.
+
+Local invasion in force is essentially _continuous_ or _recurrent_.
+Between contiguous communities it is _mutual_, unless they are too
+dissimilar. The result is a transition area or ecotone which epitomizes
+the next stage in development. By far the greater amount of invasion
+into existing vegetation is of this sort. The movement into a bare area
+is likewise continuous, though it is necessarily not mutual, and hence
+there is no ecotone during the earlier stages. The significant feature
+of continuous invasion is that an outpost may be repeatedly reinforced,
+permitting rapid aggregation and ecesis, and the production of new
+centers from which the species may be extended over a wide area.
+Contrasted with continuous invasion is intermittent or periodic movement
+into distant regions, but this is rarely concerned in succession. When
+the movement of invaders into a community is so great that the original
+occupants are driven out, the invasion is _complete_.
+
+A topographic feature or a physical or a biological agency that
+restricts or prevents invasions is a barrier. Topographic features are
+usually permanent and produce permanent barriers. Biological ones are
+often temporary and exist for a few years or even a single season.
+Temporary barriers are often recurrent, however. Barriers are complete
+or incomplete with respect to the thoroughness of their action. They may
+affect invasion either by limiting migration or by preventing ecesis.
+
+Biological barriers comprise plant communities, man and animals, and
+parasitic plants. The limiting effect of a plant community is exhibited
+in two ways. In the first place, an association acts as a barrier to the
+ecesis of species invading it from associations of another type, on
+account of the physical differences of the habitats. Whether such a
+barrier be complete or partial will depend upon the relative unlikeness
+of the two areas. Shade plants are unable to invade a prairie, though
+the species of open thickets or woodland may do so to a certain degree.
+Closed communities (one in which all the soil is occupied) likewise
+exert a marked influence in decreasing invasion by reason of the intense
+and successful competition which all invaders must meet. Closed
+associations usually act as complete barriers, while more open ones
+restrict invasion in direct proportion to the degree of occupation. To
+this fact may be traced the fundamental law of succession (the law by
+which one type of community or formation is succeeded by another) that
+the number of stages is determined largely by the increasing difficulty
+of invasion as the area becomes stabilized. Man and animals affect
+invasion by the destruction of germules. Both in bare areas and in seral
+stages the action of rodents and birds is often decisive to the extent
+of altering the whole course of development. Man and animals operate as
+marked barriers to ecesis wherever they alter conditions unfavorably to
+invaders or where they turn the scale in competition by cultivating,
+grazing, camping, parasitism, etc. The absence of pollinating insects is
+sometimes a curious barrier to the complete ecesis of species far out of
+their usual habitat or region. Parasitic fungi decrease migration in so
+far as they affect seed production. They restrict or prevent ecesis
+either by the destruction of invaders or by placing them at a
+disadvantage with respect to the occupants.
+
+By the term _reaction_ is understood the effect which a plant or a
+community exerts upon its habitat. In connection with succession, the
+term is restricted to this special sense alone. It is entirely distinct
+from the response of the plant or group, i.e., its adjustment and
+adaptation to the habitat. In short, the habitat causes the plant to
+function and grow, and the plant then reacts upon the habitat, changing
+one or more of its factors in decisive or appreciable degree. The two
+processes are mutually complementary and often interact in most complex
+fashion.
+
+The reaction of a community is usually more than the sum of the
+reactions of the component species and individuals. It is the individual
+plant which produces the reaction, though the latter usually becomes
+recognizable through the combined action of the group. In most cases the
+action of the group accumulates or emphasizes an effect which would
+otherwise be insignificant or temporary. A community of trees casts less
+shade than the same number of isolated individuals, but the shade is
+constant and continuous, and hence controlling. The significance of the
+community reaction is especially well shown in the case of leaf mold and
+duff. The leaf litter is again only the total of the fallen leaves of
+all the individuals but its formation is completely dependent upon the
+community. The reaction of plants upon wind-borne sand and silt-laden
+waters illustrates the same fact.
+
+
+2. Migration and Segregation[189]
+
+All prehistoric investigation, as far as it relates to the phenomena of
+the animate world, necessarily rests upon the hypothesis of migration.
+The distribution of plants, of the lower animals, and of men over the
+surface of the earth; the relationships existing between the different
+languages, religious conceptions, myths and legends, customs and social
+institutions--all these seem in this one assumption to find their common
+explanation.
+
+Each fresh advance in culture commences, so to speak, with a new period
+of wandering. The most primitive agriculture is nomadic, with a yearly
+abandonment of the cultivated area; the earliest trade is migratory
+trade; the first industries that free themselves from the household
+husbandry and become the special occupations of separate individuals are
+carried on itinerantly. The great founders of religion, the earliest
+poets and philosophers, the musicians and actors of past epochs, are all
+great wanderers. Even today, do not the inventor, the preacher of a new
+doctrine, and the virtuoso travel from place to place in search of
+adherents and admirers--notwithstanding the immense recent development
+in the means of communicating information?
+
+As civilization grows older, settlement becomes more permanent. The
+Greek was more settled than the Phoenician, the Roman than the Greek,
+because one was always the inheritor of the culture of the other.
+Conditions have not changed. The German is more migratory than the
+Latin, the Slav than the German. The Frenchman cleaves to his native
+soil; the Russian leaves it with a light heart to seek in other parts of
+his broad fatherland more favorable conditions of living. Even the
+factory workman is but a periodically wandering peasant.
+
+To all that can be adduced from experience in support of the statement
+that in the course of history mankind has been ever growing more
+settled, there comes a general consideration of a twofold nature. In the
+first place, the extent of fixed capital grows with advancing culture;
+the producer becomes stationary with his means of production. The
+itinerant smith of the southern Slav countries and the Westphalian iron
+works, the pack-horses of the Middle Ages and the great warehouses of
+our cities, the Thespian carts and the resident theater mark the
+starting and the terminal points of this evolution. In the second place,
+the modern machinery of transportation has in a far higher degree
+facilitated the transport of goods than of persons. The distribution of
+labor determined by locality thereby attains greater importance than the
+natural distribution of the means of production; the latter in many
+cases draws the former after it, where previously the reverse occurred.
+
+The migrations occurring at the opening of the history of European
+peoples are migrations of whole tribes, a pushing and pressing of
+collective units from east to west, which lasted for centuries. The
+migrations of the Middle Ages ever affect individual classes alone; the
+knights in the crusades, the merchants, the wage-craftsmen, the
+journeymen hand-workers, the jugglers and minstrels, the villeins
+seeking protection within the walls of a town. Modern migrations, on the
+contrary, are generally a matter of private concern, the individuals
+being led by the most varied motives. They are almost invariably without
+organization. The process repeating itself daily a thousand times is
+united only through the one characteristic, that it is everywhere a
+question of change of locality by persons seeking more favorable
+conditions of life.
+
+Among all the phenomena of masses in social life suited to statistical
+treatment, there is without doubt scarcely one that appears to fall of
+itself so completely under the general law of causality as migrations;
+and likewise hardly one concerning whose real cause such misty
+conceptions prevail.
+
+The whole department of migrations has never yet undergone systematic
+statistical observation; exclusive attention has hitherto been centered
+upon remarkable individual occurrences of such phenomena. Even a
+rational classification of migrations in accord with the demand of
+social science is at the present moment lacking.
+
+Such a classification would have to take as its starting-point the
+result of migrations from the point of view of population. On this basis
+they would fall into these groups: (1) migrations with continuous change
+of locality; (2) migrations with temporary change of settlement; (3)
+migrations with permanent settlement.
+
+To the _first_ group belong gypsy life, peddling, the carrying on of
+itinerant trades, tramp life; to the _second_, the wandering of
+journeymen craftsmen, domestic servants, tradesmen seeking the most
+favorable spots for temporary undertakings, officials to whom a definite
+office is for a time entrusted, scholars attending foreign institutions
+of learning; to the _third_, migration from place to place within the
+same country or province and to foreign parts, especially across the
+ocean.
+
+An intermediate stage between the first and second group is found in the
+_periodical migrations_. To this stage belong the migrations of farm
+laborers at harvest time, of the sugar laborers at the time of the
+_campagne_, of the masons of Upper Italy and the Ticino district, common
+day-laborers, potters, chimney-sweeps, chestnut-roasters, etc., which
+occur at definite seasons.
+
+In this division the influence of the natural and political insulation
+of the different countries is, it is true, neglected. It must not,
+however, be overlooked that in the era of nationalism and protection of
+national labor political allegiance has a certain importance in
+connection with the objective point of the migrations. It would,
+therefore, in our opinion, be more just to make another division, taking
+as a basis the politico-geographical extent of the migrations. From this
+point of view migrations would fall into _internal_ and _foreign_ types.
+
+Internal migrations are those whose points of departure and destination
+lie within the same national limits; foreign, those extending beyond
+these. The foreign may again be divided into _continental_ and
+_extra-European_ (generally transmaritime) emigration. One can, however,
+in a larger sense designate all migrations that do not leave the limits
+of the Continent as internal, and contrast with them real emigration, or
+transfer of domicile to other parts of the globe.
+
+Of all these manifold kinds of migration, the transmaritime alone has
+regularly been the subject of official statistics; and even it has been
+but imperfectly treated, as every student of this subject knows. The
+periodic emigrations of labor and the peddling trade have occasionally
+been also subjected to statistical investigation--mostly with the
+secondary aim of legislative restriction. Yet these migrations from
+place to place within the same country are vastly more numerous and in
+their consequences vastly more important than all other kinds of
+migration put together.
+
+Of the total population of the kingdom of Belgium there were, according
+to the results of the census of December 31, 1880, not less than 32.8
+per cent who were born outside the municipality in which they had their
+temporary domicile; of the population of Austria (1890), 34.8 per cent.
+In Prussia, of 27,279,111 persons, 11,552,033, or 42.4 per cent, were
+born outside the municipality where they were domiciled. More than
+two-fifths of the population had changed their municipality at least
+once.
+
+If we call the total population born in a given place and domiciled
+anywhere within the borders of the country that locality's _native_
+population, then according to the conditions of interchange of
+population just presented the native population of the country places is
+greater than their actual population; that of the cities, smaller.
+
+A balancing of the account of the internal migrations in the grand duchy
+of Oldenburg gives the cities a surplus, and country municipalities a
+deficit, of 15,162 persons. In the economy of population one is the
+complement of the other, just as in the case of two brothers of
+different temperament, one of whom regularly spends what the other has
+laboriously saved. To this extent, then, we are quite justified from the
+point of view of population in designating the cities man-consuming and
+the country municipalities man-producing social organisms.
+
+There is a very natural explanation for this condition of affairs in the
+country. Where the peasant, on account of the small population of his
+place of residence, is much restricted in his local choice of help,
+adjoining communities must supplement one another. In like manner the
+inhabitants of small places will intermarry more frequently than the
+inhabitants of larger places where there is a greater choice among the
+native population. Here we have the occasion for very numerous
+migrations to places not far removed. Such migrations, however, only
+mean a local exchange of socially allied elements.
+
+This absorption of the surplus of emigration over immigration is the
+characteristic of modern cities. If in our consideration of this problem
+we pay particular attention to this urban characteristic and to a like
+feature of the factory districts--where the conditions as to internal
+migrations are almost similar--we shall be amply repaid by the
+discovery that in such settlements the result of internal shiftings of
+population receives its clearest expression. Here, where the immigrant
+elements are most numerous, there develops between them and the native
+population a social struggle--a struggle for the best conditions of
+earning a livelihood or, if you will, for existence, which ends with the
+adaptation of one part to the other, or perhaps with the final
+subjugation of the one by the other. Thus, according to Schliemann, the
+city of Smyrna had in the year 1846 a population of 80,000 Turks and
+8,000 Greeks; in the year 1881, on the contrary, there were 23,000 Turks
+and 76,000 Greeks. The Turkish portion of the population had thus in
+thirty-five years decreased by 71 per cent, while the Greeks had
+increased ninefold.
+
+Not everywhere, to be sure, do those struggles take the form of such a
+general process of displacement; but in individual cases it will occur
+with endless frequency within a country that the stronger and
+better-equipped element will overcome the weaker and less well-equipped.
+
+Thus we have here a case similar to that occurring so frequently in
+nature: on the same terrain where a more highly organized plant or
+animal has no longer room for subsistence, others less exacting in their
+demands take up their position and flourish. The coming of the new is in
+fact not infrequently the cause of the disappearance of those already
+there and of their withdrawal to more favorable surroundings.
+
+If these considerations show that by no means the majority of internal
+migrations find their objective point in the cities, they at the same
+time prove that the trend toward the great centers of population can, in
+itself be looked upon as having an extensive social and economic
+importance. It produces an alteration in the distribution of population
+throughout the state; and at its originating and objective points it
+gives rise to difficulties which legislative and executive authority has
+hitherto labored, usually with but very moderate success, to overcome.
+It transfers large numbers of persons almost directly from a sphere of
+life where barter predominates into one where money and credit exchange
+prevail, thereby affecting the social conditions of life and the social
+customs of the manual laboring classes in a manner to fill the
+philanthropist with grave anxiety.
+
+
+3. Demographic Segregation and Social Selection[190]
+
+There are two ways in which demographic crystallization may have taken
+place. A people may have become rigid horizontally, divided into castes,
+or social strata; or it may be geographically segregated into localized
+communities, varying in size all the way from the isolated hamlet to the
+highly individualized nation. Both of these forms of crystallization are
+breaking down today under the pressure of modern industrialism and
+democracy, in Europe as well as in America.
+
+The sudden growth of great cities is the first result of the phenomenon
+of migration which we have to note. We think of this as essentially an
+American problem. We comfort ourselves in our failures of municipal
+administration with that thought. This is a grievous deception. Most of
+the European cities have increased in population more rapidly than in
+America. This is particularly true of great German urban centers. Berlin
+has outgrown our own metropolis, New York, in less than a generation,
+having in twenty-five years added as many actual new residents as
+Chicago, and twice as many as Philadelphia. Hamburg has gained twice as
+many in population since 1875 as Boston; Leipzig has distanced St.
+Louis. The same demographic outburst has occurred in the smaller German
+cities as well. Beyond the confines of the German Empire, from Norway to
+Italy, the same is true.
+
+Contemporaneously with this marvellous growth of urban centers we
+observe a progressive depopulation of the rural districts. What is going
+on in our New England states, especially in Massachusetts, is entirely
+characteristic of large areas in Europe. Take France, for example. The
+towns are absorbing even more than the natural increment of country
+population; they are drawing off the middle-aged as well as the young.
+Thus great areas are being actually depopulated.
+
+A process of selection is at work on a grand scale. The great majority
+today who are pouring into the cities are those who, like the emigrants
+to the United States in the old days of natural migration, come because
+they have the physical equipment and the mental disposition to seek a
+betterment of their fortunes away from home. Of course, an appreciable
+contingent of such migrant types is composed of the merely discontented,
+of the restless, and the adventurous; but, in the main, the best blood
+of the land it is which feeds into the arteries of city life.
+
+Another more certain mode of proof is possible for demonstrating that
+the population of cities is largely made up either of direct immigrants
+from the country or of their immediate descendants. In German cities,
+Hansen found that nearly one-half their residents were of direct country
+descent. In London it has been shown that over one-third of its
+population are immigrants; and in Paris the same is true. For thirty of
+the principal cities of Europe it has been calculated that only about
+one-fifth of their increase is from the loins of their own people, the
+overwhelming majority being of country birth.
+
+The first physical characteristic of urban populations, as compared with
+those of country districts, which we have to note, is their tendency
+toward that shape of head characteristic of two of our racial types,
+Teutonic and Mediterranean respectively. It seems as if for some reason
+the broad-headed Alpine race was a distinctly rural type. Thirty years
+ago an observer in the ethnically Alpine district of south central
+France noted an appreciable difference between town and country in the
+head form of the people. In a half-dozen of the smaller cities his
+observations pointed to a greater prevalence of the long-headed type
+than in the country roundabout. Dr. Ammon of Carlsruhe, working upon
+measurements of thousands of conscripts of the Grand Duchy of Baden,
+discovered radical differences here between the head form in city and
+country, and between the upper and lower classes in the larger towns.
+Several explanations for this were possible. The direct influence of
+urban life might conceivably have brought it about, acting through
+superior education, habits of life, and the like. There was no
+psychological basis for this assumption. Another tenable hypothesis was
+that in these cities, situated, as we have endeavored to show, in a land
+where two racial types of population were existing side by side, the
+city for some reason exerted superior powers of attraction upon the
+long-headed race. If this were true, then by a combined process of
+social and racial selection, the towns would be continually drawing unto
+themselves that tall and blond Teutonic type of population which, as
+history teaches us, has dominated social and political affairs in Europe
+for centuries. This suggested itself as the probable solution of the
+question; and investigations all over Europe during the last five years
+have been directed to the further analysis of the matter.
+
+Is this phenomenon, the segregation of a long-headed physical type in
+city populations, merely the manifestation of a restless tendency on the
+part of the Teutonic race to reassert itself in the new phases of
+nineteenth-century competition? All through history this type has been
+characteristic of the dominant classes, especially in military and
+political, perhaps rather than purely intellectual, affairs. All the
+leading dynasties of Europe have long been recruited from its ranks. The
+contrast of this type, whose energy has carried it all over Europe, with
+the persistently sedentary Alpine race is very marked. A certain
+passivity, or patience, is characteristic of the Alpine peasantry. As a
+rule, not characterized by the domineering spirit of the Teuton, this
+Alpine type makes a comfortable and contented neighbor, a resigned and
+peaceful subject. Whether this rather negative character of the Alpine
+race is entirely innate, or whether it is in part, like many of its
+social phenomena, merely a reflection from the almost invariably
+inhospitable habitat in which it has long been isolated, we may not
+pretend to decide.
+
+Let us now for a moment take up the consideration of a second physical
+characteristic of city populations--viz., stature. If there be a law at
+all in respect of average statures, it demonstrates rather the
+depressing effects of city life than the reverse. For example, Hamburg
+is far below the average for Germany. All over Britain there are
+indications of this law, that town populations are, on the average,
+comparatively short of stature. Dr. Beddoe, the great authority upon
+this subject, concludes his investigation of the population of Great
+Britain thus: "It may therefore be taken as _proved_ that the stature of
+men in the large towns of Britain is lowered considerably below the
+standard of the nation, and as _probable_ that such degradation is
+hereditary and progressive."
+
+A most important point in this connection is the great variability of
+city populations in size. All observers comment upon this. It is of
+profound significance. The people of the west and east ends in each city
+differ widely. The population of the aristocratic quarters is often
+found to exceed in stature the people of the tenement districts. We
+should expect this, of course, as a direct result of the depressing
+influence of unfavorable environment. Yet there is apparently another
+factor underlying that--viz., social selection. While cities contain so
+large a proportion of degenerate physical types as on the average to
+fall below the surrounding country in stature, nevertheless they also
+are found to include an inordinately large number of very tall and
+well-developed individuals. In other words, compared with the rural
+districts, where all men are subject to the same conditions of life, we
+discover in the city that the population has differentiated into the
+very tall and the very short.
+
+The explanation for this phenomenon is simple. Yet it is not direct, as
+in Topinard's suggestion that it is a matter of race or that a change of
+environment operates to stimulate growth. Rather does it appear that it
+is the growth which suggests the change. The tall men are in the main
+those vigorous, mettlesome, presumably healthy individuals who have
+themselves, or in the person of their fathers, come to the city in
+search of the prizes which urban life has to offer to the successful. On
+the other hand, the degenerate, the stunted, those who entirely
+outnumber the others so far as to drag the average for the city as a
+whole below the normal, are the grist turned out by the city mill. They
+are the product of the tenement, the sweat shop, vice, and crime. Of
+course, normally developed men, as ever, constitute the main bulk of the
+population, but these two widely divergent classes attain a very
+considerable representation.
+
+We have seen thus far that evidence seems to point to an aggregation of
+the Teutonic long-headed population in the urban centers of Europe.
+Perhaps a part of the tall stature in some cities may be due to such
+racial causes. A curious anomaly now remains, however, to be noted. City
+populations appear to manifest a distinct tendency toward
+brunetness--that is to say, they seem to comprise an abnormal proportion
+of brunet traits, as compared with the neighboring rural districts. This
+tendency was strikingly shown to characterize the entire German Empire
+when its six million school children were examined under Virchow's
+direction. In twenty-five out of thirty-three of the larger cities were
+the brunet traits more frequent than in the country.
+
+Austria offers confirmation of the same tendency toward brunetness in
+twenty-four out of its thirty-three principal cities. Farther south, in
+Italy, it was noted much earlier that cities contained fewer blonds than
+were common in the rural districts roundabout. In conclusion let us add,
+not as additional testimony, for the data are too defective, that among
+five hundred American students at the Institute of Technology in Boston,
+roughly classified, there were 9 per cent of pure brunet type among
+those of country birth and training, while among those of urban birth
+and parentage the percentage of such brunet type rose as high as 15.
+
+It is not improbable that there is in brunetness, in the dark hair and
+eye, some indication of vital superiority. If this were so, it would
+serve as a partial explanation for the social phenomena which we have
+been at so much pains to describe. If in the same community there were a
+slight vital advantage in brunetness, we should expect to find that type
+slowly aggregating in the cities; for it requires energy and courage,
+physical as well as mental, not only to break the ties of home and
+migrate, but also to maintain one's self afterward under the stress of
+urban life.
+
+From the preceding formidable array of testimony it appears that the
+tendency of urban populations is certainly not toward the pure blond,
+long-headed, and tall Teutonic type. The phenomenon of urban selection
+is something more complex than a mere migration of a single racial
+element in the population toward the cities. The physical
+characteristics of townsmen are too contradictory for ethnic
+explanations alone. To be sure, the tendencies are slight; we are not
+even certain of their universal existence at all. We are merely watching
+for their verification or disproof. There is, however, nothing
+improbable in the phenomena we have noted. Naturalists have always
+turned to the environment for the final solution of many of the great
+problems of nature. In this case we have to do with one of the most
+sudden and radical changes of environment known to man. Every condition
+of city life, mental as well as physical, is at the polar extreme from
+those which prevail in the country. To deny that great modifications in
+human structure and functions may be effected by a change from one to
+the other is to gainsay all the facts of natural history.
+
+
+4. Inter-racial Competition and Race Suicide[191]
+
+I have thus far spoken of the foreign arrivals at our ports, as
+estimated. Beginning with 1820, however, we have custom-house statistics
+of the numbers of persons annually landing upon our shores. Some of
+these, indeed, did not remain here; yet, rudely speaking, we may call
+them all immigrants. Between 1820 and 1830, population grew to
+12,866,020. The number of foreigners arriving in the ten years was
+151,000. Here, then, we have for forty years an increase, substantially
+all out of the loins of the four millions of our own people living in
+1790, amounting to almost nine millions, or 227 per cent. Such a rate of
+increase was never known before or since, among any considerable
+population over any extensive region.
+
+About this time, however, we reach a turning-point in the history of our
+population. In the decade 1830-40 the number of foreign arrivals greatly
+increased. Immigration had not, indeed, reached the enormous dimensions
+of these later days. Yet, during the decade in question, the foreigners
+coming to the United States were almost exactly fourfold those coming in
+the decade preceding, or 599,000. The question now of vital importance
+is this: Was the population of the country correspondingly increased? I
+answer, No! The population of 1840 was almost exactly what, by
+computation, it would have been had no increase in foreign arrivals
+taken place. Again, between 1840 and 1850, a still further access of
+foreigners occurred, this time of enormous dimensions, the arrivals of
+the decade amounting to not less than 1,713,000. Of this gigantic total,
+1,048,000 were from the British Isles, the Irish famine of 1846-47
+having driven hundreds of thousands of miserable peasants to seek food
+upon our shores. Again we ask, Did this excess constitute a net gain to
+the population of the country? Again the answer is, No! Population
+showed no increase over the proportions established before immigration
+set in like a flood. In other words, as the foreigners began to come in
+larger numbers, the native population more and more withheld their own
+increase.
+
+Now this correspondence might be accounted for in three different ways:
+(1) It might be said that it was a mere coincidence, no relation of
+cause and effect existing between the two phenomena. (2) It might be
+said that the foreigners came because the native population was
+relatively declining, that is, failing to keep up its pristine rate of
+increase. (3) It might be said that the growth of the native population
+was checked by the incoming of the foreign elements in such large
+numbers.
+
+The view that the correspondence referred to was a mere coincidence,
+purely accidental in origin, is perhaps that most commonly taken. If
+this be the true explanation, the coincidence is a most remarkable one.
+In the June number of this magazine, I cited the predictions as to the
+future population of the country made by Elkanah Watson, on the basis of
+the censuses of 1790, 1800, and 1810, while immigration still remained
+at a minimum. Now let us place together the actual census figures for
+1840 and 1850, Watson's estimates for those years, and the foreign
+arrivals during the preceding decade:
+
+ 1840 1850
+The census 17,069,453 23,191,876
+Watson's estimates 17,116,526 23,185,368
+ ___________ ___________
+The difference -47,073 +6,508
+
+Foreign arrivals during the preceding
+decade 599,000 1,713,000
+
+Here we see that, in spite of the arrival of 500,000 foreigners during
+the period 1830-40, four times as many as had arrived during any
+preceding decade, the figures of the census coincided closely with the
+estimate of Watson, based on the growth of population in the
+pre-immigration era, falling short of it by only 47,073 in a total of
+17,000,000; while in 1850 the actual population, in spite of the arrival
+of 1,713,000 more immigrants, exceeded Watson's estimates by only 6,508
+in a total of 23,000,000. Surely, if this correspondence between the
+increase of the foreign element and the relative decline of the native
+element is a mere coincidence, it is one of the most astonishing in
+human history. The actuarial degree of improbability as to a coincidence
+so close, over a range so vast, I will not undertake to compute.
+
+If, on the other hand, it be alleged that the relation of cause and
+effect existed between the two phenomena, this might be put in two
+widely different ways: either that the foreigners came in increasing
+numbers because the native element was relatively declining, or that the
+native element failed to maintain its previous rate of increase because
+the foreigners came in such swarms. What shall we say of the former of
+these explanations? Does anything more need to be said than that it is
+too fine to be the real explanation of a big human fact like this we are
+considering? To assume that at such a distance in space, in the then
+state of news-communication and ocean-transportation, and in spite of
+the ignorance and extreme poverty of the peasantries of Europe from
+which the immigrants were then generally drawn, there was so exact a
+degree of knowledge not only of the fact that the native element here
+was not keeping up its rate of increase but also of the precise ratio of
+that decline as to enable those peasantries, with or without a mutual
+understanding, to supply just the numbers necessary to bring our
+population up to its due proportions, would be little less than
+laughable. Today, with quick passages, cheap freights, and ocean
+transportation there is not a single wholesale trade in the world
+carried on with this degree of knowledge, or attaining anything like
+this point of precision in results.
+
+The true explanation of the remarkable fact we are considering I believe
+to be the last of the three suggested. The access of foreigners, at the
+time and under the circumstances, constituted a shock to the principle
+of population among the native element. That principle is always acutely
+sensitive alike to sentimental and to economic conditions. And it is to
+be noted, in passing, that not only did the decline in the native
+element, as a whole, take place in singular correspondence with the
+excess of foreign arrivals, but it occurred chiefly in just those
+regions to which the newcomers most freely resorted.
+
+But what possible reason can be suggested why the incoming of the
+foreigner should have checked the disposition of the native toward the
+increase of population at the traditional rate? I answer that the best
+of good reasons can be assigned. Throughout the northeastern and
+northern middle states, into which, during the period under
+consideration, the newcomers poured in such numbers, the standard of
+material living, of general intelligence, of social decency, had been
+singularly high. Life, even at its hardest, had always had its luxuries;
+the babe had been a thing of beauty, to be delicately nurtured and
+proudly exhibited; the growing child had been decently dressed, at
+least for school and church; the house had been kept in order, at
+whatever cost, the gate hung, the shutters in place, while the front
+yard had been made to bloom with simple flowers; the village church, the
+public schoolhouse, had been the best which the community, with great
+exertions and sacrifices, could erect and maintain. Then came the
+foreigner, making his way into the little village, bringing--small blame
+to him!--not only a vastly lower standard of living, but too often an
+actual present incapacity even to understand the refinements of life and
+thought in the community in which he sought a home. Our people had to
+look upon houses that were mere shells for human habitations, the gate
+unhung, the shutters flapping or falling, green pools in the yard, babes
+and young children rolling about half naked or worse, neglected, dirty,
+unkempt. Was there not in this a sentimental reason strong enough to
+give a shock to the principle of population? But there was, besides, an
+economic reason for a check to the native increase. The American shrank
+from the industrial competition thus thrust upon him. He was unwilling
+himself to engage in the lowest kind of day labor with these new
+elements of the population; he was even more unwilling to bring sons and
+daughters into the world to enter into that competition. For the first
+time in our history, the people of the free states became divided into
+classes. Those classes were natives and foreigners. Politically, the
+distinction had only a certain force, which yielded more or less readily
+under partisan pressure; but socially and industrially that distinction
+has been a tremendous power, and its chief effects have been wrought
+upon population. Neither the social companionship nor the industrial
+competition of the foreigner has, broadly speaking, been welcome to the
+native.
+
+It hardly needs to be said that the foregoing descriptions are not
+intended to apply to all of the vast body of immigrants during this
+period. Thousands came over from good homes; many had all the advantages
+of education and culture; some possessed the highest qualities of
+manhood and citizenship.
+
+But let us proceed with the census. By 1860 the causes operating to
+reduce the growth of the native element--to which had then manifestly
+been added the force of important changes in the manner of living, the
+introduction of more luxurious habits, the influence of city life, and
+the custom of "boarding"--had reached such a height as, in spite of a
+still-increasing immigration, to leave the population of the country
+310,503 below the estimate. The fearful losses of the Civil War and the
+rapid extension of habits unfavorable to increase of numbers make any
+further use of Watson's computations uninstructive; yet still the great
+fact protrudes through all the subsequent history of our population that
+the more rapidly foreigners came into the United States, the smaller was
+the rate of increase, not merely among the native population separately,
+but throughout the population of the country, as a whole, including the
+foreigners. The climax of this movement was reached when, during the
+decade 1880-90, the foreign arrivals rose to the monstrous total of five
+and a quarter millions (twice what had ever before been known), while
+the population, even including this enormous re-enforcement, increased
+more slowly than in any other period of our history except, possibly,
+that of the great Civil War.
+
+If the foregoing views are true, or contain any considerable degree of
+truth, foreign immigration into this country has, from the time it first
+assumed large proportions, amounted, not to a reinforcement of our
+population, but to a replacement of native by foreign stock. That if the
+foreigners had not come the native element would long have filled the
+places the foreigners usurped, I entertain not a doubt. The competency
+of the American stock to do this it would be absurd to question, in the
+face of such a record as that for 1790 to 1830. During the period from
+1830 to 1860 the material conditions of existence in this country were
+continually becoming more and more favorable to the increase of
+population from domestic sources. The old man-slaughtering medicine was
+being driven out of civilized communities; houses were becoming larger;
+the food and clothing of the people were becoming ampler and better. Nor
+was the cause which, about 1840 or 1850, began to retard the growth of
+population here to be found in the climate which Mr. Clibborne
+stigmatizes so severely. The climate of the United States has been
+benign enough to enable us to take the English shorthorn and greatly to
+improve it, as the re-exportation of that animal to England at monstrous
+prices abundantly proves; to take the English race-horse and to improve
+him to a degree of which the startling victories of Parole, Iroquois,
+and Foxhall afford but a suggestion; to take the Englishman and to
+improve him, too, adding agility to his strength, making his eye keener
+and his hand steadier, so that in rowing, in riding, in shooting, and in
+boxing, the American of pure English stock is today the better animal.
+No! Whatever were the causes which checked the growth of the native
+population, they were neither physiological nor climatic. They were
+mainly social and economic; and chief among them was the access of vast
+hordes of foreign immigrants, bringing with them a standard of living at
+which our own people revolted.
+
+
+C. ECONOMIC COMPETITION
+
+
+1. Changing Forms of Economic Competition[192]
+
+There is a sense in which much of the orthodox system of political
+economy is eternally true. Conclusions reached by valid reasoning are
+always as true as the hypotheses from which they are deduced. It will
+remain forever true that if unlimited competition existed, most of the
+traditional laws would be realized in the practical world. It will also
+be true that in those corners of the industrial field which still show
+an approximation to Ricardian competition there will be seen as much of
+correspondence between theory and fact as candid reasoners claim. If
+political economy will but content itself with this kind of truth, it
+need never be disturbed by industrial revolutions. The science need not
+trouble itself to progress.
+
+This hypothetical truth, or science of what would take place if society
+were fashioned after an ideal pattern, is not what Ricardo believed that
+he had discovered. His system was positive; actual life suggested it by
+developing tendencies for which the scientific formulas which at that
+time were traditional could not account. It was a new industrial world
+which called for a modernized system of economic doctrine. Ricardo was
+the first to understand the situation, to trace the new tendencies to
+their consummation, and to create a scientific system by insight and
+foresight. He outran history in the process, and mentally created a
+world more relentlessly competitive than any which has existed; and yet
+it was fact and not imagination that lay at the basis of the whole
+system. Steam had been utilized, machines were supplanting hand labor,
+workmen were migrating to new centers of production, guild regulations
+were giving way, and competition of a type unheard of before was
+beginning to prevail.
+
+A struggle for existence had commenced between parties of unequal
+strength. In manufacturing industries the balance of power had been
+disturbed by steam, and the little shops of former times were
+disappearing. The science adapted to such conditions was an economic
+Darwinism; it embodied the laws of a struggle for existence between
+competitors of the new and predatory type and those of the peaceable
+type which formerly possessed the field. Though the process was savage,
+the outlook which it afforded was not wholly evil. The survival of crude
+strength was, in the long run, desirable. Machines and factories meant,
+to every social class, cheapened goods and more comfortable living.
+Efficient working establishments were developing; the social organism
+was perfecting itself for its contest with crude nature. It was a fuller
+and speedier dominion over the earth which was to result from the
+concentration of human energy now termed centralization.
+
+The error unavoidable to the theorists of the time lay in basing a
+scientific system on the facts afforded by a state of revolution. This
+was attempting to derive permanent principles from transient phenomena.
+Some of these principles must become obsolete; and the work demanded of
+modern economists consists in separating the transient from the
+permanent in the Ricardian system. How much of the doctrine holds true
+when the struggle between unequal competitors is over, and when a few of
+the very strongest have possession of the field?
+
+In most branches of manufacturing, and in other than local
+transportation, the contest between the strong and the weak is either
+settled or in process of rapid settlement. The survivors are becoming so
+few, so powerful, and so nearly equal that if the strife were to
+continue, it would bid fair to involve them all in a common ruin. What
+has actually developed is not such a battle of giants but a system of
+armed neutralities and federations of giants. The new era is distinctly
+one of consolidated forces; rival establishments are forming
+combinations, and the principle of union is extending itself to the
+labor and the capital in each of them. Laborers who once competed with
+each other are now making their bargains collectively with their
+employers. Employers who under the old régime would have worked
+independently are merging their capital in corporations and allowing it
+to be managed as by a single hand.
+
+Predatory competition between unequal parties was the basis of the
+Ricardian system. This process was vaguely conceived and never fully
+analyzed; what was prominent in the thought of men in connection with it
+was the single element of struggle. Mere effort to survive, the
+Darwinian feature of the process, was all that, in some uses, the term
+"competition" was made to designate. Yet the competitive action of an
+organized society is systematic; each part of it is limited to a
+specific field, and tends, within these limits, to self-annihilation.
+
+An effort to attain a conception of competition that should remove some
+of the confusion was made by Professor Cairnes. His system of
+"non-competing groups" is a feature of his value theory, which is a
+noteworthy contribution to economic thought. Mr. Mill had followed
+Ricardo in teaching that the natural price of commodities is governed by
+the cost of producing them. Professor Cairnes accepts this statement,
+but attaches to it a meaning altogether new. He says, in effect:
+
+ Commodities do indeed exchange according to their cost of
+ production; but cost is something quite different from what
+ currently passes by that name. That is merely the outlay
+ incurred by the capitalist-employer for raw materials, labor,
+ etc. The real cost is the personal sacrifice made by the
+ producing parties, workmen as well as employers. It is not a
+ mercantile but a psychological phenomenon, a reaction upon the
+ men themselves occasioned by the effort of the laborer and the
+ abstinence of the capitalist. These personal sacrifices gauge
+ the market value of commodities within the fields in which, in
+ the terms of the theory, competition is free. The adjustment
+ takes place through the spontaneous movement of capital and
+ labor from employments that yield small returns to those that
+ give larger ones. Capital migrates freely from place to place
+ and from occupation to occupation. If one industry is
+ abnormally profitable, capital seeks it, increases and cheapens
+ its product, and reduces its profits to the prevailing level.
+ Profits tend to a general uniformity.
+
+Wages are said to tend to equality only within limits. The transfer of
+labor from one employment to another is checked by barriers.
+
+ What we find, in effect [continues Professor Cairnes], is not a
+ whole population competing indiscriminately for all
+ occupations, but a series of industrial layers, superimposed on
+ one another, within each of which the various candidates for
+ employment possess a real and effective power of selection,
+ while those occupying the several strata are, for all purposes
+ of effective competition, practically isolated from each other.
+ We may perhaps venture to arrange them in some such order as
+ this: first, at the bottom of the scale there would be the
+ large group of unskilled or nearly unskilled laborers,
+ comprising agricultural laborers, laborers engaged in
+ miscellaneous occupations in towns, or acting in attendance on
+ skilled labor. Secondly, there would be the artisan group,
+ comprising skilled laborers of the secondary order--carpenters,
+ joiners, smiths, masons, shoemakers, tailors, hatters, etc.,
+ etc.--with whom might be included the very large class of small
+ retail dealers, whose means and position place them within the
+ reach of the same industrial opportunities as the class of
+ artisans. The third layer would contain producers and dealers
+ of a higher order, whose work would demand qualifications only
+ obtainable by persons of substantial means and fair educational
+ opportunities; for example, civil and mechanical engineers,
+ chemists, opticians, watchmakers, and others of the same
+ industrial grade, in which might also find a place the superior
+ class of retail tradesmen; while above these there would be a
+ fourth, comprising persons still more favorably circumstanced,
+ whose ampler means would give them a still wider choice. This
+ last group would contain members of the learned professions, as
+ well as persons engaged in the various careers of science and
+ art, and in the higher branches of mercantile business.
+
+It is essential to the theory that not only workmen but their children
+should be confined to a producing group. The equalizing process may take
+place even though men do not actually abandon one occupation and enter
+another; for there exists, in the generation of young men not yet
+committed to any occupation, a disposable fund of labor which will
+gravitate naturally to the occupations that pay the largest wages. It is
+not necessary that blacksmiths should ever become shoemakers, or vice
+versa, but only that the children of both classes of artisans should be
+free to enter the trade that is best rewarded.
+
+Professor Cairnes does not claim that his classification is exhaustive,
+nor that the demarcation is absolute:
+
+ No doubt the various ranks and classes fade into each other by
+ imperceptible gradations, and individuals from all classes are
+ constantly passing up or dropping down; but while this is so,
+ it is nevertheless true that the average workman, from whatever
+ rank he be taken, finds his power of competition limited for
+ practical purposes to a certain range of occupations, so that,
+ however high the rates of remuneration in those which lie
+ beyond may rise, he is excluded from sharing them. We are thus
+ compelled to recognize the existence of non-competing
+ industrial groups as a feature of our social economy.
+
+It will be seen that the competition which is here under discussion is
+of an extraordinary kind; and the fact that the general term is applied
+to it without explanation is a proof of the vagueness of the conceptions
+of competition with which acute writers have contented themselves.
+Actual competition consists invariably in an effort to undersell a rival
+producer. A carpenter competes with a carpenter because he creates a
+similar utility and offers it in the market. In the theory of Professor
+Cairnes the carpenter is the competitor of the blacksmith, because his
+children may enter the blacksmith's calling. In the actual practice of
+his own trade, the one artisan in no wise affects the other. It is
+potential competition rather than actual that is here under discussion;
+and even this depends for its effectiveness on the action of the rising
+generation.
+
+Modern methods of production have obliterated Professor Cairnes's
+dividing lines. Potential competition extends to every part of the
+industrial field in which men work in organized companies. Throwing out
+of account the professions, a few trades of the highest sort, and the
+class of labor which is performed by employers themselves and their
+salaried assistants, it is practically true that labor is in a universal
+ebb and flow; it passes freely to occupations which are, for the time
+being, highly paid, and reduces their rewards to the general level.
+
+This objection to the proposed grouping is not theoretical. The question
+is one of fact; it is the development of actual industry that has
+invalidated the theory which, in the seventies, expressed an important
+truth concerning economic relations in England. Moreover, the author of
+the theory anticipated one change which would somewhat lessen its
+applicability to future conditions. He recorded his belief that
+education would prove a leveler, and that it would merge to some extent
+the strata of industrial society. The children of hod-carriers might
+become machinists, accountants, or lawyers when they could acquire the
+needed education. He admitted also that new countries afford conditions
+in which the lines of demarcation are faint. He was not in a position to
+appreciate the chief leveling agency, namely, the machine method of
+production as now extended and perfected. Education makes the laborer
+capable of things relatively difficult, and machines render the
+processes which he needs to master relatively easy. The so-called
+unskilled workmen stand on a higher personal level than those of former
+times; and the new methods of manufacturing are reducing class after
+class to that level. Mechanical labor is resolving itself into processes
+so simple that anyone may learn them. An old-time shoemaker could not
+become a watchmaker, and even his children would have found difficulties
+in their way had they attempted to master the higher trade; but a laster
+in a Lynn shoe factory can, if he will, learn one of the minute trades
+that are involved in the making of a Waltham watch. His children may do
+so without difficulty; and this is all that is necessary for maintaining
+the normal balance between the trades.
+
+The largest surviving differences between workmen are moral. Bodily
+strength still counts for something, and mental strength for more; but
+the consideration which chiefly determines the value of a workman to the
+employer who intrusts to him costly materials and a delicate machine is
+the question of fidelity. Character is not monopolized by any social
+class; it is of universal growth, and tends by the prominent part which
+it plays in modern industry, to reduce to their lowest terms the class
+differences of the former era.
+
+The rewards of professional life are gauged primarily by character and
+native endowment, and are, to this extent, open to the children of
+workmen. New barriers, however, arise here in the ampler education
+which, as time advances, is demanded of persons in these pursuits; and
+these barriers give to a part of the fourth and highest class in the
+scheme that we are criticising a permanent basis of existence. Another
+variety of labor retains a pre-eminence based on native adaptations and
+special opportunities. It is the work of the employer himself. It is an
+organizing and directing function, and in large industries is performed
+only in part by the owners. A portion of this work is committed to hired
+assistants. Strictly speaking, the entrepreneur, or employer, of a great
+establishment is not one man, but many, who work in a collective
+capacity, and who receive a reward that, taken in the aggregate,
+constitutes the "wages of superintendence." To some members of this
+administrative body the returns come in the form of salaries, while to
+others they come partly in the form of dividends; but if we regard their
+work in its entirety, and consider their wages in a single sum, we must
+class it with entrepreneur's profits rather than with ordinary wages. It
+is a different part of the product from the sum distributed among day
+laborers; and this fact separates the administrative group from the
+class considered in our present inquiry. Positions of the higher sort
+are usually gained either through the possession of capital or through
+relations to persons who possess it. Though clerkships of the lower
+grade demand no attainments which the children of workmen cannot gain,
+and though promotion to the higher grades is still open, the tendency of
+the time is to make the transition from the ranks of labor to those of
+administration more and more difficult. The true laboring class is
+merging its subdivisions, while it is separating more sharply from the
+class whose interests, in test questions, place them on the side of
+capital.
+
+
+2. Competition and the Natural Harmony of Individual Interests[193]
+
+The general industry of the society never can exceed what the capital of
+the society can employ. As the number of workmen that can be kept in
+employment by any particular person must bear a certain proportion to
+his capital, so the number of those that can be continually employed by
+all the members of a great society must bear a certain proportion to the
+whole capital of that society and never can exceed that proportion. No
+regulation of commerce can increase the quantity of industry in any
+society beyond what its capital can maintain. It can only divert a part
+of it into a direction into which it might not otherwise have gone; and
+it is by no means certain that this artificial direction is likely to be
+more advantageous to the society than that into which it would have gone
+of its own accord.
+
+Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most
+advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command. It is his
+own advantage, indeed, and not that of the society, which he has in
+view. But the study of his own advantage naturally, or rather
+necessarily, leads him to prefer that employment which is most
+advantageous to the society.
+
+As every individual, therefore, endeavors as much as he can both to
+employ his capital in the support of domestic industry and so to direct
+that industry that its product may be of the greatest value; every
+individual necessarily labors to render the annual revenue of the
+society as great as he can. He generally, indeed, neither intends to
+promote the public interest nor knows how much he is promoting it. By
+preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry, he
+intends only his own security; and by directing that industry in such a
+manner that its product may be of the greatest value, he intends only
+his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an
+invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention. Nor
+is it always worse for the society that it was no part of it. By
+pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society
+more effectually than when he really intends to promote it. I have never
+known much good done by those who affected to trade for the public good.
+It is an affectation, indeed, not very common among merchants, and very
+few words need be employed in dissuading them from it.
+
+What is the species of domestic industry which his capital can employ,
+and of which the product is likely to be of the greatest value, every
+individual, it is evident, can, in his local situation, judge much
+better than any statesman or lawgiver can do for him. The statesman who
+should attempt to direct private people in what manner they ought to
+employ their capitals would not only load himself with a most
+unnecessary attention but assume an authority which could safely be
+trusted, not only to no single person, but to no council or senate
+whatever, and which would nowhere be so dangerous as in the hands of a
+man who had folly and presumption enough to fancy himself fit to
+exercise it.
+
+
+3. Competition and Freedom[194]
+
+What, after all, is competition? Is it something that exists and acts of
+itself, like the cholera? No, competition is simply the absence of
+oppression. In reference to the matters that interest me, I _prefer_ to
+choose for myself and I do not want anyone else to choose for me against
+my will; that's all. And if anyone undertakes to substitute his judgment
+for mine in matters that concern me I shall demand the privilege of
+substituting my wishes for his in matters which concern him. What
+guaranty is there that this arrangement will improve matters? It is
+evident that competition is liberty. To destroy liberty of action is to
+destroy the possibility and consequently the faculty of choosing,
+judging, comparing; it is to kill intelligence, to kill thought, to kill
+man himself. Whatever the point of departure, there is where modern
+reforms always end; in order to improve society it is necessary to
+annihilate the individual, upon the assumption that the individual is
+the source of all evil, and as if the individual was not likewise the
+source of all good.
+
+
+4. Money and Freedom[195]
+
+Money not only makes the relation of individuals to the group a more
+independent one, but the content of the special forms of associations
+and the relations of the participants to these associations is subject
+to an entirely new process of differentiation.
+
+The medieval corporations included in themselves all the human
+interests. A guild of cloth-makers was not an association of individuals
+which cultivated the interests of cloth-making exclusively. It was a
+community in a vocational, personal, religious, political sense and in
+many other respects. And however technical the interests that might be
+grouped together in such an association, they had an immediate and
+lively interest for all members. Members were wholly bound up in the
+association.
+
+In contrast to this form of organization the capitalistic system has
+made possible innumerable associations which either require from their
+members merely money contributions or are directed toward mere money
+interests. In the case of the business corporation, especially, the
+basis of organization of members is exclusively an interest in the
+dividends, so exclusively that it is a matter of entire indifference to
+the individual what the society (enterprise) actually produces.
+
+The independence of the person of the concrete objects, in which he has
+a mere money interest, is reflected, likewise, in his independence, in
+his personal relations, of the other individuals with whom he is
+connected by an exclusive money interest. This has produced one of the
+most effective cultural formations--one which makes it possible for
+individuals to take part in an association whose objective aim it will
+promote, use, and enjoy without this association bringing with it any
+further personal connection or imposing any further obligation. Money
+has brought it about that one individual may unite himself with others
+without being compelled to surrender any of his personal freedom or
+reserve. That is the fundamental and unspeakably significant difference
+between the medieval form of organization which made no difference
+between the association of men as men and the association of men as
+members of an organization. The medieval form or organization united
+equally in one circle the entire business, religious, political, and
+friendly interests of the individuals who composed it.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+1. Biological Competition
+
+The conception of competition has had a twofold origin: in the notions
+(a) of the struggle for existence and (b) of the struggle for
+livelihood. Naturally, then, the concept of competition has had a
+parallel development in biology and in economics. The growth of the
+notion in these two fields of thought, although parallel, is not
+independent. Indeed, the fruitful process of interaction between the
+differing formulations of the concept in biology and economics is a
+significant illustration of the cross-fertilization of the sciences.
+Although Malthus was a political economist, his principle of population
+is essentially biological rather than economic. He is concerned with the
+struggle for existence rather than for livelihood. Reacting against the
+theories of Condorcet and of Godwin concerning the natural equality,
+perfectability, and inevitable progress of man, Malthus in 1798 stated
+the dismal law that population tends to increase in geometrical
+progression and subsistence in arithmetical progression. In the preface
+to the second edition of his _Essay on the Principle of Population_
+Malthus acknowledged his indebtedness to "Hume, Wallace, Dr. Adam Smith
+and Dr. Price." Adam Smith no doubt anticipated and perhaps suggested to
+Malthus his thesis in such passages in the _Wealth of Nations_ as,
+"Every species of animals naturally multiplies in proportion to the
+means of their subsistence," "The demand for men necessarily regulates
+the production of men." These statements of the relation of population
+to food supply, however, are incidental to Smith's general theories of
+economics; the contribution of Malthus lay in taking this principle out
+of its limited context, giving it the character of scientific
+generalization, and applying it to current theories and programs of
+social reform.
+
+The debt of biology to Malthus is acknowledged both by Darwin and by
+Wallace. Fifteen months after Darwin had commenced his inquiry a chance
+reading of Malthus' _Essay on the Principle of Population_ gave him the
+clue to the explanation of the origin of species through the struggle
+for existence. During an attack of intermittent fever Wallace recalled
+Malthus' theory which he had read twelve years before and in it found
+the solution of the problem of biological evolution.
+
+Although the phrase "the struggle for existence" was actually used by
+Malthus: Darwin, Wallace, and their followers first gave it a general
+application to all forms of life. Darwin in his _The Origin of Species_,
+published in 1859, analyzed with a wealth of detail the struggle for
+existence, the nature and forms of competition, natural selection, the
+survival of the fittest, the segregation and consequent specialization
+of species.
+
+Biological research in recent years has directed attention away from the
+theory of evolution to field study of plant and animal communities.
+Warming, Adams, Wheeler, and others have described, in their plant and
+animal ecologies, the processes of competition and segregation by which
+communities are formed. Clements in two studies, _Plant Succession_ and
+_Plant Indicators_, has described in detail the life-histories of some
+of these communities. His analysis of the succession of plant
+communities within the same geographical area and of the relations of
+competitive co-operation of the different species of which these
+communities are composed might well serve as a model for similar studies
+in human ecology.
+
+
+2. Economic Competition
+
+Research upon competition in economics falls under two heads: (a) the
+natural history of competition, and (b) the history of theories of
+competition.
+
+a) Competition on the economic level, i.e., of struggle for
+livelihood, had its origins in the market place. Sir Henry Maine, on the
+basis of his study of village communities, states in effect that the
+beginnings of economic behavior are first to be seen in neutral meeting
+places of strangers and foes.
+
+ In order to understand what a market originally was, you must
+ try to picture to yourselves a territory occupied by
+ village-communities, self-acting and as yet autonomous, each
+ cultivating its arable land in the middle of its waste, and
+ each, I fear I must add, at perpetual war with its neighbour.
+ But at several points, points probably where the domains of two
+ or three villages converged, there appear to have been spaces
+ of what we should now call neutral ground. These were the
+ Markets. They were probably the only places at which the
+ members of the different primitive groups met for any purpose
+ except warfare, and the persons who came to them were doubtless
+ at first persons especially empowered to exchange the produce
+ and manufactures of one little village-community for those of
+ another. But, besides the notion of neutrality, another idea
+ was anciently associated with markets. This was the idea of
+ sharp practice and hard bargaining.
+
+ What is the real origin of the feeling that it is not
+ creditable to drive a hard bargain with a near relative or
+ friend? It can hardly be that there is any rule of morality to
+ forbid it. The feeling seems to me to bear the traces of the
+ old notion that men united in natural groups do not deal with
+ one another on principles of trade. The only natural group in
+ which men are now joined is the family; and the only bond of
+ union resembling that of the family is that which men create
+ for themselves by friendship.
+
+ The general proposition which is the basis of Political
+ Economy, made its first approach to truth under the only
+ circumstances which admitted of men meeting at arm's length,
+ not as members of the same group, but as strangers. Gradually
+ the assumption of the right to get the best price has
+ penetrated into the interior of these groups, but it is never
+ completely received so long as the bond of connection between
+ man and man is assumed to be that of family or clan connection.
+ The rule only triumphs when the primitive community is in
+ ruins. What are the causes which have generalized a Rule of the
+ Market until it has been supposed to express an original and
+ fundamental tendency of human nature, it is impossible to state
+ fully, so multifarious have they been. Everything which has
+ helped to convert a society into a collection of individuals
+ from being an assemblage of families has helped to add to the
+ truth of the assertion made of human nature by the Political
+ Economists.[196]
+
+The extension of the relations of the market place to practically all
+aspects of life having to do with livelihood has been the outcome of the
+industrial revolution and the growth of Great Society. Standardization
+of commodities, of prices, and of wages, the impersonal nature of
+business relations, the "cash-nexus" and the credit basis of all human
+relations has greatly extended the external competitive forms of
+interaction. Money, with its abstract standards of value, is not only a
+medium of exchange, but at the same time symbol par excellence of the
+economic nature of modern competitive society.
+
+The literature describing change from the familial communism, typical of
+primitive society, to the competitive economy of modern capitalistic
+society is indicated in the bibliography.
+
+b) The history of competition as a concept in political economy goes
+back to the Physiocrats. This French school of economists, laying stress
+upon the food supply as the basis and the measure of the wealth of the
+nation, demanded the abolition of restrictions upon agricultural
+production and commerce. The Physiocrats based their theories upon the
+natural rights of individuals to liberty.
+
+ The miserable state of the nation seemed to demand a _volte
+ face_. Taxes were many and indirect. Let them be single and
+ direct. Liberty of enterprise was shackled. Let it be free.
+ State-regulation was excessive. _Laissez-faire!_ Their economic
+ plea for liberty is buttressed by an appeal to Nature, greater
+ than kings or ministers, and by an assertion of the natural,
+ inherent rights of man to be unimpeded in his freedom except so
+ far as he infringes upon that of others.[197]
+
+While the Physiocrats emphasized the beneficent effects of freedom in
+industry to which the individual has a natural right, Adam Smith, in his
+book _The Wealth of Nations_, emphasized the advantages of competition.
+To him competition was a protection against monopoly. "It [competition]
+can never hurt either the consumer or the producer; on the contrary it
+must tend to make the retailers both sell cheaper and buy dearer than if
+the whole trade was monopolized by one or two persons!"[198] It was at
+the same time of benefit to both producer and consumer. "Monopoly is a
+great enemy to good management which can never be universally
+established but in consequence of that free and universal competition
+which forces everybody to have recourse to it for the sake of
+self-defence."[199]
+
+Before Darwin, competition had been conceived in terms of freedom and of
+the natural harmony of interests. His use of the term introduced into
+competition the notion of struggle for existence and the survival of the
+fittest. This new conception, in which competition appears as a
+fundamental process in all life, has been a powerful prop to the laissez
+faire policy and has led to its continuance regardless of the misery and
+destitution which, if it did not create, it certainly did not remedy.
+The works of Herbert Spencer, the greatest expounder of the doctrine of
+evolution, contain a powerful massing of evidence in favor of laissez
+faire as a conclusion to be drawn from a scientific study of human
+behavior. "Nothing but the slow modifications of human nature by the
+discipline of social life," he said, "can produce permanently
+advantageous changes. A fundamental error pervading the thinking of
+nearly all parties, political and social, is that evils admit of
+immediate and radical remedies."[200]
+
+With the growth of large-scale production with the tendency to the
+formation of combinations and monopolies, as a result of freedom of
+competition, works began to appear on the subject of unrestricted
+competition. The expressions "unfair" and "cut-throat" competition,
+which occur frequently in recent literature, suggest the new point of
+view. Another euphemism under which other and more far-reaching
+proposals for the limitation of competition and laissez faire have been
+proposed is "social justice." In the meantime the trend of legislation
+in England for a hundred years, as Mr. A. V. Dicey[201] has pointed out,
+has been, in spite of Herbert Spencer, away from the individualistic and
+in the direction of a collectivistic social order. This means more
+legislation, more control, and less individual liberty.
+
+The full meaning of this change in law and opinion can only be fully
+understood, however, when it is considered in connection with the growth
+of communication, economic organization, and cities, all of which have
+so increased the mutual interdependence of all members of society as to
+render illusory and unreal the old freedoms and liberties which the
+system of laissez faire was supposed to guarantee.
+
+
+3. Competition and Human Ecology
+
+The ecological conception of society is that of a society created by
+competitive co-operation. Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ was a
+description of society in so far as it is a product of economic
+competition. David Ricardo, in his _Principles of Political Economy_,
+defined the process of competition more abstractly and states its
+consequences with more ruthless precision and consistency. "His theory,"
+says Kolthamer in his introduction, "seems to be an everlasting
+justification of the _status quo_. As such at least it was used."
+
+But Ricardo's doctrines were both "a prop and a menace to the middle
+classes," and the errors which they canonized have been the
+presuppositions of most of the radical and revolutionary programs since
+that time.
+
+ The socialists, adopting his theories of value and wages,
+ interpreted Ricardo's crude expressions to their own advantage.
+ To alter the Ricardian conclusions, they said, alter the social
+ conditions upon which they depend: to improve upon subsistence
+ wage, deprive capital of what it steals from labour--the value
+ which labour creates. The land-taxers similarly used the
+ Ricardian theory of rent: rent is a surplus for the existence
+ of which no single individual is responsible--take it therefore
+ for the benefit of all, whose presence creates it.[202]
+
+The anarchistic, socialistic, and communistic doctrines, to which
+reference is made in the bibliography, are to be regarded as themselves
+sociological phenomena, without reference to their value as programs.
+They are based on ecological and economic conceptions of society in
+which competition is the fundamental fact and, from the point of view of
+these doctrines, the fundamental evil of society. What is sociologically
+important in these doctrines is the wishes that they express. They
+exhibit among other things, at any rate, the character which the hopes
+and the wishes of men take in this vast, new, restless world, the Great
+Society, in which men find themselves but in which they are not yet, and
+perhaps never will be, at home.
+
+
+4. Competition and the "Inner Enemies": the Defectives, the Dependents,
+and the Delinquents
+
+Georg Simmel, referring, in his essay on "The Stranger," to the poor and
+the criminal, bestowed upon them the suggestive title of "The Inner
+Enemies." The criminal has at all times been regarded as a rebel against
+society, but only recently has the existence of the dependent and the
+defective been recognized as inimical to the social order.[203]
+
+Modern society, so far as it is free, has been organized on the basis of
+competition. Since the status of the poor, the criminal, and the
+dependent, has been largely determined by their ability or willingness
+to compete, the literature upon defectiveness, dependency, and
+delinquency may be surveyed in its relation to the process of
+competition. For the purposes of this survey the dependent may be
+defined as one who is unable to compete; the defective as the person who
+is, if not unable, at least handicapped, in his efforts to compete. The
+criminal, on the other hand, is one who is perhaps unable, but at any
+rate refuses, to compete according to the rules which society lays down.
+
+Malthus' _Essay on the Principle of Population_ first called attention
+to the pathological effects of the struggle for existence in modern
+society and emphasized the necessity of control, not merely in the
+interest of the defeated and rejected members of society, but in the
+interest of society itself. Malthus sought a mitigation, if not a
+remedy, for the evils of overpopulation by what he called "moral
+restraint," that is, "a restraint from marriage, from prudential
+motives, with a conduct strictly moral during the period of restraint."
+The alternatives were war, famine, and pestilence. These latter have, in
+fact, been up to very recent times the effective means through which the
+problem of overpopulation has been solved.
+
+The Neo-Malthusian movement, under the leadership of Francis Place,
+Richard Carlile, and Robert Dale Owen in the decade of 1820-30 and of
+Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant in the decade of 1870-80, advocated
+the artificial restriction of the family. The differential decline in
+the birth-rate, that is, the greater decrease in the number of children
+in the well-to-do and educated classes as compared with the poor and
+uneducated masses, was disclosed through investigations by the Galton
+Eugenics Laboratory in England and characterized as a national menace.
+In the words of David Heron, a study of districts in London showed that
+"one-fourth of the married population was producing one-half of the next
+generation." In United States less exhaustive investigation showed the
+same tendency at work and the alarm which the facts created found a
+popular expression in the term "race-suicide."
+
+It is under these circumstances and as a result of investigations and
+agitations of the eugenists, that the poor, the defective, and the
+delinquent have come to be regarded as "inner enemies" in a sense that
+would scarcely have been understood a hundred years ago.
+
+Poverty and dependency in modern society have a totally different
+significance from that which they have had in societies in the past. The
+literature descriptive of primitive communities indicated that in the
+economic communism of a society based on kinship, famines were frequent
+but poverty was unknown. In ancient and medieval societies the
+dependency, where it was not professional, as in the case of the
+mendicant religious orders, was intimate and personal. In this respect
+it differed widely from the organized, official, and supervised
+philanthropy of our modern cities.
+
+With the abolition of serfdom, the break-up of the medieval guilds, and
+the inauguration of a period of individual freedom and relatively
+unrestricted competition (laissez faire) which ushered in the modern
+industrial order, the struggle for existence ceased to be communal, and
+became individual. The new order based on individual freedom, as
+contrasted with the old order based on control, has been described as a
+system in which every individual was permitted to "go to hell in his own
+individual way." "The only purpose for which power can be rightfully
+exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will,"
+said Mill, "is to prevent harm to others. His own good either physical
+or moral is not a sufficient warranty." Only when the individual became
+a criminal or a pauper did the state or organized society attempt to
+control or assist him in the competitive struggle for existence.[204]
+
+Since competitive industry has its beginnings in England, the study of
+the English poor laws is instructive. Under the influence of Malthus
+and of the classical economists the early writers upon poverty regarded
+it as an inevitable and natural consequence of the operation of the
+"iron laws" of political economy. For example, when Harriet Martineau
+was forced to admit, by the evidence collected by the Factory
+Commissioners in 1833, that "the case of these wretched factory children
+seems desperate," she goes on to add "the only hope seems to be that the
+race will die out in two or three generations."
+
+Karl Marx, accepting the Ricardian economics, emphasized the misery and
+destitution resulting from the competitive process, and demanded the
+abolition of competition and the substitution therefor of the absolute
+control of a socialistic state.
+
+Recent studies treat poverty and dependency as a disease and look to its
+prevention and cure. Trade unions, trade associations, and social
+insurance are movements designed to safeguard industry and the worker
+against the now generally recognized consequences of unlimited
+competition. The conceptions of industrial democracy and citizenship in
+industry have led to interesting and promising experiments.
+
+In this connection, the efforts of employers to protect themselves as
+well as the community from accidents and occupational diseases may be
+properly considered. During and since the Great War efforts have been
+made on a grand scale to rehabilitate, re-educate, and restore to
+usefulness the war's wounded soldiers. This interest in the former
+soldiers and the success of the efforts already made has led to an
+increased interest in all classes of the industrially handicapped. A
+number of surveys have been made, in different parts of the country, of
+the crippled, and efforts are in progress to discover occupations and
+professions in which the deaf, the blind, and otherwise industrially
+handicapped can be employed and thus restored to usefulness and relative
+independence.
+
+The wide extension of the police power in recent times in the interest
+of public health, sanitation, and general public welfare represents the
+effort of the government, in an individualistic society in which the
+older sanctions and securities no longer exist, to protect the
+individual as well as the community from the effects of unrestricted
+competition.
+
+The literature of criminology has sought an answer to the enigma of the
+criminal. The writings of the European criminologists run the gamut of
+explanation from Lombroso, who explained crime as an inborn tendency of
+the criminal, to Tarde, who defines the criminal as a purely social
+product.
+
+W. A. Bonger,[205] a socialist, has sought to show that criminality is a
+direct product of the modern economic system. Without accepting either
+the evidence or the conclusions of Bonger, it cannot be gainsaid that
+the modern offender must be studied from the standpoint of his failure
+to participate in a wholesome and normal way in our competitive,
+secondary society which rests upon the institution of private property
+and individual competition.
+
+The failure of the delinquent to conform to the social code may be
+studied from two standpoints: (a) that of the individual as an
+organization of original mental and temperamental traits, and (b) that
+of a person with a status and a rôle in the social group. The book _The
+Individual Delinquent_, by William Healy, placed the study of the
+offender as an individual upon a sound scientific basis. That the person
+can and should be regarded as part and parcel of his social milieu has
+been strikingly illustrated by T. M. Osborne in two books, _Within
+Prison Walls_ and _Society and Prisons_. The fact seems to be that the
+problem of crime is essentially like that of the other major problems of
+our social order, and its solution involves three elements, namely:
+(a) the analysis of the aptitudes of the individual and the wishes of
+the person; (b) the analysis of the activities of our society with its
+specialization and division of labor; and (c) the accommodation or
+adjustment of the individual to the social and economic environment.
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+I. BIOLOGICAL COMPETITION
+
+(1) Crile, George W. _Man an Adaptive Mechanism._ New York, 1901.
+
+(2) Darwin, Charles. _The Origin of Species._ London, 1859.
+
+(3) Wallace, Alfred Russel. _Studies Scientific and Social._ 2 vols. New
+York, 1900.
+
+(4) ----. _Darwinism._ An exposition of the theory of natural selection
+with some of its applications. Chap. iv, "The Struggle for Existence,"
+pp. 14-40; chap. v, "Natural Selection by Variation and Survival of the
+Fittest," pp. 102-25. 3d ed. London, 1901.
+
+(5) Weismann, August. _On Germinal Selection as a Source of Definite
+Variation._ Translated from the German. Chicago, 1896.
+
+(6) Malthus, T. R. _An Essay on the Principle of Population._ Or a view
+of its past and present effects on human happiness, with an inquiry into
+our prospects respecting the future removal or mitigation of the evils
+which it occasions. 2d ed. London, 1803. [1st ed., 1798.]
+
+(7) Knapp, G. F. "Darwin und Socialwissenschaften," _Jahrbücher für
+Nationalökonomie und Statistik_. Erste Folge, XVIII (1872), 233-47.
+
+(8) Thomson, J. Arthur. _Darwinism and Human Life._ New York, 1918.
+
+
+II. ECONOMIC COMPETITION
+
+(1) Wagner, Adolf. _Grundlegung der politischen Ökonomie._ Pp. 794-828.
+[The modern private industrial system of free competition.] Pp. 71-137.
+[The industrial nature of men.] Leipzig, 1892-94.
+
+(2) Effertz, Otto. _Arbeit und Boden._ System der politischen Ökonomie.
+Vol. II, chaps, xix, xx, xxi, xxiii, xxiv, pp. 237-320. Berlin, 1897.
+
+(3) Marshall, Alfred. _Principles of Economics._ Appendix A, "The Growth
+of Free Industry and Enterprise," pp. 723-54. London, 1910.
+
+(4) Seligman, E. R. A. _Principles of Economics._ Chap, x, pp. 139-53.
+New York, 1905.
+
+(5) Schatz, Albert. _L'Individualisme économique et social, ses
+origines, son évolution, ses formes contemporaines._ Paris, 1907.
+
+(6) Cunningham, William. _An Essay on Western Civilization in Its
+Economic Aspects._ Medieval and modern times. Cambridge, 1913.
+
+
+III. FREEDOM AND LAISSEZ FAIRE
+
+(1) Simmel, Georg. _Philosophie des Geldes._ Chap. iv, "Die individuelle
+Freiheit," pp. 279-364. Leipzig, 1900.
+
+(2) Bagehot, Walter. _Postulates of English Political Economics._ With a
+preface by Alfred Marshall. New York and London, 1885.
+
+(3) Oncken, August. _Die Maxime Laissez Faire et Laissez Passer, ihr
+Ursprung, ihr Werden._ Bern, 1886.
+
+(4) Bastiat, Frédéric. _Harmonies économiques._ 9th ed. Paris, 1884.
+
+(5) Cunningham, William. _The Growth of English Industry and Commerce in
+Modern Times._ Vol. III, "Laissez Faire." 3 vols. 3d ed. Cambridge,
+1903.
+
+(6) Ingram, John K. _A History of Political Economy._ Chap. v, "Third
+Modern Phase; System of Natural Liberty." 2d ed. New York, 1908.
+
+(7) Hall, W. P. "Certain Early Reactions against Laissez Faire," _Annual
+Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1913._ I,
+127-38. Washington, 1915.
+
+(8) Adams, Henry C. "Relation of the State to Industrial Action,"
+_Publications of the American Economic Association_, I (1887), 471-549.
+
+
+IV. THE MARKETS
+
+(1) Walker, Francis A. _Political Economy._ Chap. ii, pp. 97-102. 3d ed.
+New York, 1887. [Market defined.]
+
+(2) Grierson, P. J. H. _The Silent Trade._ A contribution to the early
+history of human intercourse. Edinburgh, 1903. [Bibliography.]
+
+(3) Maine, Henry S. _Village Communities in the East and West._ Lecture
+VI, "The Early History of Price and Rent," pp. 175-203. New York, 1885.
+
+(4) Walford, Cornelius. _Fairs, Past and Present._ A chapter in the
+history of commerce. London, 1883.
+
+(5) Bourne, H. R. F. _English Merchants._ Memoirs in illustration of the
+progress of British commerce. New ed. London, 1898.
+
+(6) Webb, Sidney and Beatrice. _Industrial Democracy._ Part III, chap.
+ii, "The Higgling of the Market," pp. 654-702. New ed. London, 1902.
+
+(7) Bagehot, Walter. _Lombard Street._ A description of the money
+market. New York, 1876.
+
+
+V. COMPETITION AND INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+(1) Crowell, John F. _Trusts and Competition._ Chicago, 1915.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+(2) Macrosty, Henry W. _Trusts and the State._ A sketch of competition.
+London, 1901.
+
+(3) Carter, George R. _The Tendency toward Industrial Combination._ A
+study of the modern movement toward industrial combination in some
+spheres of British industry; its forms and developments, their causes,
+and their determinant circumstances. London, 1913.
+
+(4) Levy, Hermann. _Monopoly and Competition._ A study in English
+industrial organization. London, 1911.
+
+(5) Haney, Lewis H. _Business Organization and Combination._ An analysis
+of the evolution and nature of business organization in the United
+States and a tentative solution of the corporation and trust problems.
+New York, 1914.
+
+(6) Van Hise, Charles R. _Concentration and Control._ A solution of the
+trust problem in the United States. New York, 1912.
+
+(7) Kohler, Josef. _Der unlautere Wettbewerb._ Darstellung des
+Wettbewerbsrechts. Berlin und Leipzig, 1914.
+
+(8) Nims, Harry D. _The Law of Unfair Business Competition._ Including
+chapters on trade secrets and confidential business relations; unfair
+interference with contracts; libel and slander of articles of
+merchandise, trade names and business credit and reputation. New York,
+1909.
+
+(9) Stevens, W. H. S. _Unfair Competition._ A study of certain practices
+with some reference to the trust problem in the United States of
+America. Chicago, 1917.
+
+(10) Eddy, Arthur J. _The New Competition._ An examination of the
+conditions underlying the radical change that is taking place in the
+commercial and industrial world; the change from a competitive to a
+co-operative basis. New York, 1912.
+
+(11) Willoughby, W. W. _Social Justice._ A critical essay. Chap. ix,
+"The Ethics of the Competitive Process," pp. 269-315. New York, 1900.
+
+(12) Rogers, Edward S. _Good Will, Trade-Marks and Unfair Trading._
+Chicago, 1914.
+
+
+VI. SOCIALISM AND ANARCHISM
+
+(1) Stirner, Max. (Kaspar Schmidt). _The Ego and His Own._ Translated
+from the German by S. T. Byington. New York, 1918.
+
+(2) Godwin, William. _An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and Its
+Influence on General Virtue and Happiness._ Book V, chap. xxiv. London,
+1793.
+
+(3) Proudhon, Pierre Joseph. _What Is Property?_ An inquiry into the
+principle of right and of government. Translated from the French by B.
+R. Tucker. New York, 189-?
+
+(4) Zenker, E. V. _Anarchism._ A criticism and history of the anarchist
+theory. Translated from the German. New York, 1897. [With
+bibliographical references.]
+
+(5) Bailie, William. _Josiah Warren, the First American Anarchist._ A
+sociological study. Boston, 1906.
+
+(6) Russell, B. A. W. _Proposed Roads to Freedom._ Socialism, anarchism,
+and syndicalism. New York, 1919.
+
+(7) Mackay, Thomas, editor. _A Plea for Liberty._ An argument against
+socialism and socialistic legislation. New York, 1891.
+
+(8) Spencer, Herbert. "The Man _versus_ the State," Appendix to _Social
+Statics_. New York, 1897.
+
+(9) Marx, Karl, and Engels, Frederick. _Manifesto of the Communist
+Party._ Authorized English translation edited and annotated by Frederick
+Engels. London, 1888.
+
+(10) Stein, L. _Der Socialismus und Communismus des heutigen
+Frankreichs._ Ein Beitrag zur Zeitgeschichte. Leipzig, 1848.
+
+(11) Guyot, Édouard. _Le Socialisme et l'évolution de l'Angleterre
+contemporaine_ (1880-1911). Paris, 1913.
+
+(12) Flint, Robert. _Socialism._ 2d ed. London, 1908.
+
+(13) Beer, M. _A History of British Socialism._ Vol. I, "From the Days
+of the Schoolmen to the Birth of Chartism." Vol. II, "From Chartism to
+1920." London, 1919-21.
+
+(14) Levine, Louis. _Syndicalism in France._ 2d ed. New York, 1914.
+
+(15) Brissenden, Paul F. _The I. W. W._ A study of American syndicalism.
+New York, 1919. [Bibliography.]
+
+(16) Brooks, John Graham. _American Syndicalism._ New York, 1913.
+
+(17) ----. _Labor's Challenge to the Social Order._ Democracy its own
+critic and educator. New York, 1920.
+
+
+VII. COMPETITION AND "THE INNER ENEMIES"
+
+
+A. _The Struggle for Existence and Its Social Consequences_
+
+(1) Henderson, Charles R. _Introduction to the Study of the Dependent,
+Defective, and Delinquent Classes, and of Their Social Treatment._ 2d
+ed. Boston, 1908.
+
+(2) Grotjahn, Alfred. _Soziale Pathologie._ Versuch einer Lehre von den
+sozialen Beziehungen der menschlichen Krankheiten als Grundlage der
+sozialen Medizin und der sozialen Hygiene. Berlin, 1912.
+
+(3) Lilienfeld, Paul de. _La Pathologie sociale._ Avec une préface de
+René Worms. Paris, 1896.
+
+(4) Thompson, Warren S. _Population._ A study in Malthusianism. New
+York, 1915.
+
+(5) Field, James A. "The Early Propagandist Movement in English
+Population Theory," _American Economic Association Bulletin_, 4th Ser.,
+I (1911), 207-36.
+
+(6) Heron, David. _On the Relation of Fertility in Man to Social
+Status._ And on the changes in this relation that have taken place
+during the last fifty years. London, 1906.
+
+(7) Elderton, Ethel M. "Report on the English Birthrate." University of
+London, Francis Galton Laboratory for National Eugenics. _Eugenics
+Laboratory Memoirs_, XIX-XX. London, 1914.
+
+(8) D'Ambrosio, Manlio A. _Passività Economica._ Primi principi di una
+teoria sociologica della popolazione economicamente passiva. Napoli,
+1909.
+
+(9) Ellwood, Charles A. _Sociology and Modern Social Problems._ Rev. ed.
+New York, 1913.
+
+
+B. _Poverty, Labor, and the Proletariat_
+
+(1) Woods, Robert A., Elsing, W. T., and others. _The Poor in Great
+Cities._ Their problems and what is being done to solve them. New York,
+1895.
+
+(2) Rowntree, B. Seebohm. _Poverty, a Study of Town Life._ London, 1901.
+
+(3) Devine, Edward T. _Misery and Its Causes._ New York, 1909.
+
+(4) Marx, Karl. _Capital._ A critical analysis of capitalist production.
+Chap. xv, "Machinery and Modern Industry." Translated from the third
+German edition by Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, and edited by
+Frederick Engels. London, 1908.
+
+(5) Hobson, John A. _Problems of Poverty._ An inquiry into the
+industrial condition of the poor. London, 1891.
+
+(6) Kydd, Samuel [Alfred, pseud.] _The History of the Factory Movement._
+From the year 1802 to the enactment of the ten hours' bill in 1847. 2
+vols. London, 1857.
+
+(7) Rowntree, B. S., and Lasker, Bruno. _Unemployment, a Social Study._
+London, 1911.
+
+(8) Beveridge, William Henry. _Unemployment._ A problem of industry. 3d
+ed. London, 1912.
+
+(9) Parmelee, Maurice. _Poverty and Social Progress._ New York, 1916.
+
+(10) Gillin, John L. _Poverty and Dependency._ Their relief and
+prevention. New York, 1921.
+
+(11) Sombart, Werner. _Das Proletariat; Bilder und Studien._ Frankfurt
+am Main, 1906.
+
+(12) Riis, Jacob A. _How the Other Half Lives._ Studies among the
+tenements of New York. New York, 1890.
+
+(13) Nevinson, Margaret W. _Workhouse Characters and Other Sketches of
+the Life of the Poor._ London, 1918.
+
+(14) Sims, George R. _How the Poor Live; and Horrible London._ London,
+1898.
+
+
+C. _The Industrially Handicapped_
+
+(1) Best, Harry. _The Deaf._ Their position in society and the provision
+for their education in the United States. New York, 1914.
+
+(2) ----. _The Blind._ Their condition and the work being done for them
+in the United States. New York, 1919.
+
+(3) United States Bureau of the Census. _The Blind and the Deaf, 1900._
+Washington, 1906.
+
+(4) ----. _Deaf-Mutes in the United States._ Analysis of the census of
+1910 with summary of state laws relating to the deaf as of January 1,
+1918. Washington, 1918.
+
+(5) ----. _The Blind in the United States 1910._ Washington, 1917.
+
+(6) Niceforo, Alfredo. _Les Classes pauvres._ Recherches
+anthropologiques et sociales. Paris, 1905.
+
+(7) Goddard, Henry H. _Feeble-mindedness, Its Causes and Consequences._
+Chap. i, "Social Problems," pp. 1-20. New York, 1914.
+
+(8) Popenoe, Paul B., and Johnson, Roswell H. _Applied Eugenics._ Chap.
+ix, "The Dysgenic Classes," pp. 176-83. New York, 1918.
+
+(9) Pintner, Rudolph, and Toops, Herbert A. "Mental Test of Unemployed
+Men," _Journal of Applied Psychology_, I (1917), 325-41; II (1918),
+15-25.
+
+(10) Oliver, Thomas. _Dangerous Trades._ The historical, social, and
+legal aspects of industrial occupations affecting health, by a number of
+experts. New York, 1902.
+
+(11) Jarrett, Mary C. "The Psychopathic Employee: a Problem of
+Industry," _Bulletin of the Massachusetts Commission on Mental
+Diseases_, I (1917-18), Nos. 3-4, 223-38. Boston, 1918.
+
+(12) Thompson, W. Gilman. _The Occupational Diseases._ Their causation,
+treatment, and prevention. New York, 1914.
+
+(13) Kober, George M., and Hanson, William C., editors. _Diseases of
+Occupation and Vocational Hygiene._ Philadelphia, 1916.
+
+(14) Great Britain. Ministry of Munitions. _Health of Munition Workers
+Committee._ Hours, fatigue, and health in British munition factories.
+Reprints of the memoranda of the British Health of Munition Workers
+Committee, April, 1917. Washington, 1917.
+
+(15) Great Britain Home Department. _Report of the Committee on
+Compensation for Industrial Diseases._ London, 1907.
+
+(16) McMurtrie, Douglas C. _The Disabled Soldier._ With an introduction
+by Jeremiah Milbank. New York, 1919.
+
+(17) Rubinow, I. M. "A Statistical Consideration of the Number of Men
+Crippled in War and Disabled in Industry," _Publication of Red Cross
+Institute for Crippled and Disabled Men_. Series I, No. 4, Feb. 14,
+1918.
+
+(18) Love, Albert G., and Davenport, C. B. _Defects Found in Drafted
+Men._ Statistical information compiled from the draft records showing
+the physical condition of the men registered and examined in pursuance
+of the requirements of the selective-service act. War Department, U.S.
+Surgeon General's Office, Washington, 1920.
+
+
+D. _Alcoholism and Drug Addiction_
+
+(1) Partridge, George E. _Studies in the Psychology of Intemperance._
+New York, 1912.
+
+(2) Kelynack, T. N. _The Drink Problem of Today in Its
+Medicosociological Aspects._ New York, 1916.
+
+(3) Kerr, Norman S. _Inebriety or Narcomania._ Its etiology, pathology,
+treatment, and jurisprudence. 3d ed. London, 1894.
+
+(4) Elderton, Ethel M. "A First Study of the Influence of Parental
+Alcoholism on the Physique and Ability of the Offspring." _Eugenics
+Laboratory Memoirs_, University of London, Francis Galton Laboratory for
+National Eugenics. London, 1910.
+
+(5) Koren, John. _Economic Aspects of the Liquor Problem._ An
+investigation made for the Committee of Fifty under the direction of
+Henry W. Farnam. Boston, 1899.
+
+(6) Towns, Charles B. _Habits that Handicap._ The menace of opium,
+alcohol, and tobacco, and the remedy. New York, 1916.
+
+(7) Wilbert, Martin I. "The Number and Kind of Drug Addicts," _U.S.
+Public Health Reprint_, No. 294. Washington, 1915.
+
+(8) Rowntree, B. Seebohm. _Land and Labour: Lessons from Belgium._ Chap.
+xxvi, "The Drink Problem." London, 1910.
+
+(9) McIver, J., and Price, G. F. "Drug Addiction," _Journal of the
+American Medical Association_, LXVI (1915), 476-80. [A study of 147
+cases.]
+
+(10) Stanley, L. L. "Drug Addictions," _Journal of the American
+Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology_, X (1919), 62-70. [Four case
+studies.]
+
+
+E. _Crime and Competition_
+
+(1) Parmelee, Maurice. _Criminology._ Chap. vi, pp. 67-91. New York,
+1918.
+
+(2) Bonger, William A. _Criminality and Economic Conditions._ Translated
+from the French by H. P. Horton, with editorial preface by Edward
+Lindsey and with an introduction by Frank H. Norcross. Boston, 1916.
+
+(3) Tarde, G. "La Criminalité et les phénomènes économiques," _Archives
+d'anthropologie criminelle_, XVI (1901), 565-75.
+
+(4) Van Kan, J. _Les Causes économiques de la criminalité._ Étude
+historique et critique d'étiologie criminelle. Lyon, 1903.
+
+(5) Fornasári di Verce, E. _La Criminalità e le vicende economiche
+d'Italia, dal 1873 al 1890, con prefazione di Ces. Lombroso._ Torino,
+1894.
+
+(6) Devon, J. _The Criminal and the Community._ London and New York,
+1912.
+
+(7) Breckinridge, Sophonisba, and Abbott, Edith. _The Delinquent Child
+and the Home._ Chap. iv, "The Poor Child: The Problem of Poverty," pp.
+70-89. New York, 1912.
+
+(8) Donovan, Frances. _The Woman Who Waits._ Boston, 1920.
+
+(9) Fernald, Mabel R., Hayes, Mary H. S., and Dawley, Almena. _A Study
+of Women Delinquents in New York State._ With statistical chapter by
+Beardsley Ruml; preface by Katharine Bement Davis. Chap. xi,
+"Occupational History and Economic Efficiency," pp. 304-79. New York,
+1920.
+
+(10) Miner, Maude. _The Slavery of Prostitution._ A plea for
+emancipation. Chap. iii, "Social Factors Leading to Prostitution," pp.
+53-88. New York, 1916.
+
+(11) Ryckère, Raymond de. _La Servante criminelle._ Étude de
+criminologie professionelle. Paris, 1908.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. The Struggle for Existence and the Survival of the Fittest.
+
+2. Economic Competition and the Economic Equilibrium.
+
+3. "Unfair" Competition and Social Control.
+
+4. Competition versus Sentiment.
+
+5. The History of the Market, the Exchange, the Board of Trade.
+
+6. The Natural History of the Laissez-Faire Theory in Economics and
+Politics.
+
+7. Competition, Money, and Freedom.
+
+8. Competition and Segregation in Industry and in Society.
+
+9. The Neo-Malthusian Movement and Race Suicide.
+
+10. The Economic Order of Competition and "the Inner Enemies."
+
+11. The History of the English Poor Law.
+
+12. Unemployment and Poverty in a Competitive, Secondary Society.
+
+13. Modern Economy and the Psychology of Intemperance.
+
+14. Modern Industry, the Physically Handicapped and Programs of
+Rehabilitation.
+
+15. Crime in Relation to Economic Conditions.
+
+16. Methods of Social Amelioration: Philanthropy, Welfare Work in
+Industry, Social Insurance, etc.
+
+17. Experiments in the Limitation of Competition: Collective Bargaining,
+Trade Associations, Trade Boards, etc.
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. In what fields did the popular conceptions of competition originate?
+
+2. In what way does competition as a form of interaction differ from
+conflict, accommodation, and assimilation?
+
+3. What do you understand to be the difference between struggle,
+conflict, competition, and rivalry?
+
+4. What are the different forms of the struggle for existence?
+
+5. In what different meanings do you understand Darwin to use the term
+"the struggle for existence"? How many of these are applicable to human
+society?
+
+6. What do you understand Darwin to mean when he says: "The structure of
+every organic being is related, in the most essential yet often hidden
+manner, to that of all the other organic beings with which it comes into
+competition for food or residence, or from which it has to escape, or on
+which it preys"? Does his principle, in your opinion, also apply to the
+structure of social groups?
+
+7. What examples of competition occur to you in human or social
+relations? In what respects are they (a) alike, (b) different, from
+competition in plant communities?
+
+8. To what extent is biological competition present in modern human
+society?
+
+9. Does competition always lead to increased specialization and higher
+organization?
+
+10. What evidences are there in society of the effect of competition
+upon specialization and organization?
+
+11. What do you understand Crile to mean by the sentence: "In every case
+the fate of each creature seems to have been staked upon one mechanism"?
+What is this mechanism with man?
+
+12. Do you think that Crile has given an adequate explanation of the
+evolution of mind?
+
+13. Is there a difference in the character of the struggle for existence
+of animals and of man?
+
+14. What is the difference in competition within a community based on
+likenesses and one based on diversities?
+
+15. Compare the ecological concept "reaction" with the sociological
+conception "control."
+
+16. What do you understand by the expression "the reaction of a
+community is usually more than the sum of the reaction of the component
+species and individuals"? Explain.
+
+17. How far can the terms migration, ecesis, and competition, as used by
+Clements in his analysis of the invasion of one plant community by
+another, be used in the analysis of the process by which immigrants
+"invade" this country, i.e., migrate, settle, and are assimilated,
+"Americanized"?
+
+18. What are the social forces involved in (a) internal, (b)
+foreign, migrations?
+
+19. What do you understand by the term segregation? To what extent are
+the social forces making for segregation (a) economic, (b)
+sentimental? Illustrate.
+
+20. In what ways has immigration to the United States resulted in
+segregation?
+
+21. Does the segregation of the immigrant in our American cities make
+for or against (a) competition, (b) conflict, (c) social control,
+(d) accommodation, and (e) assimilation?
+
+22. What are the factors producing internal migration in the United
+States?
+
+23. In what sense is the drift to the cities a result of competition?
+
+24. What is Ripley's conclusion in regard to urban selection and the
+ethnic composition of cities?
+
+25. What are the outstanding results of demographic segregation and
+social selection in the United States?
+
+26. What, in your judgment, are the chief characteristics of
+inter-racial competition?
+
+27. To what extent do you agree with Walker's analysis of the social
+forces involved in race suicide in the United States?
+
+28. In what specific ways is competition now a factor in race suicide?
+
+29. What will be the future effects of inter-racial competition upon the
+ethnic stock of the American people?
+
+30. "There is a sense in which much of the orthodox system of political
+economy is eternally true." Explain.
+
+31. To what extent and in what sense is economic competition
+unconscious?
+
+32. What differences other than innate mental ability enter into
+competition between different social groups and different persons?
+
+33. Who are your competitors?
+
+34. Of the existence (as identified persons) of what proportion of these
+competitors are you unconscious?
+
+35. What is meant by competitive co-operation? Illustrate. (See pp. 508,
+558.)
+
+36. What do you understand by the term "economic equilibrium"?
+
+37. Is "economic equilibrium" identical with "social solidarity"? What
+is the relation, if any, between the two concepts?
+
+38. To what extent does competition make for a natural harmony of
+individual interests?
+
+39. What did Adam Smith mean by "an invisible hand"?
+
+40. "Civilization is the resultant not of conscious co-operation but of
+the unconscious competition of individuals." Do you agree or disagree
+with this statement?
+
+41. "By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the
+society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it."
+What is the argument for and against this position?
+
+42. Why has the laissez-faire theory in economics been largely
+abandoned?
+
+43. What do you understand by the term "freedom"? How far may freedom be
+identified with freedom of competition?
+
+44. Do you accept the conception of Bastiat that "competition is
+liberty"?
+
+45. How does money make for freedom? Does it make for or against
+co-operation? Are co-operation and competition mutually antagonistic
+terms?
+
+46. Under what circumstances do you have competition between individuals
+and competition between groups?
+
+47. What do you understand by the statement that anarchism, socialism,
+and communism are based upon the ecological conceptions of society?
+
+48. What is the difference between an opinion or a doctrine taken (a)
+as a datum, and (b) as a value?
+
+49. From what point of view may the dependent, the delinquent, and the
+defective be regarded as "inner enemies"? Is this notion
+individualistic, socialistic, or how would you characterize it?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[180] Bastiat, Frédéric, _Oeuvres complètes_, tome VI, "Harmonies
+économiques," 9e édition, p. 381. (Paris, 1884.)
+
+[181] Walker, Francis A., _Political Economy_, p. 92. (New York, 1887.)
+
+[182] See chap. i, pp. 51-54.
+
+[183] The introduction of the rabbit into Australia, where predatory
+competitors are absent, has resulted in so great a multiplication of the
+members of this species that their numbers have become an economic
+menace. The appearance of the boll weevil, an insect which attacks the
+cotton boll, has materially changed the character of agriculture in
+areas of cotton culture in the South. Scientists are now looking for
+some insect enemy of the boll weevil that will restore the equilibrium.
+
+[184] Adapted from J. Arthur Thomson, _Darwinism and Human Life_, pp.
+72-75. (Henry Holt & Co., 1910.)
+
+[185] Adapted from Charles Darwin, _The Origin of Species_, pp. 50-61.
+(D. Appleton & Co., 1878.)
+
+[186] Adapted from Charles Darwin, _The Origin of Species_, pp. 97-100.
+(D. Appleton & Co., 1878.)
+
+[187] Adapted from George W. Crile, _Man: An Adaptive Mechanism_, pp.
+17-39. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1916. Reprinted by permission.)
+
+[188] Adapted from F. E. Clements, _Plant Succession_. An analysis of
+the development of vegetation, pp. 75-79. (Carnegie Institution of
+Washington, 1916.)
+
+[189] Adapted from Carl Bücher, _Industrial Evolution_, pp. 345-69.
+(Henry Holt & Co., 1907.)
+
+[190] From William Z. Ripley, _The Races of Europe_, pp. 537-59. (D.
+Appleton & Co., 1899.)
+
+[191] Adapted from Francis A. Walker, _Economics and Statistics_, II,
+421-26. (Henry Holt & Co., 1899.)
+
+[192] Adapted from John B. Clark, "The Limits of Competition," in Clark
+and Giddings, _The Modern Distributive Process_, pp. 2-8. (Ginn & Co.,
+1888.)
+
+[193] Adapted from Adam Smith, _An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of
+the Wealth of Nations_, I (1904), 419, 421. (By kind permission of
+Messrs. Methuen & Co., Ltd.)
+
+[194] Translated from Frédéric Bastiat, _Oeuvres complètes_, tome VI,
+"Harmonies économiques," 9e édition, p. 350. (Paris, 1884.)
+
+[195] Translated from Georg Simmel, _Philosophie des Geldes_, pp.
+351-52. (Duncker und Humblot, 1900.)
+
+[196] Henry S. Maine, _Village-Communities in the East and West_, pp.
+192-97. (New York, 1889.)
+
+[197] Henry Higgs, _The Physiocrats_, p. 142. (London, 1897.)
+
+[198] Adam Smith, _Wealth of Nations_ (Cannan's edition), I, 342.
+London, 1904.
+
+[199] _Ibid._ I, 148.
+
+[200] Thomas Mackay, _A Plea for Liberty_. An argument against socialism
+and socialistic legislation, consisting of an introduction by Herbert
+Spencer and essays by various writers, p. 24. (New York, 1891.)
+
+[201] _Lectures on the Relation between Law and Opinion in England,
+during the Nineteenth Century._ 2d ed. (London, 1914).
+
+[202] _The Principles of Taxation._ Everyman's Library. Preface by F. W.
+Kolthamer, p. xii.
+
+[203] _Soziologie_, p. 686. (Leipzig, 1908.)
+
+[204] John Stuart Mill, _On Liberty_. (London, 1859.)
+
+[205] _Criminality and Economic Conditions._ (Boston, 1916.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+CONFLICT
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. The Concept of Conflict
+
+The distinction between competition and conflict has already been
+indicated. Both are forms of interaction, but competition is a struggle
+between individuals, or groups of individuals, who are not necessarily
+in contact and communication; while conflict is a contest in which
+contact is an indispensable condition. Competition, unqualified and
+uncontrolled as with plants, and in the great impersonal life-struggle
+of man with his kind and with all animate nature, is unconscious.
+Conflict is always conscious, indeed, it evokes the deepest emotions and
+strongest passions and enlists the greatest concentration of attention
+and of effort. Both competition and conflict are forms of struggle.
+Competition, however, is continuous and impersonal, conflict is
+intermittent and personal.
+
+Competition is a struggle for position in an economic order. The
+distribution of populations in the world-economy, the industrial
+organization in the national economy, and the vocation of the individual
+in the division of labor--all these are determined, in the long run, by
+competition. The status of the individual, or a group of individuals, in
+the social order, on the other hand, is determined by rivalry; by war,
+or by subtler forms of conflict.
+
+"Two is company, three is a crowd" suggests how easily the social
+equilibrium is disturbed by the entrance of a new factor in a social
+situation. The delicate nuances and grades of attention given to
+different individuals moving in the same social circle are the
+superficial reflections of rivalries and conflicts beneath the smooth
+and decorous surfaces of polite society.
+
+In general, we may say that competition determines the position of the
+individual in the community; conflict fixes his place in society.
+Location, position, ecological interdependence--these are the
+characteristics of the community. Status, subordination and
+superordination, control--these are the distinctive marks of a society.
+
+The notion of conflict, like the fact, has its roots deep in human
+interest. Mars has always held a high rank in the hierarchy of the gods.
+Whenever and wherever struggle has taken the form of conflict, whether
+of races, of nations, or of individual men, it has invariably captured
+and held the attention of spectators. And these spectators, when they
+did not take part in the fight, always took sides. It was this conflict
+of the non-combatants that made public opinion, and public opinion has
+always played an important rôle in the struggles of men. It is this that
+has raised war from a mere play of physical forces and given it the
+tragic significance of a moral struggle, a conflict of good and evil.
+
+The result is that war tends to assume the character of litigation, a
+judicial procedure, in which custom determines the method of procedure,
+and the issue of the struggle is accepted as a judgment in the case.
+
+The duello, as distinguished from the wager of battle, although it never
+had the character of a judicial procedure, developed a strict code which
+made it morally binding upon the individual to seek redress for wrongs,
+and determined in advance the methods of procedure by which such redress
+could and should be obtained. The penalty was a loss of status in the
+particular group of which the individual was a member.
+
+It was the presence of the public, the ceremonial character of the
+proceedings, and the conviction that the invisible powers were on the
+side of truth and justice that gave the trial by ordeal and the trial by
+battle a significance that neither the duello nor any other form of
+private vengeance ever had.
+
+It is interesting in this connection, also, that political and judicial
+forms of procedure are conducted on a conflict pattern. An election is a
+contest in which we count noses when we do not break heads. A trial by
+jury is a contest in which the parties are represented by champions, as
+in the judicial duels of an earlier time.
+
+In general, then, one may say competition becomes conscious and personal
+in conflict. In the process of transition competitors are transformed
+into rivals and enemies. In its higher forms, however, conflict becomes
+impersonal--a struggle to establish and maintain rules of justice and a
+moral order. In this case the welfare not merely of individual men but
+of the community is involved. Such are the struggles of political
+parties and religious sects. Here the issues are not determined by the
+force and weight of the contestants immediately involved, but to a
+greater or less extent, by the force and weight of public opinion of the
+community, and eventually by the judgment of mankind.
+
+
+2. Classification of the Materials
+
+The materials on conflict have been organized in the readings under four
+heads: (a) conflict as conscious competition; (b) war, instincts,
+and ideals; (c) rivalry, cultural conflicts, and social organization;
+and (d) race conflicts.
+
+a) _Conscious competition._--Self-consciousness in the individual
+arises in the contacts and conflicts of the person with other persons.
+It manifests itself variously in pride and in humility, vanity and
+self-respect, modesty and arrogance, pity and disdain, as well as in
+race prejudice, chauvinism, class and caste distinctions, and in every
+other social device by which the social distances are maintained.
+
+It is in these various responses called forth by social contacts and
+intercourse that the personality of the individual is developed and his
+status defined. It is in the effort to maintain this status or improve
+it; to defend this personality, enlarge its possessions, extend its
+privileges, and maintain its prestige that conflicts arise. This applies
+to all conflicts, whether they are personal and party squabbles,
+sectarian differences, or national and patriotic wars, for the
+personality of the individual is invariably so bound up with the
+interests and order of his group and clan, that, in a struggle, he makes
+the group cause his own.
+
+Much has been said and written about the economic causes of war, but
+whatever may be the ultimate sources of our sentiments, it is probably
+true that men never go to war for economic reasons merely. It is because
+wealth and possessions are bound up with prestige, honor, and position
+in the world, that men and nations fight about them.
+
+b) _War, instincts, and ideals._--War is the outstanding and the
+typical example of conflict. In war, where hostility prevails over
+every interest of sentiment or utility which would otherwise unite the
+contending parties or groups, the motives and the rôle of conflict in
+social life present themselves in their clearest outline. There is,
+moreover, a practical reason for fixing upon war as an illustration of
+conflict. The tremendous interest in all times manifested in war, the
+amazing energies and resources released in peoples organized for
+military aggression or defense, the colossal losses and sacrifices
+endured for the glory, the honor, or the security of the fatherland have
+made wars memorable. Of no other of the larger aspects of collective
+life have we such adequate records.
+
+The problem of the relation of war to human instincts, on the one hand,
+and to human ideals, on the other, is the issue about which most recent
+observation and discussion has centered. It seems idle to assert that
+hostility has no roots in man's original nature. The concrete materials
+given in this chapter show beyond question how readily the wishes and
+the instincts of the person may take the form of the fighting pattern.
+On the other hand, the notion that tradition, culture, and collective
+representations have no part in determining the attitudes of nations
+toward war seems equally untenable. The significant sociological inquiry
+is to determine just in what ways a conjunction of the tendencies in
+original nature, the forces of tradition and culture, and the exigencies
+of the situation determine the organization of the fighting pattern. We
+have historical examples of warlike peoples becoming peaceful and of
+pacific nations militaristic. An understanding of the mechanism of the
+process is a first condition to any exercise of control.
+
+c) _Rivalry, cultural conflicts, and social organization._--Rivalry is
+a sublimated form of conflict where the struggle of individuals is
+subordinated to the welfare of the group. In the rivalry of groups,
+likewise, conflict or competition is subordinated to the interests of an
+inclusive group. Rivalry may then be defined as conflict controlled by
+the group in its interest. A survey of the phenomena of rivalry brings
+out its rôle as an organizing force in group life.
+
+In the study of conflict groups it is not always easy to apply with
+certainty the distinction between rivalry and conflict made here. The
+sect is a conflict group. In its struggle for survival and success with
+other groups, its aim is the highest welfare of the inclusive society.
+Actually, however, sectarian warfare may be against the moral, social,
+and religious interests of the community. The denomination, which is an
+accommodation group, strives through rivalry and competition, not only
+to promote the welfare of the inclusive society, but also of its other
+component groups.
+
+In cultural and political conflict the function of conflict in social
+life becomes understandable and reasonable. The rôle of mental conflicts
+in the life of the individual is for the purpose of making adjustments
+to changing situations and of assimilating new experiences. It is
+through this process of conflict of divergent impulses to act that the
+individual arrives at decisions--as we say, "makes up his mind." Only
+where there is conflict is behavior conscious and self-conscious; only
+here are the conditions for rational conduct.
+
+d) _Race conflicts._--Nowhere do social contacts so readily provoke
+conflicts as in the relations between the races, particularly when
+racial differences are re-enforced, not merely by differences of
+culture, but of color. Nowhere, it might be added, are the responses to
+social contact so obvious and, at the same time, so difficult to analyze
+and define.
+
+Race prejudice, as we call the sentiments that support the racial
+taboos, is not, in America at least, an obscure phenomenon. But no one
+has yet succeeded in making it wholly intelligible. It is evident that
+there is in race prejudice, as distinguished from class and caste
+prejudice, an instinctive factor based on the fear of the unfamiliar and
+the uncomprehended. Color, or any other racial mark that emphasizes
+physical differences, becomes the symbol of moral divergences which
+perhaps do not exist. We at once fear and are fascinated by the
+stranger, and an individual of a different race always seems more of a
+stranger to us than one of our own. This naïve prejudice, unless it is
+re-enforced by other factors, is easily modified, as the intimate
+relations of the Negroes and white man in slavery show.
+
+A more positive factor in racial antagonism is the conflict of cultures:
+the unwillingness of one race to enter into personal competition with a
+race of a different or inferior culture. This turns out, in the long
+run, to be the unwillingness of a people or a class occupying a superior
+status to compete on equal terms with a people of a lower status. Race
+conflicts like wars are fundamentally the struggles of racial groups for
+status. In this sense and from this point of view the struggles of the
+European nationalities and the so-called "subject peoples" for
+independence and self-determination are actually struggles for status in
+the family of nations.
+
+Under the conditions of this struggle, racial or national consciousness
+as it manifests itself, for example, in Irish nationalism, Jewish
+Zionism, and Negro race consciousness, is the natural and obvious
+response to a conflict situation. The nationalistic movements in Europe,
+in India, and in Egypt are, like war, rivalry and more personal forms of
+conflict, mainly struggles for recognition--that is, honor, glory, and
+prestige.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. CONFLICT AS CONSCIOUS COMPETITION
+
+
+1. The Natural History of Conflict[206]
+
+All classes of society, and the two sexes to about the same degree, are
+deeply interested in all forms of contest involving skill and chance,
+especially where the danger or risk is great. Everybody will stop to
+watch a street fight, and the same persons would show an equal interest
+in a prize fight or a bull fight, if certain scruples did not stand in
+the way of their looking on. Our socially developed sympathy and pity
+may recoil from witnessing a scene where physical hurt is the object of
+the game, but the depth of our interest in the conflict type of activity
+is attested by the fascination which such a game as football has for the
+masses, where our instinctive emotional reaction to a conflict situation
+is gratified to an intense degree by a scene of the conflict pattern.
+
+If we examine, in fact, our pleasures and pains, our moments of elation
+and depression, we find that they go back for the most part to instincts
+developed in the struggle for food and rivalry for mates. The structure
+of the organism has been built up gradually through the survival of the
+most efficient structures. Corresponding with a structure mechanically
+adapted to successful movements, there is developed on the psychic side
+an interest in the conflict situation as complete and perfect as is the
+structure itself. The emotional states are, indeed, organic preparations
+for action, corresponding broadly with a tendency to advance or
+retreat; and a connection has even been made out between pleasurable
+states and the extensor muscles, and painful states and the flexor
+muscles. We can have no adequate idea of the time consumed and the
+experiments made in nature before the development of these types of
+structure and interest of the conflict pattern, but we know from the
+geological records that the time and experiments were long and many, and
+the competition so sharp that finally, not in man alone, but in all the
+higher classes of animals, body and mind, structure and interest, were
+working perfectly in motor actions of the violent type involved in a
+life of conflict, competition, and rivalry. There could not have been
+developed an organism depending on offensive and defensive movements for
+food and life without an interest in what we call a dangerous or
+precarious situation. A type without this interest would have been
+defective, and would have dropped out in the course of development.
+
+The fact that our interests and enthusiasms are called out in situations
+of the conflict type is shown by a glance at the situations which arouse
+them most readily. War is simply an organized form of fight, and as such
+is most attractive, or, to say the least, arouses the interests
+powerfully. With the accumulation of property and the growth of
+sensibility and intelligence it becomes apparent that war is a wasteful
+and unsafe process, and public and personal interests lead us to avoid
+it as much as possible. But, however genuinely war may be deprecated, it
+is certainly an exciting game. The Rough Riders in this country
+recently, and more recently the young men of the aristocracy of England,
+went to war from motives of patriotism, no doubt, but there are
+unmistakable evidences that they also regarded it as the greatest sport
+they were likely to have a chance at in a lifetime. And there is
+evidence in plenty that the emotional attitude of women toward war is no
+less intense. Grey relates that half a dozen old women among the
+Australians will drive the men to war with a neighboring tribe over a
+fancied injury. The Jewish maidens went out with music and dancing and
+sang that Saul had slain his thousands, but David his ten thousands. The
+young women of Havana are alleged, during the late Spanish War, to have
+sent pieces of their wardrobe to young men of their acquaintance who
+hesitated to join the rebellion, with the suggestion that they wear
+these until they went to the war.
+
+The feud is another mode of reaction of the violent, instinctive, and
+attractive type. The feud was originally of defensive value to the
+individual and to the tribe, since in the absence of criminal law the
+feeling that retaliation would follow was a deterrent from acts of
+aggression. But it was an expensive method of obtaining order in early
+society, since response to stimulus reinstated the stimulus, and every
+death called for another death; so, finally, after many experiments and
+devices, the state has forbidden the individual to take justice into his
+own hands. In out-of-the-way places, however, where governmental control
+is weak, men still settle their disputes personally, and one who is
+familiar with the course of a feud cannot avoid the conclusion that this
+practice is kept up, not because there is no law to resort to, but
+because the older mode is more immediate and fascinating. I mean simply
+that the emotional possibilities and actual emotional reactions in the
+feud are far more powerful than in due legal process.
+
+Gladiatorial shows, bear baiting, bull fighting, dog and cock fighting,
+and prize fighting afford an opportunity to gratify the interest in
+conflict. The spectator has by suggestion emotional reactions analogous
+to those of the combatant, but without personal danger; and vicarious
+contests between slaves, captives, and animals, whose blood and life are
+cheap, are a pleasure which the race allowed itself until a higher stage
+of morality was reached. Pugilism is the modification of the fight in a
+slightly different way. The combatants are members of society, not
+slaves or captives, but the conflict is so qualified as to safeguard
+their lives, though injury is possible and is actually planned. The
+intention to do hurt is the point to which society and the law object.
+But the prize fight is a fight as far as it goes, and the difficulties
+which men will surmount to "pull off" and to witness these contests are
+sufficient proof of their fascination. A football game is also a fight,
+with the additional qualification that no injury is planned, and with an
+advantage over the prize fight in the fact that it is not a
+single-handed conflict, but an organized mêlée--a battle where the
+action is more massive and complex and the strategic opportunities are
+multiplied. It is a fact of interest in this connection that, unless
+appearances are deceptive, altogether the larger number of visitors to a
+university during the year are visitors to the football field. It is the
+only phase of university life which appeals directly and powerfully to
+the instincts, and it is consequently the only phase of university life
+which appeals equally to the man of culture, the artist, the business
+man, the man about town, the all-round sport, and, in fact, to all the
+world.
+
+The instincts of man are congenital; the arts and industries are
+acquired by the race and must be learned by the individual after birth.
+We have seen why the instinctive activities are pleasurable and the
+acquired habits irksome. The gambler represents a class of men who have
+not been weaned from their instincts. There are in every species
+biological "sports" and reversions, and there are individuals of this
+kind among sporting men who are not reached by ordinary social
+suggestion and stimuli. But granting that what we may call the
+instinctive interests are disproportionately strong in the sporting
+class, as compared with, say, the merchant class, yet these instincts
+are also strongly marked in what may roughly be called the artist class
+and in spite of a marked psychic disposition for stimuli of the
+emotional type; and precisely because of this disposition, the artist
+class has a very high social value. Art products are, indeed, perhaps
+more highly esteemed than any other products whatever. The artist class
+is not, therefore, socially unmanageable because of its instinctive
+interest, though perhaps we may say that some of its members are saved
+from social vagabondage only because their emotional predisposition has
+found an expression in emotional activities to which some social value
+can be attached.
+
+
+2. Conflict as a Type of Social Interaction[207]
+
+That conflict has sociological significance inasmuch as it either
+produces or modifies communities of interest, unifications,
+organizations, is in principle never contested. On the other hand, it
+must appear paradoxical to the ordinary mode of thinking to ask whether
+conflict itself, without reference to its consequences or its
+accompaniments, is not a form of socialization. This seems, at first
+glance, to be merely a verbal question. If every reaction among men is a
+socialization, of course conflict must count as such, since it is one of
+the most intense reactions and is logically impossible if restricted to
+a single element. The actually dissociating elements are the causes of
+the conflict--hatred and envy, want and desire. If, however, from these
+impulses conflict has once broken out, it is in reality the way to
+remove the dualism and to arrive at some form of unity, even if through
+annihilation of one of the parties. The case is, in a way, illustrated
+by the most violent symptoms of disease. They frequently represent the
+efforts of the organism to free itself from disorders and injuries. This
+is by no means equivalent merely to the triviality, _si vis pacem para
+bellum_, but it is the wide generalization of which that special case is
+a particular. Conflict itself is the resolution of the tension between
+the contraries. That it eventuates in peace is only a single, specially
+obvious and evident, expression of the fact that it is a conjunction of
+elements.
+
+As the individual achieves the unity of his personality, not in such
+fashion that its contents invariably harmonize according to logical or
+material, religious or ethical, standards, but rather as contradiction
+and strife not merely precede that unity but are operative in it at
+every moment of life; so it is hardly to be expected that there should
+be any social unity in which the converging tendencies of the elements
+are not incessantly shot through with elements of divergence. A group
+which was entirely centripetal and harmonious--that is, "unification"
+merely--is not only impossible empirically, but it would also display no
+essential life-process and no stable structure. As the cosmos requires
+_Liebe und Hass_, attraction and repulsion, in order to have a form,
+society likewise requires some quantitative relation of harmony and
+disharmony, association and dissociation, liking and disliking, in order
+to attain to a definite formation. Society, as it is given in fact, is
+the result of both categories of reactions, and in so far both act in a
+completely positive way. The misconception that the one factor tears
+down what the other builds up, and that what at last remains is the
+result of subtracting the one from the other (while in reality it is
+much rather to be regarded as the addition of one to the other),
+doubtless springs from the equivocal sense of the concept of unity.
+
+We describe as unity the agreement and the conjunction of social
+elements in contrast with their disjunctions, separations, disharmonies.
+We also use the term unity, however, for the total synthesis of the
+persons, energies, and forms in a group, in which the final wholeness
+is made up, not merely of those factors which are unifying in the
+narrower sense, but also of those which are, in the narrower sense,
+dualistic. We associate a corresponding double meaning with disunity or
+opposition. Since the latter displays its nullifying or destructive
+sense _between the individual elements_, the conclusion is hastily drawn
+that it must work in the same manner upon the _total relationship_. In
+reality, however, it by no means follows that the factor which is
+something negative and diminutive in its action between individuals,
+considered in a given direction and separately, has the same working
+throughout the totality of its relationships. In this larger circle of
+relationships the perspective may be quite different. That which was
+negative and dualistic may, after deduction of its destructive action in
+particular relationships, on the whole, play an entirely positive rôle.
+This visibly appears especially in those instances where the social
+structure is characterized by exactness and carefully conserved purity
+of social divisions and gradations.
+
+The social system of India rests not only upon the hierarchy of the
+castes but also directly upon the reciprocal repulsion. Enmities not
+merely prevent gradual disappearance of the boundaries within the
+society--and for this reason these enmities may be consciously promoted,
+as guaranty of the existing social constitution--but more than this, the
+enmities are directly productive sociologically. They give classes and
+personalities their position toward each other, which they would not
+have found if these objective causes of hostility had been present and
+effective in precisely the same way but had not been accompanied by the
+feeling of enmity. It is by no means certain that a secure and complete
+community life would always result if these energies should disappear
+which, looked at in detail, seem repulsive and destructive, just as a
+qualitatively unchanged and richer property results when unproductive
+elements disappear; but there would ensue rather a condition as changed,
+and often as unrealizable, as after the elimination of the forces of
+co-operation--sympathy, assistance, harmony of interests.
+
+The opposition of one individual element to another in the same
+association is by no means merely a negative social factor, but it is in
+many ways the only means through which coexistence with individuals
+intolerable in themselves could be possible. If we had not power and
+right to oppose tyranny and obstinacy, caprice and tactlessness, we
+could not endure relations with people who betray such characteristics.
+We should be driven to deeds of desperation which would put the
+relationships to an end. This follows not alone for the self-evident
+reason--which, however, is not here essential--that such disagreeable
+circumstances tend to become intensified if they are endured quietly and
+without protest; but, more than this, opposition affords us a subjective
+satisfaction, diversion, relief, just as under other psychological
+conditions, whose variations need not here be discussed, the same
+results are brought about by humility and patience. Our opposition gives
+us the feeling that we are not completely crushed in the relationship.
+It permits us to preserve a consciousness of energy, and thus lends a
+vitality and a reciprocity to relationships from which, without this
+corrective, we should have extricated ourselves at any price. In case
+the relationships are purely external, and consequently do not reach
+deeply into the practical, the latent form of conflict discharges this
+service, i.e., aversion, the feeling of reciprocal alienation and
+repulsion, which in the moment of a more intimate contact of any sort is
+at once transformed into positive hatred and conflict. Without this
+aversion life in a great city, which daily brings each into contact with
+countless others, would have no thinkable form. The activity of our
+minds responds to almost every impression received from other people in
+some sort of a definite feeling, all the unconsciousness, transience,
+and variability of which seem to remain only in the form of a certain
+indifference. In fact, this latter would be as unnatural for us as it
+would be intolerable to be swamped under a multitude of suggestions
+among which we have no choice. Antipathy protects us against these two
+typical dangers of the great city. It is the initial stage of practical
+antagonism. It produces the distances and the buffers without which this
+kind of life could not be led at all. The mass and the mixtures of this
+life, the forms in which it is carried on, the rhythm of its rise and
+fall--these unite with the unifying motives, in the narrower sense, to
+give to a great city the character of an indissoluble whole. Whatever in
+this whole seems to be an element of division is thus in reality only
+one of its elementary forms of socialization.
+
+A struggle for struggle's sake seems to have its natural basis in a
+certain formal impulse of hostility, which forces itself sometimes upon
+psychological observation, and in various forms. In the first place, it
+appears as that natural enmity between man and man which is often
+emphasized by skeptical moralists. The argument is: Since there is
+something not wholly displeasing to us in the misfortune of our best
+friends, and, since the presupposition excludes, in this instance,
+conflict of material interests, the phenomenon must be traced back to an
+a priori hostility, to that _homo homini lupus_, as the frequently
+veiled, but perhaps never inoperative, basis of all our relationships.
+
+
+3. Types of Conflict Situations[208]
+
+a) _War._--The reciprocal relationship of primitive groups is
+notoriously, and for reasons frequently discussed almost invariably, one
+of hostility. The decisive illustration is furnished perhaps by the
+American Indians, among whom every tribe on general principles was
+supposed to be on a war footing toward every other tribe with which it
+had no express treaty of peace. It is, however, not to be forgotten that
+in early stages of culture war constitutes almost the only form in which
+contact with an alien group occurs. So long as inter-territorial trade
+was undeveloped, individual tourneys unknown, and intellectual community
+did not extend beyond the group boundaries, there was, outside of war,
+no sociological relationship whatever between the various groups. In
+this case the relationship of the elements of the group to each other
+and that of the primitive groups to each other present completely
+contrasted forms. Within the closed circle hostility signifies, as a
+rule, the severing of relationships, voluntary isolation, and the
+avoidance of contact. Along with these negative phenomena there will
+also appear the phenomena of the passionate reaction of open struggle.
+On the other hand, the group as a whole remains indifferently side by
+side with similar groups so long as peace exists. The consequence is
+that these groups become significant for each other only when war breaks
+out. That the attitude of hostility, considered likewise from this point
+of view, may arise independently in the soul is the less to be doubted
+since it represents here, as in many another easily observable
+situation, the embodiment of an impulse which is in the first place
+quite general, but which also occurs in quite peculiar forms, namely,
+_the impulse to act in relationships with others_.
+
+In spite of this spontaneity and independence, which we may thus
+attribute to the antagonistic impulse, there still remains the question
+whether it suffices to account for the total phenomena of hostility.
+This question must be answered in the negative. In the first place, the
+spontaneous impulse does not exercise itself upon every object but only
+upon those that are in some way promising. Hunger, for example, springs
+from the subject. It does not have its origin in the object.
+Nevertheless, it will not attempt to satisfy itself with wood or stone
+but it will select only edible objects. In the same way, love and
+hatred, however little their impulses may depend upon external stimuli,
+will yet need some sort of opposing object, and only with such
+co-operation will the complete phenomena appear. On the other hand, it
+seems to me probable that the hostile impulse, on account of its formal
+character, in general intervenes, only as a reinforcement of conflicts
+stimulated by material interest, and at the same time furnishes a
+foundation for the conflict. And where a struggle springs up from sheer
+formal love of fighting, which is also entirely impersonal and
+indifferent both to the material at issue and to the personal opponent,
+hatred and fury against the opponent as a person unavoidably increase in
+the course of the conflict, and probably also the interest in the stake
+at issue, because these affections stimulate and feed the psychical
+energy of the struggle. It is advantageous to hate the opponent with
+whom one is for any reason struggling, as it is useful to love him with
+whom one's lot is united and with whom one must co-operate. The
+reciprocal attitude of men is often intelligible only on the basis of
+the perception that actual adaptation to a situation teaches us those
+feelings which are appropriate to it; feelings which are the most
+appropriate to the employment or the overcoming of the circumstances of
+the situation; feelings which bring us, through psychical association,
+the energies necessary for discharging the momentary task and for
+defeating the opposing impulses.
+
+Accordingly, no serious struggle can long continue without being
+supported by a complex of psychic impulses. These may, to be sure,
+gradually develop into effectiveness in the course of the struggle. The
+purity of conflict merely for conflict's sake, accordingly, undergoes
+adulteration, partly through the admixture of objective interests,
+partly by the introduction of impulses which may be satisfied otherwise
+than by struggle, and which, in practice, form a bridge between struggle
+and other forms of reciprocal relationship. I know in fact only a single
+case in which the stimulus of struggle and of victory in itself
+constitutes the exclusive motive, namely, the war game, and only in the
+case that no further gain is to arise than is included in the outcome of
+the game itself. In this case the pure sociological attraction of
+self-assertion and predominance over another in a struggle of skill is
+combined with purely individual pleasure in the exercise of purposeful
+and successful activity, together with the excitement of taking risks
+with the hazard of fortune which stimulates us with a sense of mystic
+harmony of relationship to powers beyond the individual, as well as the
+social occurrences. At all events, the war game, _in its sociological
+motivation_, contains absolutely nothing but struggle itself. The
+worthless markers, for the sake of which men often play with the same
+earnestness with which they play for gold pieces, indicate the formalism
+of this impulse which, even in the play for gold pieces, often far
+outweighs the material interest. The thing to be noticed, however, is
+that, in order that the foregoing situations may occur, certain
+sociological forms--in the narrower sense, unifications--are
+presupposed. There must be agreement in order to struggle, and the
+struggle occurs under reciprocal recognition of norms and rules. In the
+motivation of the whole procedure these unifications, as said above, do
+not appear, but the whole transaction shapes itself under the forms
+which these explicit or implicit agreements furnish. They create the
+technique. Without this, such a conflict, excluding all heterogeneous or
+objective factors, would not be possible. Indeed, the conduct of the war
+game is often so rigorous, so impersonal, and observed on both sides
+with such nice sense of honor that unities of a corporate order can
+seldom in these respects compare with it.
+
+b) _Feud and faction._--The occasion for separate discussion of the
+feud is that here, instead of the consciousness of difference, an
+entirely new motive emerges--the peculiar phenomenon of social hatred,
+that is, of hatred toward a member of a group, not from personal
+motives, but because he threatens the existence of the group. In so far
+as such a danger threatens through feud within the group, the one party
+hates the other, not alone on the material ground which instigated the
+quarrel, but also on the sociological ground, namely, that we hate the
+enemy of the group as such; that is, the one from whom danger to its
+unity threatens. Inasmuch as this is a reciprocal matter, and each
+attributes the fault of endangering the whole to the other, the
+antagonism acquires a severity which does not occur when membership in a
+group-unity is not a factor in the situation. Most characteristic in
+this connection are the cases in which an actual dismemberment of the
+group has not yet occurred. If this dismemberment has already taken
+place, it signifies a certain termination of the conflict. The
+individual difference has found its sociological termination, and the
+stimulus to constantly renewed friction is removed. To this result the
+tension between antagonism and still persisting unity must directly
+work. As it is fearful to be at enmity with a person to whom one is
+nevertheless bound, from whom one cannot be freed, whether externally or
+subjectively, even if one will, so there is increased bitterness if one
+will not detach himself from the community because he is not willing to
+give up the value of membership in the containing unity, or because he
+feels this unity as an objective good, the threatening of which deserves
+conflict and hatred. From such a correlation as this springs the
+embittering with which, for example, quarrels are fought out within a
+political faction or a trade union or a family.
+
+The individual soul offers an analogy. The feeling that a conflict
+between sensuous and ascetic feelings, or selfish and moral impulses, or
+practical and intellectual ambitions, within us not merely lowers the
+claims of one or both parties and permits neither to come to quite free
+self-realization but also threatens the unity, the equilibrium, and the
+total energy of the soul as a whole--this feeling may in many cases
+repress conflict from the beginning. In case the feeling cannot avail to
+that extent, it, on the contrary, impresses upon the conflict a
+character of bitterness and desperation, an emphasis as though a
+struggle were really taking place for something much more essential than
+the immediate issue of the controversy. The energy with which each of
+these tendencies seeks to subdue the others is nourished not only by
+their egoistic interest but by the interest which goes much farther than
+that and attaches itself to the unity of the ego, for which this
+struggle means dismemberment and destruction if it does not end with a
+victory for unity. Accordingly, struggle within a closely integrated
+group often enough grows beyond the measure which its object and its
+immediate interest for the parties could justify. The feeling
+accumulates that this struggle is an affair not merely of the party but
+of the group as a whole; that each party must hate in its opponent, not
+an opponent merely, but at the same time the enemy of its higher
+sociological unity.
+
+c) _Litigation._--Moreover, what we are accustomed to call the joy and
+passion of conflict in the case of a legal process is probably, in most
+cases, something quite different, namely, the energetic sense of
+justice, the impossibility of tolerating an actual or supposed invasion
+of the sphere of right with which the ego feels a sense of solidarity.
+The whole obstinacy and uncompromising persistence with which parties in
+such struggles often maintain the controversy to their own hurt has,
+even in the case of the aggressive party, scarcely the character of an
+attack in the proper sense, but rather of a defense in a deeper
+significance. The point at issue is the self-preservation of the
+personality which so identifies itself with its possessions and its
+rights that any invasion of them seems to be a destruction of the
+personality; and the struggle to protect them at the risk of the whole
+existence is thoroughly consistent. This individualistic impulse, and
+not the sociological motive of struggle, will consequently characterize
+such cases.
+
+With respect to the form of the struggle itself, however, judicial
+conflict is, to be sure, of an absolute sort; that is, the reciprocal
+claims are asserted with a relentless objectivity and with employment of
+all available means, without being diverted or modified by personal or
+other extraneous considerations. The judicial conflict is, therefore,
+absolute conflict in so far as nothing enters the whole action which
+does not properly belong in the conflict and which does not serve the
+ends of conflict; whereas, otherwise, even in the most savage struggles,
+something subjective, some pure freak of fortune, some sort of
+interposition from a third side, is at least possible. In the legal
+struggle everything of the kind is excluded by the matter-of-factness
+with which the contention, and absolutely nothing outside the
+contention, is kept in view. This exclusion from the judicial
+controversy of everything which is not material to the conflict may, to
+be sure, lead to a formalism of the struggle which may come to have an
+independent character in contrast with the content itself. This occurs,
+on the one hand, when real elements are not weighed against each other
+at all but only quite abstract notions maintain controversy with each
+other. On the other hand, the controversy is often shifted to elements
+which have no relation whatever to the subject which is to be decided by
+the struggle. Where legal controversies, accordingly, in higher
+civilizations are fought out by attorneys, the device serves to abstract
+the controversy from all personal associations which are essentially
+irrelevant. If, on the other hand, Otto the Great ordains that a legal
+controversy shall be settled by judicial duel between professional
+fighters, there remains of the whole struggle of interests only the bare
+form, namely, that there shall be struggle and victory.
+
+This latter case portrays, in the exaggeration of caricature, the
+reduction of the judicial conflict to the mere struggle element. But
+precisely through its pure objectivity because it stands quite beyond
+the subjective antitheses of pity and cruelty, this unpitying type of
+struggle, as a whole, rests on the presupposition of a unity and a
+community of the parties never elsewhere so severely and constantly
+maintained. The common subordination to the law, the reciprocal
+recognition that the decision can be made only according to the
+objective weight of the evidence, the observance of forms which are held
+to be inviolable by both parties, the consciousness throughout the whole
+procedure of being encompassed by a social power and order which are the
+means of giving to the procedure its significance and security--all this
+makes the legal controversy rest upon a broad basis of community and
+consensus between the opponents. It is really a unity of a lesser degree
+which is constituted by the parties to a compact or to a commercial
+transaction, a presupposition of which is the recognition, along with
+the antithesis of interests, that they are subject to certain common,
+constraining, and obligatory rules. The common presuppositions, which
+exclude everything that is merely personal from the legal controversy,
+have that character of pure objectivity to which, on its side, the
+sharpness, the inexorableness, and the absoluteness of the species of
+struggle correspond. The reciprocity between the dualism and the unity
+of the sociological relationship is accordingly shown by the judicial
+struggle not less than by the war game. Precisely the most extreme and
+unlimited phases of struggle occur in both cases, since the struggle is
+surrounded and maintained by the severe unity of common norms and
+limitations.
+
+d) _The conflict of impersonal ideals._--Finally, there is the
+situation in which the parties are moved by an objective interest; that
+is, where the interest of the struggle, and consequently the struggle
+itself, is differentiated from the personality. The consciousness of
+being merely the representative of superindividual claims--that is, of
+fighting not for self but only for the thing itself--may lend to the
+struggle a radicalism and mercilessness which have their analogy in the
+total conduct of many very unselfish and high-minded men. Because they
+grant themselves no consideration, they likewise have none for others
+and hold themselves entirely justified in sacrificing everybody else to
+the idea to which they are themselves a sacrifice. Such a struggle, into
+which all the powers of the person are thrown, while victory accrues
+only to the cause, carries the character of respectability, for the
+reputable man is the wholly personal, who, however, understands how to
+hold his personality entirely in check. Hence objectivity operates as
+_noblesse_. When, however, this differentiation is accomplished, and
+struggle is objectified, it is not subjected to a further reserve, which
+would be quite inconsistent; indeed, that would be a sin against the
+content of the interest itself upon which the struggle had been
+localized. On the basis of this common element between the
+parties--namely, that each defends merely the issue and its right, and
+excludes from consideration everything selfishly personal--the struggle
+is fought out without the sharpness, but also without the mollifyings,
+which come from intermingling of the personal element. Merely the
+immanent logic of the situation is obeyed with absolute precision. This
+form of antithesis between unity and antagonism intensifies conflict
+perhaps most perceptibly in cases where both parties actually pursue one
+and the same purpose; for example, in the case of scientific
+controversies, in which the issue is the establishment of the truth. In
+such a case, every concession, every polite consent to stop short of
+exposing the errors of the opponent in the most unpitying fashion, every
+conclusion of peace previous to decisive victory, would be treason
+against that reality for the sake of which the personal element is
+excluded from the conflict.
+
+With endless varieties otherwise, the social struggles since Marx have
+developed themselves in the above form. Since it is recognized that the
+situation of laborers is determined by the objective organization and
+formulas of the productive system, independent of the will and power of
+individual persons, the personal embitterment incident to the struggle
+in general and to local conflicts exemplifying the general conflict
+necessarily diminishes. The entrepreneur is no longer, as such, a
+blood-sucker and damnable egotist; the laborer is no longer universally
+assumed to act from sinful greed; both parties begin, at least, to
+abandon the program of charging the other with demands and tactics
+inspired by personal malevolence. This literalizing of the conflict has
+come about in Germany rather along the lines of theory; in England,
+through the operation of the trade unions, in the course of which the
+individually personal element of the antagonism has been overcome. In
+Germany this was effected largely through the more abstract
+generalization of the historical and class movement. In England it came
+about through the severe superindividual unity in the actions of the
+unions and of the combinations of employers. The intensity of the
+struggle, however, has not on that account diminished. On the contrary,
+it has become much more conscious of its purpose, more concentrated, and
+at the same time more aggressive, through the consciousness of the
+individual that he is struggling not merely, and often not at all, for
+himself but rather for a vast superpersonal end.
+
+A most interesting symptom of this correlation was presented by the
+boycotting of the Berlin breweries by the labor body in the year 1894.
+This was one of the most intense local struggles of the last decade. It
+was carried on by both sides with extraordinary energy, yet without any
+personal offensiveness on either side toward the other, although the
+stimulus was close at hand. Indeed, two of the party leaders, in the
+midst of the struggle, published their opinions about it in the same
+journal. They agreed in their formulation of the objective facts, and
+disagreed in a partisan spirit only in the practical conclusions drawn
+from the facts. Inasmuch as the struggle eliminated everything
+irrelevantly personal, and thereby restricted antagonism quantitatively,
+facilitating an understanding about everything personal, producing a
+recognition of being impelled on both sides by historical necessities,
+this common basis did not reduce but rather increased, the intensity,
+the irreconcilability, and the obstinate consistency of the struggle.
+
+
+B. WAR, INSTINCTS, AND IDEALS
+
+
+1. War and Human Nature[209]
+
+What can be said of the causes of war--not its political and economic
+causes, nor yet the causes that are put forth by the nations engaged in
+the conflict, but its psychological causes?
+
+The fact that war to no small extent removes cultural repressions and
+allows the instincts to come to expression in full force is undoubtedly
+a considerable factor. In his unconscious man really takes pleasure in
+throwing aside restraints and permitting himself the luxury of the
+untrammeled expression of his primitive animal tendencies. The social
+conventions, the customs, the forms, and institutions which he has built
+up in the path of his cultural progress represent so much energy in the
+service of repression. Repression represents continuous effort, while a
+state of war permits a relaxation of this effort and therefore relief.
+
+We are familiar, in other fields, with the phenomena of the unconscious,
+instinctive tendencies breaking through the bounds imposed upon them by
+repression. The phenomena of crime and of so-called "insanity" represent
+such examples, while drunkenness is one instance familiar to all. _In
+vino veritas_ expresses the state of the drunken man when his real, that
+is, his primitive, self frees itself from restraint and runs riot. The
+psychology of the crowd shows this mechanism at work, particularly in
+such sinister instances as lynching, while every crowd of college
+students marching yelling and howling down the main street of the town
+after a successful cane rush exhibits the joy of unbottling the emotions
+in ways that no individual would for a moment think of availing himself.
+
+In addition to these active demonstrations of the unconscious there are
+those of a more passive sort. Not a few men are only too glad to step
+aside from the burden of responsibilities which they are forced to carry
+and seek refuge in a situation in which they no longer have to take the
+initiative but must only do as they are directed by a superior
+authority. The government in some of its agencies takes over certain of
+their obligations, such as the support of wife and children, and they
+clear out, free from the whole sordid problem of poverty, into a
+situation filled with dramatic interest. Then, too, if anything goes
+wrong at home they are not to blame, they have done their best, and what
+they have done meets with public approval. Is it any wonder that an
+inhabitant of the slums should be glad to exchange poverty and dirt, a
+sick wife and half-starved children, for glorious freedom, especially
+when he is urged by every sort of appeal to patriotism and duty to do
+so?
+
+But all these are individual factors that enter into the causes of war.
+They represent some of the reasons why men like to fight, for it is
+difficult not to believe that if no one wanted to fight war would be
+possible at all. They too represent the darker side of the picture. War
+as already indicated offers, on the positive side, the greatest
+opportunities for the altruistic tendencies; it offers the most glorious
+occasion for service and returns for such acts the greatest possible
+premium in social esteem. But it seems to me that the causes of war lie
+much deeper, that they involve primarily the problems of the herd rather
+than the individual, and I think there are good biological analogies
+which make this highly probable.
+
+The mechanism of integration explains how the development of the group
+was dependent upon the subordination of the parts to the whole. This
+process of integration tends to solve more and more effectively the
+problems of adjustment, particularly in some aspects, in the direction
+of ever-increasing stability. It is the process of the structuralization
+of function. This increase in stability, however, while it has the
+advantage of greater certainty of reaction, has the disadvantage of a
+lessened capacity for variation, and so is dependent for its efficiency
+upon a stable environment. As long as nothing unusual is asked of such a
+mechanism it works admirably, but as soon as the unusual arises it tends
+to break down completely. Life, however, is not stable; it is fluid, in
+a continuous state of flux, so, while the development of structure to
+meet certain demands of adaptation is highly desirable and necessary, it
+of necessity has limits which must sooner or later be reached in every
+instance. The most typical example of this is the process of growing
+old. The child is highly adjustable and for that reason not to be
+depended upon; the adult is more dependable but less adjustable; the old
+man has become stereotyped in his reactions. Nature's solution of this
+_impasse_ is death. Death insures the continual removal of the no longer
+adjustable, and the places of those who die are filled by new material
+capable of the new demands. But it is the means that nature takes to
+secure the renewal of material still capable of adjustment that is of
+significance. From each adult sometime during the course of his life
+nature provides that a small bit shall be detached which, in the higher
+animals, in union with a similar detached bit of another individual will
+develop into a child and ultimately be ready to replace the adult when
+he becomes senile and dies. Life is thus maintained by a continuous
+stream of germ plasm and is not periodically interrupted in its course,
+as it seems to be, by death.
+
+The characteristics of this detached bit of germ plasm are interesting.
+It does not manifest any of that complicated structure which we meet
+with in the other parts of the body. The several parts of the body are
+highly differentiated, each for a specific function. Gland cells are
+developed to secrete, muscle cells to contract, bone cells to withstand
+mechanical stresses, etc. Manifestly development along any one of these
+lines would not produce an individual possessing, in its several parts,
+all of these qualities. Development has to go back of the point of
+origin of these several variations in order to include them all. In
+other words, regeneration has to start with relatively undifferentiated
+material. This is excellently illustrated by many of the lower,
+particularly the unicellular, animals, in which reproduction is not yet
+sexual, but by the simple method of division. A cell comes to rest,
+divides into two, and each half then leads an independent existence.
+Before such a division and while the cell is quiescent--in the resting
+stage, as it is called--the differentiations of structure which it had
+acquired in its lifetime disappear; it becomes undifferentiated,
+relatively simple in structure. This process has been called
+dedifferentiation. When all the differentiations which had been acquired
+have been eliminated, then division--rejuvenescence--takes place.
+
+From this point of view we may see in war the preliminary process of
+rejuvenescence. International adjustments and compromises are made until
+they can be made no longer; a condition is brought about which in Europe
+has been termed the balance of power, until the situation becomes so
+complicated that each new adjustment has such wide ramifications that it
+threatens the whole structure. Finally, as the result of the accumulated
+structure of diplomatic relations and precedents, a situation arises to
+which adjustment, with the machinery that has been developed, is
+impossible and the whole house of cards collapses. The collapse is a
+process of dedifferentiation during which the old structures are
+destroyed, precedents are disavowed, new situations occur with
+bewildering rapidity, for dealing with which there is no recognized
+machinery available. Society reverts from a state in which a high grade
+of individual initiative and development was possible to a relatively
+communistic and paternalistic state, the slate is wiped clear, and a
+start can be made anew along lines of progress mapped out by the new
+conditions--rejuvenescence is possible.
+
+War, from this point of view, is a precondition for development along
+new lines of necessity, and the dedifferentiation is the first stage of
+a constructive process. Old institutions have to be torn down before the
+bricks with which they were built can be made available for new
+structures. This accounts for the periodicity of war, which thus is the
+outward and evident aspect of the progress of the life-force which in
+human societies, as elsewhere, advances in cycles. It is only by such
+means that an _impasse_ can be overcome.
+
+War is an example of ambivalency on the grandest scale. That is, it is
+at once potent for the greatest good and the greatest evil: in the very
+midst of death it calls for the most intense living; in the face of the
+greatest renunciation it offers the greatest premium; for the maximum of
+freedom it demands the utmost giving of one's self; in order to live at
+one's best it demands the giving of life itself. "No man has reached his
+ethical majority who would not die if the real interests of the
+community could thus be furthered. What would the world be without the
+values that have been bought at the price of death?" In this sense the
+great creative force, love, and the supreme negation, death, become one.
+That the larger life of the race should go forward to greater things,
+the smaller life of the individual must perish. In order that man shall
+be born again, he must first die.
+
+Does all this necessarily mean that war, from time to time, in the
+process of readjustment, is essential? I think no one can doubt that it
+has been necessary in the past. Whether it will be in the future depends
+upon whether some sublimated form of procedure can adequately be
+substituted. We have succeeded to a large extent in dealing with our
+combative instincts by developing sports and the competition of
+business, and we have largely sublimated our hate instinct in dealing
+with various forms of anti-social conduct as exhibited in the so-called
+"criminal." It remains to be seen whether nations can unite to a similar
+end and perhaps, by the establishment of an international court, and by
+other means, deal in a similar way with infractions of international
+law.
+
+
+2. War as a Form of Relaxation[210]
+
+The fact is that it does not take a very careful reader of the human
+mind to see that all the utopias and all the socialistic schemes are
+based on a mistaken notion of the nature of this mind.
+
+It is by no means sure that what man wants is peace and quiet and
+tranquillity. That is too close to ennui, which is his greatest dread.
+What man wants is not peace but a battle. He must pit his force against
+someone or something. Every language is most rich in synonyms for
+battle, war, contest, conflict, quarrel, combat, fight. German children
+play all day long with their toy soldiers. Our sports take the form of
+contests in football, baseball, and hundreds of others. Prize fights,
+dog fights, cock fights, have pleased in all ages. When Rome for a
+season was not engaged in real war, Claudius staged a sea fight for the
+delectation of an immense concourse, in which 19,000 gladiators were
+compelled to take a tragic part, so that the ships were broken to pieces
+and the waters of the lake were red with blood.
+
+You may perhaps recall Professor James's astonishing picture of his
+visit to a Chautauqua. Here he found modern culture at its best, no
+poverty, no drunkenness, no zymotic diseases, no crime, no police, only
+polite and refined and harmless people. Here was a middle-class
+paradise, kindergarten and model schools, lectures and classes and
+music, bicycling and swimming, and culture and kindness and elysian
+peace. But at the end of a week he came out into the real world, and he
+said:
+
+ Ouf! What a relief! Now for something primordial and savage,
+ even though it were as bad as an Armenian massacre, to set the
+ balance straight again. This order is too tame, this culture
+ too second-rate, this goodness too uninspiring. This human
+ drama, without a villain or a pang; this community so refined
+ that ice-cream soda-water is the utmost offering it can make to
+ the brute animal in man; this city simmering in the tepid
+ lakeside sun; this atrocious harmlessness of all things--I
+ cannot abide with them.
+
+What men want, he says, is something more precipitous, something with
+more zest in it, with more adventure. Nearly all the Utopias paint the
+life of the future as a kind of giant Chautauqua, in which every man and
+woman is at work, all are well fed, satisfied, and cultivated. But as
+man is now constituted he would probably find such a life flat, stale,
+and unprofitable.
+
+Man is not originally a working animal. Civilization has imposed work
+upon man, and if you work him too hard he will quit work and go to war.
+Nietzsche says man wants two things--danger and play. War represents
+danger.
+
+It follows that all our social utopias are wrongly conceived. They are
+all based on a theory of pleasure economy. But history and evolution
+show that man has come up from the lower animals through a pain economy.
+He has struggled up--fought his way up through never-ceasing pain and
+effort and struggle and battle. The utopias picture a society in which
+man has ceased to struggle. He works his eight hours a day--everybody
+works--and he sleeps and enjoys himself the other hours. But man is not
+a working animal, he is a fighting animal. The utopias are ideal--but
+they are not psychological. The citizens for such an ideal social order
+are lacking. Human beings will not serve.
+
+Our present society tends more and more in its outward form in time of
+peace toward the Chautauqua plan, but meanwhile striving and passion
+burn in the brain of the human units, till the time comes when they find
+this insipid life unendurable. They resort to amusement crazes, to
+narcotic drugs, to political strife, to epidemics of crime, and finally
+to war. The alcohol question well illustrates the tendencies we are
+pointing out. Science and hygiene have at last shown beyond all
+question that alcohol, whether in large or smaller doses, exerts a
+damaging effect upon both mind and body. It lessens physical and mental
+efficiency, shortens life, and encourages social disorder. In spite of
+this fact and, what is still more amazing, in spite of the colossal
+effort now being put forth to suppress by legislative means the traffic
+in liquor, the per capita consumption of alcoholic drinks in the United
+States increases from year to year. From a per capita consumption of
+four gallons in 1850, it has steadily risen to nearly twenty-five
+gallons in 1913.
+
+Narcotic drugs, such as alcohol and tobacco, relieve in an artificial
+way the tension upon the brain by slightly paralyzing temporarily the
+higher and more recently developed brain centers. The increase in the
+use of these drugs is therefore both an index of the tension of modern
+life and at the same time a means of relieving it to some extent. Were
+the use of these drugs suddenly checked, no student of psychology or of
+history could doubt that there would be an immediate increase of social
+irritability, tending to social instability and social upheavals.
+
+Psychology, therefore, forces upon us this conclusion. Neither war nor
+alcohol can be banished from the world by summary means nor direct
+suppressions. The mind of man must be made over. As the mind of man is
+constituted, he will never be content to be a mere laborer, a producer
+and a consumer. He loves adventure, self-sacrifice, heroism, relaxation.
+
+These things must somehow be provided. And then there must be a system
+of education of our young differing widely from our present system. The
+new education will not look to efficiency merely and ever more
+efficiency, but to the production of a harmonized and balanced
+personality. We must cease our worship of American efficiency and German
+_Streberthum_ and go back to Aristotle and his teaching of "the mean."
+
+
+3. The Fighting Animal and the Great Society[211]
+
+We must agree that man as he has existed, so far as we can read the
+story of his development, has been, and as he exists today still is, a
+fighting animal--that is to say that he has in the past answered, and
+still answers, certain stimuli by the immediate reactions which
+constitute fighting.
+
+We find evidence of the existence of this fighting instinct in the
+ordinary men around us. Remove but for a moment the restraints given in
+our civilized lands and this tendency is likely to become prominent upon
+the slightest stimulation. We see this exemplified in the lives of the
+pioneer and adventurer the world over: in that of the cowboy of the far
+West, in that of the rubber collector on the Amazon, in that of the
+ivory trader on the Congo.
+
+Then, too, the prize fighter is still a prominent person in our
+community, taken as a whole, and even in our sports, as engaged in by
+"gentlemen amateurs," we find it necessary to make rigid rules to
+prevent the friendly contest from developing into a fierce struggle for
+individual physical dominance.
+
+But man gained his pre-eminent position among the animals mainly through
+his ability to form co-operative groups working to common ends; and long
+before the times of which anthropological research give us any clear
+knowledge, man had turned his individualistic fighting instincts to the
+service of his group or clan. That is to say, he had become a warrior,
+giving his best strength to co-operative aggression in behalf of
+satisfactions that could not be won by him as an individual acting for
+himself.
+
+Our earlier studies have taught us also that if man's instinctive
+tendencies could in any manner be inhibited or modified, so that he came
+to display other characteristics than those observed in the present
+expression of these inborn instincts, then the law of his nature would
+in that very fact be changed. We are thus led to ask whether the
+biologist finds evidence that an animal's instincts can be thus changed
+in mode of expression.
+
+The biologist speaks to us somewhat as follows. Although new racial
+characteristics have very rarely, if ever, been gained by the
+obliteration of instincts, changes in racial characteristics have not
+infrequently occurred as the result of the control, rather than the
+loss, of these inherited instincts.
+
+This control may become effective in either one of two ways: first, by
+the thwarting or inhibition of the expression of the instincts; or
+secondly, by the turning of its expression to other uses than that which
+originally resulted in its fixation.
+
+As an example of the thwarting of the expression of an instinct we may
+take the functioning of the sexual instinct, which, as we see it in
+animals in general, has been inhibited in the human animal by the habits
+acquired by man as he has risen in the scale.
+
+This mode of change--that of the mere chaining of the instinctive
+tendency--is subject to one great difficulty. The chain may by chance be
+broken; the inhibition may be removed; then the natural instinctive
+tendency at once shows itself. Remove the restraints of civilized
+society but a little, and manifestations of the sexual instinct of our
+race appear in forms that are not far removed from those observed in the
+animal. Place a man under conditions of starvation and he shows himself
+as greedy as the dog.
+
+The second mode of change--that of the transference of functioning of
+the instincts into new channels--meets this special difficulty, for it
+does not depend upon the chaining of the instinct. It actually makes use
+of the instinct. And the more important to the race the newer reference
+of the instinct's functioning turns out to be, the more certain is it to
+replace the original reference. If the new mode of functioning brings
+marked advantage that is lost by reversion to the earlier manifestation
+of the instinct, so that such a reversion to this earlier manifestation
+is a detriment to the race, then the change is likely to become a
+permanent one.
+
+No better example of this second mode of change of an instinct's
+functioning can be found than in the very existence of war itself. The
+basic instinct is one that led the savage man to fight to protect
+himself or to gain something for himself by aggressive attack. War has
+come into being as the result of a transfer of the functioning of this
+instinct, which at first had only an individualistic reference, so that
+it has come to have a clan or national reference. The early man found he
+could not have success as an individual unless he joined with his
+fellow-men in defense and aggression; and that meant war.
+
+And note that this transfer of reference of the expression of this
+fighting instinct soon became so important to the race that reversion to
+its primal individualistic reference had to be inhibited. Aggressive
+attack by an individual upon another of his own clan or nation
+necessarily tended to weaken the social unit and to reduce its strength
+in its protective and aggressive wars; and thus such attacks by
+individuals came to be discountenanced and finally in large measure
+repressed.
+
+Here, it will be observed, the fighting instinct of the individual has
+not been obliterated; it has not even been bound with chains; but its
+modes of expression have been altered to have racial significance, and
+to have so great a significance in this new relation that reversion to
+its primary form of expression has become a serious obstacle to racial
+advance.
+
+So it appears after all that, although instincts can rarely if ever be
+obliterated, their manifestations may be so altered as to give the
+animal quite new characteristics. And this means that if the
+characteristics which we describe as the expressions of man's fighting
+instincts could be so changed that these expressions were inhibited or
+turned into quite new channels, the man would no longer be describable
+as a fighting animal.
+
+The first indication in our conscious life of any tendency to inhibit or
+modify the functioning of any instinct or habit must appear in the form
+of a dislike of, a revulsion from, the resultants of this functioning;
+and in the creation of an ideal of functioning that shall avoid the
+discomforts attendant upon this revulsion. And when such an ideal has
+once been gained, it is possible, as we have seen, that the
+characteristics of nature may be changed by our creative efficiency
+through the devising of means looking to the realization of the ideal.
+
+We have the clearest evidence that this process is developing in
+connection with these special instincts that make for war; for we men
+and women in these later times are repelled by the results of the
+functioning of these fighting instincts, and we have created the ideal
+of peace, the conception of a condition that is not now realized in
+nature, but which we think of as possible of realization.
+
+But the very existence of an ideal is indicative of a tendency, on the
+part of the man who entertains it, to modify his characteristic
+activities. Thus it appears that we have in the very existence of this
+ideal of peace the evidence that we may look for a change in man's
+nature, the result of which will be that we shall no longer be warranted
+in describing him as a fighting animal.
+
+
+C. RIVALRY, CULTURAL CONFLICTS, AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+
+1. Animal Rivalry[212]
+
+Among mammals the instinct of one and all is to lord it over the others,
+with the result that the one more powerful or domineering gets the
+mastery, to keep it thereafter as long as he can. The lower animals are,
+in this respect, very much like us; and in all kinds that are at all
+fierce-tempered the mastery of one over all, and of a few under him over
+the others, is most salutary; indeed, it is inconceivable that they
+should be able to exist together under any other system.
+
+On cattle-breeding establishments on the pampas, where it is usual to
+keep a large number of fierce-tempered dogs, I have observed these
+animals a great deal and presume they are much like feral dogs and
+wolves in their habits. Their quarrels are incessant; but when a fight
+begins, the head of the pack as a rule rushes to the spot, whereupon the
+fighters separate and march off in different directions or else cast
+themselves down and deprecate their tyrant's wrath with abject gestures
+and whines. If the combatants are both strong and have worked themselves
+into a mad rage before their head puts in an appearance, it may go hard
+with him; they know him no longer and all he can do is to join in the
+fray; then if the fighters turn on him he may be so injured that his
+power is gone and the next best dog in the pack takes his place. The
+hottest contests are always between dogs that are well matched; neither
+will give place to the other and so they fight it out; but from the
+foremost in power down to the weakest there is a gradation of authority;
+each one knows just how far he can go, which companion he can bully when
+he is in a bad temper or wishes to assert himself, and to which he must
+humbly yield in his turn. In such a state the weakest one must yield to
+all the others and cast himself down, seeming to call himself a slave
+and worshiper of any other member of the pack that chances to snarl at
+him or command him to give up his bone with good grace.
+
+This masterful or domineering temper, so common among social mammals, is
+the cause of the persecution of the sick and weakly. When an animal
+begins to ail he can no longer hold his own; he ceases to resent the
+occasional ill-natured attacks made on him; his non-combative condition
+is quickly discovered, and he at once drops down to a place below the
+lowest; it is common knowledge in the herd that he may be buffeted with
+impunity by all, even by those that have hitherto suffered buffets but
+have given none. But judging from my own observation, this persecution
+is not, as a rule, severe, and is seldom fatal.
+
+
+2. The Rivalry of Social Groups[213]
+
+Conflict, competition, and rivalry are the chief causes which force
+human beings into groups and largely determine what goes on within them.
+Conflicts, like wars, revolutions, riots, still persist, but possibly
+they may be thought of as gradually yielding to competitions which are
+chiefly economic. Many of these strivings seem almost wholly individual,
+but most of them on careful analysis turn out to be intimately related
+to group competition. A third form, rivalry, describes struggle for
+status, for social prestige, for the approval of inclusive publics which
+form the spectators for such contests. The nation is an arena of
+competition and rivalry.
+
+Much of this emulation is of a concealed sort. Beneath the union
+services of churches there is an element, for the most part unconscious,
+of rivalry to secure the approval of a public which in these days
+demands brotherliness and good will rather than proselyting and
+polemics. Many public subscriptions for a common cause are based upon
+group rivalry or upon individual competition which is group-determined.
+The Rhodes scholarships are in one sense a means of furthering imperial
+interest. Christmas presents lavished upon children often have a bearing
+upon the ambition of the family to make an impression upon rival
+domestic groups. In the liberal policy of universities which by adding
+to the list of admission subjects desire to come into closer relations
+with the public schools, there is some trace of competition for students
+and popular applause. The interest which nations manifest in the Hague
+Tribunal is tinged with a desire to gain the good will of the
+international, peace-praising public. The professed eagerness of one or
+both parties in a labor dispute to have the differences settled by
+arbitration is a form of competition for the favor of the onlooking
+community. Thus in international relationships and in the life-process
+of each nation countless groups are in conflict, competition, or
+rivalry.
+
+This idea of the group seeking survival, mastery, aggrandizement,
+prestige, in its struggles with other groups is a valuable means of
+interpretation. Let us survey rapidly the conditions of success as a
+group carries on its life of strife and emulation. In order to survive
+or to succeed the group must organize, cozen, discipline, and stimulate
+its members. Fortunately it finds human nature in a great measure
+fashioned for control.
+
+Collective pride or group egotism is an essential source of strength in
+conflict. Every efficient group cultivates this sense of honor,
+importance, superiority, by many devices of symbol, phrase, and legend,
+as well as by scorn and ridicule of rivals. The college fraternity's
+sublime self-esteem gives it strength in its competition for members and
+prestige. There is a chauvinism of "boom" towns and religious sects, as
+well as of nations. What pride and self-confidence are to the
+individual, ethnocentrism, patriotism, local loyalty are to social
+unities. Diffidence, humility, self-distrust, tolerance, are as
+dangerous to militant groups as to fighting men.
+
+Then too the group works out types of personality, hero types to be
+emulated, traitor types to be execrated. These personality types merge
+into abstract ideals and standards. "Booster" and "knocker" bring up
+pictures of a struggling community which must preserve its hopefulness
+and self-esteem at all hazards. "Statesman" and "demagogue" recall the
+problem of selection which every self-governing community must face.
+"Defender of the faith" and "heretic" are eloquent of the Church's
+dilemma between rigid orthodoxy and flexible accommodation to a changing
+order.
+
+With a shifting in the conflict or rivalry crises, types change in value
+or emphasis, or new types are created in adjustment to the new needs.
+The United Stated at war with Spain sought martial heroes. The economic
+and political ideals of personality, the captains of industry, the
+fascinating financiers, the party idols, were for the time retired to
+make way for generals and admirals, soldiers and sailors, the heroes of
+camp and battleship. The war once over, the displaced types reappeared
+along with others which are being created to meet new administrative,
+economic, and ethical problems. The competing church retires its
+militant and disputatious leaders in an age which gives its applause to
+apostles of concord, fraternal feeling, and co-operation. At a given
+time the heroes and traitors of a group reflect its competitions and
+rivalries with other groups.
+
+Struggle forces upon the group the necessity of cozening, beguiling,
+managing its members. The vast majority of these fall into a broad zone
+of mediocrity which embodies group character and represents a general
+adjustment to life-conditions. From this medial area individuals vary,
+some in ways which aid the group in its competition, others in a fashion
+which imperils group success. It is the task of the group both to
+preserve the solidarity of the medial zone and to discriminate between
+the serviceable and the menacing variants. The latter must be coerced or
+suppressed, the former encouraged and given opportunity. In Plato's
+_Republic_ the guardians did this work of selection which in modern
+groups is cared for by processes which seem only slightly conscious and
+purposeful.
+
+The competing group in seeking to insure acquiescence and loyalty
+elaborates a protective philosophy by which it creates within its
+members the belief that their lot is much to be preferred to that of
+other comradeships and associations. Western Americans take satisfaction
+in living in a free, progressive, hospitable way in "God's country."
+They try not to be pharisaical about the narrowness of the East, but
+they achieve a sincere scorn for the hidebound conventions of an effete
+society. Easterners in turn count themselves fortunate in having a
+highly developed civilization, and they usually attain real pity for
+those who seem to live upon a psychic, if not a geographic, frontier.
+The middle class have a philosophy with which they protect themselves
+against the insidious suggestions that come from the life of the
+conspicuous rich. These, on the other hand, half expecting that
+simplicity and domesticity may have some virtue, speak superciliously of
+middle-class smugness and the bourgeois "home." The less prosperous of
+the professional classes are prone to lay a good deal of stress upon
+their intellectual resources as compared with the presumptive spiritual
+poverty of the affluent. Country folk encourage themselves by asserting
+their fundamental value to society and by extolling their own simple
+straightforward virtues, which present so marked a contrast to the
+devious machinations of city-dwellers. Booker Washington's reiterated
+assertion that if he were to be born again he would choose to be a
+Negro because the Negro race is the only one which has a great problem
+contains a suggestion of this protective philosophy. This tendency of a
+group to fortify itself by a satisfying theory of its lot is obviously
+related to group egotism and is immediately connected with group
+rivalry.
+
+The competing group derides many a dissenter into conformity. This
+derision may be spontaneous, or reflective and concerted. The loud
+guffaw which greets one who varies in dress or speech or idea may come
+instantly or there may be a planned and co-operative ridicule
+systematically applied to the recalcitrant. Derision is one of the most
+effective devices by which the group sifts and tests the variants.
+
+Upon the small number of rebels who turn a deaf ear to epithets,
+ostracism is brought to bear. This may vary from the "cold shoulder" to
+the complete "boycott." Losing the friendship and approval of comrades,
+being cut off from social sympathy, is a familiar form of group
+pressure. Ridicule and derision are a kind of evanescent ostracism, a
+temporary exclusion from the comradeship. There are many degrees in the
+lowering of the social temperature: coolness, formality of intercourse,
+averted looks, "cutting dead," "sending to Coventry," form a progressive
+series. Economic pressure is more and more a resort of modern groups.
+Loss of employment, trade, or professional practice brings many a rebel
+to time. All coercion obviously increases as the group is hard pressed
+in its conflicts, competitions, and rivalries.
+
+These crises and conflicts of a competing group present problems which
+must be solved--problems of organization, of inventions of many kinds,
+of new ideas and philosophies, of methods of adjustment. The conditions
+of competition or rivalry upset an equilibrium of habit and custom, and
+a process of problem-solving ensues. A typhoid epidemic forces the
+village to protect itself against the competition of a more healthful
+rival. The resourceful labor union facing a corporation which offers
+profit-sharing and retiring allowances must formulate a protective
+theory and practice. A society clique too closely imitated by a lower
+stratum must regain its distinction and supremacy. A nation must be
+constantly alert to adjust itself to the changing conditions of
+international trade and to the war equipment and training of its
+rivals.
+
+The theory of group rivalry throws light upon the individual. The person
+has as many selves as there are groups to which he belongs. He is simple
+or complex as his groups are few and harmonious or many and conflicting.
+What skilful management is required to keep business and moral selves
+from looking each other in the eye, to prevent scientific and
+theological selves from falling into discussion! Most men of many groups
+learn, like tactful hosts, to invite at a given time only congenial
+companies of selves. A few brave souls resolve to set their house in
+order and to entertain only such selves as can live together with good
+will and mutual respect. With these earnest folk their groups have to
+reckon. The conflicts of conscience are group conflicts.
+
+Tolerance is a sign that once vital issues within the group are losing
+their significance, or that the group feels secure, or that it is
+slowly, even unconsciously, merging into a wider grouping. Theological
+liberality affords a case in point. In the earlier days of sectarian
+struggle tolerance was a danger both to group loyalty and to the
+militant spirit. Cynicism for other reasons is also a menace. It means
+loss of faith in the collective ego, in the traditions, shibboleths,
+symbols, and destiny of the group. Fighting groups cannot be tolerant;
+nor can they harbor cynics. Tolerance and cynicism are at once causes
+and results of group decay. They portend dissolution or they foreshadow
+new groupings for struggle over other issues on another plane.
+Evangelical churches are drawing together with mutual tolerance to
+present a united front against modern skepticism and cynicism which are
+directed against the older faiths and moralities.
+
+The subjective side of group rivalry offers an important study. The
+reflection of the process of control in personal consciousness is full
+of interest. The means by which the rebellious variant protects himself
+against the coercion of his comrades have been already suggested in the
+description of ridicule and epithet. These protective methods resolve
+themselves into setting one group against another in the mind of the
+derided or stigmatized individual.
+
+A national group is to be thought of as an inclusive unity with a
+fundamental character, upon the basis of which a multitude of groups
+compete with and rival each other. It is the task of the nation to
+control and to utilize this group struggle, to keep it on as high a
+plane as possible, to turn it to the common account. Government gets its
+chief meaning from the rivalry of groups to grasp political power in
+their own interests. Aristocracy and democracy may be interpreted in
+terms of group antagonism, the specialized few versus the
+undifferentiated many. The ideal merges the two elements of efficiency
+and solidarity in one larger group within which mutual confidence and
+emulation take the place of conflict. Just as persons must be
+disciplined into serving their groups, groups must be subordinated to
+the welfare of the nation. It is in conflict or competition with other
+nations that a country becomes a vivid unity to the members of
+constituent groups. It is rivalry which brings out the sense of team
+work, the social consciousness.
+
+
+3. Cultural Conflicts and the Organization of Sects[214]
+
+It is assumed, I suppose, that contradictions among ideas and beliefs
+are of various degrees and of various modes besides that specific one
+which we call logical incompatibility. A perception, for example, may be
+pictorially inconsistent or tonically discordant with another
+perception; a mere faith unsupported by objective evidence may be
+emotionally antagonistic to another mere faith, as truly as a judgment
+may be logically irreconcilable with another judgment. And this wide
+possibility of contradiction is particularly to be recognized when the
+differing ideas or beliefs have arisen not within the same individual
+mind but in different minds, and are therefore colored by personal or
+partisan interest and warped by idiosyncrasy of mental constitution. The
+contradictions of, or rather _among_, ideas and beliefs, with which we
+are now concerned, are more extensive and more varied than mere logical
+duels; they are also less definite, less precise. In reality they are
+culture conflicts in which the opposing forces, so far from being
+specific ideas only or pristine beliefs only, are in fact more or less
+bewildering complexes of ideas, beliefs, prejudices, sympathies,
+antipathies, and personal interests.
+
+It is assumed also, I suppose, that any idea or group of ideas, any
+belief or group of beliefs, may happen to be or may become a common
+interest, shared by a small or a large number of individuals. It may
+draw and hold them together in bonds of acquaintance, of association,
+even of co-operation. It thus may play a group-making rôle.
+Contradictory ideas or beliefs, therefore, may play a group-making rôle
+in a double sense. Each draws into association the individual minds that
+entertain it or find it attractive. Each also repels those minds to whom
+it is repugnant, and drives them toward the group which is being formed
+about the contradictory idea or belief. Contradictions among ideas and
+beliefs, then, it may be assumed, tend on the whole to sharpen the lines
+of demarcation between group and group.
+
+These assumptions are, I suppose, so fully justified by the everyday
+observation of mankind and so confirmed by history that it is
+unnecessary now to discuss them or in any way to dwell upon them. The
+question before us therefore becomes specific: "Are contradictions among
+ideas and beliefs likely to play an _important_ group-making rôle in the
+future?" I shall interpret the word important as connoting quality as
+well as quantity. I shall, in fact, attempt to answer the question set
+for me by translating it into this inquiry, namely: What kind or type of
+groups are the inevitable contradictions among ideas and beliefs most
+likely to create and to maintain within the progressive populations of
+the world from this time forth?
+
+Somewhat more than three hundred years ago, Protestantism and
+geographical discovery had combined to create conditions extraordinarily
+favorable to the formation of groups or associations about various
+conflicting ideas and beliefs functioning as nuclei; and for nearly
+three hundred years the world has been observing a remarkable
+multiplication of culture groups of two fundamentally different types.
+One type is a sect, or denomination, having no restricted local
+habitation but winning adherents here and there in various communes,
+provinces, or nations, and having, therefore, a membership either
+locally concentrated or more or less widely dispersed; either regularly
+or most irregularly distributed. The culture group of the other type, or
+kind, is a self-sufficing community. It may be a village, a colony, a
+state, or a nation. Its membership is concentrated, its habitat is
+defined.
+
+To a very great extent, as everybody knows, American colonization
+proceeded through the formation of religious communities. Such were the
+Pilgrim and the Puritan commonwealths. Such were the Quaker groups of
+Rhode Island and Pennsylvania. Such were the localized societies of the
+Dunkards, the Moravians, and the Mennonites.
+
+As late as the middle of the nineteenth century the American people
+witnessed the birth and growth of one of the most remarkable religious
+communities known in history. The Mormon community of Utah, which,
+originating in 1830 as a band of relatives and acquaintances, clustered
+by an idea that quickly became a dogma, had become in fifty years a
+commonwealth _de facto_, defying the authority _de jure_ of the United
+States.
+
+We are not likely, however, again to witness a phenomenon of this kind
+in the civilized world. Recently we have seen the rise and the
+astonishingly rapid spread of another American religion, namely, the
+Christian Science faith. But it has created no community group. It has
+created only a dispersed sect. It is obvious to any intelligent
+observer, however untrained in sociological discrimination he may be,
+that the forces of Protestantism, still dividing and differentiating as
+they are, no longer to any great extent create new self-sufficing
+communities. They create only associations of irregular geographical
+dispersion, of more or less unstable or shifting membership. In a word,
+the conflicting-idea forces, which in our colonial days tended to create
+community groups as well as sects, tend now to create sectarian bodies
+only--mere denominational or partisan associations.
+
+A similar contrast between an earlier and a later stage of culture
+group-making may be observed if we go back to centuries before the
+Protestant Reformation, there to survey a wider field and a longer
+series of historical periods.
+
+It is a commonplace of historical knowledge that in all of the earliest
+civilizations there was an approximate identification of religion with
+ethnic consciousness and of political consciousness with both religious
+and race feeling. Each people had its own tribal or national gods, who
+were inventoried as national assets at valuations quite as high as those
+attached to tribal or national territory.
+
+When, however, Roman imperial rule had been extended over the civilized
+world, the culture conflicts that then arose expended their
+group-creating force in simply bringing together like believers in
+sectarian association. Christianity, appealing to all bloods, in some
+measure to all economic classes, and spreading into all sections of the
+eastern Mediterranean region, did not to any great extent create
+communities. And what was true of Christianity was in like manner true
+of the Mithras cult, widely diffused in the second Christian century.
+Even Mohammedanism, a faith seemingly well calculated to create
+autonomous states, in contact with a world prepared by Roman
+organization could not completely identify itself with definite
+political boundaries.
+
+The proximate causes of these contrasts are not obscure. We must suppose
+that a self-sufficing community might at one time, as well as at
+another, be drawn together by formative beliefs. But that it may take
+root somewhere and, by protecting itself against destructive external
+influences, succeed for a relatively long time in maintaining its
+integrity and its solidarity, it must enjoy a relative isolation. In a
+literal sense it must be beyond easy reach of those antagonistic forces
+which constitute for it the outer world of unbelief and darkness.
+
+Such isolation is easily and often possible, however, only in the early
+stages of political integration. It is always difficult and unusual in
+those advanced stages wherein nations are combined in world-empires. It
+is becoming well-nigh impossible, now that all the continents have been
+brought under the sovereignty of the so-called civilized peoples, while
+these peoples themselves, freely communicating and intermingling,
+maintain with one another that good understanding which constitutes
+them, in a certain broad sense of the term, a world-society. The
+proximate effects also of the contrast that has been sketched are
+generally recognized.
+
+So long as blood sympathy, religious faith, and political consciousness
+are approximately coterminous, the groups that they form, whether local
+communities or nations, must necessarily be rather sharply delimited.
+They must be characterized also by internal solidarity. Their membership
+is stable because to break the bond of blood is not only to make one's
+self an outcast but is also to be unfaithful to the ancestral gods; to
+change one's religion is not only to be impious but is also to commit
+treason; to expatriate one's self is not only to commit treason but is
+also to blaspheme against high heaven.
+
+But when associations of believers or of persons holding in common any
+philosophy or doctrine whatsoever are no longer self-sufficing
+communities, and when nations composite in blood have become compound in
+structure, all social groups, clusters, or organizations, not only the
+cultural ones drawn together by formative ideas, but also the economic
+and the political ones, become in some degree plastic. Their membership
+then becomes to some extent shifting and renewable. Under these
+circumstances any given association of men, let it be a village, a
+religious group, a trade union, a corporation, or a political party, not
+only takes into itself new members from time to time; it also permits
+old members to depart. Men come and men go, yet the association or the
+group itself persists. As group or as organization it remains
+unimpaired.
+
+The economic advantage secured by this plasticity and renewableness is
+beyond calculation enormous. It permits and facilitates the drafting of
+men at any moment from points where they are least needed, for
+concentration upon points where they are needed most. The spiritual or
+idealistic advantage is not less great. The concentration of attention
+and of enthusiasm upon strategic points gives ever-increasing impetus to
+progressive movements.
+
+Let us turn now from these merely proximate causes and effects of group
+formation to take note of certain developmental processes which lie
+farther back in the evolutionary sequence and which also have
+significance for our inquiry, since, when we understand them, they may
+aid us in our attempt to answer the question, What kind of group-making
+is likely to be accomplished by cultural conflicts from this time forth?
+
+The most readily perceived, because the most pictorial, of the conflicts
+arising between one belief and another are those that are waged between
+beliefs that have been localized and then through geographical expansion
+have come into competition throughout wide frontier areas. Of all such
+conflicts, that upon which the world has now fully entered between
+occidental and oriental ideas is not merely the most extensive; it is
+also by far the most interesting and picturesque.
+
+Less picturesque but often more dramatic are the conflicts that arise
+within each geographical region, within each nation, between old beliefs
+and new--the conflicts of sequent, in distinction from coexistent,
+ideas; the conflicts in time, in distinction from the conflicts in
+space. A new knowledge is attained which compels us to question old
+dogmas. A new faith arises which would displace the ancient traditions.
+As the new waxes strong in some region favorable to it, it begins there,
+within local limits, to supersede the old. Only then, when the conflict
+between the old as old and the new as new is practically over, does the
+triumphant new begin to go forth spatially as a conquering influence
+from the home of its youth into regions outlying and remote.
+
+Whatever the form, however, that the culture conflict assumes, whether
+serial and dramatic or geographical and picturesque, its antecedent
+psychological conditions are in certain great essentials the same. Men
+array themselves in hostile camps on questions of theory and belief, not
+merely because they are variously and conflictingly informed, but far
+more because they are mentally unlike, their minds having been prepared
+by structural differentiation to seize upon different views and to
+cherish opposing convictions. That is to say, some minds have become
+rational, critical, plastic, open, outlooking, above all, intuitive of
+objective facts and relations. Others in their fundamental constitution
+have remained dogmatic, intuitive only of personal attitudes or of
+subjective moods, temperamentally conservative and instinctive. Minds of
+the one kind welcome the new and wider knowledge; they go forth to
+embrace it. Minds of the other kind resist it.
+
+In the segregation thus arising, there is usually discoverable a certain
+tendency toward grouping by sex.
+
+Whether the mental and moral traits of women are inherent and therefore
+permanent, or whether they are but passing effects of circumscribed
+experience and therefore possibly destined to be modified, is immaterial
+for my present purpose. It is not certain that either the biologist or
+the psychologist is prepared to answer the question. It is certain that
+the sociologist is not. It is enough for the analysis that I am making
+now if we can say that, as a merely descriptive fact, women thus far in
+the history of the race have generally been more instinctive, more
+intuitive of subjective states, more emotional, more conservative than
+men; and that men, more generally than women, have been intuitive of
+objective relations, inclined therefore to break with instinct and to
+rely on the later-developed reasoning processes of the brain, and
+willing, consequently, to take chances, to experiment, and to innovate.
+
+If so much be granted, we may perhaps say that it is because of these
+mental differences that in conflicts between new and old ideas, between
+new knowledge and old traditions, it usually happens that a large
+majority of all women are found in the camp of the old, and that the
+camp of the new is composed mainly of men.
+
+In the camp of the new, however, are always to be found women of alert
+intelligence, who happen also to be temperamentally radical; women in
+whom the reasoning habit has asserted sway over instinct, and in whom
+intuition has become the true scientific power to discern objective
+relations. And in the camp of the old, together with a majority of all
+women, are to be found most of the men of conservative instinct, and
+most of those also whose intuitive and reasoning powers are unequal to
+the effort of thinking about the world or anything in it in terms of
+impersonal causation. Associated with all of these elements, both male
+and female, may usually be discovered, finally, a contingent of priestly
+personalities; not necessarily religious priests, but men who love to
+assert spiritual dominion, to wield authority, to be reverenced and
+obeyed, and who naturally look for a following among the non-skeptical
+and easily impressed.
+
+Such, very broadly and rudely sketched, is the psychological background
+of culture conflict. It is, however, a background only, a certain
+persistent grouping of forces and conditions; it is not the cause from
+which culture conflicts proceed.
+
+
+D. RACIAL CONFLICTS
+
+
+1. Social Contacts and Race Conflict[215]
+
+There is a conviction, widespread in America at the present time, that
+among the most fruitful sources of international wars are racial
+prejudice and national egotism. This conviction is the nerve of much
+present-day pacifism. It has been the inspiration of such unofficial
+diplomacy, for example, as that of the Federal Council of the Churches
+of Christ in its effort to bring about a better understanding between
+the Japanese and America. This book, _The Japanese Invasion_, by Jesse
+F. Steiner, is an attempt to study this phenomenon of race prejudice and
+national egotism, so far as it reveals itself in the relations of the
+Japanese and the Americans in this country, and to estimate the rôle it
+is likely to play in the future relations of the two countries.
+
+So far as I know, an investigation of precisely this nature has not
+hitherto been made. One reason for this is, perhaps, that not until very
+recent times did the problem present itself in precisely this form. So
+long as the nations lived in practical isolation, carrying on their
+intercourse through the medium of professional diplomats, and knowing
+each other mainly through the products they exchanged, census reports,
+and the discreet observations of polite travelers, racial prejudice did
+not disturb international relations. With the extension of international
+commerce, the increase of immigration, and the interpenetration of
+peoples, the scene changes. The railway, the steamship, and the
+telegraph are rapidly mobilizing the peoples of the earth. The nations
+are coming out of their isolation, and distances which separated the
+different races are rapidly giving way before the extension of
+communication.
+
+The same human motives which have led men to spread a network of
+trade-communication over the whole earth in order to bring about an
+exchange of commodities are now bringing about a new distribution of
+populations. When these populations become as mobile as the commodities
+of commerce, there will be practically no limits--except those
+artificial barriers, like the customs and immigration restrictions,
+maintained by individual states--to a world-wide economic and personal
+competition. Furthermore when the natural barriers are broken down,
+artificial barriers will be maintained with increasing difficulty.
+
+Some conception of the extent of the changes which are taking place in
+the world under the influence of these forces may be gathered from the
+fact that in 1870 the cost of transporting a bushel of grain in Europe
+was so great as to prohibit its sale beyond a radius of two hundred
+miles from a primary market. By 1883 the importation of grains from the
+virgin soil of the western prairies in the United States had brought
+about an agricultural crisis in every country in western Europe.
+
+One may illustrate, but it is scarcely possible to estimate, the
+economic changes which have been brought about by the enormous increase
+in ocean transportation. In 1840 the first Cunard liner, of 740
+horse-power with a speed of 8.5 knots per hour, was launched. In 1907,
+when the Lusitania was built, ocean-going vessels had attained a speed
+of 25 knots an hour and were drawn by engines of 70,000 horse-power.
+
+It is difficult to estimate the economic changes which have been brought
+about by the changes in ocean transportation represented by these
+figures. It is still less possible to predict the political effects of
+the steadily increasing mobility of the peoples of the earth. At the
+present time this mobility has already reached a point at which it is
+often easier and cheaper to transport the world's population to the
+source of raw materials than to carry the world's manufactures to the
+established seats of population.
+
+With the progressive rapidity, ease, and security of transportation, and
+the increase in communication, there follows an increasing detachment of
+the population from the soil and a concurrent concentration in great
+cities. These cities in time become the centers of vast numbers of
+uprooted individuals, casual and seasonal laborers, tenement and
+apartment-house dwellers, sophisticated and emancipated urbanites, who
+are bound together neither by local attachment nor by ties of family,
+clan, religion, or nationality. Under such conditions it is reasonable
+to expect that the same economic motive which leads every trader to sell
+in the highest market and to buy in the lowest will steadily increase
+and intensify the tendency, which has already reached enormous
+proportions of the population in overcrowded regions with diminished
+resources, to seek their fortunes, either permanently or temporarily, in
+the new countries of undeveloped resources.
+
+Already the extension of commerce and the increase of immigration have
+brought about an international and inter-racial situation that has
+strained the inherited political order of the United States. It is this
+same expansive movement of population and of commerce, together with the
+racial and national rivalries that have sprung from them, which first
+destroyed the traditional balance of power in Europe and then broke up
+the scheme of international control which rested on it. Whatever may
+have been the immediate causes of the world-war, the more remote sources
+of the conflict must undoubtedly be sought in the great cosmic forces
+which have broken down the barriers which formerly separated the races
+and nationalities of the world, and forced them into new intimacies and
+new forms of competition, rivalry, and conflict.
+
+Since 1870 the conditions which I have attempted to sketch have steadily
+forced upon America and the nations of Europe the problem of
+assimilating their heterogeneous populations. What we call the race
+problem is at once an incident of this process of assimilation and an
+evidence of its failure.
+
+The present volume, _The Japanese Invasion: A Study in the Psychology of
+Inter-racial Contact_, touches but does not deal with the general
+situation which I have briefly sketched. It is, as its title suggests, a
+study in "racial contacts," and is an attempt to distinguish and trace
+to their sources the attitudes and the sentiments--that is to say,
+mutual prejudices--which have been and still are a source of mutual
+irritation and misunderstanding between the Japanese and American
+peoples.
+
+Fundamentally, prejudice against the Japanese in the United States is
+merely the prejudice which attaches to every alien and immigrant people.
+The immigrant from Europe, like the immigrant from Asia, comes to this
+country because he finds here a freedom of individual action and an
+economic opportunity which he did not find at home. It is an instance of
+the general tendency of populations to move from an area of relatively
+closed, to one of relatively open, resources. The movement is as
+inevitable and, in the long run, as resistless as that which draws water
+from its mountain sources to the sea. It is one way of redressing the
+economic balance and bringing about an economic equilibrium.
+
+The very circumstances under which this modern movement of population
+has arisen implies then that the standard of living, if not the cultural
+level, of the immigrant is lower than that of the native population. The
+consequence is that immigration brings with it a new and disturbing form
+of competition, the competition, namely, of peoples of a lower and of a
+higher standard of living. The effect of this competition, where it is
+free and unrestricted, is either to lower the living standards of the
+native population; to expel them from the vocations in which the
+immigrants are able or permitted to compete; or what may, perhaps, be
+regarded as a more sinister consequence, to induce such a restriction of
+the birth rate of the native population as to insure its ultimate
+extinction. The latter is, in fact, what seems to be happening in the
+New England manufacturing towns where the birth rate in the native
+population for some years past has fallen below the death rate, so that
+the native stock has long since ceased to reproduce itself. The foreign
+peoples, on the other hand, are rapidly replacing the native stocks, not
+merely by the influence of new immigration, but because of a relatively
+high excess of births over deaths.
+
+It has been assumed that the prejudice which blinds the people of one
+race to the virtues of another and leads them to exaggerate that other's
+faults is in the nature of a misunderstanding which further knowledge
+will dispel. This is so far from true that it would be more exact to say
+that our racial misunderstandings are merely the expression of our
+racial antipathies. Behind these antipathies are deep-seated, vital, and
+instinctive impulses. Racial antipathies represent the collision of
+invisible forces, the clash of interests, dimly felt but not yet clearly
+perceived. They are present in every situation where the fundamental
+interests of races and peoples are not yet regulated by some law,
+custom, or any other _modus vivendi_ which commands the assent and the
+mutual support of both parties. We hate people because we fear them,
+because our interests, as we understand them at any rate, run counter to
+theirs. On the other hand, good will is founded in the long run upon
+co-operation. The extension of our so-called altruistic sentiments is
+made possible only by the organization of our otherwise conflicting
+interests and by the extension of the machinery of co-operation and
+social control.
+
+Race prejudice may be regarded as a spontaneous, more or less
+instinctive, defense-reaction, the practical effect of which is to
+restrict free competition between races. Its importance as a social
+function is due to the fact that free competition, particularly between
+people with different standards of living, seems to be, if not the
+original source, at least the stimulus to which race prejudice is the
+response.
+
+From this point of view we may regard caste, or even slavery, as one of
+those accommodations through which the race problem found a natural
+solution. Caste, by relegating the subject race to an inferior status,
+gives to each race at any rate a monopoly of its own tasks. When this
+status is accepted by the subject people, as is the case where the caste
+or slavery systems become fully established, racial competition ceases
+and racial animosity tends to disappear. That is the explanation of the
+intimate and friendly relations which so often existed in slavery
+between master and servant. It is for this reason that we hear it said
+today that the Negro is all right in his place. In his place he is a
+convenience and not a competitor. Each race being in its place, no
+obstacle to racial co-operation exists.
+
+The fact that race prejudice is due to, or is in some sense dependent
+upon, race competition is further manifest by a fact that Mr. Steiner
+has emphasized, namely, that prejudice against the Japanese is nowhere
+uniform throughout the United States. It is only where the Japanese are
+present in sufficient numbers to actually disturb the economic status of
+the white population that prejudice has manifested itself to such a
+degree as to demand serious consideration. It is an interesting fact
+also that prejudice against the Japanese is now more intense than it is
+against any other oriental people. The reason for this, as Mr. Steiner
+has pointed out, is that the Japanese are more aggressive, more disposed
+to test the sincerity of that statement of the Declaration of
+Independence which declares that all men are equally entitled to "life,
+liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"--a statement, by the way, which
+was merely a forensic assertion of the laissez faire doctrine of free
+and unrestricted competition as applied to the relations of individual
+men.
+
+The Japanese, the Chinese, they too would be all right in their place,
+no doubt. That place, if they find it, will be one in which they do not
+greatly intensify and so embitter the struggle for existence of the
+white man. The difficulty is that the Japanese is still less disposed
+than the Negro or the Chinese to submit to the regulations of a caste
+system and to stay in his place. The Japanese are an organized and
+morally efficient nation. They have the national pride and the national
+egotism which rests on the consciousness of this efficiency. In fact, it
+is not too much to say that national egotism, if one pleases to call it
+such, is essential to national efficiency, just as a certain
+irascibility of temper seems to be essential to a good fighter.
+
+Another difficulty is that caste and the limitation of free competition
+is economically unsound, even though it be politically desirable. A
+national policy of national efficiency demands that every individual
+have not merely the opportunity but the preparation necessary to perform
+that particular service for the community for which his natural
+disposition and aptitude fit him, irrespective of race or "previous
+condition."
+
+Finally, caste and the limitation of economic opportunity is contrary,
+if not to our traditions, at least to our political principles. That
+means that there will always be an active minority opposed to any
+settlement based on the caste system as applied to either the black or
+the brown races, on grounds of political sentiment. This minority will
+be small in parts of the country immediately adversely affected by the
+competition of the invading race. It will be larger in regions which are
+not greatly affected. It will be increased if immigration is so rapid as
+to make the competition more acute. We must look to other measures for
+the solution of the Japanese problem, if it should prove true, as seems
+probable, that we are not able or, for various reasons, do not care
+permanently to hold back the rising tide of the oriental invasion.
+
+I have said that fundamentally and in principle prejudice against the
+Japanese in America today was identical with the prejudice which
+attaches to any immigrant people. There is, as Mr. Steiner has pointed
+out, a difference. This is due to the existence in the human mind of a
+mechanism by which we inevitably and automatically classify every
+individual human being we meet. When a race bears an external mark by
+which every individual member of it can infallibly be identified, that
+race is by that fact set apart and segregated. Japanese, Chinese, and
+Negroes cannot move among us with the same freedom as the members of
+other races because they bear marks which identify them as members of
+their race. This fact isolates them. In the end the effect of this
+isolation, both in its effects upon the Japanese themselves and upon the
+human environment in which they live, is profound. Isolation is at once
+a cause and an effect of race prejudice. It is a vicious
+circle--isolation, prejudice; prejudice, isolation. Were there no other
+reasons which urge us to consider the case of the Japanese and the
+oriental peoples in a category different from that of the European
+immigrant, this fact, that they are bound to live in the American
+community a more or less isolated life, would impel us to do so.
+
+In conclusion, I may perhaps say in a word what seems to me the
+practical bearing of Mr. Steiner's book. Race prejudice is a mechanism
+of the group mind which acts reflexly and automatically in response to
+its proper stimulus. That stimulus seems to be, in the cases where I
+have met it, unrestricted competition of peoples with different
+standards of living. Racial animosities and the so-called racial
+misunderstandings that grow out of them cannot be explained or argued
+away. They can only be affected when there has been a readjustment of
+relations and an organization of interests in such a way as to bring
+about a larger measure of co-operation and a lesser amount of friction
+and conflict. This demands something more than a diplomacy of kind
+words. It demands a national policy based on an unflinching examination
+of the facts.
+
+
+2. Conflict and Race Consciousness[216]
+
+The Civil War weakened but did not fully destroy the _modus vivendi_
+which slavery had established between the slave and his master. With
+emancipation the authority which had formerly been exercised by the
+master was transferred to the state, and Washington, D.C., began to
+assume in the mind of the freedman the position that formerly had been
+occupied by the "big house" on the plantation. The masses of the Negro
+people still maintained their habit of dependence, however, and after
+the first confusion of the change had passed, life went on, for most of
+them, much as it had before the war. As one old farmer explained, the
+only difference he could see was that in slavery he "was working for old
+Marster and now he was working for himself."
+
+There was one difference between slavery and freedom, nevertheless,
+which was very real to the freedman. And this was the liberty to move.
+To move from one plantation to another in case he was discontented was
+one of the ways in which a freedman was able to realize his freedom and
+to make sure that he possessed it. This liberty to move meant a good
+deal more to the plantation Negro than one not acquainted with the
+situation in the South is likely to understand.
+
+If there had been an abundance of labor in the South; if the situation
+had been such that the Negro laborer was seeking the opportunity to
+work, or such that the Negro tenant farmers were competing for the
+opportunity to get a place on the land, as is so frequently the case in
+Europe, the situation would have been fundamentally different from what
+it actually was. But the South was, and is today, what Nieboer called a
+country of "open," in contradistinction to a country of "closed"
+resources. In other words, there is more land in the South than there is
+labor to till it. Land owners are driven to competing for laborers and
+tenants to work their plantations.
+
+Owing to his ignorance of business matters and to a long-established
+habit of submission, the Negro after emancipation was placed at a great
+disadvantage in his dealings with the white man. His right to move from
+one plantation to another became, therefore, the Negro tenant's method
+of enforcing consideration from the planter. He might not dispute the
+planter's accounts, because he was not capable of doing so, and it was
+unprofitable to attempt it, but if he felt aggrieved he could move.
+
+This was the significance of the exodus in some of the southern states
+which took place about 1879, when 40,000 people left the plantations in
+the Black Belts of Louisiana and Mississippi and went to Kansas. The
+masses of the colored people were dissatisfied with the treatment they
+were receiving from the planters and made up their minds to move to "a
+free country," as they described it. At the same time it was the attempt
+of the planter to bind the Negro tenant who was in debt to him to his
+place on the plantation that gave rise to the system of peonage that
+still exists in a mitigated form in the South today.
+
+When the Negro moved off the plantation upon which he was reared he
+severed the personal relations which bound him to his master's people.
+It was just at this point that the two races began to lose touch with
+each other. From this time on the relations of the black man and white,
+which in slavery had been direct and personal, became every year, as the
+old associations were broken, more and more indirect and secondary.
+There lingers still the disposition on the part of the white man to
+treat every Negro familiarly, and the disposition on the part of every
+Negro to treat every white man respectfully. But these are habits which
+are gradually disappearing. The breaking down of the instincts and
+habits of servitude and the acquisition by the masses of the Negro
+people of the instincts and habits of freedom have proceeded slowly but
+steadily. The reason the change seems to have gone on more rapidly in
+some cases than others is explained by the fact that at the time of
+emancipation 10 per cent of the Negroes in the United States were
+already free, and others, those who had worked in trades, many of whom
+had hired their own time from their masters, had become more or less
+adapted to the competitive conditions of free society.
+
+One of the effects of the mobilization of the Negro has been to bring
+him into closer and more intimate contact with his own people. Common
+interests have drawn the blacks together, and caste sentiment has kept
+the black and white apart. The segregation of the races, which began as
+a spontaneous movement on the part of both, has been fostered by the
+policy of the dominant race. The agitation of the Reconstruction period
+made the division between the races in politics absolute. Segregation
+and separation in other matters have gone on steadily ever since. The
+Negro at the present time has separate churches, schools, libraries,
+hospitals, Y.M.C.A. associations, and even separate towns. There are,
+perhaps, a half-dozen communities in the United States, every inhabitant
+of which is a Negro. Most of these so-called Negro towns are suburban
+villages; two of them, at any rate, are the centers of a considerable
+Negro farming population. In general it may be said that where the Negro
+schools, churches, and Y.M.C.A. associations are not separate they do
+not exist.
+
+It is hard to estimate the ultimate effect of this isolation of the
+black man. One of the most important effects has been to establish a
+common interest among all the different colors and classes of the race.
+This sense of solidarity has grown up gradually with the organization of
+the Negro people. It is stronger in the South, where segregation is more
+complete, than it is in the North where, twenty years ago, it would have
+been safe to say it did not exist. Gradually, imperceptibly, within the
+larger world of the white man, a smaller world, the world of the black
+man, is silently taking form and shape.
+
+Every advance in education and intelligence puts the Negro in possession
+of the technique of communication and organization of the white man, and
+so contributes to the extension and consolidation of the Negro world
+within the white.
+
+The motive for this increasing solidarity is furnished by the increasing
+pressure, or perhaps I should say by the increasing sensibility of
+Negroes to the pressure and the prejudice without. The sentiment of
+racial loyalty, which is a comparatively recent manifestation of the
+growing self-consciousness of the race, must be regarded as a response
+and "accommodation" to changing internal and external relations of the
+race. The sentiment which Negroes are beginning to call "race pride"
+does not exist to the same extent in the North as in the South, but an
+increasing disposition to enforce racial distinctions in the North, as
+in the South, is bringing it into existence.
+
+One or two incidents in this connection are significant. A few years ago
+a man who is the head of the largest Negro publishing business in this
+country sent to Germany and had a number of Negro dolls manufactured
+according to specifications of his own. At the time this company was
+started, Negro children were in the habit of playing with white dolls.
+There were already Negro dolls on the market, but they were for white
+children and represented the white man's conception of the Negro and not
+the Negro's ideal of himself. The new Negro doll was a mulatto with
+regular features slightly modified in favor of the conventional Negro
+type. It was a neat, prim, well-dressed, well-behaved, self-respecting
+doll. Later on, as I understand, there were other dolls, equally tidy
+and respectable in appearance, but in darker shades, with Negro features
+a little more pronounced. The man who designed these dolls was perfectly
+clear in regard to the significance of the substitution that he was
+making. He said that he thought it was a good thing to let Negro girls
+become accustomed to dolls of their own color. He thought it important,
+as long as the races were to be segregated, that the dolls, which, like
+other forms of art, are patterns and represent ideals, should be
+segregated also.
+
+This substitution of the Negro model for the white is a very interesting
+and a very significant fact. It means that the Negro has begun to
+fashion his own ideals and in his own image rather than in that of the
+white man. It is also interesting to know that the Negro doll company
+has been a success and that these dolls are now widely sold in every
+part of the United States. Nothing exhibits more clearly the extent to
+which the Negro had become assimilated in slavery or the extent to
+which he has broken with the past in recent years than this episode of
+the Negro doll.
+
+The incident is typical. It is an indication of the nature of tendencies
+and of forces that are stirring in the background of the Negro's mind,
+although they have not succeeded in forcing themselves, except in
+special instances, into clear consciousness.
+
+In this same category must be reckoned the poetry of Paul Lawrence
+Dunbar, in whom, as William Dean Howells has said, the Negro "attained
+civilization." Before Paul Lawrence Dunbar, Negro literature had been
+either apologetic or self-assertive, but Dunbar "studied the Negro
+objectively." He represented him as he found him, not only without
+apology, but with an affectionate understanding and sympathy which one
+can have only for what is one's own. In Dunbar, Negro literature
+attained an ethnocentric point of view. Through the medium of his verses
+the ordinary shapes and forms of the Negro's life have taken on the
+color of his affections and sentiments, and we see the black man, not as
+he looks, but as he feels and is.
+
+It is a significant fact that a certain number of educated--or rather
+the so-called educated--Negroes were not at first disposed to accept at
+their full value either Dunbar's dialect verse or the familiar pictures
+of Negro life which are the symbols in which his poetry usually found
+expression. The explanation sometimes offered for the dialect poems was
+that "they were made to please white folk." The assumption seems to have
+been that if they had been written for Negroes it would have been
+impossible in his poetry to distinguish black people from white. This
+was a sentiment which was never shared by the masses of the people, who,
+upon the occasions when Dunbar recited to them, were fairly bowled over
+with amusement and delight because of the authenticity of the portraits
+he offered them. At the present time Dunbar is so far accepted as to
+have hundreds of imitators.
+
+Literature and art have played a similar and perhaps more important rôle
+in the racial struggles of Europe than of America. One reason seems to
+be that racial conflicts, as they occur in secondary groups, are
+primarily sentimental and secondarily economic. Literature and art, when
+they are employed to give expression to racial sentiment and form to
+racial ideals, serve, along with other agencies, to mobilize the group
+and put the masses _en rapport_ with their leaders and with each other.
+In such cases art and literature are like silent drummers which summon
+into action the latent instincts and energies of the race.
+
+These struggles, I might add, in which a submerged people seek to rise
+and make for themselves a place in a world occupied by superior and
+privileged races, are not less vital or less important because they are
+bloodless. They serve to stimulate ambitions and inspire ideals which
+years, perhaps, of subjection and subordination have suppressed. In
+fact, it seems as if it were through conflicts of this kind, rather than
+through war, that the minor peoples were destined to gain the moral
+concentration and discipline that fit them to share, on anything like
+equal terms, in the conscious life of the civilized world.
+
+Until the beginning of the last century the European peasant, like the
+Negro slave, bound as he was to the soil, lived in the little world of
+direct and personal relations, under what we may call a domestic régime.
+It was military necessity that first turned the attention of statesmen
+like Frederick the Great of Prussia to the welfare of the peasant. It
+was the overthrow of Prussia by Napoleon in 1807 that brought about his
+final emancipation in that country. In recent years it has been the
+international struggle for economic efficiency which has contributed
+most to mobilize the peasant and laboring classes in Europe.
+
+As the peasant slowly emerged from serfdom he found himself a member of
+a depressed class, without education, political privileges, or capital.
+It was the struggle of this class for wider opportunity and better
+conditions of life that made most of the history of the previous
+century. Among the peoples in the racial borderland the effect of this
+struggle has been, on the whole, to substitute for a horizontal
+organization of society--in which the upper strata, that is to say, the
+wealthy or privileged class, was mainly of one race and the poorer and
+subject class was mainly of another--a vertical organization in which
+all classes of each racial group were united under the title of their
+respective nationalities. Thus organized, the nationalities represent,
+on the one hand, intractable minorities engaged in a ruthless partisan
+struggle for political privilege or economic advantage and, on the
+other, they represent cultural groups, each struggling to maintain a
+sentiment of loyalty to the distinctive traditions, language, and
+institutions of the race they represent.
+
+This sketch of the racial situation in Europe is, of course, the barest
+abstraction and should not be accepted realistically. It is intended
+merely as an indication of similarities, in the broader outlines, of the
+motives that have produced nationalities in Europe and are making the
+Negro in America, as Booker Washington says, "a nation within a nation."
+
+It may be said that there is one profound difference between the Negro
+and the European nationalities, namely, that the Negro has had his
+separateness and consequent race consciousness thrust upon him because
+of his exclusion and forcible isolation from white society. The Slavic
+nationalities, on the contrary, have segregated themselves in order to
+escape assimilation and escape racial extinction in the larger
+cosmopolitan states.
+
+The difference is, however, not so great as it seems. With the exception
+of the Poles, nationalistic sentiment may be said hardly to have existed
+fifty years ago. Forty years ago when German was the language of the
+educated classes, educated Bohemians were a little ashamed to speak
+their own language in public. Now nationalist sentiment is so strong
+that, where the Czech nationality has gained control, it has sought to
+wipe out every vestige of the German language. It has changed the names
+of streets, buildings, and public places. In the city of Prag, for
+example, all that formerly held German associations now fairly reeks
+with the sentiment of Bohemian nationality.
+
+On the other hand, the masses of the Polish people cherished very little
+nationalist sentiment until after the Franco-Prussian War. The fact is
+that nationalist sentiment among the Slavs, like racial sentiment among
+the Negroes, has sprung up as the result of a struggle against privilege
+and discrimination based upon racial distinctions. The movement is not
+so far advanced among Negroes; sentiment is not so intense, and for
+several reasons probably never will be.
+
+From what has been said it seems fair to draw one conclusion, namely:
+under conditions of secondary contact, that is to say, conditions of
+individual liberty and individual competition, characteristic of modern
+civilization, depressed racial groups tend to assume the form of
+nationalities. A nationality, in this narrower sense, may be defined as
+the racial group which has attained self-consciousness, no matter
+whether it has at the same time gained political independence or not.
+
+In societies organized along horizontal lines the disposition of
+individuals in the lower strata is to seek their models in the strata
+above them. Loyalty attaches to individuals, particularly to the upper
+classes, who furnish, in their persons and in their lives, the models
+for the masses of the people below them. Long after the nobility has
+lost every other social function connected with its vocation the ideals
+of the nobility have survived in our conception of the gentleman,
+genteel manners and bearing--gentility.
+
+The sentiment of the Negro slave was, in a certain sense, not merely
+loyalty to his master but to the white race. Negroes of the older
+generations speak very frequently, with a sense of proprietorship, of
+"our white folks." This sentiment was not always confined to the
+ignorant masses. An educated colored man once explained to me "that we
+colored people always want our white folks to be superior." He was
+shocked when I showed no particular enthusiasm for that form of
+sentiment.
+
+The fundamental significance of the nationalist movement must be sought
+in the effort of subject races, sometimes consciously, sometimes
+unconsciously, to substitute, for those supplied them by aliens, models
+based on their own racial individuality and embodying sentiments and
+ideals which spring naturally out of their own lives.
+
+After a race has achieved in this way its moral independence,
+assimilation, in the sense of copying, will still continue. Nations and
+races borrow from those whom they fear as well as from those whom they
+admire. Materials taken over in this way, however, are inevitably
+stamped with the individuality of the nationalities that appropriate
+them. These materials will contribute to the dignity, to the prestige,
+and to the solidarity of the nationality which borrows them, but they
+will no longer inspire loyalty to the race from which they are borrowed.
+A race which has attained the character of a nationality may still
+retain its loyalty to the state of which it is a part, but only in so
+far as that state incorporates, as an integral part of its organization,
+the practical interests, the aspirations and ideals of that
+nationality.
+
+The aim of the contending nationalities in Austria-Hungary at the
+present time seems to be a federation, like that of Switzerland, based
+upon the autonomy of the different races composing the empire. In the
+South, similarly, the races seem to be tending in the direction of a
+bi-racial organization of society, in which the Negro is gradually
+gaining a limited autonomy. What the ultimate outcome of this movement
+may be it is not safe to predict.
+
+
+3. Conflict and Accommodation[217]
+
+In the first place, what is race friction? To answer this elementary
+question it is necessary to define the abstract mental quality upon
+which race friction finally rests. This is racial "antipathy," popularly
+spoken of as "race prejudice." Whereas prejudice means mere
+predilection, either for or against, antipathy means "natural
+contrariety," "incompatibility," or "repugnance of qualities." To quote
+the Century Dictionary, antipathy "expresses most of constitutional
+feeling and least of volition"; "it is a dislike that seems
+constitutional toward persons, things, conduct, etc.; hence it involves
+a dislike for which sometimes no good reason can be given." I would
+define racial antipathy, then, as a natural contrariety, repugnancy of
+qualities, or incompatibility between individuals or groups which are
+sufficiently differentiated to constitute what, for want of a more exact
+term, we call races. What is most important is that it involves an
+instinctive feeling of dislike, distaste, or repugnance, for which
+sometimes no good reason can be given. Friction is defined primarily as
+a "lack of harmony," or a "mutual irritation." In the case of races it
+is accentuated by antipathy. We do not have to depend on race riots or
+other acts of violence as a measure of the growth of race friction. Its
+existence may be manifested by a look or a gesture as well as by a word
+or an act.
+
+A verbal cause of much useless and unnecessary controversy is found in
+the use of the word "race." When we speak of "race problems" or "racial
+antipathies," what do we mean by "race"? Clearly nothing scientifically
+definite, since ethnologists themselves are not agreed upon any
+classification of the human family along racial lines. Nor would this
+so-called race prejudice have the slightest regard for such
+classification, if one were agreed upon. It is something which is not
+bounded by the confines of a philological or ethnological definition.
+The British scientist may tell the British soldier in India that the
+native is in reality his brother, and that it is wholly absurd and
+illogical and unscientific for such a thing as "race prejudice" to exist
+between them. Tommy Atkins simply replies with a shrug that to him and
+his messmates the native is a "nigger"; and in so far as their attitude
+is concerned, that is the end of the matter. The same suggestion,
+regardless of the scientific accuracy of the parallel, if made to the
+American soldier in the Philippines, meets with the same reply. We have
+wasted an infinite amount of time in interminable controversies over the
+relative superiority and inferiority of different races. Such
+discussions have a certain value when conducted by scientific men in a
+purely scientific spirit. But for the purpose of explaining or
+establishing any fixed principle of race relations they are little
+better than worthless. The Japanese is doubtless quite well satisfied of
+the superiority of his people over the mushroom growths of western
+civilization, and finds no difficulty in borrowing from the latter
+whatever is worth reproducing, and improving on it in adapting it to his
+own racial needs. The Chinese do not waste their time in idle chatter
+over the relative status of their race as compared with the white
+barbarians who have intruded themselves upon them with their grotesque
+customs, their heathenish ideas, and their childishly new religion. The
+Hindu regards with veiled contempt the racial pretensions of his
+conqueror, and, while biding the time when the darker races of the earth
+shall once more come into their own, does not bother himself with such
+an idle question as whether his temporary overlord is his racial equal.
+Only the white man writes volumes to establish on paper the fact of a
+superiority which is either self-evident and not in need of
+demonstration, on the one hand, or is not a fact and is not
+demonstrable, on the other. The really important matter is one about
+which there need be little dispute--the fact of racial differences. It
+is the practical question of differences--the fundamental differences of
+physical appearance, of mental habit and thought, of social customs and
+religious beliefs, of the thousand and one things keenly and clearly
+appreciable, yet sometimes elusive and undefinable--these are the things
+which at once create and find expression in what we call race problems
+and race prejudices, for want of better terms. In just so far as these
+differences are fixed and permanently associated characteristics of two
+groups of people will the antipathies and problems between the two be
+permanent.
+
+Probably the closest approach we shall ever make to a satisfactory
+classification of races as a basis of antipathy will be that of grouping
+men according to color, along certain broad lines, the color being
+accompanied by various and often widely different, but always fairly
+persistent, differentiating physical and mental characteristics. This
+would give us substantially the white--not Caucasian, the yellow--not
+Chinese or Japanese, and the dark--not Negro, races. The antipathies
+between these general groups and between certain of their subdivisions
+will be found to be essentially fundamental, but they will also be found
+to present almost endless differences of degrees of actual and potential
+acuteness. Here elementary psychology also plays its part. One of the
+subdivisions of the Negro race is composed of persons of mixed blood. In
+many instances these are more white than black, yet the association of
+ideas has through several generations identified them with the
+Negro--and in this country friction between this class and white people
+is on some lines even greater than between whites and blacks.
+
+Race conflicts are merely the more pronounced concrete expressions of
+such friction. They are the visible phenomena of the abstract quality of
+racial antipathy--the tangible evidence of the existence of racial
+problems. The form of such expressions of antipathy varies with the
+nature of the racial contact in each instance. Their different and
+widely varying aspects are the confusing and often contradictory
+phenomena of race relations. They are dependent upon diverse conditions,
+and are no more susceptible of rigid and permanent classification than
+are the whims and moods of human nature. It is more than a truism to say
+that a condition precedent to race friction or race conflict is contact
+between sufficient numbers of two diverse racial groups. There is a
+definite and positive difference between contact between individuals and
+contact between masses. The association between two isolated individual
+members of two races may be wholly different from contact between masses
+of the same race groups. The factor of numbers embraces, indeed, the
+very crux of the problems arising from contact between different races.
+
+A primary cause of race friction is the vague, rather intangible, but
+wholly real, feeling of "pressure" which comes to the white man almost
+instinctively in the presence of a mass of people of a different race.
+In a certain important sense all racial problems are distinctly problems
+of racial distribution. Certainly the definite action of the controlling
+race, particularly as expressed in laws, is determined by the factor of
+the numerical difference between its population and that of the inferior
+group. This fact stands out prominently in the history of our colonial
+legislation for the control of Negro slaves. These laws increased in
+severity up to a certain point as the slave population increased in
+numbers. The same condition is disclosed in the history of the
+ante-bellum legislation of the southern, eastern, New England, and
+middle western states for the control of the free Negro population. So
+today no state in the Union would have separate car laws where the Negro
+constituted only 10 or 15 per cent of its total population. No state
+would burden itself with the maintenance of two separate school systems
+with a negro element of less than 10 per cent. Means of local separation
+might be found, but there would be no expression of law on the subject.
+
+Just as a heavy increase of Negro population makes for an increase of
+friction, direct legislation, the protection of drastic social customs,
+and a general feeling of unrest or uneasiness on the part of the white
+population, so a decrease of such population, or a relatively small
+increase as compared with the whites, makes for less friction, greater
+racial tolerance, and a lessening of the feeling of necessity for
+severely discriminating laws or customs. And this quite aside from the
+fact of a difference of increase or decrease of actual points of
+contact, varying with differences of numbers. The statement will
+scarcely be questioned that the general attitude of the white race, as a
+whole, toward the Negro would become much less uncompromising if we were
+to discover that through two census periods the race had shown a
+positive decrease in numbers. Racial antipathy would not decrease, but
+the conditions which provoke its outward expression would undergo a
+change for the better. There is a direct relation between the mollified
+attitude of the people of the Pacific coast toward the Chinese
+population and the fact that the Chinese population decreased between
+1890 and 1900. There would in time be a difference of feeling toward the
+Japanese now there if the immigration of more were prohibited by treaty
+stipulation. There is the same immediate relation between the tolerant
+attitude of whites toward the natives in the Hawaiian Islands and the
+feeling that the native is a decadent and dying race. Aside from the
+influence of the Indian's warlike qualities and of his refusal to submit
+to slavery, the attitude and disposition of the white race toward him
+have been influenced by considerations similar to those which today
+operate in Hawaii. And the same influence has been a factor in
+determining the attitude of the English toward the slowly dying Maoris
+of New Zealand.
+
+At no time in the history of the English-speaking people and at no place
+of which we have any record where large numbers of them have been
+brought into contact with an approximately equal number of Negroes have
+the former granted to the latter absolute equality, either political,
+social, or economic. With the exception of five New England states, with
+a total Negro population of only 16,084 in 1860, every state in the
+Union discriminated against the Negro politically before the Civil War.
+The white people continued to do so--North as well as South--as long as
+they retained control of the suffrage regulations of their states. The
+determination to do so renders one whole section of the country
+practically a political unit to this day. In South Africa we see the
+same determination of the white man to rule, regardless of the numerical
+superiority of the black. The same determination made Jamaica surrender
+the right of self-government and renders her satisfied with a hybrid
+political arrangement today. The presence of practically 100,000 Negroes
+in the District of Columbia makes 200,000 white people content to live
+under an anomaly in a self-governing country. The proposition is too
+elementary for discussion that the white man when confronted with a
+sufficient number of Negroes to create in his mind a sense of political
+unrest or danger either alters his form of government in order to be rid
+of the incubus or destroys the political strength of the Negro by force,
+by evasion, or by direct action.
+
+In the main, the millions in the South live at peace with their white
+neighbors. The masses, just one generation out of slavery and thousands
+of them still largely controlled by its influences, accept the
+superiority of the white race as a race, whatever may be their private
+opinion of some of its members. And, furthermore, they accept this
+relation of superior and inferior as a mere matter of course--as part
+of their lives--as something neither to be questioned, wondered at, or
+worried over. Despite apparent impressions to the contrary, the average
+southern white man gives no more thought to the matter than does the
+Negro. As I tried to make clear at the outset, the status of superior
+and inferior is simply an inherited part of his instinctive mental
+equipment--a concept which he does not have to reason out. The
+respective attitudes are complementary, and under the mutual acceptance
+and understanding there still exist unnumbered thousands of instances of
+kindly and affectionate relations--relations of which the outside world
+knows nothing and understands nothing. In the mass, the southern Negro
+has not bothered himself about the ballot for more than twenty years,
+not since his so-called political leaders let him alone; he is not
+disturbed over the matter of separate schools and cars, and he neither
+knows nor cares anything about "social equality."
+
+But what of the other class? The "masses" is at best an unsatisfactory
+and indefinite term. It is very far from embracing even the southern
+Negro, and we need not forget that seven years ago there were 900,000
+members of the race living outside of the South. What of the class,
+mainly urban and large in number, who have lost the typical habit and
+attitude of the Negro of the mass, and who, more and more, are becoming
+restless and chafing under existing conditions? There is an intimate and
+very natural relation between the social and intellectual advance of the
+so-called Negro and the matter of friction along social lines. It is, in
+fact, only as we touch the higher groups that we can appreciate the
+potential results of contact upon a different plane from that common to
+the masses in the South. There is a large and steadily increasing group
+of men, more or less related to the Negro by blood and wholly identified
+with him by American social usage, who refuse to accept quietly the
+white man's attitude toward the race. I appreciate the mistake of laying
+too great stress upon the utterances of any one man or group of men, but
+the mistakes in this case lie the other way. The American white man
+knows little or nothing about the thought and opinion of the colored men
+and women who today largely mold and direct Negro public opinion in this
+country. Even the white man who considers himself a student of "the race
+question" rarely exhibits anything more than profound ignorance of the
+Negro's side of the problem. He does not know what the other man is
+thinking and saying on the subject. This composite type which we
+poetically call "black," but which in reality is every shade from black
+to white, is slowly developing a consciousness of its own racial
+solidarity. It is finding its own distinctive voice, and through its own
+books and papers and magazines, and through its own social
+organizations, is at once giving utterance to its discontent and making
+known its demands.
+
+And with this dawning consciousness of race there is likewise coming an
+appreciation of the limitations and restrictions which hem in its
+unfolding and development. One of the best indices to the possibilities
+of increased racial friction is the Negro's own recognition of the
+universality of the white man's racial antipathy toward him. This is the
+one clear note above the storm of protest against the things that are,
+that in his highest aspirations everywhere the white man's "prejudice"
+blocks the colored man's path. And the white man may with possible
+profit pause long enough to ask the deeper significance of the Negro's
+finding of himself. May it not be only part of a general awakening of
+the darker races of the earth? Captain H. A. Wilson, of the English
+army, says that through all Africa there has penetrated in some way a
+vague confused report that far off somewhere, in the unknown, outside
+world, a great war has been fought between a white and a yellow race,
+and won by the yellow man. And even before the Japanese-Russian
+conflict, "Ethiopianism" and the cry of "Africa for the Africans" had
+begun to disturb the English in South Africa. It is said time and again
+that the dissatisfaction and unrest in India are accentuated by the
+results of this same war. There can be no doubt in the mind of any man
+who carefully reads American Negro journals that their rejoicing over
+the Japanese victory sounded a very different note from that of the
+white American. It was far from being a mere expression of sympathy with
+a people fighting for national existence against a power which had made
+itself odious to the civilized world by its treatment of its subjects.
+It was, instead, a quite clear cry of exultation over the defeat of a
+white race by a dark one. The white man is no wiser than the ostrich if
+he refuses to see the truth that in the possibilities of race friction
+the Negro's increasing consciousness of race is to play a part scarcely
+less important than the white man's racial antipathies, prejudices, or
+whatever we may elect to call them.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. The Psychology and Sociology of Conflict, Conscious Competition, and
+Rivalry
+
+Consciousness has been described as an effect of conflict--conflict of
+motor tendencies in the individual, conflict of sentiments, attitudes,
+and cultures in the group. The individual, activated in a given
+situation by opposing tendencies, is compelled to redefine his attitude.
+Consciousness is an incident of this readjustment.
+
+Frequently adjustment involves a suppression of one tendency in the
+interest of another, of one wish in favor of another. Where these
+suppressions are permanent, they frequently result in disorders of
+conduct and disorganization of the personality. The suppressed wish,
+when suppression results in disturbances of the conscious life, has been
+called by psychoanalysts a _complex_. Freud and his colleagues have
+isolated and described certain of these complexes. Most familiar of
+these are the Oedipus complex, which is explained as an effect of the
+unconscious conflict of father and son for the love of the mother; and
+the Electra complex, which similarly has as its source the unconscious
+struggle of mother and daughter for the affection of the father. Adler,
+in his description of the "inferiority" complex, explains it as an
+effect of the conflict growing out of the contrast between the ideal and
+the actual status of the person. Other mental conflicts described by the
+psychoanalysts are referred to the "adopted child" complex, the
+Narcissus complex, the sex shock, etc. These conflicts which disturb the
+mental life of the person are all the reflections of social relations
+and are to be explained in terms of status and the rôle of the
+individual in the group.
+
+Emulation and rivalry represent conflict at higher social levels, where
+competition has been translated into forms that inure to the survival
+and success of the group. Research in this field, fragmentary as it is,
+confirms the current impression of the stimulation of effort in the
+person through conscious competition with his fellows. Adler's theory of
+"psychic compensation" is based on the observation that handicapped
+individuals frequently excel in the very fields in which they are
+apparently least qualified to compete. Demosthenes, for example, became
+a great orator in spite of the fact that he stuttered. Ordahl presents
+the only comprehensive survey of the literature in this field.
+
+Simmel has made the outstanding contribution to the sociological
+conception of conflict. Just as the attitudes of the individual person
+represent an organization of antagonistic elements, society, as he
+interprets it, is a unity of which the elements are conflicting
+tendencies. Society, he insists, would be quite other than it is, were
+it not for the aversions, antagonisms, differences, as well as the
+sympathies, affections, and similarities between individuals and groups
+of individuals. The unity of society includes these opposing forces,
+and, as a matter of fact, society is organized upon the basis of
+conflict.
+
+Conflict is an organizing principle in society. Just as the individual,
+under the influences of contact and conflict with other individuals,
+acquires a status and develops a personality, so groups of individuals,
+in conflict with other groups, achieve unity, organization, group
+consciousness, and assume the forms characteristic of conflict
+groups--that is to say, they become parties, sects, and nationalities,
+etc.
+
+
+2. Types of Conflict
+
+Simmel, in his study of conflict, distinguished four types--namely, war,
+feud and faction, litigation, and discussion, i.e., the impersonal
+struggles of parties and causes. This classification, while
+discriminating, is certainly not complete. There are, for example, the
+varied forms of sport, in which conflict assumes the form of rivalry.
+These are nevertheless organized on a conflict pattern. Particularly
+interesting in this connection are games of chance, gambling and
+gambling devices which appeal to human traits so fundamental that no
+people is without example of them in its folkways.
+
+Gambling is, according to Groos, "a fighting play," and the universal
+human interest in this sport is due to the fact that "no other form of
+play displays in so many-sided a fashion the combativeness of human
+nature."[218]
+
+The history of the duel, either in the form of the judicial combat, the
+wager of battle of the Middle Ages, or as a form of private vengeance,
+offers interesting material for psychological or sociological
+investigation. The transition from private vengeance to public
+prosecution, of which the passing of the duel is an example, has not
+been completed. In fact, new forms are in some cases gradually gaining
+social sanction. We still have our "unwritten laws" for certain
+offenses. It is proverbially difficult to secure the conviction, in
+certain parts of the country, Chicago, for example, of a woman who kills
+her husband or her lover. The practice of lynching Negroes in the
+southern states, for offenses against women, and for any other form of
+conduct that is construed as a challenge to the dominant race, is an
+illustration from a somewhat different field, not merely of the
+persistence, but the gradual development of the so-called unwritten law.
+The circumstances under which these and all other unwritten laws arise,
+in which custom controls in contravention of the formal written code,
+have not been investigated from the point of view of sociology and in
+their human-nature aspects.
+
+Several studies of games and gambling, in some respects the most unique
+objectivations of human interest, have been made from the point of view
+of the fundamental human traits involved, notably Thomas' article on
+_The Gaming Instinct_, Groos's chapter on "Fighting Play," in his _Play
+of Man_, and G. T. W. Patrick's _Psychology of Relaxation_, in which the
+theory of catharsis, familiar since Aristotle, is employed to explain
+play, laughter, profanity, the drink habit, and war.
+
+Original materials exist in abundance for the study of feud, litigation,
+and war. No attempt seems to have been made to study feud and litigation
+comparatively, as Westermarck has studied marriage institutions.
+Something has indeed been done in this direction with the subject of
+war, notably by Letourneau in France and by Frobenius in Germany.
+Sumner's notable essay on _War_ is likewise an important contribution to
+the subject. The literature upon war, however, is so voluminous and so
+important that it will be discussed later, separately, and in greater
+detail.
+
+Quite as interesting and important as that of war is the natural history
+of discussion, including under that term political and religious
+controversy and social agitation, already referred to as impersonal or
+secondary conflict.
+
+The history of discussion, however, is the history of freedom--freedom,
+at any rate, of thought and of speech. It is only when peace and
+freedom have been established that discussion is practicable or
+possible. A number of histories have been written in recent years
+describing the rise of rationalism, as it is called, and the rôle of
+discussion and agitation in social life. Draper's _History of the
+Intellectual Development of Europe_ and Lecky's _History of the Rise and
+Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe_ are among the earlier
+works in this field. Robertson's _History of Free Thought_ is mainly a
+survey of religious skepticism but contains important and suggestive
+references to the natural processes by which abstract thought has arisen
+out of the cultural contacts and conflicts among peoples, which conquest
+and commerce have brought into the same universe of discourse. What we
+seem to have in these works are materials for the study of the communal
+processes through which thought is formulated. Once formulated it
+becomes a permanent factor in the life of the group. The rôle of
+discussion in the communal process will be considered later in
+connection with the newspaper, the press agent, propaganda, and the
+various factors and mechanisms determining the formation of public
+opinion.
+
+
+3. The Literature of War
+
+The emphasis upon the struggle for existence which followed the
+publication of Darwin's _The Origin of Species_, in 1859, seemed to many
+thinkers to give a biological basis for the necessity and the
+inevitability of war. No distinction was made by writers of this school
+of thought between competition and conflict. Both were supposed to be
+based on instinct. Nicolai's _The Biology of War_ is an essay with the
+avowed design of refuting the biological justification of war.
+
+Psychological studies of war have explained war either as an expression
+of instinct or as a reversion to a primordial animal-human type of
+behavior. Patrick, who is representative of this latter school,
+interprets war as a form of relaxation. G. W. Crile has offered a
+mechanistic interpretation of war and peace based on studies of the
+chemical changes which men undergo in warfare. Crile comes to the
+conclusion, however, that war is an action pattern, fixed in the social
+heredity of the national group, and not a type of behavior determined
+biologically.
+
+The human nature of war and the motives which impel the person to the
+great adventure and the supreme risk of war have not been subjected to
+sociological study. A mass of material, however, consisting of personal
+documents of all types, letters, common-sense observation, and diaries
+is now available for such study.
+
+Much of the literature of war has been concentrated on this problem of
+the abolition of war. There are the idealists and the conscientious
+objectors who look to good will, humanitarian sentiment, and pacificism
+to end war by the transformation of attitudes of men and the policies of
+nations. On the other hand, there are the hard-headed and practical
+thinkers and statesmen who believe, with Hobbes, that war will not end
+until there is established a power strong enough to overawe a
+recalcitrant state. Finally, there is a third group of social thinkers
+who emphasize the significance of the formation of a world public
+opinion. This "international mind" they regard of far greater
+significance for the future of humanity than the problem of war or
+peace, of national rivalries, or of future race conflicts.
+
+
+4. Race Conflict
+
+A European school of sociologists emphasizes conflict as the fundamental
+social process. Gumplowicz, in his book _Die Rassenkampf_, formulated a
+theory of social contacts and conflicts upon the conception of original
+ethnic groups in terms of whose interaction the history of humanity
+might be written. Novicow and Ratzenhofer maintain similar, though not
+so extreme, theories of social origins and historical developments.
+
+With the tremendous extension of communication and growth of commerce,
+the world is today a great community in a sense that could not have been
+understood a century ago. But the world, if it is now one community, is
+not yet one society. Commerce has created an economic interdependence,
+but contact and communication have not resulted in either a political or
+a cultural solidarity. Indeed, the first evidences of the effects of
+social contacts appear to be disruptive rather than unifying. In every
+part of the world in which the white and colored races have come into
+intimate contact, race problems have presented the most intractable of
+all social problems.
+
+Interest in this problem manifests itself in the enormous literature on
+the subject. Most of all that has been written, however, is superficial.
+Much is merely sentimental, interesting for the attitudes it exhibits,
+but otherwise adding nothing to our knowledge of the facts. The best
+account of the American situation is undoubtedly Ray Stannard Baker's
+_Following the Color Line_. The South African situation is interestingly
+and objectively described by Maurice Evans in _Black and White in South
+East Africa_. Steiner's book, _The Japanese Invasion_, is, perhaps, the
+best account of the Japanese-American situation.
+
+The race problem merges into the problem of the nationalities and the
+so-called subject races. The struggles of the minor nationalities for
+self-determination is a phase of racial conflict; a phase, however, in
+which language rather than color is the basis of division and conflict.
+
+
+5. Conflict Groups
+
+In chapter i conflict groups were divided into gangs, labor
+organizations, sects, parties, and nationalities.[219] Common to these
+groups is an organization and orientation with reference to conflict
+with other groups of the same kind or with a more or less hostile social
+environment, as in the case of religious sects.
+
+The spontaneous organizations of boys and youths called gangs attracted
+public attention in American communities because of the relation of
+these gangs to juvenile delinquency and adolescent crime. An interesting
+but superficial literature upon the gang has developed in recent years,
+represented typically by J. Adams Puffer _The Boy and his Gang_. The
+brief but picturesque descriptions of individual gangs seem to indicate
+that the play group tends to pass over into the gang when it comes into
+conflict with other groups of like type or with the community. The fully
+developed gang appears to possess a restricted membership, a natural
+leader, a name--usually that of a leader or a locality--a body of
+tradition, custom and a ritual, a rendezvous, a territorial area which
+it holds as a sort of possession and defends against invasion by other
+groups. Attention was early called, as by Mr. Brewster Adams in an
+article _The Street Gang as a Factor in Politics_, to the facility with
+which the gang graduates into a local political organization,
+representing thus the sources of political power of the typical American
+city.
+
+Although the conflict of economic groups is not a new nor even a modern
+phenomenon, no such permanent conflict groups as those represented by
+capital and labor existed until recent times. Veblen has made an acute
+observation upon this point. The American Federation of Labor, he
+states, "is not organized for production but for bargaining." It is, in
+effect, an organization for the strategic defeat of employers and rival
+organizations, by recourse to enforced unemployment and obstruction; not
+for the production of goods and services.[220]
+
+Research in the labor problem by the Webbs in England and by Commons,
+Hoxie, and others in this country has been primarily concerned with the
+history and with the structure and functions of trade unions. At present
+there is a tendency to investigate the human-nature aspects of the
+causes of the industrial conflict. The current phrases "instincts in
+industry," "the human factor in economics," "the psychology of the labor
+movement," "industry, emotion, and unrest" indicate the change in
+attitude. The essential struggle is seen to lie not in the conflict of
+classes, intense and ruthless as it is, but more and more in the
+fundamental struggle between a mechanical and impersonal system, on the
+one hand, and the person with his wishes unsatisfied and insatiable on
+the other. All attempts to put the relations of capital and labor upon a
+moral basis have failed hitherto. The latest and most promising
+experiment in this direction is the so-called labor courts established
+by the Amalgamated Clothing Workers and their employees.
+
+The literature upon sects and parties has been written for the most part
+with the purpose of justifying, to a critical and often hostile public,
+the sectarian and partisan aims and acts of their several organizations.
+In a few works such as Sighele's _Psychologie des sectes_ and Michels'
+_Political Parties_ an attempt has been made at objective description
+and analysis of the mechanisms of the behavior of the sect and of the
+party.
+
+The natural history of the state from the tribe to the modern nation has
+been that of a political society based on conflict. Franz Oppenheimer
+maintains the thesis in his book _The State: Its History and Development
+Viewed Sociologically_, that conquest has been the historical basis of
+the state. The state is, in other words, an organization of groups that
+have been in conflict, i.e., classes and castes; or of groups that are
+in conflict, i.e., political parties.
+
+A nationality, as distinct from a nation, as for instance the Irish
+nationality, is a language and cultural group which has become group
+conscious through its struggle for status in the larger imperial or
+international group. Nationalism is, in other words, a phenomenon of
+internationalism.
+
+The literature upon this subject is enormous. The most interesting
+recent works on the general topic are Dominian's _The Frontiers of
+Language and Nationality in Europe_, Pillsbury's _The Psychology of
+Nationality and Internationalism_, and Oakesmith's _Race and
+Nationality_.
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+I. PSYCHOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY OF CONFLICT
+
+
+A. _Conflict and Social Process_
+
+(1) Simmel, Georg. "The Sociology of Conflict." Translated from the
+German by Albion W. Small. _American Journal of Sociology_, IX (1903-4),
+490-525; 672-89; 798-811.
+
+(2) Gumplowicz, Ludwig. _Der Rassenkampf._ Sociologische Untersuchungen.
+Innsbruck, 1883.
+
+(3) Novicow, J. _Les Luttes entre sociétés humaines et leurs phases
+successives._ Paris, 1893.
+
+(4) Ratzenhofer, Gustav. _Wesen und Zweck der Politik._ Als Theil der
+Sociologie und Grundlage der Staatswissenschaften. 3 vols. Leipzig,
+1893.
+
+(5) ----. _Die sociologische Erkenntnis._ Positive Philosophie des
+Socialen Lebens. Leipzig, 1898.
+
+(6) Sorel, Georges. _Reflections on Violence._ New York, 1914.
+
+
+B. _Conflict and Mental Conflict_
+
+(1) Healy, William. _Mental Conflicts and Misconduct._ Boston, 1917.
+
+(2) Prince, Morton. _The Unconscious._ The fundamentals of personality,
+normal and abnormal. Chap. xv, "Instincts, Sentiments, and Conflicts,"
+pp. 446-87; chap, xvi, "General Phenomena Resulting from Emotional
+Conflicts," pp. 488-528. New York, 1914.
+
+(3) Adler, Alfred. _The Neurotic Constitution._ Outlines of a
+comparative individualistic psychology and psychotherapy. Translated by
+Bernard Glueck and John E. Lind. New York, 1917.
+
+(4) Adler, Alfred. _A Study of Organ Inferiority and Its Psychical
+Compensation._ A contribution to clinical medicine. Translated by S. E.
+Jelliffe. "Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series," No. 24. New
+York, 1917.
+
+(5) Lay, Wilfrid. _Man's Unconscious Conflict._ A popular exposition of
+psychoanalysis. New York, 1917.
+
+(6) Blanchard, Phyllis. _The Adolescent Girl._ A study from the
+psychoanalytic viewpoint. Chap. iii, "The Adolescent Conflict," pp.
+87-115. New York, 1920.
+
+(7) Weeks, Arland D. _Social Antagonisms._ Chicago, 1918.
+
+
+C. _Rivalry_
+
+(1) Baldwin, J. Mark, editor. _Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology._
+Article on "Rivalry." Vol. II, pp. 476-78.
+
+(2) Vincent, George E. "The Rivalry of Social Groups," _American Journal
+of Sociology_, XVI (1910-11), 469-84.
+
+(3) Ordahl, George. "Rivalry: Its Genetic Development and Pedagogy,"
+_The Pedagogical Seminary_, XV (1908), 492-549. [Bibliography.]
+
+(4) Ely, Richard T. _Studies in the Evolution of Industrial Society._
+Chap. ii, "Rivalry and Success in Economic Life," pp. 152-63. New York,
+1903.
+
+(5) Cooley, Charles H. _Personal Competition: Its Place in the Social
+Order and Effect upon Individuals; with Some Considerations on Success._
+"Economic Studies," Vol. IV, No. 2. New York, 1899.
+
+(6) Triplett, Norman. "The Dynamogenic Factors in Pacemaking and
+Competition," _American Journal of Psychology_, IX (1897-98), 507-33.
+
+(7) Baldwin, J. Mark. "La Concurrence sociale et l'individualisme,"
+_Revue Internationale de sociologie_, XVIII (1910), 641-57.
+
+(8) Groos, Karl. _The Play of Man._ Translated with author's
+co-operation by Elizabeth L. Baldwin with a preface by J. Mark Baldwin.
+New York, 1901.
+
+
+D. _Discussion_
+
+(1) Bagehot, Walter. _Physics and Politics._ Or thoughts on the
+application of the principles of "Natural Selection" and "Inheritance"
+to political society. Chap. v, "The Age of Discussion," pp. 156-204. New
+York, 1875.
+
+(2) Robertson, John M. _A Short History of Free Thought, Ancient and
+Modern._ 2 vols. New York, 1906.
+
+(3) Windelband, Wilhelm. _Geschichte der alten Philosophie._ "Die
+Sophistik und Sokrates," pp. 63-92. München, 1894.
+
+(4) Mackay, R. W. _The Progress of the Intellect as Exemplified in the
+Religious Development of the Greeks and Hebrews._ 2 vols. London, 1850.
+
+(5) Stephen, Sir Leslie. _History of English Thought in the Eighteenth
+Century._ 2d ed., 2 vols. London, 1881.
+
+(6) Damiron, J. Ph. _Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de la philosophie
+au 18ième siècle._ 3 vols. Paris, 1858-64.
+
+(7) Draper, J. W. _History of the Intellectual Development of Europe._
+Rev. ed., 2 vols. New York, 1904.
+
+(8) ----. _History of the Conflict between Religion and Science._ New
+York, 1873.
+
+(9) Lecky, W. E. H. _History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of
+Rationalism in Europe._ Rev. ed., 2 vols. New York, 1903.
+
+(10) White, Andrew D. _History of the Warfare of Science with Theology._
+An expansion of an earlier essay, "The Warfare of Science," 2d. ed.,
+1877. 2 vols. New York, 1896.
+
+(11) Haynes, E. S. P. _Religious Persecution._ A study in political
+psychology. London, 1904.
+
+
+II. TYPES OF CONFLICT
+
+A. _War_
+
+
+1. Psychology and Sociology of War:
+
+(1) Darwin, Charles. _The Descent of Man._ Chaps. xvii and xviii.
+"Secondary Sexual Characters of Mammals," pp. 511-67. (Gives account of
+the fighting instinct in males and the methods of fighting of animals.)
+2d rev. ed. New York, 1907.
+
+(2) Johnson, George E. "The Fighting Instinct: Its Place in Life,"
+_Survey_, XXXV (1915-16), 243-48.
+
+(3) Thorndike, Edward L. _The Original Nature of Man._ "Fighting," pp.
+68-75. New York, 1913.
+
+(4) Hall, G. Stanley. "A Study of Anger," _American Journal of
+Psychology_, X (1898-99), 516-91.
+
+(5) Patrick, G. T. W. _The Psychology of Social Reconstruction._ Boston,
+1920.
+
+(6) ----. _The Psychology of Relaxation._ Chap. vi, "The Psychology of
+War," pp. 219-52. Boston, 1916.
+
+(7) Pillsbury, W. B. _The Psychology of Nationalism and
+Internationalism._ New York, 1919.
+
+(8) Trotter, W. _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War._ London, 1916.
+
+(9) La Grasserie, R. de. "De l'intolerance comme phénomène social,"
+_Revue International de Sociologie_, XVIII (1910), 76-113.
+
+(10) Percin, Alexandra. _Le Combat._ Paris, 1914.
+
+(11) Huot, Louis, and Voivenel, Paul. _Le Courage._ Paris, 1917.
+
+(12) Porter, W. T. _Shock at the Front._ Boston, 1918.
+
+(13) Lord, Herbert Gardiner. _The Psychology of Courage._ Boston, 1918.
+
+(14) Hall, G. Stanley. _Morale, the Supreme Standard of Life and
+Conduct._ New York, 1920.
+
+(15) Roussy, G., and Lhermitte, J. _The Psychoneuroses of War._
+Translated by W. B. Christopherson. London, 1918.
+
+(16) Babinski, J. F., and Froment, J. _Hysteria or Pithiatism, and
+Reflex Nervous Disorders in the Neurology of the War._ Translated by J.
+D. Rolleston, with a preface by E. Farquhar Buzzard. London, 1918.
+
+
+2. The Natural History of War:
+
+(1) Sumner, William G. _War and Other Essays._ Edited with an
+introduction by Albert Galloway Keller. New Haven, 1911.
+
+(2) Letourneau, Ch. _La Guerre dans les diverses races humaines._ Paris,
+1895.
+
+(3) Frobenius, Leo. _Weltgeschichte des Krieges._ Unter Mitwirkung von
+Oberstleutnant a. D. H. Frobenius u. Korvetten-Kapitän a. D. E.
+Kohlhauer. Hannover, 1903.
+
+(4) Bakeless, John. _The Economic Causes of Modern Wars._ A study of the
+period 1878-1918. New York, 1921.
+
+(5) Crosby, Oscar T. _International War, Its Causes and Its Cure._
+London, 1919.
+
+(6) Sombart, Werner. _Krieg und Kapitalismus._ Studien zur
+Entwicklungsgeschichte des modernen Kapitalismus. Vol. II, München,
+1913.
+
+(7) Lagorgette, Jean. _Le Rôle de la guerre._ Étude de sociologie
+générale. Préface de M. Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu. Paris, 1906.
+
+(8) Steinmetz, S. R. _Der Krieg als sociologisches Problem._ Pp. 21 ff.
+Amsterdam, 1899.
+
+(9) ----. _Die Philosophie des Krieges._ "Natur- und
+kultur-philosophische Bibliothek," Band VI. Leipzig, 1907.
+
+(10) Constantin, A. _Le rôle sociologique de la guerre et le sentiment
+national._ Suivi de la guerre comme moyen de sélection collective, par
+S. R. Steinmetz. "Bibliothèque scientifique internationale," Tome CVIII.
+Paris. 1907.
+
+(11) Keller, Albert G. _Through War to Peace._ New York, 1918.
+
+(12) Worms, René, editor. "Les luttes sociales." Études et paroles de E.
+Levasseur, Lord Avebury, René Worms, J. Novicow, Lester F. Ward, A. P.
+Xénopol, Louis Gumplowicz, Ferdinand Tönnies, Raoul de la Grasserie,
+Simon Halpércine, Ludwig Stein, Émile Worms, Charles M. Limousin,
+Frederick Harrison, C. L. Loch, G. Arcoleo, R. Garofalo, J. K.
+Kochanowski, Léon Phillipe, Alfredo Niceforo, N. A. Abrikossof, Adolphe
+Landry. _Annales de l'institut international de sociologie._ Tome XI.
+Paris, 1907.
+
+(13) Fielding-Hall, H. _Nature of War and Its Causes._ London, 1917.
+
+(14) Oliver, Frederick S. _Ordeal by Battle._ London, 1915.
+
+
+3. War and Human Nature:
+
+(1) Petit-Dutaillis, C. E. "L'Appel de guerre en Dauphiné Ier 2 août
+1914," _Annales de l'Université de Grenoble_, XXVII (1915), 1-59.
+[Documents consisting of letters written by instructors and others
+describing the sentiments with which the declaration of war was
+received.]
+
+(2) Wood, Walter, editor. _Soldiers' Stories of the War._ London, 1915.
+
+(3) Buswell, Leslie. _Ambulance No. 10: Personal Letters from the
+Front._ Boston, 1916.
+
+(4) Kilpatrick, James A. _Tommy Atkins at War as Told in His Own
+Letters._ New York, 1914.
+
+(5) Fadl, Said Memun Abul. "Die Frauen des Islams und der Weltkrieg,"
+_Nord und Süd_, CLV (Nov. 1915), 171-74. [Contains a letter from a
+Turkish mother to her son at the front.]
+
+(6) Maublanc, René. "La guerre vue par des enfants (septembre, 1914)."
+(Recits par des enfants de campagne.) _Revue de Paris_, XXII
+(septembre-octobre, 1915), 396-418.
+
+(7) Daudet, Ernest, editor. "L'âme française et l'âme allemande."
+Lettres de soldats. _Documents pour l'histoire de la guerre._ Paris,
+1915.
+
+(8) "Heimatsbriefe an russische Soldaten." (Neue philologische
+Rundschau; hrsg. von dr. C. Wagener und dr. E. Ludwig in Bremen, jahrg.
+1886-1908.) _Die neue Rundschau_, II (1915), 1673-83.
+
+(9) "The Attack at Loos," by a French Lieutenant. "Under Shell-Fire at
+Dunkirk," by an American Nurse. "The Winter's War," by a British
+Captain. "The Bitter Experience of Lorraine," by the Prefect of
+Meurthe-et-Moselle. _Atlantic Monthly_, CXVI (1915), 688-711.
+
+(10) Böhme, Margarete. _Kriegsbriefe der Familie Wimmel._ (Personal
+experiences in the Great War). Dresden, 1915.
+
+(11) Chevillon, André. "Lettres d'un soldat," _Revue de Paris_, XXII
+(juillet-août, 1915), 471-95.
+
+(12) Boutroux, Pierre. "Les soldats allemands en campagne, d'après leur
+correspondance," _Revue de Paris_, XXII (septembre-octobre, 1915),
+323-43; 470-91
+
+(13) West, Arthur Graeme. _The Diary of a Dead Officer._ Posthumous
+papers. London, 1918.
+
+(14) Mayer, Émile. "Emotions des chefs en campagne," _Bibliothèque
+universelle et Revue Suisse_, LXIX (1913), 98-131.
+
+(15) Wehrhan, K. "Volksdichtung über unsere gefallenen Helden," _Die
+Grenzboten_, LXXIV (No. 28, July 14, 1915), 58-64. [Calls attention to
+growth of a usage (anfangs, wagte sich der Brauch nur schüchtern, hier
+und da, hervor) of printing verses, some original, some quoted, in the
+death notices.]
+
+(16) Naumann, Friedrich. "Der Kriegsglaube," _Die Hilfe_, XXI (No. 36,
+Sept. 9, 1915), 576. [Sketches the forces that have created a war creed,
+in which all confessions participate, immediately and without
+formalities.]
+
+(17) Roepke, Dr. Fritz. "Der Religiöse Geist in deutschen
+Soldatenbriefen," _Die Grenzboten_, LXXIV (No. 30, July 28, 1915),
+124-28. [An interesting analysis of letters which are not reproduced in
+full.]
+
+(18) Wendland, Walter, "Krieg und Religion," _Die Grenzboten_, LXXIV
+(No. 33, Sept. 11, 1915), 212-19. [Reviews the literature of war and
+religion.]
+
+(19) Bang, J. P. _Hurrah and Hallelujah._ The teaching of Germany's
+poets, prophets, professors, and preachers; a documentation. From the
+Danish by Jessie Bröchner. London and New York, 1917.
+
+
+B. _Race Conflict_
+
+1. Race Relations in General:
+
+(1) Bryce, James. _The Relations of the Advanced and the Backward Races
+of Mankind._ Oxford, 1903.
+
+(2) Simpson, Bertram L. _The Conflict of Colour._ The threatened
+upheaval throughout the world, by Weale, B. L. P. [_pseud._]. London,
+1910.
+
+(3) Steiner, Jesse F. _The Japanese Invasion._ A study in the psychology
+of inter-racial contacts. Chicago, 1917.
+
+(4) Stoddard, T. Lothrop. _The Rising Tide of Color against White
+World-Supremacy._ New York, 1920.
+
+(5) Blyden, Edward W. _Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race._ London,
+1888.
+
+(6) Spiller, G., editor. _Papers on Inter-racial Problems._ Communicated
+to the First Universal Races Congress, London, 1911, pp. 463-77. Boston,
+1911. [Bibliography on Race Problems.]
+
+(7) Baker, Ray Stannard. _Following the Color Line._ An account of Negro
+citizenship in the American democracy. New York, 1908.
+
+(8) Miller, Kelly. _Race Adjustment._ Essays on the Negro in America.
+New York, 1908.
+
+(9) Stephenson, Gilbert T. _Race Distinctions in American Law._ New
+York, 1910.
+
+(10) Mecklin, John M. _Democracy and Race Friction._ A study in social
+ethics. New York, 1914.
+
+(11) Evans, Maurice. _Black and White in South East Africa._ London,
+1911.
+
+(12) ----. _Black and White in the Southern States._ A study of the race
+problem in the United States from a South African point of view. London,
+1915.
+
+(13) Brailsford, H. N. _Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future._ London,
+1906.
+
+(14) Means, Philip A. _Racial Factors in Democracy._ Boston, 1918.
+
+
+2. Race Prejudice:
+
+(1) Crawley, Ernest. _The Mystic Rose._ A study of primitive marriage.
+Pp. 33-58; 76-235. London, 1902. [Taboo as a mechanism for regulating
+contacts.]
+
+(2) Thomas, W. I. "The Psychology of Race-Prejudice," _American Journal
+of Sociology_, IX (1903-4), 593-611.
+
+(3) Finot, Jean. _Race Prejudice._ Translated from the French by
+Florence Wade-Evans. London, 1906.
+
+(4) Pillsbury, W. B. _The Psychology of Nationality and
+Internationalism._ Chap. iii, "Hate as a Social Force," pp. 63-89. New
+York, 1919.
+
+(5) Shaler, N. S. "Race Prejudices," _Atlantic Monthly_, LVIII (1886),
+510-18.
+
+(6) Stone, Alfred H. _Studies in the American Race Problem._ Chap. vi,
+"Race Friction," pp. 211-41. New York, 1908.
+
+(7) Mecklin, John M. _Democracy and Race Friction._ A study in social
+ethics. Chap v, "Race-Prejudice," pp. 123-56. New York, 1914.
+
+(8) Bailey, T. P. _Race Orthodoxy in the South._ And other aspects of
+the negro question. New York, 1914.
+
+(9) Parton, James. "Antipathy to the Negro," _North American Review_,
+CXXVII (1878), 476-91.
+
+(10) Duncan, Sara Jeannette. "Eurasia," _Popular Science Monthly_, XLII
+(1892), 1-9.
+
+(11) Morse, Josiah. "The Psychology of Prejudice," _International
+Journal of Ethics_, XVII (1906-7), 490-506.
+
+(12) McDougall, William. _An Introduction to Social Psychology._ Chap.
+xi, "The Instinct of Pugnacity," pp. 279-95; "The Instinct of Pugnacity
+and the Emotion of Anger," pp. 49-61. 4th rev. ed. Boston, 1912.
+
+(13) Royce, Josiah. _Race Questions, Provincialism, and Other American
+Problems._ Chap. i, "Race Questions and Prejudices," pp. 1-53. New York,
+1908.
+
+(14) Thomas, William I. "Race Psychology: Standpoint and Questionnaire,
+with Particular Reference to the Immigrant and the Negro," _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XVII (1912-13), 725-75.
+
+(15) Bryce, James. _Race Sentiment as a Factor in History._ A lecture
+delivered before the University of London, February 22, 1915. London,
+1915.
+
+
+3. Strikes:
+
+(1) Schwittau, G. _Die Formen des wirtschaftlichen Kampfes, Streik,
+Boykott, Aussperung, usw._ Eine volkswirtschaftliche Untersuchung auf
+dem Gebiete der gegenwärtigen Arbeitspolitik. Berlin, 1912.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+(2) Hall, Frederick S. _Sympathetic Strikes and Sympathetic Lockouts._
+"Columbia University Studies in Political Science." Vol. X. New York,
+1898. [Bibliography.]
+
+(3) Bing, Alexander M. _War-time Strikes and Their Adjustment._ With an
+introduction by Felix Adler. New York, 1921.
+
+(4) Egerton, Charles E., and Durand, E. Dana. _U. S. Industrial
+Commission Reports of the Industrial Commission on Labor Organizations._
+"Labor Disputes and Arbitration." Washington, 1901.
+
+(5) Janes, George M. _The Control of Strikes in American Trade Unions._
+Baltimore, 1916.
+
+(6) United States Strike Commission, 1895. _Report on the Chicago Strike
+of June-July, 1894, by the United States Strike Commission._ Washington,
+1895.
+
+(7) Warne, Frank J. "The Anthracite Coal Strike," _Annals of the
+American Academy_, XVII (1901), 15-52.
+
+(8) Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, 1902-3. _Report to the President
+on the Anthracite Coal Strike of May-October, 1902, by the Anthracite
+Coal Strike Commission._ Washington, 1903.
+
+(9) Hanford, Benjamin. _The Labor War in Colorado._ New York, 1904.
+
+(10) Rastall, B. M. _The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District._ A
+study in industrial evolution. Madison, Wis., 1908.
+
+(11) United States Bureau of Labor. _Report on Strike at Bethlehem Steel
+Works, South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania._ Prepared under the direction of
+Charles P. Neill, commissioner of labor. Washington, 1910.
+
+(12) Wright, Arnold. _Disturbed Dublin._ The story of the great strike
+of 1913-14, with a description of the industries of the Irish Capital.
+London, 1914.
+
+(13) Seattle General Strike Committee. _The Seattle General Strike._ An
+account of what happened in the Seattle labor movement, during the
+general strike, February 6-11, 1919. Seattle, 1919.
+
+(14) Interchurch World Movement. _Report on the Steel Strike of 1919._
+New York, 1920.
+
+(15) U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. _Report in Regard to the Strike of
+Mine Workers in the Michigan Copper District._ Bulletin No. 139.
+February 7, 1914.
+
+(16) ----. _Strikes and Lockouts, 1881-1905._ Twenty-first annual
+report, 1906.
+
+(17) Foster, William Z. _The Great Steel Strike and Its Lessons._ New
+York, 1920.
+
+(18) Wolman, Leo. "The Boycott in American Trade Unions," _Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science_, Vol. XXXIV.
+Baltimore, 1916.
+
+(19) Laidler, Harry W. _Boycotts and the Labor Struggle._ Economic and
+legal aspects. With an introduction by Henry R. Seager. New York and
+London, 1914.
+
+(20) Hunter, Robert. _Violence and the Labour Movement._ New York, 1914.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+
+4. Lynch Law and Lynching:
+
+(1) Walling, W. E. "The Race War in the North," _Independent_, LXV
+(July-Sept. 1908), 529-34.
+
+(2) "The So-Called Race Riot at Springfield," by an Eye Witness.
+_Charities_, XX (1908), 709-11.
+
+(3) Seligmann, H. J. "Race War?" _New Republic_, XX (1919), 48-50. [The
+Washington race riot.]
+
+(4) Leonard, O. "The East St. Louis Pogrom," _Survey_, XXXVIII (1917),
+331-33.
+
+(5) Sandburg, Carl. _The Chicago Race Riots, July, 1919._ New York,
+1919.
+
+(6) Chicago Commission on Race Relations. _Report on the Chicago Race
+Riot._ [In Press.]
+
+(7) Cutler, James E. _Lynch-Law._ An investigation into the history of
+lynching in the United States. New York, 1905.
+
+(8) National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. _Thirty
+Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1918._ New York, 1919.
+
+(9) ----. _Burning at Stake in the United States._ A record of the
+public burning by mobs of six men, during the first six months of 1919,
+in the states of Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas. New
+York, 1919.
+
+
+C. _Feuds_
+
+(1) Miklosich, Franz. _Die Blutrache bei den Slaven._ Wien, 1887.
+
+(2) Johnston, C. "The Land of the Blood Feud," _Harper's Weekly_, LVII
+(Jan. 11, 1913), 42.
+
+(3) Davis, H., and Smyth, C. "The Land of Feuds," _Munseys'_, XXX
+(1903-4), 161-72.
+
+(4) "Avenging Her Father's Death," _Literary Digest_, XLV (November 9,
+1912), 864-70.
+
+(5) Campbell, John C. _The Southern Highlander and His Homeland._ Pp.
+110-13. New York, 1921.
+
+(6) Wermert, Georg. _Die Insel Sicilien, in volkswirtschaftlicher,
+kultureller, und sozialer Beziehung._ Chap. xxvii, "Volkscharacter und
+Mafia." Berlin, 1901.
+
+(7) Heijningen, Hendrik M. K. van. _Het Straf- en Wraakrecht in den
+Indischen Archipel._ Leiden, 1916.
+
+(8) Steinmetz, S. R. _Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwicklung der
+Strafe, nebst einer psychologischen Abhandlung über Grausamkeit und
+Rachsucht._ 2 vols. Leiden, 1894.
+
+(9) Wesnitsch, Milenko R. _Die Blutrache bei den Südslaven._ Ein Beitrag
+zur Geschichte des Strafrechts. Stuttgart, 1889.
+
+(10) Bourde, Paul. _En Corse._ L'esprit de clan--les moeurs
+politiques--les vendettas--le banditisme. Correspondances adressées au
+"Temps." Cinquième édition. Paris, 1906.
+
+(11) Dorsey, J. Owen. "Omaha Sociology," chap. xii, "The Law," sec. 310,
+"Murder," p. 369. In _Third Annual Report of the U.S. Bureau of American
+Ethnology, 1881-82._ Washington, 1884.
+
+(12) Woods, A. "The Problem of the Black Hand," _McClure's_, XXXIII
+(1909), 40-47.
+
+(13) Park, Robert E., and Miller, Herbert A. _Old World Traits
+Transplanted._ New York, 1921. [See pp. 241-58 for details of rise and
+decline of Black Hand in New York.]
+
+(14) White, F. M. "The Passing of the Black Hand," _Century_, XCV, N. S.
+73 (1917-18), 331-37.
+
+(15) Cutrera, A. _La Mafia e i mafiosi._ Origini e manifestazioni.
+Studio di sociologia criminale, con una carta a colori su la densità
+della Mafia in Sicilia. Palermo, 1900.
+
+
+D. _The Duel and the Ordeal of Battle_
+
+(1) Millingen, J. G. _The History of Duelling._ Including narratives of
+the most remarkable personal encounters that have taken place from the
+earliest period to the present time. 2 vols. London, 1841.
+
+(2) Steinmetz, Andrew. _The Romance of Duelling in All Times and
+Countries._ London, 1868.
+
+(3) Sabine, Lorenzo. _Notes on Duels and Duelling._ Boston, 1855.
+
+(4) Patetta, F. _Le Ordalie._ Studio di storia del diritto e scienza del
+diritto comparato. Turino, 1890.
+
+(5) Lea, Henry C. _Superstition and Force._ Essays on the wager of law,
+the wager of battle, the ordeal, torture. 4th ed., rev., Philadelphia,
+1892.
+
+(6) Neilson, George. _Trial by Combat._ In Great Britain. Glasgow and
+London, 1890.
+
+
+E. _Games and Gambling_
+
+(1) Culin, Stewart. "Street Games of Boys in Brooklyn, N.Y.," _The
+Journal of American Folk-Lore_, IV (1891), 221-37.
+
+(2) ----. _Korean Games._ With notes on the corresponding games of China
+and Japan. Philadelphia, 1895.
+
+(3) ----. "Games of the North American Indians," _Twenty-fourth Annual
+Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1902-3._ Washington, 1907.
+
+(4) Steinmetz, Andrew. _The Gaming Table: Its Votaries and Victims, in
+all Times and Countries, Especially in England and in France._ London,
+1870.
+
+(5) Thomas, W. I. "The Gaming Instinct," _American Journal of
+Sociology_, VI (1900-1901), 750-63.
+
+(6) O'Brien, Frederick. _White Shadows in the South Seas._ Chap. xxii,
+pp. 240-48. [Memorable Game for Matches in the Cocoanut Grove of Lano
+Kaioo].
+
+
+III. CONFLICT GROUPS
+
+
+A. _Gangs_
+
+(1) Johnson, John H. _Rudimentary Society Among Boys._ "Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science," 2d series, XI,
+491-546. Baltimore, 1884.
+
+(2) Puffer, J. Adams. _The Boy and His Gang._ Boston, 1912.
+
+(3) Sheldon, H. D., "Institutional Activities of American Children,"
+_American Journal of Psychology_, IX (1899), 425-48.
+
+(4) Thurston, Henry W. _Delinquency and Spare Time._ A study of a few
+stories written into the court records of the City of Cleveland.
+Cleveland, Ohio., 1918.
+
+(5) Woods, Robert A., editor. _The City Wilderness._ A settlement study
+by residents and associates of the South End House. Chap. vi, "The Roots
+of Political Power," pp. 114-47. Boston, 1898.
+
+(6) Hoyt, F. C. "The Gang in Embryo," _Scribner's_, LXVIII (1920),
+146-54. [Presiding justice of the Children's Court of the city of New
+York.]
+
+(7) _Boyhood and Lawlessness._ Chap. iv, "His Gangs," pp. 39-54. Russell
+Sage Foundation, New York, 1914.
+
+(8) Culin, Stewart. "Street Games of Boys in Brooklyn, N.Y.," _The
+Journal of American Folklore_, IV (1891), 221-37. [For observations on
+gangs see p. 235.]
+
+(9) Adams, Brewster. "The Street Gang as a Factor in Politics,"
+_Outlook_ LXXIV (1903), 985-88.
+
+(10) Lane, W. D. "The Four Gunmen," _The Survey_, XXXII (1914), 13-16.
+
+(11) Rhodes, J. F. "The Molly Maguires in the Anthracite Region of
+Pennsylvania," _American Historical Review_, XV (1909-10) 547-61.
+
+(12) Train, Arthur. "Imported Crime: The Story of the Camorra in
+America," _McClure's_, XXXIX (1912), 82-94.
+
+
+B. _Sects_
+
+(1) Nordhoff, Charles. _The Communistic Societies of the United States
+from Personal Visit and Observation._ Including chapters on "The Amana
+Society," "The Separatists of Zoar," "The Shakers," "The Oneida and
+Wallingford Perfectionists," "The Aurora and Bethel Communes." New York,
+1875.
+
+(2) Gillin, John L. _The Dunkers: A Sociological Interpretation._ New
+York, 1906. [Columbia University dissertation, V, 2.]
+
+(3) Milmine, Georgine. _The Life of Mary Baker G. Eddy and the History
+of Christian Science._ New York, 1909.
+
+(4) Gehring, Johannes. _Die Sekten der russischen Kirche, 1003-1897._
+Nach ihrem Ursprunge und inneren Zusammenhange dargestellt. Leipzig,
+1898.
+
+(5) Grass, K. K. _Die russischen Sekten._ I, "Die Gottesleute oder
+Chlüsten"; II, "Die weissen Tauben oder Skopzen." Leipzig, 1907-9.
+
+(6) Lea, Henry Charles. _The Moriscos of Spain._ Their conversion and
+expulsion. Philadelphia, 1901.
+
+(7) Friesen, P. M. _Geschichte der alt-evangelischen mennoniten
+Brüderschaft in Russland (1789-1910) im Rahmen der mennonitischen
+Gesamtgeschichte._ Halbstadt, 1911.
+
+(8) Kalb, Ernst. _Kirchen und Sekten der Gegenwart._ Unter Mitarbeit
+verschiedener evangelischer Theologen. Stuttgart, 1905.
+
+(9) Mathiez, Albert. _Les origines des cultes révolutionnaires._
+(1789-92). Paris, 1904.
+
+(10) Rossi, Pasquale. _Mistici e Settarii._ Studio di psicopatologia
+collettiva. Milan, 1900.
+
+(11) Rohde, Erwin. _Psyche: Seelencult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der
+Griechen._ Freiburg, 1890.
+
+
+C. _Economic Conflict Groups_
+
+(1) Webb, Sidney and Beatrice. _Industrial Democracy._ London, 1897.
+
+(2) ----. _The History of Trade Unionism._ (Revised edition extended to
+1920.) New York and London, 1920.
+
+(3) Commons, John R., editor. _Trade Unionism and Labor Problems_,
+Boston, 1905.
+
+(4) ----. _History of Labor in the United States._ 2 vols. New York,
+1918.
+
+(5) Groat, George G. _An Introduction to the Study of Organized Labor in
+America._ New York, 1916.
+
+(6) Hoxie, Robert F. _Trade Unionism in the United States._ New York,
+1917.
+
+(7) Marot, Helen. _American Labor Unions._ By a member. New York, 1914.
+
+(8) Carlton, Frank T. _Organized Labor in American History._ New York,
+1920.
+
+(9) Levine, Louis. _Syndicalism in France._ 2d rev. ed. of _The Labor
+Movement in France._ New York and London, 1914.
+
+(10) Brissenden, Paul Frederick. _The I.W.W., A Study of American
+Syndicalism._ New York, 1919. [Bibliography.]
+
+(11) Brooks, John Graham. _American Syndicalism; the I.W.W._ New York,
+1913.
+
+(12) ----. _Labor's Challenge to the Social Order._ Democracy its own
+critic and educator. New York, 1920.
+
+(13) Baker, Ray Stannard. _The New Industrial Unrest._ Reasons and
+remedies. New York, 1920.
+
+(14) Commons, John R. _Industrial Democracy._ New York, 1921.
+
+(15) Brentano, Lujo. _On the History and Development of Gilds and the
+Origin of Trade Unions._ London, 1870.
+
+
+D. _Parties_
+
+(1) Bluntschli, Johann K. _Charakter und Geist der politischen
+Parteien._ Nördlingen, 1869.
+
+(2) Ostrogorskïi, Moisei. _Democracy and the Organization of Political
+Parties._ Translated from the French by F. Clarke with a preface by
+Right Hon. James Bryce. New York and London, 1902.
+
+(3) Lowell, A. Lawrence. _Governments and Parties in Continental
+Europe._ 2 vols. Boston, 1896.
+
+(4) Merriam, C. E. _The American Party System._ In press.
+
+(5) Haynes, Frederick E. _Third Party Movements since the Civil War,
+with Special Reference to Iowa._ A study in social politics. Iowa City,
+1916.
+
+(6) Ray, P. O. _An Introduction to Political Parties and Practical
+Politics._ New York, 1913.
+
+(7) Bryce, James. _The American Commonwealth._ 2 vols. New rev. ed. New
+York, 1911.
+
+(8) Hadley, Arthur T. _Undercurrents in American Politics._ Being the
+Ford Lectures, delivered at Oxford University, and the Barbour-Page
+Lectures, delivered at the University of Virginia in the spring of 1914.
+New Haven, 1915.
+
+(9) Lowell, A. Lawrence. _Annual Report of the American Historical
+Association, 1901._ 2 vols. "The Influence of Party upon Legislation in
+England and America" (with four diagrams), I, 319-542. Washington, 1902.
+
+(10) Beard, Charles A. _Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy._ New
+York, 1915.
+
+(11) Morgan, W. T. _English Political Parties and Leaders in the Reign
+of Queen Anne, 1702-1710._ New Haven, 1920.
+
+(12) Michels, Robert. _Political Parties._ A sociological study of the
+oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy. Translated by Eden and
+Cedar Paul. New York, 1915.
+
+(13) Haines, Lynn. _Your Congress._ An interpretation of the political
+and parliamentary influences that dominate law-making in America.
+Washington, D.C., 1915.
+
+(14) Hichborn, Franklin. _Story of the Session of the California
+Legislature._ San Francisco, 1909, 1911, 1913, 1915.
+
+(15) Myers, Gustavus. _The History of Tammany Hall._ 2d ed. rev. and
+enl. New York, 1917.
+
+(16) Roosevelt, Theodore. _An Autobiography._ New York, 1913.
+
+(17) Platt, Thomas C. _Autobiography._ Compiled and edited by Louis J.
+Lang. New York, 1910.
+
+(18) Older, Fremont. _My Own Story._ San Francisco, 1919.
+
+(19) Orth, Samuel P. _The Boss and the Machine._ A chronicle of the
+politicians and party organization. New Haven, 1919.
+
+(20) Riordon, William L. _Plunkitt of Tammany Hall._ A series of very
+plain talks on very practical politics, delivered by ex-Senator George
+Washington Plunkitt, the Tammany philosopher, from his rostrum--the New
+York County Court House boot-black stand. New York, 1905.
+
+
+E. _Nationalities_
+
+(1) Oakesmith, John. _Race and Nationality._ An inquiry into the origin
+and growth of patriotism. New York, 1919.
+
+(2) Lillehei, Ingebrigt. "Landsmaal and the Language Movement in
+Norway," _Journal of English and Germanic Philology_, XIII (1914),
+60-87.
+
+(3) Morris, Lloyd R. _The Celtic Dawn._ A survey of the renascence in
+Ireland, 1889-1916. New York, 1917.
+
+(4) Keith, Arthur. _Nationality and Race from an Anthropologist's Point
+of View._ London, 1919.
+
+(5) Barnes, Harry E. "Nationality and Historiography" in the article
+"History, Its Rise and Development," _Encyclopedia Americana_, XIV,
+234-43.
+
+(6) Fisher, H. A. "French Nationalism," _Hibbert Journal_, XV (1916-17),
+217-29.
+
+(7) Ellis, H. "The Psychology of the English," _Edinburgh Review_,
+CCXXIII (April, 1916), 223-43.
+
+(8) Bevan, Edwyn R. _Indian Nationalism._ An independent estimate.
+London, 1913.
+
+(9) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Psychology of Peoples._ London, 1898.
+
+(10) Francke, K. "The Study of National Culture," _Atlantic Monthly_,
+XCIX (1907), 409-16.
+
+(11) Auerbach, Bertrand. _Les races et nationalités en
+Autriche-Hongrie._ Deuxième édition revisée. Paris, 1917.
+
+(12) Butler, Ralph. _The New Eastern Europe._ London, 1919.
+
+(13) Kerlin, Robert T. _The Voice of the Negro 1919._ New York, 1920. [A
+compilation from the colored press of America for the four months
+immediately succeeding the Washington riots.]
+
+(14) Boas, F. "Nationalism," _Dial_, LXVI (March 8, 1919), 232-37.
+
+(15) Buck, Carl D. "Language and the Sentiment of Nationality," _The
+American Political Science Review_, X (1916), 44-69.
+
+(16) McLaren, A. D. "National Hate," _Hibbert Journal_, XV (1916-17),
+407-18.
+
+(17) Miller, Herbert A. "The Rising National Individualism,"
+_Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1913), 49-65.
+
+(18) Zimmern, Alfred E. _Nationality and Government._ With other wartime
+essays. London and New York, 1918.
+
+(19) Small, Albion W. "Bonds of Nationality," _American Journal of
+Sociology_, XX (1915-16), 629-83.
+
+(20) Faber, Geoffrey. "The War and Personality in Nations," _Fortnightly
+Review_, CIII (1915), 538-46. Also in _Living Age_, CCLXXXV (1915),
+265-72.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. The History of Conflict as a Sociological Concept
+
+2. Types of Conflict: War, the Duello, Litigation, Gambling, the Feud,
+Discussion, etc.
+
+3. Conflict Groups: Gangs, Labor Organizations, Sects, Parties,
+Nationalities, etc.
+
+4. Mental Conflicts and the Development of Personality
+
+5. Sex Differences in Conflict
+
+6. Subtler Forms of Conflict: Rivalry, Emulation, Jealousy, Aversion,
+etc.
+
+7. Personal Rivalry in Polite Society
+
+8. Conflict and Social Status
+
+9. The Strike as an Expression of the Wish for Recognition
+
+10. Popular Justice: the History of the Molly Maguires, of the Night
+Riders, etc.
+
+11. The Sociology of Race Prejudice
+
+12. Race Riots in the North and the South
+
+13. War as an Action Pattern, Biological or Social?
+
+14. War as a Form of Relaxation
+
+15. The Great War Interpreted by Personal Documents
+
+16. Conflict and Social Organization
+
+17. Conflict and Social Progress
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. How do you differentiate between competition and conflict?
+
+2. Is conflict always conscious?
+
+3. How do you explain the emotional interest in conflict?
+
+4. In your opinion, are the sexes in about the same degree interested in
+conflict?
+
+5. In what way do you understand Simmel to relate conflict to social
+process?
+
+6. What are the interrelations of war and social contacts?
+
+7. "Without aversion life in a great city would have no thinkable form."
+Explain.
+
+8. "It is advantageous to hate the opponent with whom one is
+struggling." Explain.
+
+9. Give illustrations of feuds not mentioned by Simmel.
+
+10. How do you distinguish between feuds and litigation?
+
+11. What examples occur to you of conflicts of impersonal ideals?
+
+12. What are the psychological causes of war?
+
+13. "We may see in war the preliminary process of rejuvenescence."
+Explain.
+
+14. Has war been essential to the process of social adjustment? Is it
+still essential?
+
+15. What do you understand by war as a form of relaxation?
+
+16. How do you interpret Professor James's reaction to the Chautauqua?
+
+17. What is the rôle of conflict in recreation?
+
+18. Is it possible to provide psychic equivalents for war?
+
+19. What application of the sociological theory of the relation of
+ideals to instinct would you make to war?
+
+20. How do you distinguish rivalry from competition and conflict?
+
+21. What bearing have the facts of animal rivalry upon an understanding
+of rivalry in human society?
+
+22. What are the different devices by which the group achieves and
+maintains solidarity? How many of these were characteristic of the
+war-time situation?
+
+23. In what way is group rivalry related to the development of
+personality?
+
+24. How does rivalry contribute to social organization?
+
+25. What do you understand by Giddings' distinction between cultural
+conflicts and "logical duels"?
+
+26. Have you reason for thinking that culture conflict will play a
+lesser rôle in the future than in the past?
+
+27. To what extent was the world-war a culture conflict?
+
+28. Under what circumstances do social contacts make (a) for conflict,
+and (b) for co-operation?
+
+29. What has been the effect of the extension of communication upon the
+relations of nations? Elaborate.
+
+30. What do you understand by race prejudice as a "more or less
+instinctive defense-reaction"?
+
+31. To what extent is race prejudice based upon race competition?
+
+32. Do you believe that it is possible to remove the causes of race
+prejudice?
+
+33. In what ways does race conflict make for race consciousness?
+
+34. What are the different elements or forces in the interaction of
+races making for race conflict and race consciousness?
+
+35. Is a heightening of race consciousness of value or of disadvantage
+to a racial group?
+
+36. How do you explain the present tendency of the Negro to substitute
+the copying of colored models for the imitation of white models?
+
+37. "In the South, the races seem to be tending in the direction of a
+bi-racial organization of society, in which the Negro is gradually
+gaining a limited autonomy." Interpret.
+
+38. "All racial problems are distinctly problems of racial
+distribution." Explain with reference to relative proportion of Negroes,
+Chinese, and Japanese in certain sections of the United States.
+
+39. Why have few or no race riots occurred in the South?
+
+40. Under what circumstances have race riots occurred in the North?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[206] Adapted from William I. Thomas, "The Gaming Instinct," in the
+_American Journal of Sociology_, VI (1900-1901), 750-63.
+
+[207] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, by
+Albion W. Small, "The Sociology of Conflict," in the _American Journal
+of Sociology_, IX (1903-4), 490-501.
+
+[208] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel, _Soziologie_, by
+Albion W. Small, "The Sociology of Conflict," in the _American Journal
+of Sociology_, IX (1903-4), 505-8.
+
+[209] Adapted from William A. White, _Thoughts of a Psychiatrist on the
+War and After_, pp. 75-87. (Paul B. Hoeber, 1919.)
+
+[210] From G. T. W. Patrick, "The Psychology of War," in the _Popular
+Science Monthly_, LXXXVII (1915), 166-68.
+
+[211] Adapted from Henry Rutgers Marshall, _War and the Ideal of Peace_,
+pp. 96-110. (Duffield & Co., 1915.)
+
+[212] Adapted from William H. Hudson, "The Strange Instincts of Cattle,"
+_Longman's Magazine_, XVIII (1891), 393-94.
+
+[213] Adapted from George E. Vincent, "The Rivalry of Social Groups," in
+the _American Journal of Sociology_, XVI (1910-11), 471-84.
+
+[214] Adapted from Franklin H. Giddings, "Are Contradictions of Ideas
+and Beliefs Likely to Play an Important Group-making Rôle in the
+Future?" in the _American Journal of Sociology_, XIII (1907-8), 784-91.
+
+[215] From Robert E. Park, Introduction to Jesse F. Steiner, _The
+Japanese Invasion_. (A. C. McClurg & Co., 1917.)
+
+[216] From Robert E. Park, "Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups," in
+_Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1913), 75-82.
+
+[217] Adapted from Alfred H. Stone, "Is Race Friction between Blacks and
+Whites in the United States Growing and Inevitable?" in the _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XIII (1907-8), 677-96.
+
+[218] Karl Groos, _The Play of Man_, p. 213. (New York, 1901.)
+
+[219] _Supra_, p. 50.
+
+[220] _The Dial_, LXVII (Oct. 4, 1919), 297.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+ACCOMMODATION
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Adaptation and Accommodation
+
+The term _adaptation_ came into vogue with Darwin's theory of the origin
+of the species by natural selection. This theory was based upon the
+observation that no two members of a biological species or of a family
+are ever exactly alike. Everywhere there is variation and individuality.
+Darwin's theory assumed this variation and explained the species as the
+result of natural selection. The individuals best fitted to live under
+the conditions of life which the environment offered, survived and
+produced the existing species. The others perished and the species which
+they represented disappeared. The differences in the species were
+explained as the result of the accumulation and perpetuation of the
+individual variations which had "survival value." Adaptations were the
+variations which had been in this way selected and transmitted.
+
+The term _accommodation_ is a kindred concept with a slightly different
+meaning. The distinction is that adaptation is applied to organic
+modifications which are transmitted biologically; while accommodation is
+used with reference to changes in habit, which are transmitted, or may
+be transmitted, sociologically, that is, in the form of social
+tradition. The term first used in this sense by Baldwin is defined in
+the _Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology_.
+
+In view of modern biological theory and discussion, two modes of
+adaptation should be distinguished: (a) adaptation through variation
+[hereditary]; (b) adaptation through modification [acquired]. For the
+functional adjustment of the individual to its environment [(b) above]
+J. Mark Baldwin has suggested the term "accommodation," recommending
+that adaptation be confined to the structural adjustments which are
+congenital and heredity [(a) above]. The term "accommodation" applies
+to any acquired alteration of function resulting in better adjustment
+to environment and to the functional changes which are thus
+effected.[221]
+
+The term accommodation, while it has a limited field of application in
+biology, has a wide and varied use in sociology. All the social
+heritages, traditions, sentiments, culture, technique, are
+accommodations--that is, acquired adjustments that are socially and not
+biologically transmitted. They are not a part of the racial inheritance
+of the individual, but are acquired by the person in social experience.
+The two conceptions are further distinguished in this, that adaptation
+is an effect of competition, while accommodation, or more properly
+social accommodation, is the result of conflict.
+
+The outcome of the adaptations and accommodations, which the struggle
+for existence enforces, is a state of relative equilibrium among the
+competing species and individual members of these species. The
+equilibrium which is established by adaptation is biological, which
+means that, in so far as it is permanent and fixed in the race or the
+species, it will be transmitted by biological inheritance.
+
+The equilibrium based on accommodation, however, is not biological; it
+is economic and social and is transmitted, if at all, by tradition. The
+nature of the economic equilibrium which results from competition has
+been fully described in chapter viii. The plant community is this
+equilibrium in its absolute form.
+
+In animal and human societies the community has, so to speak, become
+incorporated in the individual members of the group. The individuals are
+adapted to a specific type of communal life, and these adaptations, in
+animal as distinguished from human societies, are represented in the
+division of labor between the sexes, in the instincts which secure the
+protection and welfare of the young, in the so-called gregarious
+instinct, and all these represent traits that are transmitted
+biologically. But human societies, although providing for the expression
+of original tendencies, are organized about tradition, mores, collective
+representations, in short, _consensus_. And consensus represents, not
+biological adaptations, but social accommodations.
+
+Social organization, with the exception of the order based on
+competition and adaptation, is essentially an accommodation of
+differences through conflicts. This fact explains why diverse-mindedness
+rather than like-mindedness is characteristic of human as distinguished
+from animal society. Professor Cooley's statement of this point is
+clear:
+
+ The unity of the social mind consists not in agreement but in
+ organization, in the fact of reciprocal influence or causation
+ among its parts, by virtue of which everything that takes place
+ in it is connected with everything else, and so is an outcome
+ of the whole.[222]
+
+The distinction between accommodation and adaptation is illustrated in
+the difference between domestication and taming. Through domestication
+and breeding man has modified the original inheritable traits of plants
+and animals. He has changed the character of the species. Through
+taming, individuals of species naturally in conflict with man have
+become accommodated to him. Eugenics may be regarded as a program of
+biological adaptation of the human race in conscious realization of
+social ideals. Education, on the other hand, represents a program of
+accommodation or an organization, modification, and culture of original
+traits.
+
+Every society represents an organization of elements more or less
+antagonistic to each other but united for the moment, at least, by an
+arrangement which defines the reciprocal relations and respective
+spheres of action of each. This accommodation, this _modus vivendi_, may
+be relatively permanent as in a society constituted by castes, or quite
+transitory as in societies made up of open classes. In either case, the
+accommodation, while it is maintained, secures for the individual or for
+the group a recognized status.
+
+Accommodation is the natural issue of conflicts. In an accommodation the
+antagonism of the hostile elements is, for the time being, regulated,
+and conflict disappears as overt action, although it remains latent as a
+potential force. With a change in the situation, the adjustment that had
+hitherto successfully held in control the antagonistic forces fails.
+There is confusion and unrest which may issue in open conflict.
+Conflict, whether a war or a strike or a mere exchange of polite
+innuendoes, invariably issues in a new accommodation or social order,
+which in general involves a changed status in the relations among the
+participants. It is only with assimilation that this antagonism, latent
+in the organization of individuals or groups, is likely to be wholly
+dissolved.
+
+
+2. Classification of the Materials
+
+The selections on accommodation in the materials are organized under the
+following heads: (a) forms of accommodation; (b) subordination and
+superordination; (c) conflict and accommodation; and (d)
+competition, status, and social solidarity.
+
+a) _Forms of accommodation._--There are many forms of accommodation.
+One of the most subtle is that which in human geography is called
+acclimatization, "accommodation to new climatic conditions." Recent
+studies like those of Huntington in his "Climate and Civilization" have
+emphasized the effects of climate upon human behavior. The selection
+upon acclimatization by Brinton states the problems involved in the
+adjustment of racial groups to different climatic environments. The
+answers which he gives to the questions raised are not to be regarded as
+conclusive but only as representative of one school of investigators and
+as contested by other authorities in this field.
+
+Naturalization, which in its original sense means the process by which a
+person is made "natural," that is, familiar and at home in a strange
+social milieu, is a term used in America to describe the legal process
+by which a foreigner acquires the rights of citizenship. Naturalization,
+as a social process, is naturally something more fundamental than the
+legal ceremony of naturalization. It includes accommodation to the
+folkways, the mores, the conventions, and the social ritual
+(_Sittlichkeit_). It assumes also participation, to a certain extent at
+least, in the memories, the tradition, and the culture of a new social
+group. The proverb "In Rome do as the Romans do" is a basic principle of
+naturalization. The cosmopolitan is the person who readily accommodates
+himself to the codes of conduct of new social milieus.[223]
+
+The difficulty of social accommodation to a new social milieu is not
+always fully appreciated. The literature on homesickness and nostalgia
+indicates the emotional dependence of the person upon familiar
+associations and upon early intimate personal relations. Leaving home
+for the first time, the intense lonesomeness of the rural lad in the
+crowds of the city, the perplexity of the immigrant in the confusing
+maze of strange, and to him inexplicable, customs are common enough
+instances of the personal and social barriers to naturalization. But the
+obstacles to most social adjustments for a person in a new social world
+are even more baffling because of their subtle and intangible nature.
+
+Just as in biology balance represents "a state of relatively good
+adjustment due to structural adaptation of the organism as a whole" so
+accommodation, when applied to groups rather than individuals, signifies
+their satisfactory co-ordination from the standpoint of the inclusive
+social organization.
+
+Historically, the organization of the more inclusive society--i.e.,
+states, confederations, empires, social and political units composed of
+groups accommodated but not fully assimilated--presents four typical
+constellations of the component group. Primitive society was an
+organization of kinship groups. Ancient society was composed of masters
+and slaves, with some special form of accommodation for the freeman and
+the stranger, who was not a citizen, to be sure, but was not a slave
+either.
+
+Medieval society rested upon a system of class, approaching castes in
+the distances it enforced. In all these different situations competition
+took place only between individuals of the same status.
+
+In contrast with this, modern society is made up of economic and social
+classes with freedom of economic competition and freedom in passage,
+therefore, from one class to the other.
+
+b) _Subordination and superordination._--Accommodation, in the area of
+personal relations, tends to take the form of subordination and
+superordination. Even where accommodation has been imposed, as in the
+case of slavery, by force, the personal relations of master and slave
+are invariably supported by appropriate attitudes and sentiments. The
+selection "Excerpts from the Journal of a West India Slave Owner" is a
+convincing exhibit of the way in which attitudes of superordination and
+subordination may find expression in the sentiments of a conscientious
+and self-complacent paternalism on the part of the master and of an
+ingratiating and reverential loyalty on the part of the slave. In a like
+manner the selection from the "Memories of an Old Servant" indicates the
+natural way in which sentiments of subordination which have grown up in
+conformity with an accepted situation eventually become the basis of a
+life-philosophy of the person.
+
+Slavery and caste are manifestly forms of accommodation. The facts of
+subordination are quite as real, though not as obvious, in other phases
+of social life. The peculiar intimacy which exists, for example, between
+lovers, between husband and wife, or between physician and patient,
+involves relations of subordination and superordination, though not
+recognized as such. The personal domination which a coach exercises over
+the members of a ball team, a minister over his congregation, the
+political leader over his party followers are instances of the same
+phenomena.
+
+Simmel in his interesting discussion of the subject points out the fact
+that the relations of subordination and superordination are reciprocal.
+In order to impose his will upon his slaves it was necessary for the
+master to retain their respect. No one had a keener appreciation of the
+aristocracy nor a greater scorn for the "poor white" than the Negro
+slaves in the South before the war.
+
+The leader of the gang, although he seems to have decisions absolutely
+in his hand, has a sense of the attitudes of his followers. So the
+successful political leader, who sometimes appears to be taking risks in
+his advocacy of new issues, keeps "his ear close to the grass roots of
+public opinion."
+
+In the selection upon "The Psychology of Subordination and
+Superordination" Münsterberg interprets suggestion, imitation, and
+sympathy in terms of domination and submission. Personal influence,
+prestige, and authority, in whatever form they find expression, are
+based, to a greater or less extent, on the subtle influences of
+suggestion.
+
+The natural affections are social bonds which not infrequently assume
+the form of bondage. Many a mother has been reduced to a condition of
+abject subjection through her affection for a son or a daughter. The
+same thing is notoriously true of the relations between the sexes. It is
+in social complexes of this sort, rather than in the formal procedures
+of governments, that we must look for the fundamental mechanism of
+social control.
+
+The conflicts and accommodations of persons with persons and of groups
+with groups have their prototypes in the conflicts and accommodations of
+the wishes of the person. The conflicts and accommodations in the mental
+life of the person have received the name in psychoanalysis of
+_sublimation_. The sublimation of a wish means its expression in a form
+which represents an accommodation with another conflicting wish which
+had repressed the original response of the first wish. The progressive
+organization of personality depends upon the successful functioning of
+this process of sublimation. The wishes of the person at birth are
+inchoate; with mental development these wishes come into conflict with
+each other and with the enveloping social milieu. Adolescence is
+peculiarly the period of "storm and stress." Youth lives in a maze of
+mental conflicts, of insurgent and aspiring wishes. Conversion is the
+sudden mutation of life-attitudes through a reorganization or
+transformation of the wishes.
+
+c) _Conflict and accommodation._--The intrinsic relation between
+conflict and accommodation is stated in the materials by Simmel in his
+analysis of war and peace and the problems of compromise. "The
+situations existing in time of peace are precisely the conditions out of
+which war emerges." War, on the other hand, brings about the adjustments
+in the relations of competing and conflict groups which make peace
+possible. The problem, therefore, must find a solution in some method by
+which the conflicts which are latent in, or develop out of, the
+conditions of peace may be adjusted without a resort to war. In so far
+as war is an effect of the mere inhibitions which the conditions of
+peace impose, substitutes for war must provide, as William James has
+suggested, for the expression of the expanding energies of individuals
+and nations in ways that will contribute to the welfare of the community
+and eventually of mankind as a whole. The intention is to make life more
+interesting and at the same time more secure.
+
+The difficulty is that the devices which render life more secure
+frequently make it less interesting and harder to bear. Competition, the
+struggle for existence and for, what is often more important than mere
+existence, namely, status, may become so bitter that peace is
+unendurable.
+
+More than that, under the condition of peace, peoples whose life-habits
+and traditions have been formed upon a basis of war frequently multiply
+under conditions of peace to such an extent as to make an ultimate war
+inevitable. The natives of South Africa, since the tribal wars have
+ceased, have so increased in numbers as to be an increasing menace to
+the white population. Any amelioration of the condition of mankind that
+tends to disturb the racial equilibrium is likely to disturb the peace
+of nations. When representatives of the Rockefeller Medical Foundation
+proposed to introduce a rational system of medicine in China, certain of
+the wise men of that country, it is reported, shook their heads
+dubiously over the consequences that were likely to follow any large
+decrease in the death-rate, seeing that China was already overpopulated.
+
+In the same way education, which is now in a way to become a heritage of
+all mankind, rather than the privilege of so-called superior peoples,
+undoubtedly has had the effect of greatly increasing the mobility and
+restlessness of the world's population. In so far as this is true, it
+has made the problem of maintaining peace more difficult and dangerous.
+
+On the other hand, education and the extension of intelligence
+undoubtedly increase the possibility of compromise and conciliation
+which, as Simmel points out, represent ways in which peace may be
+restored and maintained other than by complete victory and subjugation
+of the conquered people. It is considerations of this kind that have led
+men like von Moltke to say that "universal peace is a dream and not even
+a happy one," and has led other men like Carnegie to build peace palaces
+in which the nations of the world might settle their differences by
+compromise and according to law.
+
+d) _Competition, status, and social solidarity._--Under the title
+"Competition, Status, and Social Solidarity" selections are introduced
+in the materials which emphasize the relation of competition to
+accommodation. Up to this point in the materials only the relations of
+conflict to accommodation have been considered. Status has been
+described as an effect of conflict. But it is clear that economic
+competition frequently becomes conscious and so passes over into some of
+the milder forms of conflict. Aside from this it is evident that
+competition in so far as it determines the vocation of the individual,
+determines indirectly also his status, since it determines the class of
+which he is destined to be a member. In the same way competition is
+indirectly responsible for the organization of society in so far as it
+determines the character of the accommodations and understandings which
+are likely to exist between conflict groups. Social types as well as
+status are indirectly determined by competition, since most of them are
+vocational. The social types of the modern city, as indicated by the
+selection on "Personal Competition and the Evolution of Individual
+Types," are an outcome of the division of labor. Durkheim points out
+that the division of labor in multiplying the vocations has increased
+and not diminished the unity of society. The interdependence of
+differentiated individuals and groups has made possible a social
+solidarity that otherwise would not exist.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. FORMS OF ACCOMMODATION
+
+
+1. Acclimatization[224]
+
+The most important ethnic question in connection with climate is that of
+the possibility of a race adapting itself to climatic conditions widely
+different from those to which it has been accustomed. This is the
+question of acclimatization.
+
+Its bearings on ethnic psychology can be made at once evident by posing
+a few practical inquiries: Can the English people flourish in India?
+Will the French colonize successfully the Sudan? Have the Europeans lost
+or gained in power by their migration to the United States? Can the
+white or any other race ultimately become the sole residents of the
+globe?
+
+It will be seen that on the answers to such questions depends the
+destiny of races and the consequences to the species of the facilities
+of transportation offered by modern inventions. The subject has
+therefore received the careful study of medical geographers and
+statisticians.
+
+I can give but a brief statement of their conclusions. They are to the
+effect, first, that when the migration takes place along approximately
+the same isothermal lines, the changes in the system are slight; but as
+the mean annual temperature rises, the body becomes increasingly unable
+to resist its deleterious action until a difference of 18° F. is
+reached, at which continued existence of the more northern races
+becomes impossible. They suffer from a chemical change in the condition
+of the blood cells, leading to anemia in the individual and to
+extinction of the lineage in the third generation.
+
+This is the general law of the relation to race and climate. Like most
+laws it has its exceptions, depending on special conditions. A stock
+which has long been accustomed to change of climate adapts itself to any
+with greater facility. This explains the singular readiness of the Jews
+to settle and flourish in all zones. For a similar reason a people who
+at home are accustomed to a climate of wide and sudden changes, like
+that of the eastern United States, supports others with less loss of
+power than the average.
+
+A locality may be extremely hot but unusually free from other malefic
+influences, being dry with regular and moderate winds, and well drained,
+such as certain areas between the Red Sea and the Nile, which are also
+quite salubrious.
+
+Finally, certain individuals and certain families, owing to some
+fortunate power of resistance which we cannot explain, acclimate
+successfully where their companions perish. Most of the instances of
+alleged successful acclimatization of Europeans in the tropics are due
+to such exceptions, the far greater number of the victims being left out
+of the count.
+
+If these alleged successful cases, or that of the Jews or Arabs, be
+closely examined, it will almost surely be discovered that another
+physiological element has been active in bringing about acclimatization,
+and that is the mingling of blood with the native race. In the American
+tropics the Spaniards have survived for four centuries; but how many of
+the _Ladinos_ can truthfully claim an unmixed descent? In Guatemala, for
+example, says a close observer, _not any_. The Jews of the Malabar coast
+have actually become black, and so has also in Africa many an Arab
+claiming direct descent from the Prophet himself.
+
+But along with this process of adaptation by amalgamation comes
+unquestionably a lowering of the mental vitality of the higher race.
+That is the price it has to pay for the privilege of survival under the
+new conditions. But, in conformity to the principles already laid down
+as accepted by all anthropologists, such a lowering must correspond to a
+degeneration in the highest grades of structure, the brain cells.
+
+We are forced, therefore, to reach the decision that the human species
+attains its highest development only under moderate conditions of heat,
+such as prevail in the temperate zones (an annual mean of 8°-12° C.);
+and the more startling conclusion that the races now native to the polar
+and tropical areas are distinctly _pathological_, are types of
+degeneracy, having forfeited their highest physiological elements in
+order to purchase immunity from the unfavorable climatic conditions to
+which they are subject. We must agree with a French writer, that "man is
+not cosmopolitan," and if he insists on becoming a "citizen of the
+world" he is taxed heavily in his best estate for his presumption.
+
+The inferences in racial psychology which follow this opinion are too
+evident to require detailed mention. Natural selection has fitted the
+Eskimo and the Sudanese for their respective abodes, but it has been by
+the process of regressive evolution; progressive evolution in man has
+confined itself to less extreme climatic areas.
+
+The facts of acclimatization stand in close connection with another
+doctrine in anthropology which is interesting for my theme, that of
+"ethno-geographic provinces." Alexander von Humboldt seems to have been
+the first to give expression to this system of human grouping, and it
+has been diligently cultivated by his disciple, Professor Bastian. It
+rests upon the application to the human species of two general
+principles recognized as true in zoölogy and botany. The one is that
+every organism is directly dependent on its environment (the _milieu_),
+action and reaction going on constantly between them; the other is, that
+no two faunal or floral regions are of equal rank in their capacity for
+the development of a given type of organism.
+
+The features which distinguish one ethno-geographic province from
+another are chiefly, according to Bastian, meteorological, and they
+permit, he claims, a much closer division of human groups than the
+general continental areas which give us an African, a European, and an
+American subspecies.
+
+It is possible that more extended researches may enable ethnographers to
+map out, in this sense, the distribution of our species; but the secular
+alterations in meteorologic conditions, combined with the migratory
+habits of most early communities, must greatly interfere with a rigid
+application of these principles in ethnography.
+
+The historic theory of "centres of civilisation" is allied to that of
+ethno-geographic provinces. The stock examples of such are familiar. The
+Babylonian plain, the valley of the Nile, in America the plateaus of
+Mexico and of Tiahuanuco are constantly quoted as such. The geographic
+advantages these situations offered--a fertile soil, protection from
+enemies, domesticable plants, and a moderate climate--are offered as
+reasons why an advanced culture rapidly developed in them, and from them
+extended over adjacent regions.
+
+Without denying the advantages of such surroundings, the most recent
+researches in both hemispheres tend to reduce materially their
+influence. The cultures in question did not begin at one point and
+radiate from it, but arose simultaneously over wide areas, in different
+linguistic stocks, with slight connections; and only later, and
+secondarily, was it successfully concentrated by some one tribe--by the
+agency, it is now believed, of cognatic rather than geographic aids.
+
+Assyriologists no longer believe that Sumerian culture originated in the
+delta of the Euphrates, and Egyptologists look for the sources of the
+civilization of the Nile Valley among the Libyans; while in the New
+World not one but seven stocks partook of the Aztec learning, and half a
+dozen contributed to that of the Incas. The prehistoric culture of
+Europe was not one of Carthaginians or Phoenicians, but was
+self-developed.
+
+
+2. Slavery Defined[225]
+
+In most branches of knowledge the phenomena the man of science has to
+deal with have their technical names, and, when using a scientific
+term, he need not have regard to the meaning this term conveys in
+ordinary language; he knows he will not be misunderstood by his
+fellow-scientists. For instance, the Germans call a whale _Wallfisch_,
+and the English speak of shellfish; but a zoölogist, using the word
+fish, need not fear that any competent person will think he means whales
+or shellfish.
+
+In ethnology the state of things is quite different. There are a few
+scientific names bearing a definite meaning, such as the terms "animism"
+and "survival," happily introduced by Professor Tylor. But most
+phenomena belonging to our science have not yet been investigated, so
+it is no wonder that different writers (sometimes even the same writer
+on different pages) give different names to the same phenomenon,
+whereas, on the other hand, sometimes the same term (e.g., matriarchate)
+is applied to widely different phenomena. As for the subject we are
+about to treat of, we shall presently see that several writers have
+given a definition of slavery; but no one has taken the trouble to
+inquire whether his definition can be of any practical use in social
+science. Therefore, we shall try to give a good definition and justify
+it.
+
+But we may not content ourselves with this; we must also pay attention
+to the meaning of the term "slavery" as commonly employed. There are two
+reasons for this. First, we must always rely upon the statements of
+ethnographers. If an ethnographer states that some savage tribe carries
+on slavery, without defining in what this "slavery" consists, we have to
+ask: What may our informant have meant? And as he is likely to have used
+the word in the sense generally attached to it, we have to inquire: What
+is the ordinary meaning of the term "slavery"?
+
+The second reason is this. Several theoretical writers speak of slavery
+without defining what they mean by it; and we cannot avail ourselves of
+their remarks without knowing what meaning they attach to this term. And
+as they too may be supposed to have used it in the sense in which it is
+generally used, we have again to inquire: What is the meaning of the
+term "slavery" in ordinary language?
+
+The general use of the word, as is so often the case, is rather
+inaccurate. Ingram says:
+
+ Careless or rhetorical writers use the words "slave" and
+ "slavery" in a very lax way. Thus, when protesting against the
+ so-called "Subjection of Women," they absurdly apply those
+ terms to the condition of the wife in the modern society of the
+ west--designations which are inappropriate even in the case of
+ the inmate of Indian zenanas; and they speak of the modern
+ worker as a "wage-slave," even though he is backed by a
+ powerful trade-union. Passion has a language of its own, and
+ poets and orators must doubtless be permitted to denote by the
+ word "slavery" the position of subjects of a state who labor
+ under civil disabilities or are excluded from the exercise of
+ political power; but in sociological study things ought to have
+ their right names, and those names should, as far as possible,
+ be uniformly employed.
+
+But this use of the word we may safely regard as a metaphor; nobody will
+assert that these laborers and women are really slaves. Whoever uses the
+term slavery in its ordinary sense attaches a fairly distinct idea to
+it. What is this idea? We can express it most generally thus: a slave is
+one who is not free. There are never slaves without there being freemen
+too; and nobody can be at the same time a slave and a freeman. We must,
+however, be careful to remember that, man being a "social animal," no
+man is literally free; all members of a community are restricted in
+their behavior toward each other by social rules and customs. But
+freemen at any rate are relatively free; so a slave must be one who does
+not share in the common amount of liberty, compatible with the social
+connection.
+
+The condition of the slave as opposed to that of the freeman presents
+itself to us under the three following aspects:
+
+First, every slave has his master to whom he is subjected. And this
+subjection is of a peculiar kind. Unlike the authority one freeman
+sometimes has over another, the master's power over his slave is
+unlimited, at least in principle; any restriction put upon the master's
+free exercise of his power is a mitigation of slavery, not belonging to
+its nature, just as in Roman law the proprietor may do with his property
+whatever he is not by special laws forbidden to do. The relation between
+master and slave is therefore properly expressed by the slave being
+called the master's "possession" or "property"--expressions we
+frequently meet with.
+
+Secondly, slaves are in a lower condition as compared with freemen. The
+slave has no political rights; he does not choose his government, he
+does not attend the public councils. Socially he is despised.
+
+In the third place, we always connect with slavery the idea of
+compulsory labor. The slave is compelled to work; the free laborer may
+leave off working if he likes, be it at the cost of starving. All
+compulsory labor, however, is not slave labor; the latter requires that
+peculiar kind of compulsion that is expressed by the word "possession"
+or "property" as has been said before.
+
+Recapitulating, we may define a slave in the ordinary sense of the word
+as a man who is the property of another, politically and socially at a
+lower level than the mass of the people, and performing compulsory
+labor.
+
+The great function of slavery can be no other than a _division of
+labor_. Division of labor is taken here in the widest sense, as
+including not only a qualitative division, by which one man does one
+kind of work and another a different kind, but also a quantitative one,
+by which one man's wants are provided for, not by his own work only, but
+by another's. A society without any division of labor would be one in
+which each man worked for his own wants, and nobody for another's; in
+any case but this there is a division of labor in this wider sense of
+the word. Now this division can be brought about by two means. "There
+are two ways" says Puchta "in which we can avail ourselves of the
+strength of other men which we are in need of. One is the way of free
+commerce, that does not interfere with the liberty of the person who
+serves us, the making of contracts by which we exchange the strength and
+skill of another, or their products, for other performances on our part:
+hire of services, purchase of manufactures, etc. The other way is the
+subjugation of such persons, which enables us to dispose of their
+strength in our behalf but at the same time injures the personality of
+the subjected. This subjection can be imagined as being restricted to
+certain purposes, for instance to the cultivation of the land, as with
+soil-tilling serfs, the result of which is that this subjection, for the
+very reason that it has a definite and limited aim, does not quite annul
+the liberty of the subjected. But the subjection can also be an
+unlimited one, as is the case when the subjected person, in the whole of
+his outward life, is treated as but a means to the purposes of the man
+of power, and so his personality is entirely absorbed. This is the
+institution of slavery."
+
+
+3. Excerpts from the Journal of a West India Slave Owner[226]
+
+Soon after nine o'clock we reached Savannah la Mar, where I found my
+trustee, and a whole cavalcade, waiting to conduct me to my own estate;
+for he had brought with him a curricle and pair for myself, a gig for my
+servant, two black boys upon mules, and a cart with eight oxen to convey
+my baggage. The road was excellent, and we had not above five miles to
+travel; and as soon as the carriage entered my gates, the uproar and
+confusion which ensued sets all description at defiance. The works were
+instantly all abandoned; everything that had life came flocking to the
+house from all quarters; and not only the men, and the women, and the
+children, but, "by a bland assimilation," the hogs, and the dogs, and
+the geese, and the fowls, and the turkeys, all came hurrying along by
+instinct, to see what could possibly be the matter, and seemed to be
+afraid of arriving too late. Whether the pleasure of the negroes was
+sincere may be doubted; but certainly it was the loudest that I ever
+witnessed: they all talked together, sang, danced, shouted, and, in the
+violence of their gesticulations, tumbled over each other, and rolled
+about upon the ground. Twenty voices at once enquired after uncles, and
+aunts, and grandfathers, and great-grandmothers of mine, who had been
+buried long before I was in existence, and whom, I verily believe, most
+of them only knew by tradition. One woman held up her little naked black
+child to me, grinning from ear to ear, "Look, Massa, look here! him nice
+lilly neger for Massa!" Another complained, "So long since none come see
+we, Massa; good Massa, come at last." As for the old people, they were
+all in one and the same story: now they had lived once to see Massa,
+they were ready for dying tomorrow, "them no care."
+
+The shouts, the gaiety, the wild laughter, their strange and sudden
+bursts of singing and dancing, and several old women, wrapped up in
+large cloaks, their heads bound round with different-colored
+handkerchiefs, leaning on a staff, and standing motionless in the middle
+of the hubbub, with their eyes fixed upon the portico which I occupied,
+formed an exact counterpart of the festivity of the witches in Macbeth.
+Nothing could be more odd or more novel than the whole scene; and yet
+there was something in it by which I could not help being affected;
+perhaps it was the consciousness that all these human beings were my
+_slaves_;--to be sure, I never saw people look more happy in my life;
+and I believe their condition to be much more comfortable than that of
+the laborers of Great Britain; and, after all, slavery, in _their_ case,
+is but another name for servitude, now that no more negroes can be
+forcibly carried away from Africa and subjected to the horrors of the
+voyage and of the seasoning after their arrival; but still I had already
+experienced, in the morning, that Juliet was wrong in saying "What's in
+a name?" For soon after my reaching the lodging-house at Savannah la
+Mar, a remarkably clean-looking negro lad presented himself with some
+water and a towel--I concluded him to belong to the inn--and, on my
+returning the towel, as he found that I took no notice of him, he at
+length ventured to introduce himself by saying, "Massa not know me; _me
+your slave!_"--and really the sound made me feel a pang at the heart.
+The lad appeared all gaiety and good humor, and his whole countenance
+expressed anxiety to recommend himself to my notice, but the word
+"slave" seemed to imply that, although he did feel pleasure then in
+serving me, if he had detested me he must have served me still. I really
+felt quite humiliated at the moment, and was tempted to tell him, "Do
+not say that again; say that you are my negro, but do not call yourself
+my slave."
+
+As I was returning this morning from Montego Bay, about a mile from my
+own estate, a figure presented itself before me, I really think the most
+picturesque that I ever beheld: it was a mulatto girl, born upon
+Cornwall, but whom the overseer of a neighboring estate had obtained my
+permission to exchange for another slave, as well as two little
+children, whom she had borne to him; but, as yet, he had been unable to
+procure a substitute, owing to the difficulty of purchasing single
+negroes, and Mary Wiggins is still my slave. However, as she is
+considered as being manumitted, she had not dared to present herself at
+Cornwall on my arrival, lest she should have been considered as an
+intruder; but she now threw herself in my way to tell me how glad she
+was to see me, for that she had always thought till now (which is the
+general complaint) that "_she had no massa_;" and also to obtain a
+regular invitation to my negro festival tomorrow. By this universal
+complaint, it appears that, while Mr. Wilberforce is lamenting their
+hard fate in being subject to a master, _their_ greatest fear is the not
+having a master whom they know; and that to be told by the negroes of
+another estate that "they belong to no massa," is one of the most
+contemptuous reproaches that can be cast upon them. Poor creatures, when
+they happened to hear on Wednesday evening that my carriage was ordered
+for Montego Bay the next morning, they fancied that I was going away for
+good and all, and came up to the house in such a hubbub that my agent
+was obliged to speak to them, and pacify them with the assurance that I
+should come back on Friday without fail.
+
+But to return to Mary Wiggins: she was much too pretty not to obtain her
+invitation to Cornwall; on the contrary, I _insisted_ upon her coming,
+and bade her tell her _husband_ that I admired his taste very much for
+having chosen her. I really think that her form and features were the
+most _statue-like_ that I ever met with; her complexion had no yellow in
+it and yet was not brown enough to be dark--it was more of an ash-dove
+color than anything else; her teeth were admirable, both for color and
+shape; her eyes equally mild and bright; and her face merely broad
+enough to give it all possible softness and grandness of contour: her
+air and countenance would have suited Yarico; but she reminded me most
+of Grassini in "La Vergine del Sole," only that Mary Wiggins was a
+thousand times more beautiful, and that, instead of a white robe, she
+wore a mixed dress of brown, white, and dead yellow, which harmonized
+excellently with her complexion; while one of her beautiful arms was
+thrown across her brow to shade her eyes, and a profusion of rings on
+her fingers glittered in the sunbeams. Mary Wiggins and an old cotton
+tree are the most picturesque objects that I have seen for these twenty
+years.
+
+I really believe that the negresses can produce children at pleasure,
+and where they are barren, it is just as hens will frequently not lay
+eggs on shipboard, because they do not like their situation. Cubina's
+wife is in a family way, and I told him that if the child should live, I
+would christen it for him, if he wished it. "Tank you, kind massa, me
+like it very much: much oblige if massa do that for _me_, too." So I
+promised to baptize the father and the baby on the same day, and said
+that I would be godfather to any children that might be born on the
+estate during my residence in Jamaica. This was soon spread about, and,
+although I have not yet been here a week, two women are in the straw
+already, Jug Betty and Minerva: the first is wife to my head driver, The
+Duke of Sully, but my sense of propriety was much gratified at finding
+that Minerva's husband was called Captain. I think nobody will be able
+to accuse me of neglecting the religious education of my negroes, for I
+have not only promised to baptize all the infants, but, meeting a little
+black boy this morning, who said that his name was Moses, I gave him a
+piece of silver, and told him that it was for the sake of Aaron; which,
+I flatter myself, was planting in his young mind the rudiments of
+Christianity.
+
+On my former visit to Jamaica, I found on my estate a poor woman nearly
+one hundred years old, and stone blind. She was too infirm to walk, but
+two young negroes brought her on their backs to the steps of my house,
+in order, as she said, that she might at least touch massa, although she
+could not see him. When she had kissed my hand, "that was enough," she
+said: "now me hab once kiss a massa's hand, me willing to die tomorrow,
+me no care." She had a woman appropriated to her service and was shown
+the greatest care and attention; however, she did not live many months
+after my departure. There was also a mulatto, about thirty years of age,
+named Bob, who had been almost deprived of the use of his limbs by the
+horrible cocoa-bay, and had never done the least work since he was
+fifteen. He was so gentle and humble and so fearful, from the
+consciousness of his total inability of soliciting my notice, that I
+could not help pitying the poor fellow; and whenever he came in my way I
+always sought to encourage him by little presents and other trifling
+marks of favor. His thus unexpectedly meeting with distinguishing
+kindness, where he expected to be treated as a worthless incumbrance,
+made a strong impression on his mind.
+
+
+4. The Origin of Caste in India[227]
+
+If it were possible to compress into a single paragraph a theory so
+complex as that which would explain the origin and nature of Indian
+caste, I should attempt to sum it up in some such words as the
+following: A caste is a marriage union, the constituents of which were
+drawn from various different tribes (or from various other castes
+similarly formed) in virtue of some industry, craft, or function, either
+secular or religious, which they possessed in common. The internal
+discipline, by which the conditions of membership in regard to connubial
+and convivial rights are defined and enforced, has been borrowed from
+the tribal period which preceded the period of castes by many centuries,
+and which was brought to a close by the amalgamation of tribes into a
+nation under a common scepter. The differentia of _caste_ as a marriage
+union consists in some community of function; while the differentia of
+_tribe_ as a marriage union consisted in a common ancestry, or a common
+worship, or a common totem, or in fact in any kind of common property
+except that of a common function.
+
+Long before castes were formed on Indian soil, most of the industrial
+classes, to which they now correspond, had existed for centuries, and as
+a rule most of the industries which they practiced were hereditary on
+the male side of the parentage. These hereditary classes were and are
+simply the concrete embodiments of those successive stages of culture
+which have marked the industrial development of mankind in every part of
+the world. Everywhere (except at least in those countries where he is
+still a savage), man has advanced from the stage of hunting and fishing
+to that of nomadism and cattle-grazing, and from nomadism to agriculture
+proper. Everywhere has the age of metallurgy and of the arts and
+industries which are coeval with it been preceded by a ruder age, when
+only those arts were known or practiced which sufficed for the hunting,
+fishing, and nomad states. Everywhere has the class of ritualistic
+priests and lettered theosophists been preceded by a class of
+less-cultivated worshipers, who paid simple offerings of flesh and wine
+to the personified powers of the visible universe without the aid of a
+hereditary professional priesthood. Everywhere has the class of nobles
+and territorial chieftains been preceded by a humbler class of small
+peasant proprietors, who placed themselves under their protection and
+paid tribute or rent in return. Everywhere has this class of nobles and
+chieftains sought to ally itself with that of the priests or sacerdotal
+order; and everywhere has the priestly order sought to bring under its
+control those chiefs and rulers under whose protection it lives.
+
+All these classes had been in existence for centuries before any such
+thing as caste was known on Indian soil; and the only thing that was
+needed to convert them into castes, such as they now are, was that the
+Brahman, who possessed the highest of all functions--the
+priestly--should set the example. This he did by establishing for the
+first time the rule that no child, either male or female, could inherit
+the name and status of Brahman, unless he or she was of Brahman
+parentage on _both_ sides. By the establishment of this rule the
+principle of marriage unionship was superadded to that of functional
+unionship; and it was only by the combination of these two principles
+that a caste in the strict sense of the term could or can be formed. The
+Brahman, therefore, as the Hindu books inform us, was "the first-born
+of castes." When the example had thus been set by an arrogant and
+overbearing priesthood, whose pretensions it was impossible to put down,
+the other hereditary classes followed in regular order downward, partly
+in imitation and partly in self-defence. Immediately behind the
+Brahman came the Kshatriya, the military chieftain or landlord. He
+therefore was the "second-born of castes." Then followed the bankers or
+upper trading classes (the Agarwal, Khattri, etc.); the scientific
+musician and singer (Kathak); the writing or literary class
+(Kayasth); the bard or genealogist (Bhat); and the class of
+inferior nobles (Taga and Bhuinhar) who paid no rent to the landed
+aristocracy. These, then, were the third-born of castes. Next in order
+came those artisan classes, who were coeval with the age and art of
+metallurgy; the metallurgic classes themselves; the middle trading
+classes; the middle agricultural classes, who placed themselves under
+the protection of the Kshatriya and paid him rent in return (Kurmi,
+Kachhi, Mali, Tamboli); and the middle serving classes, such as
+Napit and Baidya, who attended to the bodily wants of their equals and
+superiors. These, then, were the fourth-born of castes; and their rank
+in the social scale has been determined by the fact that their manners
+and notions are farther removed than those of the preceding castes from
+the Brahmanical ideal. Next came the inferior artisan classes, those
+who preceded the age and art of metallurgy (Teli, Kumhar, Kalwar,
+etc.); the partly nomad and partly agricultural classes (Jat,
+Gujar, Ahir, etc.); the inferior serving classes, such as Kahar;
+and the inferior trading classes, such as Bhunja. These, then, were the
+fifth-born of castes, and their mode of life is still farther removed
+from the Brahmanical ideal than that of the preceding. The last-born,
+and therefore the lowest, of all the classes are those semisavage
+communities, partly tribes and partly castes, whose function consists in
+hunting or fishing, or in acting as butcher for the general community,
+or in rearing swine and fowls, or in discharging the meanest domestic
+services, such as sweeping and washing, or in practicing the lowest of
+human arts, such as basket-making, hide-tanning, etc. Thus throughout
+the whole series of Indian castes a double test of social precedence has
+been in active force, the industrial and the Brahmanical; and these
+two have kept pace together almost as evenly as a pair of horses
+harnessed to a single carriage. In proportion as the function practiced
+by any given caste stands high or low in the scale of industrial
+development, in the same proportion does the caste itself, impelled by
+the general tone of society by which it is surrounded, approximate more
+nearly or more remotely to the Brahmanical idea of life. It is these
+two criteria combined which have determined the relative ranks of the
+various castes in the Hindu social scale.
+
+
+5. Caste and the Sentiments of Caste Reflected in Popular Speech[228]
+
+No one indeed can fail to be struck by the intensely popular character
+of Indian proverbial philosophy and by its freedom from the note of
+pedantry which is so conspicuous in Indian literature. These quaint
+sayings have dropped fresh from the lips of the Indian rustic; they
+convey a vivid impression of the anxieties, the troubles, the
+annoyances, and the humors of his daily life; and any sympathetic
+observer who has felt the fascination of an oriental village would have
+little difficulty in constructing from these materials a fairly accurate
+picture of rural society in India. The _mise en scène_ is not altogether
+a cheerful one. It shows us the average peasant dependent upon the
+vicissitudes of the season and the vagaries of the monsoon, and watching
+from day to day to see what the year may bring forth. Should rain fall
+at the critical moment his wife will get golden earrings, but one short
+fortnight of drought may spell calamity when "God takes all at once."
+Then the forestalling Baniya flourishes by selling rotten grain, and the
+Jat cultivator is ruined. First die the improvident Musalman
+weavers, then the oil-pressers for whose wares there is no demand; the
+carts lie idle, for the bullocks are dead, and the bride goes to her
+husband without the accustomed rites. But be the season good or bad, the
+pious Hindu's life is ever overshadowed by the exactions of the
+Brahman--"a thing with a string round its neck" (a profane hit at the
+sacred thread), a priest by appearance, a butcher at heart, the chief of
+a trio of tormentors gibbeted in the rhyming proverb:
+
+ Blood-suckers three on earth there be,
+ The bug, the Brahman, and the flea.
+
+Before the Brahman starves the king's larder will be empty; cakes
+must be given to him while the children of the house may lick the
+grindstone for a meal; his stomach is a bottomless pit; he eats so
+immoderately that he dies from wind. He will beg with a lakh of rupees
+in his pocket, and a silver begging-bowl in his hand. In his greed for
+funeral fees he spies out corpses like a vulture, and rejoices in the
+misfortunes of his clients. A village with a Brahman in it is like a
+tank full of crabs; to have him as a neighbor is worse than leprosy; if
+a snake has to be killed the Brahman should be set to do it, for no
+one will miss him. If circumstances compel you to perjure yourself, why
+swear on the head of your son, when there is a Brahman handy? Should
+he die (as is the popular belief) the world will be none the poorer.
+Like the devil in English proverbial philosophy, the Brahman can cite
+scripture for his purpose; he demands worship himself but does not
+scruple to kick his low-caste brethren; he washes his sacred thread but
+does not cleanse his inner man; and so great is his avarice that a man
+of another caste is supposed to pray "O God, let me not be reborn as a
+Brahman priest, who is always begging and is never satisfied." He
+defrauds even the gods; Vishnu gets the barren prayers while the
+Brahman devours the offerings. So Pan complains in one of Lucian's
+dialogues that he is done out of the good things which men offer at his
+shrine.
+
+The next most prominent figure in our gallery of popular portraits is
+that of the Baniya, money-lender, grain-dealer, and monopolist, who
+dominates the material world as the Brahman does the spiritual. His
+heart, we are told, is no bigger than a coriander seed; he has the jaws
+of an alligator and a stomach of wax; he is less to be trusted than a
+tiger, a scorpion, or a snake; he goes in like a needle and comes out
+like a sword; as a neighbor he is as bad as a boil in the armpit. If a
+Baniya is on the other side of a river you should leave your bundle on
+this side, for fear he should steal it. When four Baniyas meet they rob
+the whole world. If a Baniya is drowning you should not give him a hand:
+he is sure to have some base motive for drifting down stream. He uses
+light weights and swears that the scales tip themselves; he keeps his
+accounts in a character that no one but God can read; if you borrow from
+him, your debt mounts up like a refuse heap or gallops like a horse; if
+he talks to a customer he "draws a line" and debits the conversation;
+when his own credit is shaky he writes up his transactions on the wall
+so that they can easily be rubbed out. He is so stingy that the dogs
+starve at his feast, and he scolds his wife if she spends a farthing on
+betel-nut. A Jain Baniya drinks dirty water and shrinks from killing
+ants and flies, but will not stick at murder in pursuit of gain. As a
+druggist the Baniya is in league with the doctor; he buys weeds at a
+nominal price and sells them very dear. Finally, he is always a shocking
+coward: eighty-four Khatris will run away from four thieves.
+
+Nor does the clerical caste fare better at the hands of the popular
+epigrammatist. Where three Kayasths are gathered together a
+thunderbolt is sure to fall; when honest men fall out the Kayasth
+gets his chance. When a Kayasth takes to money-lending he is a
+merciless creditor. He is a man of figures; he lives by the point of his
+pen; in his house even the cat learns two letters and a half. He is a
+versatile creature, and where there are no tigers he will become a
+shikari; but he is no more to be trusted than a crow or a snake
+without a tail. One of the failings sometimes imputed to the educated
+Indian is attacked in the saying, "Drinking comes to a Kayasth with
+his mother's milk."
+
+Considering the enormous strength of the agricultural population of
+India, one would have expected to find more proverbs directed against
+the great cultivating castes. Possibly the reason may be that they made
+most of the proverbs, and people can hardly be expected to sharpen their
+wit on their own shortcomings. In two provinces, however, the rural
+Pasquin has let out very freely at the morals and manners of the Jat,
+the typical peasant of the eastern Punjab and the western districts of
+the United Provinces. You may as well, we are told, look for good in a
+Jat as for weevils in a stone. He is your friend only so long as you
+have a stick in your hand. If he cannot harm you he will leave a bad
+smell as he goes by. To be civil to him is like giving treacle to a
+donkey. If he runs amuck it takes God to hold him. A Jat's laugh
+would break an ordinary man's ribs. When he learns manners, he blows his
+nose with a mat, and there is a great run on the garlic. His baby has a
+plowtail for a plaything. The Jat stood on his own corn heap and
+called out to the King's elephant-drivers, "Hi there, what will you take
+for those little donkeys?" He is credited with practicing fraternal
+polyandry, like the Venetian nobility of the early eighteenth century,
+as a measure of domestic economy, and a whole family are said to have
+one wife between them.
+
+The Doms, among whom we find scavengers, vermin-eaters, executioners,
+basket-makers, musicians, and professional burglars, probably represent
+the remnants of a Dravidian tribe crushed out of recognition by the
+invading Aryans and condemned to menial and degrading occupations. Sir
+G. Grierson has thrown out the picturesque suggestion that they are the
+ancestors of the European gypsies and that Rom or Romany is nothing more
+than a variant of Dom. In the ironical language of the proverbs the Dom
+figures as "the lord of death" because he provides the wood for the
+Hindu funeral pyre. He is ranked with Brahmans and goats as a
+creature useless in time of need. A common and peculiarly offensive form
+of abuse is to tell a man that he has eaten a Dom's leavings. A series
+of proverbs represents him as making friends with members of various
+castes and faring ill or well in the process. Thus the Kanjar steals his
+dog, and the Gujar loots his house; on the other hand, the barber
+shaves him for nothing, and the silly Jolahaa makes him a suit of
+clothes. His traditions associate him with donkeys, and it is said that
+if these animals could excrete sugar, Doms would no longer be beggars.
+"A Dom in a palanquin and a Brahman on foot" is a type of society
+turned upside down. Nevertheless, outcast as he is, the Dom occupies a
+place of his own in the fabric of Indian society. At funerals he
+provides the wood and gets the corpse clothes as his perquisite; he
+makes the discordant music that accompanies a marriage procession; and
+baskets, winnowing-fans, and wicker articles in general are the work of
+his hands.
+
+In the west of India, Mahars and Dheds hold much the same place as
+the Dom. In the walled villages of the Maratha country the
+Mahar is the scavenger, watchman, and gate-keeper. His presence
+pollutes; he is not allowed to live in the village; and his miserable
+shanty is huddled up against the wall outside. But he challenges the
+stranger who comes to the gate, and for this and other services he is
+allowed various perquisites, among them that of begging for broken
+victuals from house to house. He offers old blankets to his god, and his
+child's playthings are bones. The Dhed's status is equally low. If he
+looks at a water jar he pollutes its contents; if you run up against him
+by accident, you must go off and bathe. If you annoy a Dhed he sweeps up
+the dust in your face. When he dies, the world is so much the cleaner.
+If you go to the Dheds' quarter you find there nothing but a heap of
+bones.
+
+This relegation of the low castes to a sort of ghetto is carried to
+great lengths in the south of India where the intolerance of the
+Brahman is very conspicuous. In the typical Madras village the
+Pariahs--"dwellers in the quarter" (_para_) as this broken tribe
+is now called--live in an irregular cluster of conical hovels of palm
+leaves known as the _parchery_, the squalor and untidiness of which
+present the sharpest contrasts to the trim street of tiled masonry
+houses where the Brahmans congregate. "Every village," says the
+proverb, "has its Pariah hamlet"--a place of pollution the census of
+which is even now taken with difficulty owing to the reluctance of the
+high-caste enumerator to enter its unclean precincts. "A palm tree,"
+says another, "casts no shade; a Pariah has no caste and rules." The
+popular estimate of the morals of the Pariah comes out in the saying,
+"He that breaks his word is a Pariah at heart"; while the note of irony
+predominates in the pious question, "If a Pariah offers boiled rice will
+not the god take it?" the implication being that the Brahman priests
+who take the offerings to idols are too greedy to inquire by whom they
+are presented.
+
+
+B. SUBORDINATION AND SUPERORDINATION
+
+
+1. The Psychology of Subordination and Superordination[229]
+
+The typical suggestion is given by words. But the impulse to act under
+the influence of another person arises no less when the action is
+proposed in the more direct form of showing the action itself. The
+submission then takes the form of imitation. This is the earliest type
+of subordination. It plays a fundamental rôle in the infant's life, long
+before the suggestion through words can begin its influence. The infant
+imitates involuntarily as soon as connections between the movement
+impulses and the movement impressions have been formed. At first
+automatic reflexes produce all kinds of motions, and each movement
+awakes kinesthetic and muscle sensations. Through association these
+impressions become bound up with the motor impulses. As soon as the
+movements of other persons arouse similar visual sensations the
+kinesthetic sensations are associated and realize the corresponding
+movement. Very soon the associative irradiation becomes more complex,
+and whole groups of emotional reactions are imitated. The child cries
+and laughs in imitation.
+
+Most important is the imitation of the speech movement. The sound awakes
+the impulse to produce the same vocal sound long before the meaning of
+the word is understood. Imitation is thus the condition for the
+acquiring of speech, and later the condition for the learning of all
+other abilities. But while the imitation is at first simply automatic,
+it becomes more and more volitional. The child intends to imitate what
+the teacher shows as an example. This intentional imitation is certainly
+one of the most important vehicles of social organization. The desire to
+act like certain models becomes the most powerful social energy. But
+even the highest differentiation of society does not eliminate the
+constant working of the automatic, impulsive imitation.
+
+The inner relation between imitation and suggestion shows itself in the
+similarity of conditions under which they are most effective. Every
+increase of suggestibility facilitates imitation. In any emotional
+excitement of a group every member submits to the suggestion of the
+others, but the suggestion is taken from the actual movements. A crowd
+in a panic or a mob in a riot shows an increased suggestibility by which
+each individual automatically repeats what his neighbors are doing. Even
+an army in battle may become, either through enthusiasm or through fear,
+a group in which all individuality is lost and everyone is forced by
+imitative impulses to fight or escape. The psychophysical experiment
+leaves no doubt that this imitative response releases the sources of
+strongest energy in the mental mechanism. If the arm lifts the weight of
+an ergograph until the will cannot overcome the fatigue, the mere seeing
+of the movement carried out by others whips the motor centers to new
+efficiency.
+
+We saw that our feeling states are both causes and effects of our
+actions. We cannot experience the impulse to action without a new
+shading of our emotional setting. Imitative acting involves, therefore,
+an inner imitation of feelings too. The child who smiles in response to
+the smile of his mother shares her pleasant feeling. The adult who is
+witness of an accident in which someone is hurt imitates instinctively
+the cramping muscle contractions of the victim, and as a result he feels
+an intense dislike without having the pain sensations themselves. From
+such elementary experiences an imitative emotional life develops,
+controlled by a general sympathetic tendency. We share the pleasures and
+the displeasures of others through an inner imitation which remains
+automatic. In its richer forms this sympathy becomes an _altruistic
+sentiment_; it stirs the desire to remove the misery around us and
+unfolds to a general mental setting through which every action is
+directed toward the service to others. But from the faintest echoing of
+feelings in the infant to the highest self-sacrifice from altruistic
+impulse, we have the common element of submission. The individual is
+feeling, and accordingly acting, not in the realization of his
+individual impulses, but under the influence of other personalities.
+
+This subordination to the feelings of others through sympathy and pity
+and common joy takes a new psychological form in the affection of
+tenderness and especially parental love. The relation of parents to
+children involves certainly an element of superordination, but the
+mentally strongest factor remains the subordination, the complete
+submission to the feelings of those who are dependent upon the parents'
+care. In its higher development the parental love will not yield to
+every momentary like or dislike of the child, but will adjust the
+educative influence to the lasting satisfactions and to the later
+sources of unhappiness. But the submission of the parents to the feeling
+tones in the child's life remains the fundamental principle of the
+family instinct. While the parents' love and tenderness mean that the
+stronger submits to the weaker, even up to the highest points of
+self-sacrifice, the loving child submits to his parents from feelings
+which are held together by a sense of dependence. This feeling of
+dependence as a motive of subordination enters into numberless human
+relations. Everywhere the weak lean on the strong, and choose their
+actions under the influence of those in whom they have confidence. The
+corresponding feelings show the manifold shades of modesty, admiration,
+gratitude, and hopefulness. Yet it is only another aspect of the social
+relation if the consciousness of dependence upon the more powerful is
+felt with fear and revolt, or with the nearly related emotion of envy.
+
+The desire to assert oneself is no less powerful, in the social
+interplay, than the impulse to submission. Society needs the leaders as
+well as the followers. Self-assertion presupposes contact with other
+individuals. Man protects himself against the dangers of nature, and
+man masters nature; but he asserts himself against men who interfere
+with him or whom he wants to force to obedience. The most immediate
+reaction in the compass of self-assertion is indeed the _rejection of
+interference_. It is a form in which even the infant shows the opposite
+of submission. He repels any effort to disturb him in the realization of
+the instinctive impulses. From the simplest reaction of the infant
+disturbed in his play or his meal, a straight line of development leads
+to the fighting spirit of man, whose pugnaciousness and whose longing
+for vengeance force his will on his enemies. Every form of rivalry,
+jealousy, and intolerance finds in this feeling group its source of
+automatic response. The most complex intellectual processes may be made
+subservient to this self-asserting emotion.
+
+But the effort to impose one's will on others certainly does not result
+only from conflict. An entirely different emotional center is given by
+the mere desire for _self-expression_. In every field of human activity
+the individual may show his inventiveness, his ability to be different
+from others, to be a model, to be imitated by his fellows. The normal
+man has a healthy, instinctive desire to claim recognition from the
+members of the social group. This interferes neither with the spirit of
+co-ordination nor with the subordination of modesty. In so far as the
+individual demands acknowledgement of his personal behavior and his
+personal achievement, he raises himself by that act above others. He
+wants his mental attitude to influence and control the social
+surroundings. In its fuller development this inner setting becomes the
+ambition for leadership in the affairs of practical life or in the
+sphere of cultural work.
+
+The superficial counterpart is the desire for _self-display_ with all
+its variations of vanity and boastfulness. From the most bashful
+submission to the most ostentatious self-assertion, from the
+self-sacrifice of motherly love to the pugnaciousness of despotic
+egotism, the social psychologist can trace the human impulses through
+all the intensities of the human energies which interfere with equality
+in the group. Each variation has its emotional background and its
+impulsive discharge. Within normal limits they are all equally useful
+for the biological existence of the group and through the usefulness for
+the group ultimately serviceable to its members. Only through
+superordination and subordination does the group receive the inner
+firmness which transforms the mere combination of men into working
+units. They give to human society that strong and yet flexible
+organization which is the necessary condition for its successful
+development.
+
+
+2. Social Attitudes in Subordination: Memories of an Old Servant[230]
+
+Work is a great blessing, and it has been wisely arranged by our divine
+Master that all his creatures should have a work to do of some kind.
+Some are weak and some are strong. Old and young, rich and poor, there
+is that work expected from us, and how much happier we are when we are
+at our work.
+
+There are so many things to learn, so many different kinds of work that
+must be done to make the world go on right. And some work is easier than
+others; but all ought to be well done, and in a cheerful, contented
+manner. Some prefer working with hands and feet; they say it is easier
+than the head work; but surely both are heavy work, for it does depend
+on your ability.
+
+Boys and girls do not leave school so early as they did fifty or sixty
+years ago. The boys went out quite happy and manly to do their herding
+at some farm, and would be very useful for some years till they
+preferred learning some trade, etc.; then a younger boy just filled his
+place; and by doing this they did learn farming a good bit, and this
+helped them on in after years if they wanted to go back to farming
+again. We regret to see that the page-boy is not wanted so much as he
+used to be; and what a help that used to be for a young boy. He learns a
+great deal by being first of all a while in the stable yard or garage
+before he goes into the gentleman's house, and he is neat and tidy at
+all times for messages. We have seen many of them in our young days; and
+even the waif has been picked up by a good master, and began in the
+stables and worked his way up to be a respected valet in the same
+household, and often and often told the story of his waif life in the
+servants' hall.
+
+The old servant has seen many changes and in many cases prefers the good
+old ways; there may be some better arrangements made, we cannot doubt
+that, but we are surprised at good old practices that our late beloved
+employers had ignored by their own children after they have so far
+grown up. Servants need the good example from their superiors, and when
+they hear the world speak well of them they do look for the good ways in
+the home life. We all like to hold up an employer's good name, surely we
+do if we are interested at all in our work, and if we feel that we
+cannot do our duty to them we ought to go elsewhere and not deceive
+them. We are trusted with a very great deal, and it is well for us if we
+are doing all we can as faithful servants, and in the end lay down our
+tools with the feeling that we have tried to do our best.
+
+We must remember that each one is born in his station in life, wisely
+arranged by "One Who Knows and Who Is Our Supreme Ruler." No one can
+alter this nor say to him, "What Doest Thou?" so we must each and all
+keep our station and honor the rich man and the poor man who humbly
+tries to live a Christian life, and when their faults are seen by us may
+we at once turn to ourselves and look if we are not human, too, and may
+be as vile as they.
+
+We have noticed some visitors very rude to the servants and so different
+to our own employers, and we set a mark on them, for we would not go to
+serve them. We remember once when our lady's brother was showing a
+visiting lady some old relics near the front door they came upon the
+head housemaid who was cleaning the church pew chairs (they were carried
+in while the church was being repaired), and she was near a very old
+grand piano. The lady asked in such a jeer, "And is this the housemaid's
+piano"? The gentleman looked very hard at the housemaid, for we were
+sure that he was very annoyed at her, but we did not hear his answer;
+but the housemaid had the good sense to keep quiet, but she could have
+told her to keep her jeers, for we were not her class of servant,
+neither was she our class of employer. We heard her character after, and
+never cared to see her. Some servants take great liberties, and then all
+are supposed to be alike; but we are glad that all ladies are not like
+this, for the world would be poor indeed; they would soon ruin all the
+girls--and no wonder her husband had left her. We heard of a gentleman
+who fancied his laundry-maid, so he called his servants together and
+told them that he was to marry her and bring her home as the lady of his
+house, and he hoped they would all stay where they were; but if they
+felt that they could not look upon her as their mistress and his wife,
+they were free to go away. And not one of them left, for they stayed on
+with them for years. This is a true story from one who knew them and
+could show us their London house. Now we have lived with superior
+servants, and we would much rather serve them even now in our old age
+than serve any lady who can never respect a servant.
+
+Nothing brings master and servant closer together than the sudden sore
+bereavement, and very likely this book could not be written so sad were
+it not for the many sad days that have been spent in service, and now so
+very few of the employers are to be seen; and when they are with us we
+feel that we are still respected by them, for there is the usual
+welcome--for they would look back the same as we do on days that are
+gone by. In our young days the curtsy was fashionable; you would see
+every man's daughter bobbing whenever they met the lady or gentlemen or
+when they met their teacher. The custom is gone now, and we wonder why;
+but the days are changed, and some call it education that is so far
+doing this; it cannot be education, for we do look for more respect from
+the educated than from the class that we called the ignorant.
+
+How well off the servants are in these years of war, for they have no
+rent to worry about and no anxiety about their coal bill, nor how food,
+etc., is to be got in and paid for, no taxes nor cares like so many poor
+working men; they are also sure of their wages when quarter day comes
+round. It is true she may have a widow mother who requires some help
+with rent, coals, or food, but there are many who ought to value a good
+situation, whether in the small comfortable house as general or in
+larger good situations where a few servants are, for we have seen them
+all and know what they have been like, and so, we say that all as a rule
+ought to be very thankful that they are the domestic servant and so
+study to show gratitude by good deeds to all around, as there is work
+just now for everyone to do.
+
+A great deal more could easily be written, and we hope some old servant
+may also speak out in favor of domestic service, and so let it be again
+what it has been, and when both will look on each other as they ought,
+for there has always been master and servant, and we have the number of
+servants, or near the number, given here by one who knows, 1,330,783
+female domestic servants at the last census in 1911, and so the domestic
+service is the largest single industry that is; there are more people
+employed as domestic servants than any other class of employment.
+Before closing this book the writer would ask that a kinder interest may
+be taken in girls who may have at one time been in disgrace; many of
+them have no homes and we might try to help them into situations. This
+appeal is from the old housekeeper and so from one who has had many a
+talk with young girls for their good; but they have often been led far
+astray. We ought to give them the chance again, by trying to get them
+situations, and if the lady is not her friend, nor the housekeeper, we
+pity her.
+
+
+3. The Reciprocal Character of Subordination and Superordination[231]
+
+Every social occurrence consists of an interaction between individuals.
+In other words, each individual is at the same time an active and a
+passive agent in a transaction. In case of superiority and inferiority,
+however, the relation assumes the appearance of a one-sided operation;
+the one party appears to exert, while the other seems merely to receive,
+an influence. Such, however, is not in fact the case. No one would give
+himself the trouble to gain or to maintain superiority if it afforded
+him no advantage or enjoyment. This return to the superior can be
+derived from the relation, however, only by virtue of the fact that
+there is a reciprocal action of the inferior upon the superior. The
+decisive characteristic of the relation at this point is this, that the
+effect which the inferior actually exerts upon the superior is
+determined by the latter. The superior causes the inferior to produce a
+given effect which the superior shall experience. In this operation, in
+case the subordination is really absolute, no sort of spontaneity is
+present on the part of the subordinate. The reciprocal influence is
+rather the same as that between a man and a lifeless external object
+with which the former performs an act for his own use. That is, the
+person acts upon the object in order that the latter may react upon
+himself. In this reaction of the object no spontaneity on the part of
+the object is to be observed, but merely the further operation of the
+spontaneity of the person. Such an extreme case of superiority and
+inferiority will scarcely occur among human beings. Rather will a
+certain measure of independence, a certain direction of the relation
+proceed also from the self-will and the character of the subordinate.
+The different cases of superiority and inferiority will accordingly be
+characterized by differences in the relative amount of spontaneity which
+the subordinates and the superiors bring to bear upon the total
+relation. In exemplification of this reciprocal action of the inferior,
+through which superiority and inferiority manifests itself as proper
+socialization, I will mention only a few cases, in which the reciprocity
+is difficult to discern.
+
+When in the case of an absolute despotism the ruler attaches to his
+edicts the threat of penalty or the promise of reward, the meaning is
+that the monarch himself will be bound by the regulation which he has
+ordained. The inferior shall have the right, on the other hand, to
+demand something from the lawgiver. Whether the latter subsequently
+grants the promised reward or protection is another question. The spirit
+of the relation as contemplated by the law is that the superior
+completely controls the inferior, to be sure, but that a certain claim
+is assured to the latter, which claim he may press or may allow to
+lapse, so that even this most definite form of the relation still
+contains an element of spontaneity on the part of the inferior.
+
+Still farther; the concept "law" seems to connote that he who gives the
+law is in so far unqualifiedly superior. Apart from those cases in which
+the law is instituted by those who will be its subjects, there appears
+in lawgiving as such no sign of spontaneity on the part of the subject
+of the law. It is, nevertheless, very interesting to observe how the
+Roman conception of law makes prominent the reciprocity between the
+superior and the subordinate elements. Thus _lex_ means originally
+"compact," in the sense, to be sure, that the terms of the same are
+fixed by the proponent, and the other party can accept or reject it only
+_en bloc_. The _lex publica populi Romani_ meant originally that the
+king proposed and the people accepted the same. Thus even here, where
+the conception itself seems to express the complete one-sidedness of the
+superior, the nice social instinct of the Romans pointed in the verbal
+expression to the co-operation of the subordinate. In consequence of
+like feeling of the nature of socialization the later Roman jurists
+declared that the _societas leonina_ is not to be regarded as a social
+compact. Where the one absolutely controls the other, that is, where all
+spontaneity of the subordinate is excluded, there is no longer any
+socialization.
+
+Once more, the orator who confronts the assembly, or the teacher his
+class, seems to be the sole leader, the temporary superior. Nevertheless
+everyone who finds himself in that situation is conscious of the
+limiting and controlling reaction of the mass which is apparently merely
+passive and submissive to his guidance. This is the case not merely when
+the parties immediately confront each other. All leaders are also led,
+as in countless cases the master is the slave of his slaves. "I am your
+leader, therefore I must follow you," said one of the most eminent
+German parliamentarians, with reference to his party. Every journalist
+is influenced by the public upon which he seems to exert an influence
+entirely without reaction. The most characteristic case of actual
+reciprocal influence, in spite of what appears to be subordination
+without corresponding reaction, is that of hypnotic suggestion. An
+eminent hypnotist recently asserted that in every hypnosis there occurs
+an actual if not easily defined influence of the hypnotized upon the
+hypnotist, and that without this the effect would not be produced.
+
+
+4. Three Types of Subordination and Superordination[232]
+
+Three possible types of superiority present themselves. Superiority may
+be exercised (a) by an individual, (b) by a group, (c) by an
+objective principle higher than individuals.
+
+a) _Subordination to an individual._--The subordination of a group to
+a single person implies a very decided unification of the group. This is
+equally the case with both the characteristic forms of this
+subordination, viz.: (1) when the group with its head constitutes a real
+internal unity; when the superior is more a leader than a master and
+only represents in himself the power and the will of the group; (2) when
+the group is conscious of opposition between itself and its head, when a
+party opposed to the head is formed. In both cases the unity of the
+supreme head tends to bring about an inner unification of the group. The
+elements of the latter are conscious of themselves as belonging
+together, because their interests converge at one point. Moreover the
+opposition to this unified controlling power compels the group to
+collect itself, to condense itself into unity. This is true not alone
+of the political group. In the factory, the ecclesiastical community, a
+school class, and in associated bodies of every sort it is to be
+observed that the termination of the organization in a head, whether in
+case of harmony or of opposition, helps to effect unification of the
+group. This is most conspicuous to be sure in the political sphere.
+History has shown it to be the enormous advantage of monarchies that
+they unify the political interests of the popular mass. The totality has
+a common interest in holding the prerogatives of the crown within their
+boundaries, possibly in restricting them; or there is a common field of
+conflict between those whose interests are with the crown and those who
+are opposed. Thus there is a supreme point with reference to which the
+whole people constitutes either a single party or, at most, two. Upon
+the disappearance of its head, to which all are subordinate--with the
+end of this political pressure--all political unity often likewise
+ceases. There spring up a great number of party factions which
+previously, in view of that supreme political interest for or against
+the monarchy, found no room.
+
+Wonder has often been felt over the irrationality of the condition in
+which a single person exercises lordship over a great mass of others.
+The contradiction will be modified when we reflect that the ruler and
+the individual subject in the controlled mass by no means enter into the
+relationship with an equal _quantum_ of their personality. The mass is
+composed through the fact that many individuals unite fractions of their
+personality--one-sided purposes, interests and powers, while that which
+each personality as such actually is towers above this common level and
+does not at all enter into that "mass," i.e., into that which is really
+ruled by the single person. Hence it is also that frequently in very
+despotically ruled groups individuality may develop itself very freely,
+in those aspects particularly which are not in participation with the
+mass. Thus began the development of modern individuality in the
+despotisms of the Italian Renaissance. Here, as in other similar cases
+(for example, under Napoleon I and Napoleon III), it was for the direct
+interest of the despots to allow the largest freedom to all those
+aspects of personality which were not identified with the regulated
+mass, i.e., to those aspects most apart from politics. Thus
+subordination was more tolerable.
+
+b) _Subordination to a group._--In the second place the group may
+assume the form of a pyramid. In this case the subordinates stand over
+against the superior not in an equalized mass but in very nicely graded
+strata of power. These strata grow constantly smaller in extent but
+greater in significance. They lead up from the inferior mass to the
+head, the single ruler.
+
+This form of the group may come into existence in two ways. It may
+emerge from the autocratic supremacy of an individual. The latter often
+loses the substance of his power and allows it to slip downward, while
+retaining its form and titles. In this case more of the power is
+retained by the orders nearest to the former autocrat than is acquired
+by those more distant. Since the power thus gradually percolates, a
+continuity and graduation of superiority and inferiority must develop
+itself. This is, in fact, the way in which in oriental states the social
+forms often arise. The power of the superior orders disintegrates,
+either because it is essentially incoherent and does not know how to
+attain the above-emphasized proportion between subordination and
+individual freedom; or because the persons comprising the administration
+are too indolent or too ignorant of governmental technique to preserve
+supreme power. For the power which is exercised over a large circle is
+never a constant possession. It must be constantly acquired and defended
+anew if anything more than its shadow and name is to remain.
+
+The other way in which a scale of power is constructed up to a supreme
+head is the reverse of that just described. Starting with a relative
+equality of the social elements, certain elements gain greater
+significance; within the circle of influence thus constituted certain
+especially powerful individuals differentiate themselves until this
+development accommodates itself to one or to a few heads. The pyramid of
+superiority and inferiority is built in this case from below upward,
+while in the former case the development was from above downward. This
+second form of development is often found in economic relationships,
+where at first there exists a certain equality between the persons
+carrying on the work of a certain industrial society. Presently some of
+the number acquire wealth; others become poor; others fall into
+intermediate conditions which are as dependent upon an aristocracy of
+property as the lower orders are upon the middle strata; this
+aristocracy rises in manifold gradations to the magnates, of whom
+sometimes a single individual is appropriately designated as the "king"
+of a branch of industry. By a sort of combination of the two ways in
+which graded superiority and inferiority of the group come into being
+the feudalism of the Middle Ages arose. So long as the full
+citizen--either Greek, Roman, or Teutonic--knew no subordination under
+an individual, there existed for him on the one hand complete equality
+with those of his own order, but on the other hand rigid exclusiveness
+toward those of lower orders. Feudalism remodeled this characteristic
+social form into the equally characteristic arrangement which filled the
+gap between freedom and bondage with a scale of classes.
+
+A peculiar form of subordination to a number of individuals is
+determination by vote of a majority. The presumption of majority rule is
+that there is a collection of elements originally possessing equal
+rights. In the process of voting the individual places himself in
+subordination to a power of which he is a part, but in this way, that it
+is left to his own volition whether he will belong to the superior or
+the inferior, i.e., the outvoted party. We are not now interested in
+cases of this complex problem in which the superiority is entirely
+formal, as, for example, in resolves of scientific congresses, but only
+with those in which the individual is constrained to an action by the
+will of the party outvoting him, that is, in which he must practically
+subordinate himself to the majority. This dominance of numbers through
+the fact that others, though only equal in right, have another opinion,
+is by no means the matter of course which it seems to us today in our
+time of determinations by masses. Ancient German law knew nothing of it.
+If one did not agree with the resolve of the community, he was not bound
+by it. As an application of this principle, unanimity was later
+necessary in the choice of king, evidently because it could not be
+expected or required that one who had not chosen the king would obey
+him. The English baron who had opposed authorizing a levy, or who had
+not been present, often refused to pay it. In the tribal council of the
+Iroquois, as in the Polish Parliament, decisions had to be unanimous.
+There was therefore no subordination of an individual to a majority,
+unless we consider the fact that a proposition was regarded as rejected
+if it did not receive unanimous approval, a subordination, an outvoting,
+of the person proposing the measure.
+
+When, on the contrary, majority rule exists, two modes of subordination
+of the minority are possible, and discrimination between them is of the
+highest sociological significance. Control of the minority may, in the
+first place, arise from the fact that the many are more powerful than
+the few. Although, or rather because, the individuals participating in a
+vote are supposed to be equals, the majority have the physical power to
+coerce the minority. The taking of a vote and the subjection of the
+minority serves the purpose of avoiding such actual measurement of
+strength, but accomplishes practically the same result through the count
+of votes, since the minority is convinced of the futility of such resort
+to force. There exist in the group two parties in opposition as though
+they were two groups, between which relative strength, represented by
+the vote, is to decide.
+
+Quite another principle is in force, however, in the second place, where
+the group as a unity predominates over all individuals and so proceeds
+that the passing of votes shall _merely give expression to the unitary
+group will_. In the transition from the former to this second principle
+the enormously important step is taken from a unity made up merely of
+the sum of individuals to recognition and operation of an abstract
+objective group unity. Classic antiquity took this step much
+earlier--not only absolutely but relatively earlier--than the German
+peoples. Among the latter the oneness of the community did not exist
+over and against the individuals who composed it but entirely in them.
+Consequently the group will was not only not enacted but it did not even
+exist so long as a single member dissented. The group was not complete
+unless all its members were united, since it was only in the sum of its
+members that the group consisted. In case the group, however, is a
+self-existent structure--whether consciously or merely in point of
+fact--in case the group organization effected by union of the
+individuals remains along with and in spite of the individual changes,
+this self-existent unity--state, community, association for a
+distinctive purpose--must surely will and act in a definite manner.
+Since, however, only one of two contradictory opinions can ultimately
+prevail, it is assumed as more probable that the majority knows or
+represents this will better than the minority. According to the
+presumptive principle involved the minority is, in this case, not
+excluded but included. The subordination of the minority is thus in this
+stage of sociological development quite different from that in case the
+majority simply represents the stronger power. In the case in hand the
+majority does not speak in its own name but in that of the ideal unity
+and totality. It is only to this unity, which speaks by the mouth of the
+majority, that the minority subordinates itself. This is the immanent
+principle of our parliamentary decisions.
+
+c) _Subordination to an impersonal principle._--To these must be
+joined, third, those formations in which subordination is neither to an
+individual nor yet to a majority, but to an impersonal objective
+principle. Here, where we seem to be estopped from speaking of a
+_reciprocal influence_ between the superior and the subordinate, a
+sociological interest enters in but two cases: first, when this ideal
+superior principle is to be interpreted as the psychological
+consolidation of a real social power; second, when the principle
+establishes specific and characteristic relationships between those who
+are subject to it in common. The former case appears chiefly in
+connection with the moral imperatives. In the moral consciousness we
+feel ourselves subject to a decree which does not appear to be issued by
+any personal human power; we hear the voice of conscience only in
+ourselves, although with a force and definiteness, in contrast with all
+subjective egoism, which, as it seems, could have had its source only
+from an authority outside the subject. As is well known, the attempt has
+been made to resolve this contradiction by the assumption that we have
+derived the content of morality from social decrees. Whatever is
+serviceable to the species and to the group, whatever on that account is
+demanded of the members for the self-preservation of the group, is
+gradually bred into individuals as an instinct, so that it asserts
+itself as a peculiar autonomous impression by the side of the properly
+personal, and consequently often contradictory, impulses. Thus would be
+explained the double character of the moral command. On the one side it
+appears to us as an impersonal order to which we have simply to yield.
+On the other side, however, no visible external power but only our own
+most real and personal instinct enforces it upon us. Sociologically this
+is of interest as an example of a wholly peculiar form of reaction
+between the individual and his group. The social force is here
+completely grown into the individual himself.
+
+We now turn to the second sociological question raised by the case of
+subordination to an impersonal ideal principle. How does this
+subordination affect the reciprocal relation of the persons thus
+subordinated in common? The development of the position of the _pater
+familias_ among the Aryans exhibits this process clearly. The power of
+the _pater familias_ was originally unlimited and entirely subjective;
+that is, his momentary desire, his personal advantage, was permitted to
+give the decision upon all regulations. But this arbitrary power
+gradually became limited by a feeling of responsibility. The unity of
+the domestic group, embodied in the _spiritus familiaris_, grew into the
+ideal power, in relation to which the lord of the whole came to regard
+himself as merely an obedient agent. Accordingly it follows that morals
+and custom, instead of subjective preference, determine his acts, his
+decisions, his judicial judgments; that he no longer behaves as though
+he were absolute lord of the family property, but rather the manager of
+it in the interest of the whole; that his position bears more the
+character of an official station than that of an unlimited right. Thus
+the relation between superiors and inferiors is placed upon an entirely
+new basis. The family is thought of as standing above all the individual
+members. The guiding patriarch himself is, like every other member,
+subordinate to the family idea. He may give directions to the other
+members of the family only in the name of the higher ideal unity.
+
+
+C. CONFLICT AND ACCOMMODATION
+
+
+1. War and Peace as Types of Conflict and Accommodation[233]
+
+It is obvious that the transition from war to peace must present a more
+considerable problem than the reverse, i.e., the transition from peace
+to war. The latter really needs no particular scrutiny. For the
+situations existing in time of peace are precisely the conditions out of
+which war emerges and contain in themselves struggle in a diffused,
+unobserved, or latent form. For instance, if the economic advantage
+which the southern states of the American Union had over the northern
+states in the Civil War as a consequence of the slave system was also
+the reason for this war, still, so long as no antagonism arises from it,
+but is merely immanent in the existing conditions, this source of
+conflict did not become specifically a question of war and peace. At the
+moment, however, at which the antagonism began to assume a color which
+meant war, an accumulation of antagonisms, feelings of hatred,
+newspaper polemics, frictions between private persons, and on the
+borders reciprocal moral equivocations in matters outside of the central
+antithesis at once manifested themselves. The transition from peace to
+war is thus not distinguished by a special sociological situation.
+Rather out of relationships existing within a peaceful situation
+antagonism is developed immediately, in its most visible and, energetic
+form. The case is different, however, if the matter is viewed from the
+opposite direction. Peace does not follow so immediately upon conflict.
+The termination of strife is a special undertaking which belongs neither
+in the one category nor in the other, like a bridge which is of a
+different nature from that of either bank which it unites. The sociology
+of struggle demands, therefore, at least as an appendix, an analysis of
+the forms in which conflict is terminated, and these exhibit certain
+special forms of reaction not to be observed in other circumstances.
+
+The particular motive which in most cases corresponds with the
+transition from war to peace is the simple longing for peace. With the
+emergence of this factor there comes into being, as a matter of fact,
+peace itself, at first in the form of the wish immediately parallel with
+the struggle itself, and it may without any special transitional form
+displace struggle. We need not pause long to observe that the desire for
+peace may spring up both directly and indirectly; the former may occur
+either through the return to power of this peaceful character in the
+party which is essentially in favor of peace; or through the fact that,
+through the mere change of the formal stimulus of struggle and of peace
+which is peculiar to all natures, although in different rhythms, the
+latter comes to the surface and assumes a control which is sanctioned by
+its own nature alone. In the case of the indirect motive, however, we
+may distinguish, on the one hand, the exhaustion of resources which,
+without removal of the persistent contentiousness, may instal the demand
+for peace; and, on the other hand, the withdrawal of interest from
+struggle through a higher interest in some other object. The latter case
+begets all sorts of hypocrisies and self-deceptions. It is asserted and
+believed that peace is desired from ideal interest in peace itself and
+the suppression of antagonism, while in reality only the object fought
+for has lost its interest and the fighters would prefer to have their
+powers free for other kinds of activity.
+
+The simplest and most radical sort of passage from war to peace is
+victory--a quite unique phenomenon in life, of which there are, to be
+sure, countless individual forms and measures, which, however, have no
+resemblance to any of the otherwise mentioned forms which may occur
+between persons. Victory is a mere watershed between war and peace; when
+considered absolutely, only an ideal structure which extends itself over
+no considerable time. For so long as struggle endures there is no
+definitive victor, and when peace exists a victory _has been_ gained but
+the act of victory has ceased to exist. Of the many shadings of victory,
+through which it qualifies the following peace, I mention here merely as
+an illustration the one which is brought about, not exclusively by the
+preponderance of the one party, but, at least in part, through the
+resignation of the other. This confession of inferiority, this
+acknowledgment of defeat, or this consent that victory shall go to the
+other party without complete exhaustion of the resources and chances for
+struggle, is by no means always a simple phenomenon. A certain ascetic
+tendency may also enter in as a purely individual factor, the tendency
+to self-humiliation and to self-sacrifice, not strong enough to
+surrender one's self from the start without a struggle, but emerging so
+soon as the consciousness of being vanquished begins to take possession
+of the soul; or another variation may be that of finding its supreme
+charm in the contrast to the still vital and active disposition to
+struggle. Still further, there is impulse to the same conclusion in the
+feeling that it is worthier to yield rather than to trust to the last
+moment in the improbable chance of a fortunate turn of affairs. To throw
+away this chance and to elude at this price the final consequences that
+would be involved in utter defeat--this has something of the great and
+noble qualities of men who are sure, not merely of their strengths, but
+also of their weaknesses, without making it necessary for them in each
+case to make these perceptibly conscious. Finally, in this voluntariness
+of confessed defeat there is a last proof of power on the part of the
+agent; the latter has of himself been able to act. He has therewith
+virtually made a gift to the conqueror. Consequently, it is often to be
+observed in personal conflicts that the concession of the one party,
+before the other has actually been able to compel it, is regarded by the
+latter as a sort of insult, as though this latter party were really the
+weaker, to whom, however, for some reason or other, there is made a
+concession without its being really necessary. Behind the objective
+reasons for yielding "for the sake of sweet peace" a mixture of these
+subjective motives is not seldom concealed. The latter may not be
+entirely without visible consequences, however, for the further
+sociological attitude of the parties. In complete antithesis with the
+end of strife by victory is its ending by compromise. One of the most
+characteristic ways of subdividing struggles is on the basis of whether
+they are of a nature which admits of compromise or not.
+
+
+2. Compromise and Accommodation[234]
+
+On the whole, compromise, especially of that type which is brought to
+pass through negotiation, however commonplace and matter of fact it has
+come to be in the processes of modern life, is one of the most important
+inventions for the uses of civilization. The impulse of uncivilized men,
+like that of children, is to seize upon every desirable object without
+further consideration, even though it be already in the possession of
+another. Robbery and gift are the most naïve forms of transfer of
+possession, and under primitive conditions change of possession seldom
+takes place without a struggle. It is the beginning of all civilized
+industry and commerce to find a way of avoiding this struggle through a
+process in which there is offered to the possessor of a desired object
+some other object from the possessions of the person desiring the
+exchange. Through this arrangement a reduction is made in the total
+expenditure of energy as compared with the process of continuing or
+beginning a struggle. All exchange is a compromise. We are told of
+certain social conditions in which it is accounted as knightly to rob
+and to fight for the sake of robbery; while exchange and purchase are
+regarded in the same society as undignified and vulgar. The
+psychological explanation of this situation is to be found partly in the
+fact of the element of compromise in exchange, the factors of withdrawal
+and renunciation which make exchange the opposite pole to all struggle
+and conquest. Every exchange presupposes that values and interest have
+assumed an objective character. The decisive element is accordingly no
+longer the mere subjective passion of desire, to which struggle alone
+corresponds, but the value of the object, which is recognized by both
+interested parties but which without essential modification may be
+represented by various objects. Renunciation of the valued object in
+question, because one receives in another form the quantum of value
+contained in the same, is an admirable reason, wonderful also in its
+simplicity, whereby opposed interests are brought to accommodation
+without struggle. It certainly required a long historical development to
+make such means available, because it presupposes a psychological
+generalization of the universal valuation of the individual object, an
+abstraction, in other words, of the value for the objects with which it
+is at first identified; that is, it presupposes ability to rise above
+the prejudices of immediate desire. Compromise by representation, of
+which exchange is a special case, signifies in principle, although
+realized only in part, the possibility of avoiding struggle or of
+setting a limit to it before the mere force of the interested parties
+has decided the issue.
+
+In distinction from the objective character of accommodation of struggle
+through compromise, we should notice that conciliation is a purely
+subjective method of avoiding struggle. I refer here not to that sort of
+conciliation which is the consequence of a compromise or of any other
+adjournment of struggle but rather to the reasons for this adjournment.
+The state of mind which makes conciliation possible is an elementary
+attitude which, entirely apart from objective grounds, seeks to end
+struggle, just as, on the other hand, a disposition to quarrel, even
+without any real occasion, promotes struggle. Probably both mental
+attitudes have been developed as matters of utility in connection with
+certain situations; at any rate, they have been developed
+psychologically to the extent of independent impulses, each of which is
+likely to make itself felt where the other would be more practically
+useful. We may even say that in the countless cases in which struggle is
+ended otherwise than in the pitiless consistency of the exercise of
+force, this quite elementary and unreasoned tendency to conciliation is
+a factor in the result--a factor quite distinct from weakness, or good
+fellowship; from social morality or fellow-feeling. This tendency to
+conciliation is, in fact, a quite specific sociological impulse which
+manifests itself exclusively as a pacificator, and is not even identical
+with the peaceful disposition in general. The latter avoids strife under
+all circumstances, or carries it on, if it is once undertaken, without
+going to extremes, and always with the undercurrents of longing for
+peace. The spirit of conciliation, however, manifests itself frequently
+in its full peculiarity precisely after complete surrender to the
+struggle, after the conflicting energies have exercised themselves to
+the full in the conflict.
+
+Conciliation depends very definitely upon the external situation. It can
+occur both after the complete victory of the one party and after the
+progress of indecisive struggle, as well as after the arrangement of the
+compromise. Either of these situations may end the struggle without the
+added conciliation of the opponents. To bring about the latter it is not
+necessary that there shall be a supplementary repudiation or expression
+of regret with reference to the struggle. Moreover, conciliation is to
+be distinguished from the situation which may follow it. This may be
+either a relationship of attachment or alliance, and reciprocal respect,
+or a certain permanent distance which avoids all positive contacts.
+Conciliation is thus a removal of the roots of conflict, without
+reference to the fruits which these formerly bore, as well as to that
+which may later be planted in their place.
+
+
+D. COMPETITION, STATUS, AND SOCIAL SOLIDARITY
+
+
+1. Personal Competition, Social Selection, and Status[235]
+
+The function of personal competition, considered as a part of the social
+system, is to assign to each individual his place in that system. If
+"all the world's a stage," this is a process that distributes the parts
+among the players. It may do it well or ill, but after some fashion it
+does it. Some may be cast in parts unsuited to them; good actors may be
+discharged altogether and worse ones retained; but nevertheless the
+thing is arranged in some way and the play goes on.
+
+That such a process must exist can hardly, it seems to me, admit of
+question; in fact, I believe that those who speak of doing away with
+competition use the word in another sense than is here intended. Within
+the course of the longest human life there is necessarily a complete
+renewal of the persons whose communication and co-operation make up the
+life of society. The new members come into the world without any legible
+sign to indicate what they are fit for, a mystery to others from the
+first and to themselves as soon as they are capable of reflection: the
+young man does not know for what he is adapted, and no one else can tell
+him. The only possible way to get light upon the matter is to adopt the
+method of experiment. By trying one thing and another and by reflecting
+upon his experience, he begins to find out about himself, and the world
+begins to find out about him. His field of investigation is of course
+restricted, and his own judgment and that of others liable to error, but
+the tendency of it all can hardly be other than to guide his choice to
+that one of the available careers in which he is best adapted to hold
+his own. I may say this much, perhaps, without assuming anything
+regarding the efficiency or justice of competition as a distributor of
+social functions, a matter regarding which I shall offer some
+suggestions later. All I wish to say here is that the necessity of some
+selective process is inherent in the conditions of social life.
+
+It will be apparent that, in the sense in which I use the term,
+competition is not necessarily a hostile contention, nor even something
+of which the competing individual is always conscious. From our infancy
+onward throughout life judgments are daily forming regarding us of which
+we are unaware, but which go to determine our careers. "The world is
+full of judgment days." A and B, for instance, are under consideration
+for some appointment; the experience and personal qualifications of each
+are duly weighed by those having the appointment to make, and A, we will
+say, is chosen. Neither of the two need know anything about the matter
+until the selection is made. It is eligibility to perform some social
+function that makes a man a competitor, and he may or may not be aware
+of it, or, if aware of it, he may or may not be consciously opposed to
+others. I trust that the reader will bear in mind that I always use the
+word competition in the sense here explained.
+
+There is but one alternative to competition as a means of determining
+the place of the individual in the social system, and that is some form
+of status, some fixed, mechanical rule, usually a rule of inheritance,
+which decides the function of the individual without reference to his
+personal traits, and thus dispenses with any process of comparison. It
+is possible to conceive of a society organized entirely upon the basis
+of the inheritance of functions, and indeed societies exist which may be
+said to approach this condition. In India, for example, the prevalent
+idea regarding the social function of the individual is that it is
+unalterably determined by his parentage, and the village blacksmith,
+shoemaker, accountant, or priest has his place assigned to him by a rule
+of descent as rigid as that which governs the transmission of one of the
+crowns of Europe. If all functions were handed down in this way, if
+there were never any deficiency or surplus of children to take the place
+of their parents, if there were no progress or decay in the social
+system making necessary new activities or dispensing with old ones, then
+there would be no use for a selective process. But precisely in the
+measure that a society departs from this condition, that individual
+traits are recognized and made available, or social change of any sort
+comes to pass, in that measure must there be competition.
+
+Status is not an active process, as competition is; it is simply a rule
+of conservation, a makeshift to avoid the inconveniences of continual
+readjustment in the social structure. Competition or selection is the
+only constructive principle, and everything worthy the name of
+organization had at some time or other a competitive origin. At the
+present day the eldest son of a peer may succeed to a seat in the House
+of Lords simply by right of birth; but his ancestor got the seat by
+competition, by some exercise of personal qualities that made him valued
+or loved or feared by a king or a minister.
+
+Sir Henry Maine has pointed out that the increase of competition is a
+characteristic trait of modern life, and that the powerful ancient
+societies of the old world were for the most part non-competitive in
+their structure. While this is true, it would be a mistake to draw the
+inference that status is a peculiarly natural or primitive principle of
+organization and competition a comparatively recent discovery. On the
+contrary the spontaneous relations among men, as we see in the case of
+children, and as we may infer from the life of the lower animals, are
+highly competitive, personal prowess and ascendency being everything and
+little regard being paid to descent simply as such. The régime of
+inherited status, on the other hand, is a comparatively complex and
+artificial product, necessarily of later growth, whose very general
+prevalence among the successful societies of the old world is doubtless
+to be explained by the stability and consequently the power which it was
+calculated to give to the social system. It survived because under
+certain conditions it was the fittest. It was not and is not
+universally predominant among savages or barbarous peoples. With the
+American Indians, for example, the definiteness and authority of status
+were comparatively small, personal prowess and initiative being
+correspondingly important. The interesting monograph on Omaha sociology,
+by Dorsey, published by the United States Bureau of Ethnology, contains
+many facts showing that the life of this people was highly competitive.
+When the tribe was at war any brave could organize an expedition against
+the enemy, if he could induce enough others to join him, and this
+organizer usually assumed the command. In a similar way the managers of
+the hunt were chosen because of personal skill; and, in general, "any
+man can win a name and rank in the state by becoming 'wacuce' or brave,
+either in war or by the bestowal of gifts and the frequent giving of
+feasts."
+
+Throughout history there has been a struggle between the principles of
+status and competition regarding the part that each should play in the
+social system. Generally speaking the advantage of status is in its
+power to give order and continuity. As Gibbon informs us, "The superior
+prerogative of birth, when it has obtained the sanction of time and
+popular opinion, is the plainest and least invidious of all distinctions
+among mankind," and he is doubtless right in ascribing the confusion of
+the later Roman Empire largely to the lack of an established rule for
+the transmission of imperial authority. The chief danger of status is
+that of suppressing personal development, and so of causing social
+enfeeblement, rigidity, and ultimate decay. On the other hand,
+competition develops the individual and gives flexibility and animation
+to the social order, its danger being chiefly that of disintegration in
+some form or other. The general tendency in modern times has been toward
+the relative increase of the free or competitive principle, owing to the
+fact that the rise of other means of securing stability has diminished
+the need for status. The latter persists, however, even in the freest
+countries, as the method by which wealth is transmitted, and also in
+social classes, which, so far as they exist at all, are based chiefly
+upon inherited wealth and the culture and opportunities that go with it.
+The ultimate reason for this persistence--without very serious
+opposition--in the face of the obvious inequalities and limitations
+upon liberty that it perpetuates is perhaps the fact that no other
+method of transmission has arisen that has shown itself capable of
+giving continuity and order to the control of wealth.
+
+
+2. Personal Competition and the Evolution of Individual Types[236]
+
+The ancient city was primarily a fortress, a place of refuge in time of
+war. The modern city, on the contrary, is primarily a convenience of
+commerce and owes its existence to the market place around which it
+sprang up. Industrial competition and the division of labor, which have
+probably done most to develop the latent powers of mankind, are possible
+only upon condition of the existence of markets, of money and other
+devices for the facilitation of trade and commerce.
+
+The old adage which describes the city as the natural environment, of
+the free man still holds so far as the individual man finds in the
+chances, the diversity of interests and tasks, and in the vast
+unconscious co-operation of city life, the opportunity to choose his own
+vocation and develop his peculiar individual talents. The city offers a
+market for the special talents of individual men. Personal competition
+tends to select for each special task the individual who is best suited
+to perform it.
+
+ The difference of natural talents in different men is, in
+ reality, much less than we are aware of; and the very different
+ genius which appears to distinguish men of different
+ professions, when grown up to maturity, is not upon many
+ occasions so much the cause, as the effect of the division of
+ labour. The difference between the most dissimilar characters,
+ between a philosopher and a common street porter, for example,
+ seems to arise not so much from nature, as from habit, custom
+ and education. When they came into the world, and for the first
+ six or eight years of their existence, they were perhaps very
+ much alike, and neither their parents nor playfellows could
+ perceive any remarkable difference. About that age, or soon
+ after, they come to be employed in different occupations. The
+ difference of talents comes then to be taken notice of, and
+ widens by degrees, till at last the vanity of the philosopher
+ is willing to acknowledge scarce any resemblance. But without
+ the disposition to truck, barter, and exchange, every man must
+ have procured to himself every necessary and conveniency of
+ life which he wanted. All must have had the same duties to
+ perform, and the same work to do, and there could have been no
+ such difference of employment as could alone give occasion to
+ any great difference of talent.
+
+ As it is the power of exchanging that gives occasion to the
+ division of labour, so the extent of this division must always
+ be limited by the extent of that power, or, in other words, by
+ the extent of the market.... There are some sorts of industry,
+ even of the lowest kind, which can be carried on nowhere but in
+ a great town.
+
+Success, under conditions of personal competition, depends upon
+concentration upon some single task, and this concentration stimulates
+the demand for rational methods, technical devices, and exceptional
+skill. Exceptional skill, while based on natural talent, requires
+special preparation, and it has called into existence the trade and
+professional schools, and finally bureaus for vocational guidance. All
+of these, either directly or indirectly, serve at once to select and
+emphasize individual differences.
+
+Every device which facilitates trade and industry prepares the way for a
+further division of labor and so tends further to specialize the tasks
+in which men find their vocations.
+
+The outcome of this process is to break down or modify the older
+organization of society, which was based on family ties, on local
+associations, on culture, caste, and status, and to substitute for it an
+organization based on vocational interests.
+
+In the city every vocation, even that of a beggar, tends to assume the
+character of a profession, and the discipline which success in any
+vocation imposes, together with the associations that it enforces,
+emphasizes this tendency.
+
+The effect of the vocations and the division of labor is to produce, in
+the first instance, not social groups but vocational types--the actor,
+the plumber, and the lumber-jack. The organizations, like the trade and
+labor unions, which men of the same trade or profession form are based
+on common interests. In this respect they differ from forms of
+association like the neighborhood, which are based on contiguity,
+personal association, and the common ties of humanity. The different
+trades and professions seem disposed to group themselves in classes,
+that is to say, the artisan, business, and professional classes. But in
+the modern democratic state the classes have as yet attained no
+effective organization. Socialism, founded on an effort to create an
+organization based on "class consciousness," has never succeeded in
+creating more than a political party.
+
+The effects of the division of labor as a discipline may therefore be
+best studied in the vocational types it has produced. Among the types
+which it would be interesting to study are: the shopgirl, the policeman,
+the peddler, the cabman, the night watchman, the clairvoyant, the
+vaudeville performer, the quack doctor, the bartender, the ward boss,
+the strike-breaker, the labor agitator, the school teacher, the
+reporter, the stockbroker, the pawnbroker; all of these are
+characteristic products of the conditions of city life; each with its
+special experience, insight, and point of view determines for each
+vocational group and for the city as a whole its individuality.
+
+
+3. Division of Labor and Social Solidarity[237]
+
+The most remarkable effect of the division of labor is not that it
+accentuates the distinction of functions already divided but that it
+makes them interdependent. Its rôle in every case is not simply to
+embellish or perfect existing societies but to make possible societies
+which, without it, would not exist. Should the division of labor between
+the sexes be diminished beyond a certain point, the family would cease
+to exist and only ephemeral sexual relations would remain. If the sexes
+had never been separated at all, no form of social life would ever have
+arisen. It is possible that the economic utility of the division of
+labor has been a factor in producing the existing form of conjugal
+society. Nevertheless, the society thus created is not limited to merely
+economic interests; it represents a unique social and moral order.
+Individuals are mutually bound together who otherwise would be
+independent. Instead of developing separately, they concert their
+efforts; they are interdependent parts of a unity which is effective not
+only in the brief moments during which there is an interchange of
+services but afterward indefinitely. For example, does not conjugal
+solidarity of the type which exists today among the most cultivated
+people exert its influence constantly and in all the details of life? On
+the other hand, societies which are created by the division of labor
+inevitably bear the mark of their origin. Having this special origin, it
+is not possible that they should resemble those societies which have
+their origin in the attraction of like for like; the latter are
+inevitably constituted in another manner, repose on other foundations,
+and appeal to other sentiments.
+
+The assumption that the social relations resulting from the division of
+labor consist in an exchange of services merely is a misconception of
+what this exchange implies and of the effects it produces. It assumes
+that two beings are mutually dependent the one on the other, because
+they are both incomplete without the other. It interprets this mutual
+dependence as a purely external relation. Actually this is merely the
+superficial expression of an internal and more profound state. Precisely
+because this state is constant, it provokes a complex of mental images
+which function with a continuity independent of the series of external
+relations. The image of that which completes us is inseparable from the
+image of ourselves, not only because it is associated with us, but
+especially because it is our natural complement. It becomes then a
+permanent and integral part of self-consciousness to such an extent that
+we cannot do without it and seek by every possible means to emphasize
+and intensify it. We like the society of the one whose image haunts us,
+because the presence of the object reinforces the actual perception and
+gives us comfort. We suffer, on the contrary, from every circumstance
+which, like separation and death, is likely to prevent the return or
+diminish the vivacity of the idea which has become identified with our
+idea of ourselves.
+
+Short as this analysis is, it suffices to show that this complex is not
+identical with that which rests on sentiments of sympathy which have
+their source in mere likeness. Unquestionably there can be the sense of
+solidarity between others and ourselves only so far as we conceive
+others united with ourselves. When the union results from a perception
+of likeness, it is a cohesion. The two representations become
+consolidated because, being undistinguished totally or in part, they are
+mingled and are no more than one, and are consolidated only in the
+measure in which they are mingled. On the contrary, in the case of the
+division of labor, each is outside the other, and they are united only
+because they are distinct. It is not possible that sentiments should be
+the same in the two cases, nor the social relations which are derived
+from them the same.
+
+We are then led to ask ourselves if the division of labor does not play
+the same rôle in more extended groups; if, in the contemporaneous
+societies where it has had a development with which we are familiar, it
+does not function in such a way as to integrate the social body and to
+assure its unity. It is quite legitimate to assume that the facts which
+we have observed reproduce themselves there, but on a larger scale. The
+great political societies, like smaller ones, we may assume maintain
+themselves in equilibrium, thanks to the specialization of their tasks.
+The division of labor is here, again, if not the only, at least the
+principal, source of the social solidarity. Comte had already reached
+this point of view. Of all the sociologists, so far as we know, he is
+the first who has pointed out in the division of labor anything other
+than a purely economic phenomenon. He has seen there "the most essential
+condition of the social life," provided that one conceives it "in all
+its rational extent, that is to say, that one applies the conception to
+the ensemble of all our diverse operations whatsoever, instead of
+limiting it, as we so often do, to the simple material usages."
+Considered under this aspect, he says:
+
+ It immediately leads us to regard not only individuals and
+ classes but also, in many respects, the different peoples as
+ constantly participating, in their own characteristic ways and
+ in their own proper degree, in an immense and common work whose
+ inevitable development gradually unites the actual co-operators
+ in a series with their predecessors and at the same time in a
+ series with their successors. It is, then, the continuous
+ redivison of our diverse human labors which mainly constitutes
+ social solidarity and which becomes the elementary cause of the
+ extension and increasing complexity of the social organism.
+
+If this hypothesis is demonstrated, division of labor plays a rôle much
+more important than that which has ordinarily been attributed to it. It
+is not to be regarded as a mere luxury, desirable perhaps, but not
+indispensable to society; it is rather a condition of its very
+existence. It is this, or at least it is mainly this, that assures the
+solidarity of social groups; it determines the essential traits of their
+constitution. It follows--even though we are not yet prepared to give a
+final solution to the problem, we can nevertheless foresee from this
+point--that, if such is really the function of the division of labor, it
+may be expected to have a moral character, because the needs of order,
+of harmony, of social solidarity generally, are what we understand by
+moral needs.
+
+Social life is derived from a double source: (a) from a similarity of
+minds, and (b) from the division of labor. The individual is
+socialized in the first case, because, not having his own individuality,
+he is confused, along with his fellows, in the bosom of the same
+collective type; in the second case, because, even though he possesses a
+physiognomy and a temperament which distinguish him from others, he is
+dependent upon these in the same measure in which he is distinguished
+from them. Society results from this union.
+
+Like-mindedness gives birth to judicial regulations which, under the
+menace of measures of repression, impose upon everybody uniform beliefs
+and practices. The more pronounced this like-mindedness, the more
+completely the social is confused with the religious life, the more
+nearly economic institutions approach communism.
+
+The division of labor, on the other hand, gives birth to regulations and
+laws which determine the nature and the relations of the divided
+functions, but the violation of which entails only punitive measures not
+of an expiatory character.
+
+Every code of laws is accompanied by a body of regulations purely moral.
+Where the penal law is voluminous, moral consensus is very extended;
+that is to say, a multitude of collective activities is under the
+guardianship of public opinion. Where the right of reparation is well
+developed, there each profession maintains a code of professional
+ethics. In a group of workers there invariably exists a body of opinion,
+diffused throughout the limits of the group, which, although not
+fortified with legal sanctions, still enforces its decrees. There are
+manners and customs, recognized by all the members of a profession,
+which no one of them could infringe without incurring the blame of
+society. Certainly this code of morals is distinguished from the
+preceding by differences analogous to those which separate the two
+corresponding kinds of laws. It is, in fact, a code localized in a
+limited region of society. Furthermore, the repressive character of the
+sanctions which are attached to it is sensibly less accentuated.
+Professional faults arouse a much feebler response than offenses against
+the mores of the larger society.
+
+Nevertheless, the customs and code of a profession are imperative. They
+oblige the individual to act in accordance with ends which to him are
+not his own, to make concessions, to consent to compromises, to take
+account of interests superior to his own. The consequence is that, even
+where the society rests most completely upon the division of labor, it
+does not disintegrate into a dust of atoms, between which there can
+exist only external and temporary contacts. Every function which one
+individual exercises is invariably dependent upon functions exercised by
+others and forms with them a system of interdependent parts. It follows
+that, from the nature of the task one chooses, corresponding duties
+follow. Because we fill this or that domestic or social function, we are
+imprisoned in a net of obligations from which we do not have the right
+to free ourselves. There is especially one organ toward which our state
+of dependencies is ever increasing--the state. The points at which we
+are in contact with it are multiplying. So are the occasions in which it
+takes upon itself to recall us to a sense of the common solidarity.
+
+There are then two great currents in the social life, collectivism and
+individualism, corresponding to which we discover two types of structure
+not less different. Of these currents, that which has its origin in
+like-mindedness is at first alone and without rival. At this moment it
+is identified with the very life of the society; little by little it
+finds its separate channels and diminishes, whilst the second becomes
+ever larger. In the same way, the segmentary structure of society is
+more and more overlaid by the other, but without ever disappearing
+completely.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. Forms of Accommodation
+
+The literature upon accommodation will be surveyed under four heads;
+(a) forms of accommodation; (b) subordination and superordination;
+(c) accommodation groups; and (d) social organization.
+
+The term accommodation, as has been noted, developed as a
+differentiation within the field of the biological concept of
+adaptation. Ward's dictum that "the environment transforms the animal,
+while man transforms the environment"[238] contained the distinction.
+Thomas similarly distinguished between the animal with its method of
+adaptation and man with his method of control. Bristol in his work on
+_Social Adaptation_ is concerned, as the subtitle of the volume
+indicates, "with the development of the doctrine of adaptation as a
+theory of social progress." Of the several types of adaptation that he
+proposes, however, all but the first represent accommodations. Baldwin,
+though not the first to make the distinction, was the first student to
+use the separate term accommodation. "By accommodation old habits are
+broken up, and new co-ordinations are made which are more complex."[239]
+
+Baldwin suggested a division of accommodation into the three fields:
+acclimatization, naturalization, and equilibrium. The term equilibrium
+accurately describes the type of organization established by competition
+between the different biological species and the environment, but not
+the more permanent organizations of individuals and groups which we find
+in human society. In human society equilibrium means organization. The
+research upon acclimatization is considerable, although there is far
+from unanimity of opinion in regard to its findings.
+
+Closely related to acclimatization but in the field of social
+naturalization are the accommodations that take place in colonization
+and immigration. In colonization the adjustment is not only to climatic
+conditions but to the means of livelihood and habits of life required by
+the new situation. Historic colonial settlements have most infrequently
+been made in inhospitable areas, and that involved accommodations to
+primitive peoples of different and generally lower cultural level than
+the settlers. Professor Keller's work on _Colonization_ surveys the
+differences in types of colonial ventures and describes the adjustments
+involved. It includes also a valuable bibliography of the literature of
+the subject.
+
+In immigration the accommodation to the economic situation and to the
+folkways and mores of the native society are more important than in
+colonization. The voluminous literature upon immigration deals but
+slightly with the interesting accommodations of the newcomer to his new
+environment. One of the important factors in the process, as emphasized
+in the recent "Americanization Study" of the Carnegie Corporation, is
+the immigrant community which serves as a mediating agency between the
+familiar and the strange. The greater readiness of accommodation of
+recent immigrants as compared with that of an earlier period has been
+explained in terms of facilities of transportation, communication, and
+even more in the mobility of employment in large-scale modern industry
+with its minute subdivision of labor and its slight demand for skill and
+training on the part of the employees.
+
+The more subtle forms of accommodation to new social situations have not
+been subjected to analysis, although there is a small but important
+number of studies upon homesickness. In fiction, to be sure, the
+difficulties of the tenderfoot in the frontier community, or the awkward
+rural lad in an urban environment and the _nouveau riche_ in their
+successful entrée among the social élite are often accuately and
+sympathetically described. The recent immigrant autobiographies contain
+materials which throw much new light on the situation of the immigrant
+in process of accommodation to the American environment.
+
+The whole process of social organization is involved in the processes by
+which persons find their places in groups and groups are articulated
+into the life of the larger and more inclusive societies. The literature
+on the taming of animals, the education of juveniles and adults, and on
+social control belongs in this field. The writings on diplomacy, on
+statescraft, and upon adjudication of disputes are also to be considered
+here. The problem of the person whether in the narrow field of social
+work or the broader fields of human relations is fundamentally a problem
+of the adjustment of the person to his social milieu, to his family, to
+his primary social groups, to industry, and to cultural, civic, and
+religious institutions. The problems of community organization are for
+the most part problems of accommodation, of articulation of groups
+within the community and of the adjustment of the local Community to the
+life of the wider community of which it is a part.
+
+Adjustments of personal and social relations in the past have been made
+unreflectively and with a minimum of personal and social consciousness.
+The extant literature reveals rather an insistent demand for these
+accommodations than any systematic study of the processes by which the
+accommodations take place. Simmel's observation upon subordination and
+superordination is almost the only attempt that has been made to deal
+with the subject from the point of view of sociology.
+
+
+2. Subordination and Superordination
+
+Materials upon subordination and superordination may be found in the
+literature under widely different names. Thorndike, McDougall, and
+others have reported upon the original tendencies in the individual to
+domination and submission or to self-assertion and self-abasement.
+Veblen approaches nearer to a sociological explanation in his analysis
+of the self-conscious attitudes of invidious comparison and conspicuous
+waste in the leisure class.
+
+The application of our knowledge of rapport, esprit de corps, and morale
+to an explanation of personal conduct and group behavior is one of the
+most promising fields for future research. In the family, rapport and
+consensus represent the most complete co-ordination of its members. The
+life of the family should be studied intensively in order to define more
+exactly the nature of the family consensus, the mechanism of family
+rapport, and minor accommodations made to minimize conflict and to avert
+tendencies to disintegration in the interest of this real unity.
+
+Strachey's _Life of Queen Victoria_ sketches an interesting case of
+subordination and superordination in which the queen is the subordinate,
+and her adroit but cynical minister, Disraeli, is the master.
+
+Future research will provide a more adequate sociology of subordination
+and superordination. A survey of the present output of material upon the
+nature and the effects of personal contacts reinforces the need for such
+a fundamental study. The obsolete writings upon personal magnetism have
+been replaced by the so-called "psychology of salesmanship," "scientific
+methods of character reading," and "the psychology of leadership." The
+wide sale of these books indicates the popular interest, quite as much
+as the lack of any fundamental understanding of the technique of human
+relations.
+
+
+3. Accommodation Groups
+
+The field of investigation available for the study of accommodation
+groups and their relation to conflict groups may perhaps be best
+illustrated by the table on page 722.
+
+The existence of conflict groups like parties, sects, nationalities,
+represents the area in any society of unstable equilibrium.
+Accommodation groups, classes, castes, and denominations on the other
+hand, represent in this same society the areas of stable equilibrium. A
+boys' club carries on contests, under recognized rules, with similar
+organizations. A denomination engages in fraternal rivalry with other
+denominations for the advancement of common interests of the church
+universal. A nation possesses status, rights, and responsibilities only
+in a commonwealth of nations of which it is a member.
+
+Conflict Groups Accommodation Groups
+
+1. Gangs 1. Clubs
+2. Labor organizations, employers' 2. Social classes, vocational
+ associations, middle-class unions, groups
+ tenant protective unions
+3. Races 3. Castes
+4. Sects 4. Denominations
+5. Nationalities 5. Nations
+
+The works upon accommodation groups are concerned almost exclusively
+with the principles, methods, and technique of organization. There are,
+indeed, one or two important descriptive works upon secret organizations
+in primitive and modern times. The books and articles, however, on
+organized boys' groups deal with the plan of organization of Boy Scouts,
+Boys' Brotherhood Republic, George Junior Republics, Knights of King
+Arthur, and many other clubs of these types. They are not studies of
+natural groups.
+
+The comparative study of social classes and vocational groups is an
+unworked field. The differentiation of social types, especially in urban
+life, and the complexity and subtlety of the social distinctions
+separating social and vocational classes, opens a fruitful prospect for
+investigation. Scattered through a wide literature, ranging from
+official inquiries to works of fiction, there are, in occasional
+paragraphs, pages, and chapters, observations of value.
+
+In the field of castes the work of research is well under way. The caste
+system of India has been the subject of careful examination and
+analysis. Sighele points out that the prohibition of intermarriage
+observed in its most rigid and absolute form is a fundamental
+distinction of the caste. If this be regarded as the fundamental
+criterion, the Negro race in the United States occupies the position of
+a caste. The prostitute, in America, until recently constituted a
+separate caste. With the systematic breaking up of the segregated vice
+districts in our great cities prostitution, as a caste, seems to have
+disappeared. The place of the prostitute seems to have been occupied by
+the demimondaine who lives on the outskirts of society but who is not by
+any means an outcast.
+
+It is difficult to dissociate the materials upon nationalities from
+those upon nations. The studies, however, of the internal organization
+of the state, made to promote law and order, would come under the latter
+head. Here, also, would be included studies of the extension of the
+police power to promote the national welfare. In international relations
+studies of international law, of international courts of arbitration, of
+leagues or associations of nations manifest the increasing interest in
+the accommodations that would avert or postpone conflicts of militant
+nationalities.
+
+In the United States there is considerable literature upon church
+federation and the community church. This literature is one expression
+of the transition of the Protestant churches from sectarian bodies,
+engaged in warfare for the support of distinctive doctrines and dogmas,
+to co-operating denominations organized into the Federal Council of the
+Churches of Christ in America.
+
+
+4. Social Organization
+
+Until recently there has been more interest manifested in elaborating
+theories of the stages in the evolution of society than in analyzing the
+structure of different types of societies. Durkheim, however, in _De la
+division du travail social_, indicated how the division of labor and the
+social attitudes, or the mental accommodations to the life-situation,
+shape social organization. Cooley, on the other hand, in his work
+_Social Organization_ conceived the structure of society to be "the
+larger mind," or an outgrowth of human nature and human ideals.
+
+The increasing number of studies of individual primitive communities has
+furnished data for the comparative study of different kinds of social
+organization. Schurtz, Vierkandt, Rivers, Lowie, and others in the last
+twenty years have made important comparative studies in this field. The
+work of these scholars has led to the abandonment of the earlier notions
+of uniform evolutionary stages of culture in which all peoples,
+primitive, ancient, and modern alike, might be classified. New light has
+been thrown upon the actual accommodations in the small family, in the
+larger family group, the clan, gens or sib, in the secret society, and
+in the tribe which determined the patterns of life of primitive peoples
+under different geographical and historical conditions.
+
+At the present time, the investigations of social organization of
+current and popular interest have to do with the problems of social work
+and of community life. "Community organization," "community action,"
+"know your own community" are phrases which express the practical
+motives behind the attempts at community study. Such investigations as
+have been made, with a few shining exceptions, the Pittsburgh Survey and
+the community studies of the Russell Sage Foundation, have been
+superficial. All, perhaps, have been tentative and experimental. The
+community has not been studied from a fundamental standpoint. Indeed,
+there was not available, as a background of method and of orientation,
+any adequate analysis of social organization.
+
+A penetrating analysis of the social structure of a community must quite
+naturally be based upon studies of human geography. Plant and animal
+geography has been studied, but slight attention has been given to human
+geography, that is, to the local distribution of persons who constitute
+a community and the accommodations that are made because of the
+consequent physical distances and social relationships.
+
+Ethnological and historical studies of individual communities furnish
+valuable comparative materials for a treatise upon human ecology which
+would serve as a guidebook for studies in community organization. C. J.
+Galpin's _The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community_ is an example
+of the recognition of ecological factors as basic in the study of social
+organization.
+
+In the bibliography of this chapter is given a list of references to
+certain of the experiments in community organization. Students should
+study this literature in the light of the more fundamental studies of
+types of social groups and studies of individual communities listed in
+an earlier bibliography.[240] It is at once apparent that the rural
+community has been more carefully studied than has the urban community.
+Yet more experiments in community organization have been tried out in
+the city than in the country. Reports upon social-center activities,
+upon community councils, and other types of community organization have
+tended to be enthusiastic rather than factual and critical. The most
+notable experiment of community organization, the Social Unit Plan,
+tried out in Cincinnati, was what the theatrical critics call a _succès
+d'estime_, but after the experiment had been tried it was abandoned.
+Control of conditions of community life is not likely to meet with
+success unless based on an appreciation and understanding of human
+nature on the one hand, and of the natural or ecological organization of
+community life on the other.
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+I. THE PSYCHOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY OF ACCOMMODATION
+
+
+A. _Accommodation Defined_
+
+(1) Morgan, C. Lloyd, and Baldwin, J. Mark. Articles on "Accommodation
+and Adaptation," _Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology_, I, 7-8,
+14-15.
+
+(2) Baldwin, J. Mark. _Mental Development in the Child and the Race._
+Methods and processes. Chap, xvi, "Habit and Accommodation," pp. 476-88.
+New York, 1895.
+
+(3) Simmel, Georg. _Soziologie._ Untersuchungen über die Formen der
+Vergesellschaftung. "Kompromiss und Versöhnung," pp. 330-36. Leipzig,
+1908.
+
+(4) Bristol, L. M. _Social Adaptation._ A study in the development of
+the doctrine of adaptation as a theory of social progress. Cambridge,
+Mass., 1915.
+
+(5) Ross, E. A. _Principles of Sociology._ "Toleration," "Compromise,"
+"Accommodation," pp. 225-34. New York, 1920.
+
+(6) Ritchie, David G. _Natural Rights._ A criticism of some political
+and ethical conceptions. Chap. viii, "Toleration," pp. 157-209. London,
+1895.
+
+(7) Morley, John. _On Compromise._ London, 1874.
+
+(8) Tardieu, É. "Le cynisme: étude psychologique," _Revue
+philosophique_, LVII (1904), 1-28.
+
+(9) Jellinek, Georg. _Die Lehre von den Staatenverbindungen._ Berlin,
+1882.
+
+
+B. _Acclimatization and Colonization_
+
+(1) Wallace, Alfred R. Article on "Acclimatization." _Encyclopaedia
+Britannica_, I, 114-19.
+
+(2) Brinton, D. G. _The Basis of Social Relations._ A study in ethnic
+psychology. Part II, chap. iv, "The Influence of Geographic
+Environment," pp. 180-99. New York, 1902.
+
+(3) Ripley, W. Z. _The Races of Europe._ A sociological study. Chap.
+xxi, "Acclimatization: the Geographical Future of the European Races,"
+pp. 560-89. New York, 1899. [Bibliography.]
+
+(4) Virchow, Rudolph. "Acclimatization," _Popular Science Monthly_,
+XXVIII (1886), 507-17.
+
+(5) Boas, Franz. "Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants,"
+_Report of Immigration Commission, 1907._ Washington, 1911.
+
+(6) Keller, Albert G. _Colonization._ A study of the founding of new
+societies. Boston, 1908. [Bibliography.]
+
+(7) ----. "The Value of the Study of Colonies for Sociology," _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XII (1906), 417-20.
+
+(8) Roscher, W., and Jannasch, R. _Kolonien, Kolonialpolitik und
+Auswanderung._ 3d ed. Leipzig, 1885.
+
+(9) Leroy-Beaulieu, P. _De la colonisation chez les peuples modernes._
+5th ed., 2 vols. Paris, 1902.
+
+(10) Huntington, Ellsworth. _Civilization and Climate._ Chap. iii, "The
+White Man in the Tropics," pp. 35-48. New Haven, 1915.
+
+(11) Ward, Robert De C. _Climate._ Considered especially in relation to
+man. Chap. viii, "The Life of Man in the Tropics," pp. 220-71. New York,
+1908.
+
+(12) Bryce, James. "British Experience in the Government of Colonies,"
+_Century_, LVII (1898-99), 718-29.
+
+
+C. _Superordination and Subordination_
+
+(1) Simmel, Georg. "Superiority and Subordination as Subject Matter of
+Sociology," translated from the German by Albion W. Small, _American
+Journal of Sociology_, II (1896-97), 167-89, 392-415.
+
+(2) Thorndike, E. L. _The Original Nature of Man._ "Mastering and
+Submissive Behavior," pp. 92-97. New York, 1913.
+
+(3) McDougall, William. _An Introduction to Social Psychology._ "The
+Instincts of Self-Abasement (or Subjection) and of Self-Assertion (or
+Self-Display) and the Emotions of Subjection and Elation," pp. 62-66.
+12th ed. Boston, 1917.
+
+(4) Münsterberg, Hugo. _Psychology, General and Applied._ Chap. xviii,
+"Submission," pp. 254-64. New York, 1914.
+
+(5) Galton, Francis. _Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development._
+"Gregarious and Slavish Instincts," pp. 68-82. New York, 1883.
+
+(6) Ellis, Havelock. _Studies in the Psychology of Sex._ Vol. III,
+"Analysis of the Sexual Impulse." "Sexual Subjection," pp. 60-71; 85-87.
+Philadelphia, 1914.
+
+(7) Calhoun, Arthur W. _A Social History of the American Family._ From
+colonial times to the present. Vol. II, "From Independence through the
+Civil War." Chap. iv, "The Social Subordination of Woman," pp. 79-101. 3
+vols. Cincinnati, 1918.
+
+(8) Galton, Francis. "The First Steps toward the Domestication of
+Animals," _Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London_, III,
+122-38.
+
+
+D. _Conversion_
+
+(1) Starbuck, Edwin D. _The Psychology of Religion._ London, 1899.
+
+(2) James, William. _The Varieties of Religious Experience._ Lectures ix
+and x, "Conversion," pp. 189-258. London, 1902.
+
+(3) Coe, George A. _The Psychology of Religion._ Chap. x, "Conversion,"
+pp. 152-74. Chicago, 1916.
+
+(4) Prince, Morton. "The Psychology of Sudden Religious Conversion,"
+_Journal of Abnormal Psychology_, I (1906-7), 42-54.
+
+(5) Tawney, G. A. "The Period of Conversion," _Psychological Review_, XI
+(1904), 210-16.
+
+(6) Partridge, G. E. _Studies in the Psychology of Intemperance._ Pp.
+152-63. New York, 1912. [Mental cures of alcoholism.]
+
+(7) Begbie, Harold. _Twice-born Men._ A clinic in regeneration. A
+footnote in narrative to Professor William James's _The Varieties of
+Religious Experience_. New York, 1909.
+
+(8) Burr, Anna R. _Religious Confessions and Confessants._ With a
+chapter on the history of introspection. Boston, 1914.
+
+(9) Patterson, R. J. _Catch-My-Pal._ A story of Good Samaritanship. New
+York, 1913.
+
+(10) Weber, John L. "A Modern Miracle, the Remarkable Conversion of
+Former Governor Patterson of Tennessee," _Congregationalist_, XCIX
+(1914), 6, 8. [See also "The Conversion of Governor Patterson,"
+_Literary Digest_, XLVIII (1914), 111-12.]
+
+
+II. FORMS OF ACCOMMODATION
+
+
+A. _Slavery_
+
+(1) Letourneau, Ch. _L'évolution de l'esclavage dans les diverses races
+humaines._ Paris, 1897.
+
+(2) Nieboer, Dr. H. J. _Slavery as an Industrial System._ Ethnological
+researches. The Hague, 1900. [Bibliography.]
+
+(3) Wallon, H. _Historie de l'esclavage dans l'antiquité._ 2d ed., 3
+vols. Paris, 1879.
+
+(4) Sugenheim, S. _Geschichte der Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft und
+Hörigkeit in Europa bis um die Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts._ St.
+Petersburg, 1861.
+
+(5) Edwards, Bryan. _The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British
+Colonies in the West Indies._ 3 vols. London, 1793-1801.
+
+(6) Helps, Arthur. _Life of Las Casas, "the Apostle of the Indies."_ 5th
+ed. London, 1890.
+
+(7) Phillips, Ulrich B. _American Negro Slavery._ A survey of the
+supply, employment, and control of Negro labor as determined by the
+plantation régime. New York, 1918.
+
+(8) ----. _Plantation and Frontier, 1649-1863._ Documentary history of
+American industrial society. Vols. I-II. Cleveland, 1910-11.
+
+(9) _A Professional Planter._ Practical rules for the management and
+medical treatment of Negro slaves in the Sugar Colonies. London, 1803.
+[Excerpt in Phillips, U. B., _Plantation and Frontier_, I, 129-30.]
+
+(10) Russell, J. H. "Free Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865," _Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science._ Baltimore,
+1913.
+
+(11) Olmsted, F. L. _A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States._ With
+remarks on their economy. New York, 1856.
+
+(12) Smedes, Susan D. _Memorials of a Southern Planter._ Baltimore,
+1887.
+
+(13) Sartorius von Walterhausen, August. _Die Arbeitsverfassung der
+englischen Kolonien in Nordamerika._ Strassburg, 1894.
+
+(14) Ballagh, James C. "A History of Slavery in Virginia," _Johns
+Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science_.
+Baltimore, 1902.
+
+(15) McCormac, E. I. "White Servitude in Maryland, 1634-1820," _Johns
+Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science_.
+Baltimore, 1904.
+
+(16) Kemble, Frances A. _Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation
+in 1838-1839._ New York, 1863.
+
+
+B. _Caste_
+
+(1) Risley, Herbert H. _The People of India._ Calcutta and London, 1915.
+
+(2) ----. _India._ Ethnographic Appendices, being the data upon which
+the caste chapter of the report is based. Appendix IV. Typical Tribes
+and Castes. Calcutta, 1903.
+
+(3) Bouglé, M. C. "Remarques générales sur le régime des castes,"
+_L'Année sociologique_, IV (1899-1900), 1-64.
+
+(4) Crooke, W. "The Stability of Caste and Tribal Groups in India,"
+_Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, XLIV (1914), 270-81.
+
+(5) Bhattacharya, Jogendra Nath. _Hindu Castes and Sects._ An exposition
+of the origin of the Hindu caste system and the bearing of the sects
+toward each other and toward other religious systems. Calcutta, 1896.
+
+(6) Somló, F. _Der Güterverkehr in der Urgesellschaft._ "Zum Ursprung
+der Kastenbildung," pp. 157-59. Instituts Solvay: Travaux de l'Institut
+de Sociologie. _Notes et mémoires_, Fascicule 8. Bruxelles, 1909.
+
+(7) Ratzel, Friedrich. _Völkerkunde._ I, 81. 2d rev. ed. Leipzig and
+Wien, 1894. [The origin of caste in the difference of occupation.]
+
+(8) Iyer, L. K. Anantha Krishna. _The Cochin Tribes and Castes._ London,
+1909.
+
+(9) Bailey, Thomas P. _Race Orthodoxy in the South._ And other aspects
+of the Negro question. New York, 1914.
+
+
+C. _Classes_
+
+(1) Bücher, Carl. _Industrial Evolution._ Translated from the 3d German
+edition by S. Morley Wickett. Chap. ix, "Organization of Work and the
+Formation of Social Classes," pp. 315-44. New York, 1907.
+
+(2) Hobhouse, L. T. _Morals in Evolution._ A study in comparative
+ethics. Part I, chap. vii, "Class Relations," pp. 270-317. New York,
+1915.
+
+(3) Schmoller, Gustav. _Grundriss der allgemeinen
+Volkswirtschaftslehre._ Vol. I, Book II, chap. vi, "Die
+gesellschaftliche Klassenbildung," pp. 391-411. 6. Aufl. Leipzig, 1901.
+
+(4) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Organization._ Part IV, "Social Classes,"
+pp. 209-309. New York, 1909.
+
+(5) Bauer, Arthur. "Les classes sociales," _Revue internationale de
+sociologie_, XI (1903), 119-35; 243-58; 301-16; 398-413; 474-98; 576-87.
+[Includes discussions at successive meetings of the Société de
+Sociologie de Paris by G. Tarde, Ch. Limousin, H. Monin, René Worms, E.
+Delbet, L. Philippe, M. Coicou, H. Blondel, G. Pinet, P. Vavin, E. de
+Roberty, G. Lafargue, M. le Gouix, M. Kovalewsky, I. Loutschisky, E.
+Séménoff, Mme. de Mouromtzeff, R. de la Grasserie, E. Cheysson, D.
+Draghicesco.]
+
+(6) Bouglé, C. _Les idées égalitaires._ Étude sociologique. Paris, 1899.
+
+(7) Thomas, William I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ "The Relation
+of the Medicine Man to the Origin of the Professional Occupations," pp.
+281-303. Chicago, 1909.
+
+(8) Tarde, Gabriel. "L'hérédité des professions," _Revue internationale
+de sociologie_, VIII (1900), 50-59. [Discussion of the subject was
+continued under the title "L'hérédité et la continuité des professions,"
+pp. 117-24, 196-207.]
+
+(9) Knapp, Georg F. _Die Bauernbefreiung und der Ursprung der
+Landarbeiter in den älteren Theilen Preussens._ Leipzig, 1887.
+
+(10) Zimmern, Alfred E. _The Greek Commonwealth._ Politics and economics
+in fifth-century Athens. Pp. 255-73, 323-47, 378-94. 2d rev. ed. Oxford,
+1915.
+
+(11) Mallock, W. H. _Aristocracy and Evolution._ A study of the rights,
+the origin, and the social functions of the wealthier classes. New York,
+1898.
+
+(12) Veblen, Thorstein. _The Theory of the Leisure Class._ An economic
+study in the evolution of institutions. New York, 1899.
+
+(13) D'Aeth, F. G. "Present Tendencies of Class Differentiation,"
+_Sociological Review_, III (1910), 267-76.
+
+
+III. ACCOMMODATION AND ORGANIZATION
+
+
+A. _Social Organization_
+
+(1) Durkheim, É. _De la division du travail social._ 2d ed. Paris, 1902.
+
+(2) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Organization._ A study of the larger
+mind. Part V, "Institutions," pp. 313-92. New York, 1909.
+
+(3) Salz, Arthur. "Zur Geschichte der Berufsidee," _Archiv für
+Sozialwissenschaft_, XXXVII (1913), 380-423.
+
+(4) Rivers, W. H. R. _Kinship and Social Organization._ Studies in
+economic and political science. London, 1914.
+
+(5) Schurtz, Heinrich. _Altersklassen und Männerbünde._ Eine Darstellung
+der Grundformen der Gesellschaft. Berlin, 1902.
+
+(6) Vierkandt, A. "Die politischen Verhältnisse der Naturvölker,"
+_Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft_, IV, 417-26, 497-510.
+
+(7) Lowie, Robert H. _Primitive Society._ Chap. x, "Associations," chap.
+xi, "Theory of Associations," pp. 257-337. New York, 1920.
+
+(8) Zimmern, Alfred E. _The Greek Commonwealth._ Politics and economics
+in fifth-century Athens. 2d rev. ed. Oxford, 1915.
+
+(9) Thomas, William I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ Ethnological
+materials, psychological standpoint, classified and annotated
+bibliographies for the interpretation of savage society. Part VII,
+"Social Organization, Morals, the State," pp. 753-869. Chicago, 1909.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+
+B. _Secret Societies_
+
+(1) Simmel, Georg. "The Sociology of Secrecy and of Secret Societies,"
+translated from the German by Albion W. Small, _American Journal of
+Sociology_, XI (1905-6), 441-98.
+
+(2) Heckethorn, C. W. _The Secret Societies of All Ages and Countries._
+A comprehensive account of upwards of one hundred and sixty secret
+organizations--religious, political, and social--from the most remote
+ages down to the present time. New ed., rev. and enl., 2 vols. London,
+1897.
+
+(3) Webster, Hutton. _Primitive Secret Societies._ A study in early
+politics and religion. New York, 1908.
+
+(4) Schuster, G. _Die geheimen Gesellschaften, Verbindungen und Orden._
+2 vols. Leipzig, 1906.
+
+(5) Boas, Franz. "The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of
+the Kwakiutl Indians," _U.S. National Museum, Annual Report, 1895_, pp.
+311-738. Washington, 1897.
+
+(6) Frobenius, L. "Die Masken und Geheimbünde Afrikas," _Abhandlungen
+der Kaiserlichen Leopoldinisch-Carolinischen deutschen Akademie der
+Naturforscher_, LXXIV, 1-278.
+
+(7) Pfleiderer, Otto. _Primitive Christianity, Its Writings and
+Teachings in Their Historical Connections._ Vol. III, chap, i, "The
+Therapeutae and the Essenes," pp. 1-22. Translated from the German by W.
+Montgomery. New York, 1910.
+
+(8) Jennings, Hargrave. _The Rosicrucians, Their Rites and Mysteries._
+3d rev. and enl. ed., 2 vols. London, 1887.
+
+(9) Stillson, Henry L., and Klein, Henri F. Article on "The Masonic
+Fraternity," _The Americana_, XVIII, 383-89. [Bibliography.]
+
+(10) Johnston, R. M. _The Napoleonic Empire in Southern Italy and the
+Rise of the Secret Societies._ Part II, "The Rise of the Secret
+Societies," Vol. II, pp. 3-139, 153-55; especially chap. ii, "Origin and
+Rites of the Carbonari," Vol. II, pp. 19-44. London, 1904.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+(11) Fleming, Walter L. _Documentary History of Reconstruction._ Vol.
+II, chap. xii, "The Ku Klux Movement," pp. 327-77. Cleveland, 1907.
+
+(12) Lester, J. C., and Wilson, D. L. _The Ku Klux Klan._ Its origin,
+growth, and disbandment. With appendices containing the prescripts of
+the Ku Klux Klan, specimen orders and warnings. With introduction and
+notes by Walter L. Fleming. New York and Washington, 1905.
+
+(13) La Hodde, Lucien de. _The Cradle of Rebellions._ A history of the
+secret societies of France. Translated from the French by J. W. Phelps.
+New York, 1864.
+
+(14) Spadoni, D. _Sètte, cospirazioni e cospiratori nello Stato
+Pontificio all'indomani della restaurazioni._ Torino, 1904.
+
+(15) "Societies, Criminal," _The Americana_, XXV, 201-5.
+
+(16) Clark, Thomas A. _The Fraternity and the College._ Being a series
+of papers dealing with fraternity problems. Menasha, Wis., 1915.
+
+
+C. _Social Types_
+
+(1) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and
+America._ Monograph of an immigrant group. Vol. III, "Life Record of an
+Immigrant." Boston, 1919. ["Introduction," pp. 5-88, analyzes and
+interprets three social types: the philistine, the bohemian, and the
+creative.]
+
+(2) Paulhan, Fr. _Les caractères._ Livre II, "Les types déterminés par
+les tendances sociales," pp. 143-89. Paris, 1902.
+
+(3) Rousiers, Paul de. _L'élite dans la société moderne._ Son rôle, etc.
+Paris, 1914.
+
+(4) Bradford, Gamaliel, Jr. _Types of American Character._ New York,
+1895.
+
+(5) Kellogg, Walter G. _The Conscientious Objector._ Introduction by
+Newton D. Baker. New York, 1919.
+
+(6) Hapgood, Hutchins. _Types from City Streets._ New York, 1910.
+
+(7) Bab, Julius. _Die Berliner Bohème._ Berlin, 1905.
+
+(8) Cory, H. E. _The Intellectuals and the Wage Workers._ A study in
+educational psychoanalysis. New York, 1919.
+
+(9) Buchanan, J. R. _The Story of a Labor Agitator._ New York, 1903.
+
+(10) Taussig, F. W. _Inventors and Money-Makers._ New York, 1915.
+
+(11) Stoker, Bram. _Famous Impostors._ London, 1910.
+
+
+D. _Community Organization_
+
+(1) Galpin, Charles J. "Rural Relations of the Village and Small City,"
+_University of Wisconsin Bulletin No. 411._
+
+(2) ----. _Rural Life._ Chaps. vii-xi, pp. 153-314. New York, 1918.
+
+(3) Hayes, A. W. _Rural Community Organization._ Chicago, 1921. [In
+Press.]
+
+(4) Morgan, E. L. "Mobilizing a Rural Community," _Massachusetts
+Agricultural College, Extension Bulletin No. 23._ Amherst, 1918.
+
+(5) "Rural Organization," _Proceedings of the Third National Country
+Life Conference, Springfield, Massachusetts, 1920._ Chicago, 1921.
+
+(6) Hart, Joseph K. _Community Organization._ New York, 1920.
+
+(7) _National Social Unit Organization, Bulletins 1, 2, 2a, 3, 4, 5._
+Cincinnati, 1917-19.
+
+(8) Devine, Edward T. "Social Unit in Cincinnati," _Survey_, XLIII
+(1919), 115-26.
+
+(9) Hicks, Mary L., and Eastman, Rae S. "Block Workers as Developed
+under the Social Unit Experiment in Cincinnati," _Survey_ XLIV (1920),
+671-74.
+
+(10) Ward, E. J. _The Social Center._ New York, 1913. [Bibliography.]
+
+(11) Collier, John. "Community Councils--Democracy Every Day," _Survey_,
+XL (1918), 604-6; 689-91; 709-11. [Describes community defense
+organizations formed in rural and urban districts during the war.]
+
+(12) Weller, Charles F. "Democratic Community Organization," An
+after-the-war experiment in Chester, _Survey_, XLIV (1920), 77-79.
+
+(13) Rainwater, Clarence E. _Community Organization._ Sociological
+Monograph No. 15, University of Southern California. Los Angeles, 1920.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. Biological Accommodation and Social Accommodation.
+
+2. Acclimatization as Accommodation.
+
+3. The Psychology of Accommodation.
+
+4. Conversion as a Form of Accommodation: A Study of Mutations of
+Attitudes in Religion, Politics, Morals, Personal Relation, etc.
+
+5. The Psychology and Sociology of Homesickness and Nostalgia.
+
+6. Conflict and Accommodation: War and Peace, Enmity and Conciliation,
+Rivalry and Status.
+
+7. Compromise as a Form of Accommodation.
+
+8. The Subtler Forms of Accommodation: Flattery, "Front," Ceremony, etc.
+
+9. The Organization of Attitudes in Accommodation: Prestige, Taboo,
+Rapport, Prejudice, Fear, etc.
+
+10. Slavery, Caste, and Class as Forms of Accommodation.
+
+11. The Description and Analysis of Typical Examples of Accommodation:
+the Political "Boss" and the Voter, Physician and Patient, the Coach and
+the Members of the Team, the Town Magnate and His Fellow-Citizens, "The
+Four Hundred" and "Hoi Polloi," etc.
+
+12. Social Solidarity as the Organization of Competing Groups.
+
+13. Division of Labor as a Form of Accommodation.
+
+14. A Survey of Historical Types of the Family in Terms of the Changes
+in Forms of Subordination and Superordination of Its Members.
+
+15. Social Types as Accommodations: the Quack Doctor, the Reporter, the
+Strike Breaker, the Schoolteacher, the Stockbroker, etc.
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. How do you distinguish between biological adaptation and social
+accommodation?
+
+2. Is domestication biological adaptation or accommodation?
+
+3. Give illustrations of acclimatization as a form of accommodation.
+
+4. Discuss phenomena of colonization with reference to accommodation.
+
+5. What is the relation of lonesomeness to accommodation?
+
+6. Do you agree with Nieboer's definition of slavery? Is the slave a
+person? If so, to what extent? How would you compare the serf with the
+slave in respect to his status?
+
+7. To what extent do slavery and caste as forms of accommodation rest
+upon (a) physical force, (b) mental attitudes?
+
+8. What is the psychology of subordination and superordination?
+
+9. What do you understand to be the relation of suggestion and rapport
+to subordination and superordination?
+
+10. What is meant by a person "knowing his place"?
+
+11. How do you explain the attitude of "the old servant" to society? Do
+you agree with her in lamenting the change in attitude of persons
+engaged in domestic service?
+
+12. What types of the subtler forms of accommodation occur to you?
+
+13. What arguments would you advance for the proposition that the
+relation of superiority and inferiority is reciprocal?
+
+14. "All leaders are also led, as in countless cases the master is the
+slave of his slaves." Explain.
+
+15. What illustrations, apart from the text, occur to you of reciprocal
+relations in superiority and subordination?
+
+16. What do you understand to be the characteristic differences of the
+three types of superordination and subordination?
+
+17. How would you classify the following groups according to these three
+types: the patriarchal family, the modern family, England from 1660 to
+1830, manufacturing enterprise, labor union, army, boys' gang, boys'
+club, Christianity, humanitarian movement?
+
+18. What do you think Simmel means by the term "accommodation"?
+
+19. How is accommodation related to peace?
+
+20. Does accommodation end struggle?
+
+21. In what sense does commerce imply accommodation?
+
+22. What type of interaction is involved in compromise? What
+illustrations would you suggest to bring out your point?
+
+23. Does compromise make for progress?
+
+24. Is a compromise better or worse than either or both of the proposals
+involved in it?
+
+25. What, in your judgment, is the relation of personal competition to
+the division of labor?
+
+26. What examples of division of labor outside the economic field would
+you suggest?
+
+27. What do you understand to be the relation of personal competition
+and group competition?
+
+28. In what different ways does status (a) grow out of, and (b)
+prevent, the processes of personal competition and group competition?
+
+29. To what extent, at the present time, is success in life determined
+by personal competition, and social selection by status?
+
+30. In what ways does the division of labor make for social solidarity?
+
+31. What is the difference between social solidarity based upon
+like-mindedness and based upon diverse-mindedness?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[221] _Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology_, I, 15, 8.
+
+[222] _Social Organization_, p. 4.
+
+[223] A teacher in the public schools of Chicago came in possession of
+the following letter written to a friend in Mississippi by a Negro boy
+who had come to the city from the South two months previously. It
+illustrates his rapid accommodation to the situation including the
+hostile Irish group (the Wentworth Avenue "Mickeys").
+
+ Dear leon I write to you--to let you hear from me--Boy you
+ don't know the time we have with Sled. it Snow up here Regular.
+ We Play foot Ball. But Now we have So much Snow we don't Play
+ foot Ball any More. We Ride on Sled. Boy I have a Sled call The
+ king of The hill and She king to. tell Mrs. Sara that Coln
+ Roscoe Conklin Simon Spoke at St Mark the church we Belong to.
+
+ Gus I havnt got chance to Beat But to Boy. Sack we show Runs
+ them Mickeys. Boy them scoundle is bad on Wentworth Avenue.
+
+ Add 3123a Breton St Chi ill.
+
+[224] From Daniel G. Brinton, _The Basis of Social Relations_, pp.
+194-99. (Courtesy of G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London, 1902.)
+
+[225] From Dr. H. J. Nieboer, _Slavery as an Industrial System_, pp.
+1-7. (Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1910.)
+
+[226] From Matthew G. Lewis, _Journal of a West India Proprietor_, pp.
+60-337. (John Murray, 1834.)
+
+[227] From "Modern Theories of Caste: Mr. Nesfield's Theory," Appendix
+V, in Sir Herbert Risley, _The People of India_, pp. 407-8. (W. Thacker
+& Co., 1915.)
+
+[228] From Sir Herbert Risley, _The People of India_, pp. 130-39. (W.
+Thacker & Co., 1915.)
+
+[229] From Hugo Münsterberg, _Psychology, General and Applied_, pp.
+259-64, (D. Appleton & Co., 1914.)
+
+[230] Adapted from _Domestic Service_, by An Old Servant, pp. 10-110.
+(Houghton Mifflin Co., 1917.)
+
+[231] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel by Albion W. Small,
+"Superiority and Subordination," in the _American Journal of Sociology_,
+II (1896-97), 169-71.
+
+[232] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel by Albion W. Small,
+"Superiority and Subordination," in the _American Journal of Sociology_,
+II (1896-97), 172-86.
+
+[233] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel by Albion W. Small,
+"The Sociology of Conflict," in the _American Journal of Sociology_, IX
+(1903-4), 799-802.
+
+[234] Adapted from a translation of Georg Simmel by Albion W. Small,
+"The Sociology of Conflict," in the _American Journal of Sociology_, IX
+(1903-4), 804-6.
+
+[235] Adapted from Charles H. Cooley, "Personal Competition," in
+_Economic Studies_, IV (1899), No. 2, 78-86.
+
+[236] From Robert E. Park, "The City," in the _American Journal of
+Sociology_, XX (1915), 584-86.
+
+[237] Translated and adapted from Émile Durkheim, _La division du
+travail social_, pp. 24-209. (Félix Alcan, 1902.)
+
+[238] _Pure Sociology_, p. 16.
+
+[239] _Mental Development in the Child and the Race_, p. 23.
+
+[240] _Supra_, pp. 218-19.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+ASSIMILATION
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Popular Conceptions of Assimilation
+
+The concept assimilation, so far as it has been defined in popular
+usage, gets its meaning from its relation to the problem of immigration.
+The more concrete and familiar terms are the abstract noun
+Americanization and the verbs Americanize, Anglicize, Germanize, and the
+like. All of these words are intended to describe the process by which
+the culture of a community or a country is transmitted to an adopted
+citizen. Negatively, assimilation is a process of denationalization, and
+this is, in fact, the form it has taken in Europe.
+
+The difference between Europe and America, in relation to the problem of
+cultures, is that in Europe difficulties have arisen from the forcible
+incorporation of minor cultural groups, i.e., nationalities, within the
+limits of a larger political unit, i.e., an empire. In America the
+problem has arisen from the voluntary migration to this country of
+peoples who have abandoned the political allegiances of the old country
+and are gradually acquiring the culture of the new. In both cases the
+problem has its source in an effort to establish and maintain a
+political order in a community that has no common culture. Fundamentally
+the problem of maintaining a democratic form of government in a southern
+village composed of whites and blacks, and the problem of maintaining an
+international order based on anything but force are the same. The
+ultimate basis of the existing moral and political order is still
+kinship and culture. Where neither exist, a political order, not based
+on caste or class, is at least problematic.
+
+Assimilation, as popularly conceived in the United States, was expressed
+symbolically some years ago in Zangwill's dramatic parable of _The
+Melting Pot_. William Jennings Bryan has given oratorical expression to
+the faith in the beneficent outcome of the process: "Great has been the
+Greek, the Latin, the Slav, the Celt, the Teuton, and the Saxon; but
+greater than any of these is the American, who combines the virtues of
+them all."
+
+Assimilation, as thus conceived, is a natural and unassisted process,
+and practice, if not policy, has been in accord with this laissez faire
+conception, which the outcome has apparently justified. In the United
+States, at any rate, the tempo of assimilation has been more rapid than
+elsewhere.
+
+Closely akin to this "magic crucible" notion of assimilation is the
+theory of "like-mindedness." This idea was partly a product of Professor
+Giddings' theory of sociology, partly an outcome of the popular notion
+that similarities and homogeneity are identical with unity. The ideal of
+assimilation was conceived to be that of feeling, thinking, and acting
+alike. Assimilation and socialization have both been described in these
+terms by contemporary sociologists.
+
+Another and a different notion of assimilation or Americanization is
+based on the conviction that the immigrant has contributed in the past
+and may be expected in the future to contribute something of his own in
+temperament, culture, and philosophy of life to the future American
+civilization. This conception had its origin among the immigrants
+themselves, and has been formulated and interpreted by persons who are,
+like residents in social settlements, in close contact with them. This
+recognition of the diversity in the elements entering into the cultural
+process is not, of course, inconsistent with the expectation of an
+ultimate homogeneity of the product. It has called attention, at any
+rate, to the fact that the process of assimilation is concerned with
+differences quite as much as with likenesses.
+
+
+2. The Sociology of Assimilation
+
+Accommodation has been described as a process of adjustment, that is, an
+organization of social relations and attitudes to prevent or to reduce
+conflict, to control competition, and to maintain a basis of security in
+the social order for persons and groups of divergent interests and types
+to carry on together their varied life-activities. Accommodation in the
+sense of the composition of conflict is invariably the goal of the
+political process.
+
+Assimilation is a process of interpenetration and fusion in which
+persons and groups acquire the memories, sentiments, and attitudes of
+other persons or groups, and, by sharing their experience and history,
+are incorporated with them in a common cultural life. In so far as
+assimilation denotes this sharing of tradition, this intimate
+participation in common experiences, assimilation is central in the
+historical and cultural processes.
+
+This distinction between accommodation and assimilation, with reference
+to their rôle in society, explains certain significant formal
+differences between the two processes. An accommodation of a conflict,
+or an accommodation to a new situation, may take place with rapidity.
+The more intimate and subtle changes involved in assimilation are more
+gradual. The changes that occur in accommodation are frequently not only
+sudden but revolutionary, as in the mutation of attitudes in conversion.
+The modifications of attitudes in the process of assimilation are not
+only gradual, but moderate, even if they appear considerable in their
+accumulation over a long period of time. If mutation is the symbol for
+accommodation, growth is the metaphor for assimilation. In accommodation
+the person or the group is generally, though not always, highly
+conscious of the occasion, as in the peace treaty that ends the war, in
+the arbitration of an industrial controversy, in the adjustment of the
+person to the formal requirements of life in a new social world. In
+assimilation the process is typically unconscious; the person is
+incorporated into the common life of the group before he is aware and
+with little conception of the course of events which brought this
+incorporation about.
+
+James has described the way in which the attitude of the person changes
+toward certain subjects, woman's suffrage, for example, not as the
+result of conscious reflection, but as the outcome of the unreflective
+responses to a series of new experiences. The intimate associations of
+the family and of the play group, participation in the ceremonies of
+religious worship and in the celebrations of national holidays, all
+these activities transmit to the immigrant and to the alien a store of
+memories and sentiments common to the native-born, and these memories
+are the basis of all that is peculiar and sacred in our cultural life.
+
+As social contact initiates interaction, assimilation is its final
+perfect product. The nature of the social contacts is decisive in the
+process. Assimilation naturally takes place most rapidly where contacts
+are primary, that is, where they are the most intimate and intense, as
+in the area of touch relationship, in the family circle and in intimate
+congenial groups. Secondary contacts facilitate accommodations, but do
+not greatly promote assimilation. The contacts here are external and too
+remote.
+
+A common language is indispensable for the most intimate association of
+the members of the group; its absence is an insurmountable barrier to
+assimilation. The phenomenon "that every group has its own language,"
+its peculiar "universe of discourse," and its cultural symbols is
+evidence of the interrelation between communication and assimilation.
+
+Through the mechanisms of imitation and suggestion, communication
+effects a gradual and unconscious modification of the attitudes and
+sentiments of the members of the group. The unity thus achieved is not
+necessarily or even normally like-mindedness; it is rather a unity of
+experience and of orientation, out of which may develop a community of
+purpose and action.
+
+
+3. Classification of the Materials
+
+The selections in the materials on assimilation have been arranged under
+three heads: (a) biological aspects of assimilation; (b) the
+conflict and fusion of cultures; and (c) Americanization as a problem
+in assimilation. The readings proceed from an analysis of the nature of
+assimilation to a survey of its processes, as they have manifested
+themselves historically, and finally to a consideration of the problems
+of Americanization.
+
+a) _Biological aspects of assimilation._--Assimilation is to be
+distinguished from amalgamation, with which it is, however, closely
+related. Amalgamation is a biological process, the fusion of races by
+interbreeding and intermarriage. Assimilation, on the other hand, is
+limited to the fusion of cultures. Miscegenation, or the mingling of
+races, is a universal phenomenon among the historical races. There are
+no races, in other words, that do not interbreed. Acculturation, or the
+transmission of cultural elements from one social group to another,
+however, has invariably taken place on a larger scale and over a wider
+area than miscegenation.
+
+Amalgamation, while it is limited to the crossing of racial traits
+through intermarriage, naturally promotes assimilation or the
+cross-fertilization of social heritages. The offspring of a "mixed"
+marriage not only biologically inherits physical and temperamental
+traits from both parents, but also acquires in the nurture of family
+life the attitudes, sentiments, and memories of both father and mother.
+Thus amalgamation of races insures the conditions of primary social
+contacts most favorable for assimilation.
+
+b) _The conflict and fusion of cultures._--The survey of the process
+of what the ethnologists call _acculturation_, as it is exhibited
+historically in the conflicts and fusions of cultures, indicates the
+wide range of the phenomena in this field.
+
+(1) Social contact, even when slight or indirect, is sufficient for the
+transmission from one cultural group to another of the material elements
+of civilization. Stimulants and firearms spread rapidly upon the
+objective demonstration of their effects. The potato, a native of
+America, has preceded the white explorer in its penetration into many
+areas of Africa.
+
+(2) The changes in languages in the course of the contacts, conflicts,
+and fusions of races and nationalities afford data for a more adequate
+description of the process of assimilation. Under what conditions does a
+ruling group impose its speech upon the masses, or finally capitulate to
+the vulgar tongue of the common people? In modern times the
+printing-press, the book, and the newspaper have tended to fix
+languages. The press has made feasible language revivals in connection
+with national movements on a scale impossible in earlier periods.
+
+The emphasis placed upon language as a medium of cultural transmission
+rests upon a sound principle. For the idioms, particularly of a spoken
+language, probably reflect more accurately the historical experiences of
+a people than history itself. The basis of unity among most historical
+peoples is linguistic rather than racial. The Latin peoples are a
+convenient example of this fact. The experiment now in progress in the
+Philippine Islands is significant in this connection. To what extent
+will the national and cultural development of those islands be
+determined by native temperament, by Spanish speech and tradition, or by
+the English language and the American school system?
+
+(3) Rivers in his study of Melanesian and Hawaiian cultures was
+impressed by the persistence of fundamental elements of the social
+structure. The basic patterns of family and social life remained
+practically unmodified despite profound transformations in technique,
+in language, and in religion. Evidently many material devices and formal
+expressions of an alien society can be adopted without significant
+changes in the native culture.
+
+The question, however, may be raised whether or not the complete
+adoption of occidental science and organization of industry would not
+produce far-reaching changes in social organization. The trend of
+economic, social, and cultural changes in Japan will throw light on this
+question. Even if revolutionary social changes actually occur, the point
+may well be made that they will be the outcome of the new economic
+system, and therefore not effects of acculturation.
+
+(4) The rapidity and completeness of assimilation depends directly upon
+the intimacy of social contact. By a curious paradox, slavery, and
+particularly household slavery, has probably been, aside from
+intermarriage, the most efficient device for promoting assimilation.
+
+Adoption and initiation among primitive peoples provided a ceremonial
+method for inducting aliens and strangers into the group, the
+significance of which can only be understood after a more adequate study
+of ceremonial in general.
+
+c) _Americanization as a problem of assimilation._--Any consideration
+of policies, programs, and methods of Americanization gain perspective
+when related to the sociology of assimilation. The "Study of Methods of
+Americanization," of the Carnegie Corporation, defines Americanization
+as "the participation of the immigrant in the life of the community in
+which he lives." From this standpoint participation is both the medium
+and the goal of assimilation. Participation of the immigrant in American
+life in any area of life prepares him for participation in every other.
+What the immigrant and the alien need most is an opportunity for
+participation. Of first importance, of course, is the language. In
+addition he needs to know how to use our institutions for his own
+benefit and protection. But participation, to be real, must be
+spontaneous and intelligent, and that means, in the long run, that the
+immigrant's life in America must be related to the life he already
+knows. Not by the suppression of old memories, but by their
+incorporation in his new life is assimilation achieved. The failure of
+conscious, coercive policies of denationalization in Europe and the
+great success of the early, passive phase of Americanization in this
+country afford in this connection an impressive contrast. It follows
+that assimilation cannot be promoted directly, but only indirectly, that
+is, by supplying the conditions that make for participation.
+
+There is no process but life itself that can effectually wipe out the
+immigrant's memory of his past. The inclusion of the immigrant in our
+common life may perhaps be best reached, therefore, in co-operation that
+looks not so much to the past as to the future. The second generation of
+the immigrant may share fully in our memories, but practically all that
+we can ask of the foreign-born is participation in our ideals, our
+wishes, and our common enterprises.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. BIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF ASSIMILATION
+
+
+1. Assimilation and Amalgamation[241]
+
+Writers on historical and social science are just beginning to turn
+their attention to the large subject of social assimilation. That the
+subject has until recently received little attention is readily seen by
+a mere glance at the works of our leading sociologists and historians.
+The word itself rarely appears; and when the theme is touched upon, no
+clearly defined, stable idea seems to exist, even in the mind of the
+author. Thus Giddings at one time identifies assimilation with
+"reciprocal accommodation." In another place he defines it as "the
+process of growing alike," and once again he tells us it is the method
+by which foreigners in the United States society become Americans. Nor
+are M. Novicow's ideas on the subject perfectly lucid, for he considers
+assimilation sometimes as a _process_, at other times as an _art_, and
+again as a _result_. He makes the term "denationalization" coextensive
+with our "assimilation," and says that the ensemble of measures which a
+government takes for inducing a population to abandon one type of
+culture for another is denationalization. Denationalization by the
+authority of the state carries with it a certain amount of coercion; it
+is always accompanied by a measure of violence. In the next sentence,
+however, we are told that the word "denationalization" may also be used
+for the non-coercive _process_ by which one nationality is assimilated
+with another. M. Novicow further speaks of the _art_ of assimilation,
+and he tells us that the _result_ of the intellectual struggle between
+races living under the same government, whether free or forced, is in
+every case assimilation. Burgess also takes a narrow view of the
+subject, restricting the operation of assimilating forces to the present
+and considering assimilation a result of modern political union. He
+says: "In modern times the political union of different races under the
+leadership of the dominant race results in assimilation."
+
+From one point of view assimilation is a process with its active and
+passive elements; from another it is a result. In this discussion,
+however, assimilation is considered as a process due to prolonged
+contact. It may, perhaps, be defined as that process of adjustment or
+accommodation which occurs between the members of two different races,
+if their contact is prolonged and if the necessary psychic conditions
+are present. The result is group homogeneity to a greater or less
+degree. Figuratively speaking, it is the process by which the
+aggregation of peoples is changed from a mere mechanical mixture into a
+chemical compound.
+
+The process of assimilation is of a psychological rather than of a
+biological nature, and refers to the growing alike in character,
+thoughts, and institutions, rather than to the blood-mingling brought
+about by intermarriage. The intellectual results of the process of
+assimilation are far more lasting than the physiological. Thus in France
+today, though nineteen-twentieths of the blood is that of the aboriginal
+races, the language is directly derived from that imposed by the Romans
+in their conquest of Gaul. Intermarriage, the inevitable result to a
+greater or less extent of race contact, plays its part in the process of
+assimilation, but mere mixture of races will not cause assimilation.
+Moreover, assimilation is possible, partially at least, without
+intermarriage. Instances of this are furnished by the partial
+assimilation of the Negro and the Indian of the United States. Thinkers
+are beginning to doubt the great importance once attributed to
+intermarriage as a factor in civilization. Says Mayo-Smith, "It is not
+in unity of blood but in unity of institutions and social habits and
+ideals that we are to seek that which we call nationality," and
+nationality is the result of assimilation.
+
+
+2. The Instinctive Basis of Assimilation[242]
+
+It is a striking fact that among animals there are some whose conduct
+can be generalized very readily in the categories of self-preservation,
+nutrition, and sex, while there are others whose conduct cannot be thus
+summarized. The behavior of the tiger and the cat is simple and easily
+comprehensible, whereas that of the dog with his conscience, his humor,
+his terror of loneliness, his capacity for devotion to a brutal master,
+or that of the bee with her selfless devotion to the hive, furnishes
+phenomena which no sophistry can assimilate without the aid of a fourth
+instinct. But little examination will show that the animals whose
+conduct it is difficult to generalize under the three primitive
+instinctive categories are gregarious. If, then, it can be shown that
+gregariousness is of a biological significance approaching in importance
+that of the other instincts we may expect to find in it the source of
+these anomalies of conduct, and of the complexity of human behavior.
+
+Gregariousness seems frequently to be regarded as a somewhat superficial
+character, scarcely deserving, as it were, the name of an instinct,
+advantageous, it is true, but not of fundamental importance or likely to
+be deeply ingrained in the inheritance of the species. This attitude may
+be due to the fact that among mammals, at any rate, the appearance of
+gregariousness has not been accompanied by any very gross physical
+changes which are obviously associated with it.
+
+To whatever it may be due, this method of regarding the social habit is,
+in the opinion of the present writer, not justified by the facts, and
+prevents the attainment of conclusions of considerable fruitfulness.
+
+A study of bees and ants shows at once how fundamental the importance of
+gregariousness may become. The individual in such communities is
+completely incapable, often physically, of existing apart from the
+community, and this fact at once gives rise to the suspicion that, even
+in communities less closely knit than those of the ant and the bee, the
+individual may in fact be more dependent on communal life than appears
+at first sight.
+
+Another very striking piece of general evidence of the significance of
+gregariousness as no mere late acquirement is the remarkable coincidence
+of its occurrence with that of exceptional grades of intelligence or
+the possibility of very complex reactions to environment. It can
+scarcely be regarded as an unmeaning accident that the dog, the horse,
+the ape, the elephant, and man are all social animals. The instances of
+the bee and the ant are perhaps the most amazing. Here the advantages of
+gregariousness seem actually to outweigh the most prodigious differences
+of structure, and we find a condition which is often thought of as a
+mere habit, capable of enabling the insect nervous system to compete in
+the complexity of its power of adaptation with that of the higher
+vertebrates.
+
+From the biological standpoint the probability of gregariousness being a
+primitive and fundamental quality in man seems to be considerable. It
+would appear to have the effect of enlarging the advantages of
+variation. Varieties not immediately favorable, varieties departing
+widely from the standard, varieties even unfavorable to the individual,
+may be supposed to be given by it a chance of survival. Now the course
+of the development of man seems to present many features incompatible
+with its having proceeded among isolated individuals exposed to the
+unmodified action of natural selection. Changes so serious as the
+assumption of the upright posture, the reduction in the jaw and its
+musculature, the reduction in the acuity of smell and hearing, demand,
+if the species is to survive, either a delicacy of adjustment with the
+compensatingly developing intelligence so minute as to be almost
+inconceivable, or the existence of some kind of protective enclosure,
+however imperfect, in which the varying individuals may be sheltered
+from the direct influence of natural selection. The existence of such a
+mechanism would compensate losses of physical strength in the individual
+by the greatly increased strength of the larger unit, of the unit, that
+is to say, upon which natural selection still acts unmodified.
+
+The cardinal quality of the herd is homogeneity. It is clear that the
+great advantage of the social habit is to enable large numbers to act as
+one, whereby in the case of the hunting gregarious animal strength in
+pursuit and attack is at once increased beyond that of the creatures
+preyed upon, and in protective socialism the sensitiveness of the new
+unit to alarms is greatly in excess of that of the individual member of
+the flock.
+
+To secure these advantages of homogeneity, it is evident that the
+members of the herd must possess sensitiveness to the behavior of their
+fellows. The individual isolated will be of no meaning; the individual
+as part of the herd will be capable of transmitting the most potent
+impulses. Each member of the flock tending to follow his neighbor, and
+in turn to be followed, each is in some sense capable of leadership; but
+no lead will be followed that departs widely from normal behavior. A
+lead will only be followed from its resemblance to the normal. If the
+leader go so far ahead as definitely to cease to be in the herd, he will
+necessarily be ignored.
+
+The original in conduct, that is to say, resistiveness to the voice of
+the herd, will be suppressed by natural selection; the wolf which does
+not follow the impulses of the herd will be starved; the sheep which
+does not respond to the flock will be eaten.
+
+Again, not only will the individual be responsive to impulses coming
+from the herd but he will treat the herd as his normal environment. The
+impulse to be in and always to remain with the herd will have the
+strongest instinctive weight. Anything which tends to separate him from
+his fellows, as soon as it becomes perceptible as such, will be strongly
+resisted.
+
+So far we have regarded the gregarious animal objectively. Let us now
+try to estimate the mental aspects of these impulses. Suppose a species
+in possession of precisely the instinctive endowments which we have been
+considering to be also self-conscious, and let us ask what will be the
+forms under which these phenomena will present themselves in its mind.
+In the first place, it is quite evident that impulses derived from herd
+feeling will enter the mind with the value of instincts--they will
+present themselves as "a priori syntheses of the most perfect sort
+needing no proof but their own evidence." They will not, however, it is
+important to remember, necessarily always give this quality to the same
+specific acts, but will show this great distinguishing characteristic
+that they may give to any opinion whatever the characters of instinctive
+belief, making it into an "a priori synthesis"; so that we shall expect
+to find acts which it would be absurd to look upon as the results of
+specific instincts carried out with all the enthusiasm of instinct and
+displaying all the marks of instinctive behavior.
+
+In interpreting into mental terms the consequences of gregariousness we
+may conveniently begin with the simplest. The conscious individual will
+feel an unanalysable primary sense of comfort in the actual presence of
+his fellows and a similar sense of discomfort in their absence. It will
+be obvious truth to him that it is not good for man to be alone.
+Loneliness will be a real terror insurmountable by reason.
+
+Again, certain conditions will become secondarily associated with
+presence with, or absence from, the herd. For example, take the
+sensations of heat and cold. The latter is prevented in gregarious
+animals by close crowding and experienced in the reverse condition;
+hence it comes to be connected in the mind with separation and so
+acquires altogether unreasonable associations of harmfulness. Similarly,
+the sensation of warmth is associated with feelings of the secure and
+salutary.
+
+Slightly more complex manifestations of the same tendency to homogeneity
+are seen in the desire for identification with the herd in matters of
+opinion. Here we find the biological explanation of the ineradicable
+impulse mankind has always displayed toward segregation into classes.
+Each one of us in his opinions, and his conduct, in matters of dress,
+amusement, religion, and politics, is compelled to obtain the support of
+a class, of a herd within the herd. The most eccentric in opinion or
+conduct is, we may be sure, supported by the agreement of a class, the
+smallness of which accounts for his apparent eccentricity, and the
+preciousness of which accounts for his fortitude in defying general
+opinion. Again, anything which tends to emphasize difference from the
+herd is unpleasant. In the individual mind there will be an analysable
+dislike of the novel in action or thought. It will be "wrong," "wicked,"
+"foolish," "undesirable," or, as we say, "bad form," according to
+varying circumstances which we can already to some extent define.
+
+Manifestations relatively more simple are shown in the dislike of being
+conspicuous, in shyness, and in stage fright. It is, however,
+sensitiveness to the behavior of the herd which has the most important
+effects upon the structure of the mind of the gregarious animal. This
+sensitiveness is, as Sidis has clearly seen, closely associated with the
+suggestibility of the gregarious animal, and therefore with that of man.
+The effect of it will clearly be to make acceptable those suggestions
+which come from the herd, and those only. It is of especial importance
+to note that this suggestibility is not general, and that it is only
+herd suggestions which are rendered acceptable by the action of
+instinct.
+
+
+B. THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES
+
+
+1. The Analysis of Blended Cultures[243]
+
+In the analysis of any culture, a difficulty which soon meets the
+investigator is that he has to determine what is due to mere contact and
+what is due to intimate intermixture, such intermixture, for instance,
+as is produced by the permanent blending of one people with another,
+either through warlike invasion or peaceful settlement. The fundamental
+weakness of most of the attempts hitherto made to analyze existing
+cultures is that they have had their starting-point in the study of
+material objects, and the reason for this is obvious. Owing to the fact
+that material objects can be collected by anyone and subjected at
+leisure to prolonged study by experts, our knowledge of the distribution
+of material objects and of the technique of their manufacture has very
+far outrun that of the less material elements. What I wish now to point
+out is that in distinguishing between the effects of mere contact and
+the intermixture of peoples, material objects are the least trustworthy
+of all the constituents of culture. Thus in Melanesia we have the
+clearest evidence that material objects and processes can spread by mere
+contact, without any true admixture of peoples and without influence on
+other features of the culture. While the distribution of material
+objects is of the utmost importance in suggesting at the outset
+community of culture, and while it is of equal importance in the final
+process of determining points of contact and in filling in the details
+of the mixture of cultures, it is the least satisfactory guide to the
+actual blending of peoples which must form the solid foundation of the
+ethnological analysis of culture. The case for the value of
+magico-religious institutions is not much stronger. Here, again, in
+Melanesia there is little doubt that whole cults can pass from one
+people to another without any real intermixture of peoples. I do not
+wish to imply that such religious institutions can pass from people to
+people with the ease of material objects, but to point out that there is
+evidence that they can and do so pass with very little, if any,
+admixture of peoples or of the deeper and more fundamental elements of
+the culture. Much more important is language; and if you will think over
+the actual conditions when one people either visit or settle among
+another, this greater importance will be obvious. Let us imagine a party
+of Melanesians visiting a Polynesian island, staying there for a few
+weeks, and then returning home (and here I am not taking a fictitious
+occurrence, but one which really happens). We can readily understand
+that the visitors may take with them their betel-mixture, and thereby
+introduce the custom of betel-chewing into a new home; we can readily
+understand that they may introduce an ornament to be worn in the nose
+and another to be worn on the chest; that tales which they tell will be
+remembered, and dances they perform will be imitated. A few Milanesian
+words may pass into the language of the Polynesian island, especially as
+names for the objects or processes which the strangers have introduced;
+but it is incredible that the strangers should thus in a short visit
+produce any extensive change in the vocabulary, and still more that they
+should modify the structure of the language. Such changes can never be
+the result of mere contact or transient settlement but must always
+indicate a far more deeply seated and fundamental process of blending of
+peoples and cultures.
+
+Few will perhaps hesitate to accept this position; but I expect my next
+proposition to meet with more skepticism, and yet I believe it to be
+widely, though not universally, true. This proposition is that the
+social structure, the framework of society, is still more fundamentally
+important and still less easily changed except as the result of the
+intimate blending of peoples, and for that reason furnishes by far the
+firmest foundation on which to base the process of analysis of culture.
+I cannot hope to establish the truth of this proposition in the course
+of a brief address, and I propose to draw your attention to one line of
+evidence only.
+
+At the present moment we have before our eyes an object-lesson in the
+spread of our own people over the earth's surface, and we are thus able
+to study how external influence affects different elements of culture.
+What we find is that mere contact is able to transmit much in the way of
+material culture. A passing vessel, which does not even anchor, may be
+able to transmit iron, while European weapons may be used by people who
+have never even seen a white man. Again, missionaries introduce the
+Christian religion among people who cannot speak a word of English or
+any language but their own or only use such European words as have been
+found necessary to express ideas or objects connected with the new
+religion. There is evidence how readily language may be affected, and
+here again the present day suggests a mechanism by which such a change
+takes place. English is now becoming the language of the Pacific and of
+other parts of the world through its use as a _lingua franca_, which
+enables natives who speak different languages to converse not only with
+Europeans but with one another, and I believe that this has often been
+the mechanism in the past; that, for instance, the introduction of what
+we now call the Melanesian structure of language was due to the fact
+that the language of an immigrant people who settled in a region of
+great linguistic diversity came to be used as a _lingua franca_, and
+thus gradually became the basis of the languages of the whole people.
+
+But now let us turn to social structure. We find in Oceania islands
+where Europeans have been settled as missionaries or traders perhaps for
+fifty or a hundred years; we find the people wearing European clothes
+and European ornaments, using European utensils and even European
+weapons when they fight; we find them holding the beliefs and practicing
+the ritual of a European religion; we find them speaking a European
+language, often even among themselves, and yet investigation shows that
+much of their social structure remains thoroughly native and
+uninfluenced, not only in its general form, but often even in its minute
+details. The external influence has swept away the whole material
+culture, so that objects of native origin are manufactured only to sell
+to tourists; it has substituted a wholly new religion and destroyed
+every material, if not every moral, vestige of the old; it has caused
+great modification and degeneration of the old language; and yet it may
+have left the social structure in the main untouched. And the reasons
+for this are clear. Most of the essential social structure of a people
+lies so below the surface, it is so literally the foundation of the
+whole life of the people, that it is not seen; it is not obvious, but
+can only be reached by patient and laborious exploration. I will give a
+few specific instances. In several islands of the Pacific, some of which
+have had European settlers on them for more than a century, a most
+important position in the community is occupied by the father's sister.
+If any native of these islands were asked who is the most important
+person in the determination of his life-history, he would answer, "My
+father's sister"; and yet the place of this relative in the social
+structure has remained absolutely unrecorded, and, I believe, absolutely
+unknown, to the European settlers in those islands. Again, Europeans
+have settled in Fiji for more than a century, and yet it is only during
+this summer that I have heard from Mr. A. M. Hocart, who is working
+there at present, that there is the clearest evidence of what is known
+as the dual organization of society as a working social institution at
+the present time. How unobtrusive such a fundamental fact of social
+structure may be comes home to me in this case very strongly, for it
+wholly eluded my own observation during a visit three years ago.
+
+Lastly, the most striking example of the permanence of social structure
+which I have met is in the Hawaiian Islands. There the original native
+culture is reduced to the merest wreckage. So far as material objects
+are concerned, the people are like ourselves; the old religion has gone,
+though there probably still persists some of the ancient magic. The
+people themselves have so dwindled in number, and the political
+conditions are so altered, that the social structure has also
+necessarily been greatly modified, and yet I was able to ascertain that
+one of its elements, an element which I believe to form the deepest
+layer of the foundation, the very bedrock of social structure, the
+system of relationship, is still in use unchanged. I was able to obtain
+a full account of the system as actually used at the present time, and
+found it to be exactly the same as that recorded forty years ago by
+Morgan and Hyde, and I obtained evidence that the system is still deeply
+interwoven with the intimate mental life of the people.
+
+If, then, social structure has this fundamental and deeply seated
+character, if it is the least easily changed, and only changed as the
+result either of actual blending of peoples or of the most profound
+political changes, the obvious inference is that it is with social
+structure that we must begin the attempt to analyze culture and to
+ascertain how far community of culture is due to the blending of
+peoples, how far to transmission through mere contact or transient
+settlement.
+
+The considerations I have brought forward have, however, in my opinion
+an importance still more fundamental. If social institutions have this
+relatively great degree of permanence, if they are so deeply seated and
+so closely interwoven with the deepest instincts and sentiments of a
+people that they can only gradually suffer change, will not the study
+of this change give us our surest criterion of what is early and what is
+late in any given culture, and thereby furnish a guide for the analysis
+of culture? Such criteria of early and late are necessary if we are to
+arrange the cultural elements reached by our analysis in order of time,
+and it is very doubtful whether mere geographical distribution itself
+will ever furnish a sufficient basis for this purpose. I may remind you
+here that before the importance of the complexity of Melanesian culture
+had forced itself on my mind, I had already succeeded in tracing out a
+course for the development of the structure of Melanesian society, and
+after the complexity of the culture had been established, I did not find
+it necessary to alter anything of essential importance in this scheme. I
+suggest, therefore, that while the ethnological analysis of cultures
+must furnish a necessary preliminary to any general evolutionary
+speculations, there is one element of culture which has so relatively
+high a degree of permanence that its course of development may furnish a
+guide to the order in time of the different elements into which it is
+possible to analyze a given complex.
+
+If the development of social structure is thus to be taken as a guide to
+assist the process of analysis, it is evident that there will be
+involved a logical process of considerable complexity in which there
+will be the danger of arguing in a circle. If, however, the analysis of
+culture is to be the primary task of the anthropologist, it is evident
+that the logical methods of the science will attain a complexity far
+exceeding those hitherto in vogue. I believe that the only logical
+process which will in general be found possible will be the formulation
+of hypothetical working schemes into which the facts can be fitted, and
+that the test of such schemes will be their capacity to fit in with
+themselves, or, as we generally express it, "explain" new facts as they
+come to our knowledge. This is the method of other sciences which deal
+with conditions as complex as those of human society. In many other
+sciences these new facts are discovered by experiment. In our science
+they must be found by exploration, not only of the cultures still
+existent in living form, but also of the buried cultures of past ages.
+
+
+2. The Extension of Roman Culture in Gaul[244]
+
+The Roman conquest of Gaul was partially a feat of arms; but it was much
+more a triumph of Roman diplomacy and a genius for colonial government.
+Roman power in Gaul was centered in the larger cities and in their
+strongly fortified camps. There the laws and decrees of Rome were
+promulgated and the tribute of the conquered tribes received. There,
+too, the law courts were held and justice administered. Rome bent her
+efforts to the Latinizing of her newly acquired possessions. Gradually
+she forced the inhabitants of the larger cities to use the Latin tongue.
+But this forcing was done in a diplomatic, though effective, manner.
+Even in the days of Caesar, Latin was made the only medium for the
+administration of the law, the promulgation of decrees, the exercise of
+the functions of government, the administration of justice, and the
+performing of the offices of religion. It was the only medium of
+commerce and trade with the Romans, of literature and art, of the
+theater and of social relations. Above all, it was the only road to
+office under the Roman government and to political preferment. The Roman
+officials in Gaul encouraged and rewarded the mastery of the Latin
+tongue and the acquirement of Roman culture, customs, and manners.
+Thanks to this well-defined policy of the Roman government, native Gauls
+were found in important offices even in Caesar's time. The number of
+these Gallo-Roman offices increased rapidly, and their influence was
+steadily exercised in favor of the acquirement, by the natives, of the
+Latin language. A greater inducement still was held out to the Gauls to
+acquire the ways and culture of their conquerors. This was the prospect
+of employment or political preference and honors in the imperial city of
+Rome itself. Under this pressure so diplomatically applied, the study of
+the Latin language, grammar, literature, and oratory became a passion
+throughout the cities of Gaul, which were full of Roman merchants,
+traders, teachers, philosophers, lawyers, artists, sculptors, and
+seekers for political and other offices. Latin was the symbol of success
+in every avenue of life. Native Gauls became noted merchant princes,
+lawyers, soldiers, local potentates at home, and favorites of powerful
+political personages in Rome and even in the colonies outside Gaul.
+Natives of Gaul, too, reached the highest offices in the land, becoming
+even members of the Senate; and later on a native Gaul became one of the
+most noted of the Roman emperors. The political policy of Rome made the
+imposition of the Latin language upon the cities of Gaul a comparatively
+easy matter, requiring only time to assure its accomplishment.
+Everywhere throughout the populous cities of Gaul there sprang up
+schools that rivaled, in their efficacy and reputation, the most famous
+institutions of Rome. Rich Romans sent their sons to these schools
+because of their excellence and the added advantage that they could
+acquire there a first-hand knowledge of the life and customs of the
+natives, whom they might be called upon in the future to govern or to
+have political or other relations with. Thus all urban Gaul traveled
+Rome-ward--"all roads led to Rome."
+
+The influence of Roman culture extended itself much more slowly over the
+rural districts, the inhabitants of which, in addition to being much
+more conservative and passionately attached to their native institutions
+and language, lacked the incentive of ambition and of commercial and
+trade necessity. A powerful Druidical priesthood held the rural Celts
+together and set their faces against Roman culture and religion. But
+even in the rural districts Latin made its way slowly and in a mangled
+form, yet none the less surely. This was accomplished almost entirely
+through the natural pressure from without exercised by the growing power
+of the Latin tongue, which had greatly increased during the reign of the
+Emperor Claudius (41-54 A.D.). Claudius, who was born in Lyon and
+educated in Gaul, opened to the Gauls all the employments and dignities
+of the empire. On the construction of the many extensive public works he
+employed many inhabitants of Gaul in positions requiring faithfulness,
+honesty, and skill. These, in their turn, frequently drew laborers from
+the rural districts of Gaul. These latter, during their residence in
+Rome or other Italian cities, or in the populous centers of Gaul,
+acquired some knowledge of Latin. Thus, in time, through these and other
+agencies, a sort of _lingua franca_ sprang up throughout the rural
+districts of Gaul and served as a medium of communication between the
+Celtic-speaking population and the inhabitants of the cities and towns.
+This consisted of a frame of Latin words stripped of most of their
+inflections and subjected to word-contractions and other modifications.
+Into this frame were fitted many native words which had already become
+the property of trade and commerce and the other activities of life in
+the city, town, and country. Thus, as the influence of Latin became
+stronger in the cities, it continued to exercise greater pressure on the
+rural districts. This pressure soon began to react upon the centers of
+Latin culture. The uneducated classes of Gaul everywhere, even in the
+cities, spoke very imperfect Latin, the genius of which is so different
+from that of the native tongues of Gaul. But while the cities afforded
+some correction for this universal tendency among the masses to corrupt
+the Latin language, the life of the rural districts, where the native
+tongues were still universally spoken, made the disintegration of the
+highly inflected Roman speech unavoidable. As the masses in the city and
+country became more Latinized, at the expense of their native tongues,
+the corrupted Latin spoken over immense districts of the country tended
+to pass current as the speech of the populace and to crowd out classical
+or school Latin. As this corrupted local Latin varied greatly in
+different parts of the country, due to linguistic and other influences,
+there resulted numerous Roman dialects throughout Gaul, many of which
+are still in existence.
+
+The introduction of Christianity gave additional impulse to the study of
+Latin, which soon became the official language of the Christian church;
+and it was taught everywhere by the priests to the middle and upper
+classes, and they also encouraged the masses to learn it. It seemed as
+if this was destined to maintain the prestige of Latin as the official
+language of the country. But in reality it hastened its downfall by
+making it more and more the language of the illiterate masses. Soon the
+rural districts furnished priests who spoke their own Roman tongue; and
+the struggle to rehabilitate the literary Latin among the masses was
+abandoned. The numerous French dialects of Latin had already begun to
+assume shape when the decline of the Roman Empire brought the Germanic
+tribes down upon Gaul and introduced a new element into the Romanic
+speech, which had already worked its will upon the tongue of the
+Caesars. Under its influence the loose Latin construction disappeared;
+articles and prepositions took the place of the inflectional
+terminations brought to a high state of artificial perfection in Latin;
+and the wholesale suppression of unaccented syllables had so contracted
+the Latin words that they were often scarcely recognizable. The
+modification of vowel sounds increased the efficacy of the disguise
+assumed by Latin words masquerading in the Romanic dialects throughout
+Gaul; and the Celtic and other native words in current use to designate
+the interests and occupations of the masses helped to differentiate the
+popular speech from the classical Latin. Already Celtic, as a spoken
+tongue, had almost entirely disappeared from the cities; and even in the
+rural districts it had fallen into a certain amount of neglect, as the
+_lingua franca_ of the first centuries of Roman occupation, reaching out
+in every direction, became the ever-increasing popular speech.
+
+
+3. The Competition of the Cultural Languages[245]
+
+Some time ago a typewriter firm, in advertising a machine with Arabic
+characters, made the statement that the Arabic alphabet is used by more
+people than any other. A professor of Semitic languages was asked: "How
+big a lie is that?" He answered: "It is true."
+
+In a certain sense, it is true; the total population of all the
+countries whose inhabitants use the Arabic alphabet (if they use any) is
+slightly larger than that of those who use the Latin alphabet and its
+slight variations, or the Chinese characters (which of course are not an
+alphabet), or the Russian alphabet. If, however, the question is how
+many people can actually use any alphabet or system of writing, the
+Arabic stands lowest of the four.
+
+The question of the relative importance of a language as a literary
+medium is a question of how many people want to read it. There are two
+classes of these: those to whom it is vernacular, and those who learn it
+in addition to their own language. The latter class is of the greater
+importance in proportion to its numbers; a man who has education enough
+to acquire a foreign language is pretty sure to use it, while many of
+the former class, who can read, really do read very little. Those who
+count in this matter are those who can get information from a printed
+page as easily as by listening to someone talking. A fair index of the
+relative number of these in a country is the newspaper circulation
+there.
+
+A language must have a recognized literary standard and all the people
+in its territory must learn to use it as such before its influence goes
+far abroad. English, French, and German, and they alone, have reached
+this point. French and German have no new country, and practically the
+whole of their country is now literate; their relative share in the
+world's reading can only increase as their population increases. Spanish
+and Russian, on the other hand, have both new country and room for a
+much higher percentage of literacy.
+
+It is probable that all the countries in temperate zones will have
+universal literacy by the end of the century. In this case, even if no
+one read English outside its vernacular countries, it would still hold
+its own as the leading literary language. German and French are bound to
+fall off relatively as vernaculars, and this implies a falling off of
+their importance as culture languages; but the importance of English in
+this respect is bound to grow. The first place among foreign languages
+has been given to it in the schools of many European and South American
+countries; Mexico and Japan make it compulsory in all schools of upper
+grades; and China is to follow Japan in this respect as soon as the work
+can be organized.
+
+The number of people who can actually read, or will learn if now too
+young, for the various languages of the world appears to be as follows:
+
+ Number
+ in Millions Per Cent
+
+English 136 27.2
+German 82 16.4
+Chinese[A] 70 14.0
+French 28 9.6
+Russian 30 6.0
+Arabic 25 5.0
+Italian 18 4.6
+Spanish 12 2.6
+Scandinavian 11 2.2
+Dutch and Flemish 9 1.9
+Minor European[B] 34 6.8
+Minor Asiatic[B] 16 3.2
+Minor African and Polynesian[B] 2+ 0.5
+
+Total 473+ 100.0
+
+Notes:
+[A] Not a spoken language, but a system of writing.
+
+[B] None representing as much as 1 per cent of total.
+
+English, therefore, now leads all other languages in the number of its
+readers. Three-fourths of the world's mail matter is addressed in
+English. More than half of the world's newspapers are printed in
+English, and, as they have a larger circulation than those in other
+languages, probably three-fourths of the world's newspaper reading is
+done in English.
+
+The languages next in importance, French and German, cannot maintain
+their relative positions because English has more than half of the new
+land in the temperate zone and they have none. The languages which have
+the rest of the new territory, Spanish and Russian, are not established
+as culture languages, as English is. No other language, not even French
+or German, has a vernacular so uniform and well established, and with so
+few variations from the literary language. English is spoken in the
+United States by more than fifty million people with so slight
+variations that no foreigner would ever notice them. No other language
+whatever can show more than a fraction of this number of persons who
+speak so nearly alike.
+
+It is then probable that, within the century, English will be the
+vernacular of a quarter instead of a tenth of the people of the world,
+and be read by a half instead of a quarter of the people who can read.
+
+
+4. The Assimilation of Races[246]
+
+The race problem has sometimes been described as a problem in
+assimilation. It is not always clear, however, what assimilation means.
+Historically the word has had two distinct significations. According to
+earlier usage it meant "to compare" or "to make like." According to
+later usage it signifies "to take up and incorporate."
+
+There is a process that goes on in society by which individuals
+spontaneously acquire one another's language, characteristic attitudes,
+habits, and modes of behavior. There is also a process by which
+individuals and groups of individuals are taken over and incorporated
+into larger groups. Both processes have been concerned in the formation
+of modern nationalities. The modern Italian, Frenchman, and German is a
+composite of the broken fragments of several different racial groups.
+Interbreeding has broken up the ancient stocks, and interaction and
+imitation have created new national types which exhibit definite
+uniformities in language, manners, and formal behavior.
+
+It has sometimes been assumed that the creation of a national type is
+the specific function of assimilation and that national solidarity is
+based upon national homogeneity and "like-mindedness." The extent and
+importance of the kind of homogeneity that individuals of the same
+nationality exhibit have been greatly exaggerated. Neither interbreeding
+nor interaction has created, in what the French term "nationals," a more
+than superficial likeness or like-mindedness. Racial differences have,
+to be sure, disappeared or been obscured, but individual differences
+remain. Individual differences, again, have been intensified by
+education, personal competition, and the division of labor, until
+individual members of cosmopolitan groups probably represent greater
+variations in disposition, temperament, and mental capacity than those
+which distinguished the more homogeneous races and peoples of an earlier
+civilization.
+
+What then, precisely, is the nature of the homogeneity which
+characterizes cosmopolitan groups?
+
+The growth of modern states exhibits the progressive merging of smaller,
+mutually exclusive, into larger and more inclusive, social groups. This
+result has been achieved in various ways, but it has usually been
+followed or accompanied by a more or less complete adoption by the
+members of the smaller groups of the language, technique, and mores of
+the larger and more inclusive ones. The immigrant readily takes over the
+language, manners, the social ritual, and outward forms of his adopted
+country. In America it has become proverbial that a Pole, Lithuanian, or
+Norwegian cannot be distinguished, in the second generation, from an
+American born of native parents.
+
+There is no reason to assume that this assimilation of alien groups to
+native standards has modified to any great extent fundamental racial
+characteristics. It has, however, erased the external signs which
+formerly distinguished the members of one race from those of another.
+
+On the other hand, the breaking up of the isolation of smaller groups
+has had the effect of emancipating the individual man, giving him room
+and freedom for the expansion and development of his individual
+aptitudes.
+
+What one actually finds in cosmopolitan groups, then, is a superficial
+uniformity, a homogeneity in manners and fashion, associated with
+relatively profound differences in individual opinions, sentiments, and
+beliefs. This is just the reverse of what one meets among primitive
+peoples, where diversity in external forms, as between different groups,
+is accompanied by a monotonous sameness in the mental attitudes of
+individuals. There is a striking similarity in the sentiments and mental
+attitudes of peasant peoples in all parts of the world, although the
+external differences are often great. In the Black Forest, in Baden,
+Germany, almost every valley shows a different style of costume, a
+different type of architecture, although in each separate valley every
+house is like every other and the costume, as well as the religion, is
+for every member of each separate community absolutely after the same
+pattern. On the other hand, a German, Russian, or Negro peasant of the
+southern states, different as each is in some respects, are all very
+much alike in certain habitual attitudes and sentiments.
+
+What, then, is the rôle of homogeneity and like-mindedness, such as we
+find them to be, in cosmopolitan states? So far as it makes each
+individual look like every other--no matter how different under the
+skin--homogeneity mobilizes the individual man. It removes the social
+taboo, permits the individual to move into strange groups, and thus
+facilitates new and adventurous contacts. In obliterating the external
+signs, which in secondary groups seem to be the sole basis of caste and
+class distinctions, it realizes, for the individual, the principle of
+_laissez faire_, _laissez aller_. Its ultimate economic effect is to
+substitute personal for racial competition, and to give free play to
+forces that tend to relegate every individual, irrespective of race or
+status, to the position he or she is best fitted to fill.
+
+As a matter of fact, the ease and rapidity with which aliens, under
+existing conditions in the United States, have been able to assimilate
+themselves to the customs and manners of American life have enabled this
+country to swallow and digest every sort of normal human difference,
+except the purely external ones, like the color of the skin.
+
+It is probably true, also, that like-mindedness of the kind that
+expresses itself in national types contributes indirectly by
+facilitating the intermingling of the different elements of the
+population to the national solidarity. This is due to the fact that the
+solidarity of modern states depends less on the homogeneity of
+population than, as James Bryce has suggested, upon the thoroughgoing
+mixture of heterogeneous elements. Like-mindedness, so far as that term
+signifies a standard grade of intelligence, contributes little or
+nothing to national solidarity. Likeness is, after all, a purely formal
+concept which of itself cannot hold anything together.
+
+In the last analysis social solidarity is based on sentiment and habit.
+It is the sentiment of loyalty and the habit of what Sumner calls
+"concurrent action" that gives substance and insures unity to the state
+as to every other type of social group. This sentiment of loyalty has
+its basis in a _modus vivendi_, a working relation and mutual
+understanding of the members of the group. Social institutions are not
+founded in similarities any more than they are founded in differences,
+but in relations, and in the mutual interdependence of parts. When these
+relations have the sanction of custom and are fixed in individual habit,
+so that the activities of the group are running smoothly, personal
+attitudes and sentiments, which are the only forms in which individual
+minds collide and clash with one another, easily accommodate themselves
+to the existing situation.
+
+It may, perhaps, be said that loyalty itself is a form of
+like-mindedness or that it is dependent in some way upon the
+like-mindedness of the individuals whom it binds together. This,
+however, cannot be true, for there is no greater loyalty than that which
+binds the dog to his master, and this is a sentiment which that faithful
+animal usually extends to other members of the household to which he
+belongs. A dog without a master is a dangerous animal, but the dog that
+has been domesticated is a member of society. He is not, of course, a
+citizen, although he is not entirely without rights. But he has got into
+some sort of practical working relations with the group to which he
+belongs.
+
+It is this practical working arrangement, into which individuals with
+widely different mental capacities enter as co-ordinate parts, that
+gives the corporate character to social groups and insures their
+solidarity. It is the process of assimilation by which groups of
+individuals, originally indifferent or perhaps hostile, achieve this
+corporate character, rather than the process by which they acquire a
+formal like-mindedness, with which this paper is mainly concerned.
+
+The difficulty with the conception of assimilation which one ordinarily
+meets in discussions of the race problem is that it is based on
+observations confined to individualistic groups where the characteristic
+relations are indirect and secondary. It takes no account of the kind of
+assimilation that takes place in primary groups where relations are
+direct and personal--in the tribe, for example, and in the family.
+
+Thus Charles Francis Adams, referring to the race problem in an address
+at Richmond, Virginia, in November, 1908, said:
+
+ The American system, as we know, was founded on the assumed
+ basis of a common humanity, that is, absence of absolutely
+ fundamental racial characteristics was accepted as an
+ established truth. Those of all races were welcomed to our
+ shores. They came, aliens; they and their descendants would
+ become citizens first, natives afterward. It was a process
+ first of assimilation and then of absorption. On this all
+ depended. There could be no permanent divisional lines. That
+ theory is now plainly broken down. We are confronted by the
+ obvious fact, as undeniable as it is hard, that the African
+ will only partially assimilate and that he cannot be absorbed.
+ He remains an alien element in the body politic. A foreign
+ substance, he can neither be assimilated nor thrown out.
+
+More recently an editorial in the _Outlook_, discussing the Japanese
+situation in California, made this statement:
+
+ The hundred millions of people now inhabiting the United States
+ must be a united people, not merely a collection of groups of
+ different peoples, different in racial cultures and ideals,
+ agreeing to live together in peace and amity. These hundred
+ millions must have common ideals, common aims, a common custom,
+ a common culture, a common language, and common
+ characteristics, if the nation is to endure.
+
+All this is quite true and interesting, but it does not clearly
+recognize the fact that the chief obstacle to the assimilation of the
+Negro and the Oriental are not mental but physical traits. It is not
+because the Negro and the Japanese are so differently constituted that
+they do not assimilate. If they were given an opportunity, the Japanese
+are quite as capable as the Italians, the Armenians, or the Slavs of
+acquiring our culture and sharing our national ideals. The trouble is
+not with the Japanese mind but with the Japanese skin. The Jap is not
+the right color.
+
+The fact that the Japanese bears in his features a distinctive racial
+hallmark, that he wears, so to speak, a racial uniform, classifies him.
+He cannot become a mere individual, indistinguishable in the
+cosmopolitan mass of the population, as is true, for example, of the
+Irish, and, to a lesser extent, of some of the other immigrant races.
+The Japanese, like the Negro, is condemned to remain among us an
+abstraction, a symbol--and a symbol not merely of his own race but of
+the Orient and of that vague, ill-defined menace we sometimes refer to
+as the "yellow peril." This not only determines to a very large extent
+the attitude of the white world toward the yellow man but it determines
+the attitude of the yellow man toward the white. It puts between the
+races the invisible but very real gulf of self-consciousness.
+
+There is another consideration. Peoples we know intimately we respect
+and esteem. In our casual contact with aliens, however, it is the
+offensive rather than the pleasing traits that impress us. These
+impressions accumulate and reinforce natural prejudices. Where races are
+distinguished by certain external marks, these furnish a permanent
+physical substratum upon which and around which the irritations and
+animosities, incidental to all human intercourse, tend to accumulate and
+so gain strength and volume.
+
+Assimilation, as the word is here used, brings with it a certain
+borrowed significance which it carried over from physiology, where it is
+employed to describe the process of nutrition. By a process of
+nutrition, somewhat similar to the physiological one, we may conceive
+alien peoples to be incorporated with, and made part of, the community
+or state. Ordinarily assimilation goes on silently and unconsciously,
+and only forces itself into popular conscience when there is some
+interruption or disturbance of the process.
+
+At the outset it may be said, then, that assimilation rarely becomes a
+problem except in secondary groups. Admission to the primary group, that
+is to say, the group in which relationships are direct and personal, as,
+for example, in the family and in the tribe, makes assimilation
+comparatively easy and almost inevitable.
+
+The most striking illustration of this is the fact of domestic slavery.
+Slavery has been, historically, the usual method by which peoples have
+been incorporated into alien groups. When a member of an alien race is
+adopted into the family as a servant or as a slave, and particularly
+when that status is made hereditary, as it was in the case of the Negro
+after his importation to America, assimilation followed rapidly and as a
+matter of course.
+
+It is difficult to conceive two races farther removed from each other in
+temperament and tradition than the Anglo-Saxon and the Negro, and yet
+the Negro in the southern states, particularly where he was adopted into
+the household as a family servant, learned in a comparatively short time
+the manners and customs of his master's family. He very soon possessed
+himself of so much of the language, religion, and the technique of the
+civilization of his master as, in his station, he was fitted or
+permitted to acquire. Eventually, also, Negro slaves transferred their
+allegiance to the state of which they were only indirectly members, or
+at least to their masters' families, with whom they felt themselves in
+most things one in sentiment and interest.
+
+The assimilation of the Negro field hand, where the contact of the slave
+with his master and his master's family was less intimate, was naturally
+less complete. On the large plantations, where an overseer stood between
+the master and the majority of his slaves, and especially on the sea
+island plantations off the coast of South Carolina, where the master and
+his family were likely to be merely winter visitors, this distance
+between master and slave was greatly increased. The consequence is that
+the Negroes in these regions are less touched today by the white man's
+influence and civilization than elsewhere in the southern states.
+
+
+C. AMERICANIZATION AS A PROBLEM IN ASSIMILATION[247]
+
+
+1. Americanization as Assimilation
+
+The Americanization Study has assumed that the fundamental condition of
+what we call "Americanization" is the participation of the immigrant in
+the life of the community in which he lives. The point here emphasized
+is that patriotism, loyalty, and common sense are neither created nor
+transmitted by purely intellectual processes. Men must live and work and
+fight together in order to create that community of interest and
+sentiment which will enable them to meet the crises of their common life
+with a common will.
+
+It is evident, however, that the word "participation" as here employed
+has a wide application, and it becomes important for working purposes to
+give a more definite and concrete meaning to the term.
+
+
+2. Language as a Means and a Product of Participation
+
+Obviously any organized social activity whatever and any participation
+in this activity implies "communication." In human, as distinguished
+from animal, society common life is based on a common speech. To share a
+common speech does not guarantee participation in the community life but
+it is an instrument of participation, and its acquisition by the members
+of an immigrant group is rightly considered a sign and a rough index of
+Americanization.
+
+It is, however, one of the ordinary experiences of social intercourse
+that words and things do not have the same meanings with different
+people, in different parts of the country, in different periods of time,
+and, in general, in different contexts. The same "thing" has a different
+meaning for the naïve person and the sophisticated person, for the child
+and the philosopher; the new experience derives its significance from
+the character and organization of the previous experiences. To the
+peasant a comet, a plague, and an epileptic person may mean a divine
+portent, a visitation of God, a possession by the devil; to the
+scientific man they mean something quite different. The word "slavery"
+had very different connotations in the ancient world and today. It has a
+very different significance today in the southern states and in the
+northern states. "Socialism" has a very different significance to the
+immigrant from the Russian pale living on the "East Side" of New York
+City, to the citizen on Riverside Drive, and to the native American in
+the hills of Georgia.
+
+Psychologists explain this difference in the connotation of the same
+word among people using the same language in terms of difference in the
+"apperception mass" in different individuals and different groups of
+individuals. In their phraseology the "apperception mass" represents the
+body of memories and meanings deposited in the consciousness of the
+individual from the totality of his experiences. It is the body of
+material with which every new datum of experience comes into contact, to
+which it is related, and in connection with which it gets its meaning.
+
+When persons interpret data on different grounds, when the apperception
+mass is radically different, we say popularly that they live in
+different worlds. The logician expresses this by saying that they occupy
+different "universes of discourse"--that is, they cannot talk in the
+same terms. The ecclesiastic, the artist, the mystic, the scientist, the
+Philistine, the Bohemian, represent more or less different "universes of
+discourse." Even social workers occupy universes of discourse not
+mutually intelligible.
+
+Similarly, different races and nationalities as wholes represent
+different apperception masses and consequently different universes of
+discourse and are not mutually intelligible. Even our remote forefathers
+are with difficulty intelligible to us, though always more intelligible
+than the Eastern immigrant because of the continuity of our tradition.
+Still it is almost as difficult for us to comprehend _Elsie Dinsmore_ or
+the _Westminster Catechism_ as the Koran or the Talmud.
+
+It is apparent, therefore, that in the wide extension and vast
+complexity of modern life, in which peoples of different races and
+cultures are now coming into intimate contact, the divergences in the
+meanings and values which individuals and groups attach to objects and
+forms of behavior are deeper than anything expressed by differences in
+language.
+
+Actually common participation in common activities implies a common
+"definition of the situation." In fact, every single act, and eventually
+all moral life, is dependent upon the definition of the situation. A
+definition of the situation precedes and limits any possible action, and
+a redefinition of the situation changes the character of the action. An
+abusive person, for example, provokes anger and possibly violence, but
+if we realize that the man is insane this redefinition of the situation
+results in totally different behavior.
+
+Every social group develops systematic and unsystematic means of
+defining the situation for its members. Among these means are the
+"don'ts" of the mother, the gossip of the community, epithets ("liar,"
+"traitor," "scab"), the sneer, the shrug, the newspaper, the theater,
+the school, libraries, the law, and the gospel. Education in the widest
+sense--intellectual, moral, aesthetic--is the process of defining the
+situation. It is the process by which the definitions of an older
+generation are transmitted to a younger. In the case of the immigrant it
+is the process by which the definitions of one cultural group are
+transmitted to another.
+
+Differences in meanings and values, referred to above in terms of the
+"apperception mass," grow out of the fact that different individuals and
+different peoples have defined the situation in different ways. When we
+speak of the different "heritages" or "traditions" which our different
+immigrant groups bring, it means that, owing to different historical
+circumstances, they have defined the situation differently. Certain
+prominent personalities, schools of thought, bodies of doctrine,
+historical events, have contributed in defining the situation and
+determining the attitudes and values of our various immigrant groups in
+characteristic ways in their home countries. To the Sicilian, for
+example, marital infidelity means the stiletto; to the American, the
+divorce court. And even when the immigrant thinks that he understands
+us, he nevertheless does not do this completely. At the best he
+interprets our cultural traditions in terms of his own. Actually the
+situation is progressively redefined by the consequences of the actions,
+provoked by the previous definitions, and a prison experience is
+designed to provide a datum toward the redefinition of the situation.
+
+It is evidently important that the people who compose a community and
+share in the common life should have a sufficient body of common
+memories to understand one another. This is particularly true in a
+democracy, where it is intended that the public institutions should be
+responsive to public opinion. There can be no public opinion except in
+so far as the persons who compose the public are able to live in the
+same world and speak and think in the same universe of discourse. For
+that reason it seems desirable that the immigrants should not only speak
+the language of the country but should know something of the history of
+the people among whom they have chosen to dwell. For the same reason it
+is important that native Americans should know the history and social
+life of the countries from which the immigrants come.
+
+It is important also that every individual should share as fully as
+possible a fund of knowledge, experience, sentiments, and ideals common
+to the whole community and himself contribute to this fund. It is for
+this reason that we maintain and seek to maintain freedom of speech and
+free schools. The function of literature, including poetry, romance, and
+the newspaper, is to enable all to share victoriously and imaginatively
+in the inner life of each. The function of science is to gather up,
+classify, digest, and preserve, in a form in which they may become
+available to the community as a whole, the ideas, inventions, and
+technical experience of the individuals composing it. Thus not merely
+the possession of a common language but the wide extension of the
+opportunities for education become conditions of Americanization.
+
+The immigration problem is unique in the sense that the immigrant brings
+divergent definitions of the situation, and this renders his
+participation in our activities difficult. At the same time this problem
+is of the same general type as the one exemplified by "syndicalism,"
+"bolshevism," "socialism," etc., where the definition of the situation
+does not agree with the traditional one. The modern "social unrest,"
+like the immigrant problem, is a sign of the lack of participation and
+this is true to the degree that certain elements feel that violence is
+the only available means of participating.
+
+
+3. Assimilation and the Mediation of Individual Differences
+
+In general, a period of unrest represents the stage in which a new
+definition of the situation is being prepared. Emotion and unrest are
+connected with situations where there is loss of control. Control is
+secured on the basis of habits and habits are built up on the basis of
+the definition of the situation. Habit represents a situation where the
+definition is working. When control is lost it means that the habits are
+no longer adequate, that the situation has changed and demands a
+redefinition. This is the point at which we have unrest--a heightened
+emotional state, random movements, unregulated behavior--and this
+continues until the situation is redefined. The unrest is associated
+with conditions in which the individual or society feels unable to act.
+It represents energy, and the problem is to use it constructively.
+
+The older societies tended to treat unrest by defining the situation in
+terms of the suppression or postponement of the wish; they tried to make
+the repudiation of the wish itself a wish. "Contentment," "conformity
+to the will of God," ultimate "salvation" in a better world, are
+representative of this. The founders of America defined the situation in
+terms of participation, but this has actually taken too exclusively the
+form of "political participation." The present tendency is to define the
+situation in terms of social participation, including demand for the
+improvement of social conditions to a degree which will enable all to
+participate.
+
+But, while it is important that the people who are members of the same
+community should have a body of common memories and a common
+apperception mass, so that they may talk intelligibly to one another, it
+is neither possible nor necessary that everything should have the same
+meaning for everyone. A perfectly homogeneous consciousness would mean a
+tendency to define all situations rigidly and sacredly and once and
+forever. Something like this did happen in the Slavic village
+communities and among all savage people, and it was the ideal of the
+medieval church, but it implies a low level of efficiency and a slow
+rate of progress.
+
+Mankind is distinguished, in fact, from the animal world by being
+composed of persons of divergent types, of varied tastes and interests,
+of different vocations and functions. Civilization is the product of an
+association of widely different individuals, and with the progress of
+civilization the divergence in individual human types has been and must
+continue to be constantly multiplied. Our progress in the arts and
+sciences and in the creation of values in general has been dependent on
+specialists whose distinctive worth was precisely their divergence from
+other individuals. It is even evident that we have been able to use
+productively individuals who in a savage or peasant society would have
+been classed as insane--who perhaps were indeed insane.
+
+The ability to participate productively implies thus a diversity of
+attitudes and values in the participants, but a diversity not so great
+as to lower the morals of the community and to prevent effective
+co-operation. It is important to have ready definitions for all
+immediate situations, but progress is dependent on the constant
+redefinitions for all immediate situations, and the ideal condition for
+this is the presence of individuals with divergent definitions, who
+contribute, in part consciously and in part unconsciously, through their
+individualism and labors to a common task and a common end. It is only
+in this way that an intelligible world, in which each can participate
+according to his intelligence, comes into existence. For it is only
+through their consequences that words get their meanings or that
+situations become defined. It is through conflict and co-operation, or,
+to use a current phrase of economists, through "competitive
+co-operation," that a distinctively human type of society does anywhere
+exist. Privacy and publicity, "society" and solitude, public ends and
+private enterprises, are each and all distinctive factors in human
+society everywhere. They are particularly characteristic of historic
+American democracy.
+
+In this whole connection it appears that the group consciousness and the
+individual himself are formed by communication and participation, and
+that the communication and participation are themselves dependent for
+their meaning on common interests.
+
+But it would be an error to assume that participation always implies an
+intimate personal, face-to-face relation. Specialists participate
+notably and productively in our common life, but this is evidently not
+on the basis of personal association with their neighbors. Darwin was
+assisted by Lyell, Owen, and other contemporaries in working out a new
+definition of the situation, but these men were not his neighbors. When
+Mayer worked out his theory of the transmutation of energy, his
+neighbors in the village of Heilbronn were so far from participating
+that they twice confined him in insane asylums. A postage stamp may be a
+more efficient instrument of participation than a village meeting.
+
+Defining the situation with reference to the participation of the
+immigrant is of course not solving the problem of immigration. This
+involves an analysis of the whole significance of the qualitative and
+quantitative character of a population, with reference to any given
+values--standards of living, individual level of efficiency, liberty and
+determinism, etc. We have, for instance, in America a certain level of
+culture, depending, let us say as a minimum, on the perpetuation of our
+public-school system. But, if by some conceivable _lusus naturae_ the
+birth rate was multiplied a hundred fold, or by some conceivable
+cataclysm a hundred million African blacks were landed annually on our
+eastern coast and an equal number of Chinese coolies on our western
+coast, then we should have neither teachers enough nor buildings enough
+nor material resources enough to impart even the three R's to a
+fraction of the population, and the outlook of democracy, so far as it
+is dependent upon participation, would become very dismal. On the other
+hand, it is conceivable that certain immigrant populations in certain
+numbers, with their special temperaments, endowments, and social
+heritages, would contribute positively and increasingly to our stock of
+civilization. These are questions to be determined, but certainly if the
+immigrant is admitted on any basis whatever the condition of his
+Americanization is that he shall have the widest and freest opportunity
+to contribute in his own way to the common fund of knowledge, ideas, and
+ideals which makes up the culture of our common country. It is only in
+this way that the immigrant can "participate" in the fullest sense of
+the term.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. Assimilation and Amalgamation
+
+The literature upon assimilation falls naturally under three main heads:
+(1) assimilation and amalgamation; (2) the conflict and fusion of
+cultures; and (3) immigration and Americanization.
+
+Literature on assimilation is very largely a by-product of the
+controversy in regard to the relative superiority and inferiority of
+races. This controversy owes its existence, in the present century, to
+the publication in 1854 of Gobineau's _The Inequality of Human Races_.
+This treatise appeared at a time when the dominant peoples of Europe
+were engaged in extending their benevolent protection over all the
+"unprotected" lesser breeds, and this book offered a justification, on
+biological grounds, of the domination of the "inferior" by the
+"superior" races.
+
+Gobineau's theory, and that of the schools which have perpetuated and
+elaborated his doctrines, defined culture as an essentially racial
+trait. Other races might accommodate themselves to, but could not
+originate nor maintain a superior culture. This is the aristocratic
+theory of the inequalities of races and, as might be expected, was
+received with enthusiasm by the chauvinists of the "strong" nations.
+
+The opposing school is disposed to treat the existing civilizations as
+largely the result of historical accident. The superior peoples are
+those who have had access to the accumulated cultural materials of the
+peoples that preceded them. Modern Europe owes its civilization to the
+fact that it went to school to the ancients. The inferior peoples are
+those who did not have this advantage.
+
+Ratzel was one of the first to venture the theory that the natural and
+the cultural peoples were fundamentally alike and that the existing
+differences, great as they are, were due to geographical and cultural
+isolation of the less advanced races. Boas' _Mind of Primitive Man_ is
+the most systematic and critical statement of that view of the matter.
+
+The discussion which these rival theories provoked has led students to
+closer studies of the effects of racial contacts and to a more
+penetrating analysis of the cultural process.
+
+The contacts of races have invariably led to racial intermixture, and
+the mixed breed, as in the case of the mulatto, the result of the
+white-Negro cross, has tended to create a distinct cultural as well as a
+racial type. E. B. Reuter's volume on _The Mulatto_ is the first serious
+attempt to study the mixed blood as a cultural type and define his rôle
+in the conflict of races and cultures.
+
+Historical cases of the assimilation of one group by another are
+frequent. Kaindl's investigations of the German settlements in the
+Carpathian lands are particularly instructive. The story of the manner
+in which the early German settlers in Cracow, Galicia, were Polonized
+mainly under the influence of the Polish nobility, is all the more
+interesting when it is contrasted with the German colonists in the
+Siebenbürgen, which have remained strongholds of the German language and
+culture in the midst of a population of Roumanian peasants for nearly
+eight hundred years. Still more interesting are the recent attempts of
+the Prussians to Germanize the former province of Posen, now reunited to
+Poland. Prussia's policy of colonization of German peasants in Posen
+failed for several reasons, but it failed finally because the German
+peasant, finding himself isolated in the midst of a Polish community,
+either gave up the land the government had acquired for him and returned
+to his native German province, or identified himself with the Polish
+community and was thus lost to the cause of German nationalism. The
+whole interesting history of that episode is related in Bernard's _Die
+Polenfrage_, which is at the same time an account of the organization of
+an autonomous Polish community within the limits of a German state.
+
+The competition and survival of languages affords interesting material
+for the study of cultural contacts and the conditions that determine
+assimilation. Investigations of the racial origins of European peoples
+have discovered a great number of curious cultural anomalies. There are
+peoples like the Spreewälder who inhabit a little cultural island of
+about 240 miles square in the Province of Brandenburg, Prussia.
+Surviving remnants of a Slavic people, they still preserve their
+language and their tribal costumes, and, although but thirty thousand in
+number and surrounded by Germans, maintain a lively literary movement
+all their own. On the other hand, the most vigorous and powerful of the
+Germanic nationalities, the Prussian, bears the name of a conquered
+Slavic people whose language, "Old Prussian," not spoken since the
+seventeenth century, is preserved only in a few printed books, including
+a catechism and German-Prussian vocabulary, which the German
+philologists have rescued from oblivion.
+
+
+2. The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures
+
+The contacts and transmission of cultures have been investigated in
+different regions of social life under different titles. The
+ethnologists have investigated the process among primitive peoples under
+the title acculturation. Among historical peoples, on the other hand,
+acculturation has been called assimilation. The aim of missions has
+been, on the whole, to bring the world under the domination of a single
+moral order; but in seeking to accomplish this task they have
+contributed greatly to the fusion and cross-fertilization of racial and
+national cultures.
+
+The problem of origin is the first and often the most perplexing problem
+which the study of primitive cultures presents.[248] Was a given
+cultural trait, i.e., a weapon, a tool, or a myth, borrowed or invented?
+For example, there are several independent centers of origin and
+propagation of the bow and arrow. Writing approached or reached
+perfection in at least five different, widely separated regions. Other
+problems of acculturation which have been studied include the following:
+the degree and order of transmissibility of different cultural traits;
+the persistence or the immunity against change of different traits; the
+modification of cultural traits in the process of transmission; the
+character of social contacts between cultural groups; the distance that
+divides cultural levels; and the rôle of prestige in stimulating
+imitation and copying.
+
+The development of a world-commerce, the era of European colonization
+and imperial expansion in America, Asia, and Africa and Australia, the
+forward drive of occidental science and the Western system of
+large-scale competitive industry have created racial contacts, cultural
+changes, conflicts, and fusions of unprecedented and unforeseen extent,
+intensity, and immediateness. The crash of a fallen social order in
+Russia reverberates throughout the world; reports of the capitalization
+of new enterprises indicate that India is copying the economic
+organization of Europe; the feminist movement has invaded Japan;
+representatives of close to fifty nations of the earth meet in conclave
+in the assembly of the League of Nations.
+
+So complete has been in recent years the interpenetration of peoples and
+cultures that nations are now seeking to preserve their existence not
+alone from assault from without by force of arms, but they are equally
+concerned to protect themselves from the more insidious attacks of
+propaganda from within. Under these circumstances the ancient liberties
+of speech and press are being scrutinized and questioned. Particularly
+is this true when this freedom of speech and press is exercised by alien
+peoples, who criticize our institutions in a foreign tongue and claim
+the right to reform native institutions before they have become citizens
+and even before they are able to use the native language.
+
+
+3. Immigration and Americanization
+
+The presence of large groups of foreign-born in the United States was
+first conceived of as a problem of immigration. From the period of the
+large Irish immigration to this country in the decades following 1820
+each new immigrant group called forth a popular literature of protest
+against the evils its presence threatened. After 1890 the increasing
+volume of immigration and the change in the source of the immigrants
+from northwestern Europe to southeastern Europe intensified the general
+concern. In 1907 the Congress of the United States created the
+Immigration Commission to make "full inquiry, examination, and
+investigation into the subject of immigration." The plan and scope of
+the work as outlined by the Commission "included a study of the sources
+of recent immigration in Europe, the general character of incoming
+immigrants, the methods employed here and abroad to prevent the
+immigration of persons classed as undesirable in the United States
+immigration law, and finally a thorough investigation into the general
+status of the more recent immigrants as residents of the United States,
+and the effect of such immigration upon the institutions, industries,
+and people of this country." In 1910 the Commission made a report of its
+investigations and findings together with its conclusions and
+recommendations which were published in forty-one volumes.
+
+The European War focused the attention of the country upon the problem
+of Americanization. The public mind became conscious of the fact that
+"the stranger within our gates," whether naturalized or unnaturalized,
+tended to maintain his loyalty to the land of his origin, even when it
+seemed to conflict with loyalty to the country of his sojourn or his
+adoption. A large number of superficial investigations called "surveys"
+were made of immigrant colonies in the larger cities of the country.
+Americanization work of many varieties developed apace. A vast
+literature sprang up to meet the public demand for information and
+instruction on this topic. In view of this situation the Carnegie
+Corporation of New York City undertook in 1918 a "Study of the Methods
+of Americanization or Fusion of Native and Foreign Born." The point of
+view from which the study was made may be inferred from the following
+statement by its director, Allen T. Burns:
+
+ Americanization is the uniting of new with native born
+ Americans in fuller common understanding and appreciation to
+ secure by means of self-government the highest welfare of all.
+ Such Americanization should produce no unchangeable political,
+ domestic, and economic régime delivered once for all to the
+ fathers, but a growing and broadening national life, inclusive
+ of the best wherever found. With all our rich heritages,
+ Americanism will develop through a mutual giving and taking of
+ contributions from both newer and older Americans in the
+ interest of the common weal. This study will follow such an
+ understanding of Americanization.
+
+The study, as originally planned, was divided into ten divisions, as
+follows: the schooling of the immigrant, the press and the theater,
+adjustment of homes and family life, legal protection and correction,
+health standards and care, naturalization and political life,
+industrial and economic amalgamation, treatment of immigrant heritages,
+neighborhood agencies, and rural developments. The findings of these
+different parts of the study are presented in separate volumes.
+
+This is the most recent important survey-investigation of the immigrant,
+although there are many less imposing but significant studies in this
+field. Among these are the interesting analyses of the assimilation
+process in Julius Drachsler's _Democracy and Assimilation_ and in A. M.
+Dushkin's study of _Jewish Education in New York City_.
+
+The natural history of assimilation may be best studied in personal
+narratives and documents, such as letters and autobiographies, or in
+monographs upon urban and rural immigrant communities. In recent years a
+series of personal narrative and autobiographical sketches have revealed
+the intimate personal aspects of the assimilation process. The
+expectancy and disillusionment of the first experiences, the consequent
+nostalgia and homesickness, gradual accommodation to the new situation,
+the first participations in American life, the fixation of wishes in the
+opportunities of the American social environment, the ultimate
+identification of the person with the memories, sentiments, and future
+of his adopted country--all these steps in assimilation are portrayed in
+such interesting books as _The Far Journey_ by Abraham Rihbany, _The
+Promised Land_ by Mary Antin, _Out of the Shadow_ by Rose Cohen, _An
+American in the Making_ by M. E. Ravage, _My Mother and I_ by E. C.
+Stern.
+
+The most reflective use of personal documents for the study of the
+problems of the immigrant has been made by Thomas and Znaniecki in _The
+Polish Peasant in Europe and America_. In these studies letters and
+life-histories have been, for the first time, methodically employed to
+exhibit the processes of adjustment in the transition from a European
+peasant village to the immigrant colony of an American industrial
+community.
+
+The work of Thomas and Znaniecki is in a real sense a study of the
+Polish community in Europe and America. Less ambitious studies have been
+made of individual immigrant communities. Several religious communities
+composed of isolated and unassimilated groups, such as the German
+Mennonites, have been intensively studied.
+
+Materials valuable for the study of certain immigrant communities,
+assembled for quite other purposes, are contained in the almanacs,
+yearbooks, and local histories of the various immigrant communities. The
+most interesting of these are the _Jewish Communal Register_ of New York
+and the studies made by the Norwegian Lutheran Church in America under
+the direction of O. M. Norlie.[249]
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+I. ASSIMILATION AND AMALGAMATION
+
+
+A. _The Psychology and Sociology of Assimilation_
+
+(1) Wundt, Wilhelm. "Bermerkungen zur Associationslehre,"
+_Philosophische Studien_, VII (1892), 329-61. ["Complication und
+Assimilation," pp. 334-53.]
+
+(2) ----. _Grundzüge der physiologischen Psychologie._ "Assimilationen,"
+III, 528-35. 5th ed. Leipzig, 1903.
+
+(3) Ward, James. "Association and Assimilation," _Mind_, N.S., II
+(1893), 347-62; III (1894), 509-32.
+
+(4) Baldwin, J. Mark. _Mental Development in the Child and the Race._
+Methods and processes. "Assimilation, Recognition," pp. 308-19. New
+York, 1895.
+
+(5) Novicow, J. _Les Luttes entre sociétés humaines et leur phases
+successives._ Book II, chap. vii, "La Dénationalisation," pp. 125-53.
+Paris, 1893. [Definition of denationalization.]
+
+(6) Ratzenhofer, Gustav. _Die sociologische Erkenntnis_, pp. 41-42.
+Leipzig, 1898.
+
+(7) Park, Robert E. "Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups with
+Particular Reference to the Negro," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX
+(1913-14), 606-23.
+
+(8) Simons, Sarah E. "Social Assimilation," _American Journal of
+Sociology_, VI (1900-1901), 790-822; VII (1901-2), 53-79, 234-48,
+386-404, 539-56. [Bibliography.]
+
+(9) Jenks, Albert E. "Assimilation in the Philippines as Interpreted in
+Terms of Assimilation in America," _Publications of the American
+Sociological Society_, VIII (1913), 140-58.
+
+(10) McKenzie, F. A. "The Assimilation of the American Indian,"
+_Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1913), 37-48.
+[Bibliography.]
+
+(11) Ciszewski, S. _Kunstliche Verwandschaft bei den Südslaven._
+Leipzig, 1897.
+
+(12) Windisch, H. _Taufe und Sünde im ältesten Christentum bis auf
+Origines_. Ein Beitrag zur altchristlichen Dogmengeschichte. Tübingen,
+1908.
+
+
+B. _Assimilation and Amalgamation_
+
+(1) Gumplowicz, Ludwig. _Der Rassenkampf._ Sociologische Untersuchungen,
+sec. 38, "Wie die Amalgamirung vor sich geht," pp. 253-63. Innsbruck,
+1883.
+
+(2) Commons, John R. _Races and Immigrants in America._ Chap. ix,
+"Amalgamation and Assimilation," pp. 198-238. New ed. New York, 1920.
+[See also pp. 17-21.]
+
+(3) Ripley, William Z. _The Races of Europe._ A sociological study.
+Chap. ii, "Language, Nationality, and Race," pp. 15-36. Chap. xviii,
+"European Origins: Race and Culture," pp. 486-512. New York, 1899.
+
+(4) Fischer, Eugen. _Die Rehobother Bastards und das
+Bastardierungsproblem beim Menschen._ Anthropologische und
+ethnographische Studien am Rehobother Bastardvolk in Deutsch-Südwest
+Afrika. Jena, 1913.
+
+(5) Mayo-Smith, Richmond. "Theories of Mixture of Races and
+Nationalities," _Yale Review_, III (1894), 166-86.
+
+(6) Smith, G. Elliot. "The Influence of Racial Admixture in Egypt,"
+_Eugenics Review_, VII (1915-16), 163-83.
+
+(7) Reuter, E. B. _The Mulatto in the United States._ Including a study
+of the rôle of mixed-blood races throughout the world. Boston, 1918.
+
+(8) Weatherly, Ulysses G. "The Racial Element in Social Assimilation,"
+_Publications of the American Sociological Society_, V (1910), 57-76.
+
+(9) ----. "Race and Marriage," _American Journal of Sociology_, XV
+(1909-10), 433-53.
+
+(10) Roosevelt, Theodore. "Brazil and the Negro," _Outlook_, CVI (1904),
+409-11.
+
+
+II. THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES
+
+
+A. _Process of Acculturation_
+
+(1) Ratzel, Friedrich. _The History of Mankind._ Vol. I, Book I, sec. 4,
+"Nature, Rise and Spread of Civilization," pp. 20-30. Vol. II, Book II,
+sec. 31, "Origin and Development of the Old American Civilization," pp.
+160-70. Translated from the 2d German ed. by A. J. Butler. 3 vols.
+London, 1896-98.
+
+(2) Rivers, W. H. R. "The Ethnological Analysis of Culture," _Report of
+the 81st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of
+Science_, 1911, pp. 490-99.
+
+(3) Frobenius, L. _Der Ursprung der afrikanischen Kulturen._ Berlin,
+1898.
+
+(4) Boas, Franz. _The Mind of Primitive Man._ Chap. vi, "The
+Universality of Cultural Traits," pp. 155-73. Chap. vii, "The
+Evolutionary Viewpoint," pp. 174-96. New York, 1911.
+
+(5) Vierkandt, A. _Die Stetigkeit im Kulturwandel._ Eine sociologische
+Studie. Leipzig, 1908.
+
+(6) McGee, W. J. "Piratical Acculturation," _American Anthropologist_,
+XI (1898), 243-51.
+
+(7) Crooke, W. "Method of Investigation and Folklore Origins,"
+_Folklore_, XXIV (1913), 14-40.
+
+(8) Graebner, F. "Die melanesische Bogenkultur und ihre Verwandten,"
+_Anthropos_, IV (1909), 726-80, 998-1032.
+
+(9) Lowie, Robert H. "On the Principle of Convergence in Ethnology,"
+_Journal of American Folklore_, XXV (1912), 24-42.
+
+(10) Goldenweiser, A. A. "The Principle of Limited Possibilities in the
+Development of Culture," _Journal of American Folklore_, XXVI (1913),
+259-90.
+
+(11) Dixon, R. B. "The Independence of the Culture of the American
+Indian," _Science_, N.S., XXXV (1912), 46-55.
+
+(12) Johnson, W. _Folk-Memory._ Or the continuity of British
+archaeology. Oxford, 1908.
+
+(13) Wundt, Wilhelm. _Völkerpsychologie._ Eine Untersuchung der
+Entwicklungsgesetze von Sprache, Mythus, und Sitte. Band I, "Die
+Sprache." 3 vols. Leipzig, 1900-1909.
+
+(14) Tarde, Gabriel. _The Laws of Imitation._ Translated from the 2d
+French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons. New York, 1903.
+
+
+B. _Nationalization and Denationalization_
+
+(1) Bauer, Otto. _Die Nationalitätenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie._
+Wien, 1907. Chap. vi, sec. 30, "Der Sozialismus und das
+Nationalitätsprinzip," pp. 507-21. (In: Adler, M. and Hildering, R.
+_Marx-Studien; Blätter zur Theorie und Politik des wissenschaftlichen
+Sozialismus._ Band II. Wien, 1904.
+
+(2) Kerner, R. J. _Slavic Europe._ A selected bibliography in the
+western European languages, comprising history, languages, and
+literature. "The Slavs and Germanization," Nos. 2612-13, pp. 193-95.
+Cambridge, Mass., 1918.
+
+(3) Delbrück, Hans. "Das Polenthum," _Preussische Jahrbücher_, LXXVI
+(April, 1894), 173-86.
+
+(4) Warren, H. C. "Social Forces and International Ethics,"
+_International Journal of Ethics_, XXVII (1917), 350-56.
+
+(5) Prince, M. "A World Consciousness and Future Peace," _Journal of
+Abnormal Psychology_, XI (1917), 287-304.
+
+(6) Reich, Emil. _General History of Western Nations, from 5000 B.C. to
+1900 A.D._ "Europeanization of Humanity," pp. 33-65, 480-82. (Vols. I-II
+published.) London, 1908.
+
+(7) Thomas, William I. "The Prussian-Polish Situation: an Experiment in
+Assimilation," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX (1913-14), 624-39.
+
+(8) Parkman, Francis. _Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian Wars after
+the Conquest of Canada._ 8th ed., 2 vols. Boston, 1877. [Discusses the
+cultural effects of the mingling of French and Indians in Canada.]
+
+(9) Moore, William H. _The Clash._ A study in nationalities. New York,
+1919. [French and English cultural contacts in Canada.]
+
+(10) Mayo-Smith, Richmond. "Assimilation of Nationalities in the United
+States," _Political Science Quarterly_, IX (1894), 426-44, 649-70.
+
+(11) Kelly, J. Liddell. "New Race in the Making; Many Nationalities in
+the Territory of Hawaii--Process of Fusion Proceeding--the Coming
+Pacific Race," _Westminster Review_, CLXXV (1911), 357-66.
+
+(12) Kallen, H. M. _Structure of Lasting Peace._ An inquiry into the
+motives of war and peace. Boston, 1918.
+
+(13) Westermarck, Edward. "Finland and the Czar," _Contemporary Review_,
+LXXV (1899), 652-59.
+
+(14) Brandes, Georg. "Denmark and Germany," _Contemporary Review_, LXXVI
+(1899), 92-104.
+
+(15) Marvin, Francis S. _The Unity of Western Civilization._ Essays.
+London and New York, 1915.
+
+(16) Fishberg, Maurice. _The Jews: a Study in Race and Environment._
+London and New York, 1911. [Chap. xxii deals with assimilation versus
+nationalism.]
+
+(17) Bailey, W. F., and Bates, Jean V. "The Early German Settlers in
+Transylvania," _Fortnightly Review_, CVII (1917), 661-74.
+
+(18) Auerbach, Bertrand. _Les Races et les nationalités en
+Autriche-Hongrie._ Paris, 1898.
+
+(19) Cunningham, William. _Alien Immigrants to England._ London and New
+York, 1897.
+
+(20) Kaindl, Raimund Friedrich. _Geschichte der Deutschen in den
+Karpathenländern._ Vol. I, "Geschichte der Deutschen in Galizien bis
+1772." 3 vols. in 2. Gotha, 1907-11.
+
+
+C. _Missions_
+
+(1) Moore, Edward C. _The Spread of Christianity in the Modern World._
+Chicago, 1919. [Bibliography.]
+
+(2) World Missionary Conference. _Report of the World Missionary
+Conference, 1910._ 9 vols. Chicago, 1910.
+
+(3) Robinson, Charles H. _History of Christian Missions._ New York,
+1915.
+
+(4) Speer, Robert E. _Missions and Modern History._ A study of the
+missionary aspects of some great movements of the nineteenth century. 2
+vols. New York, 1904.
+
+(5) Warneck, Gustav. _Outline of a History of Protestant Missions from
+the Reformation to the Present Time._ A contribution to modern church
+history. Translated from the German by George Robson. Chicago, 1901.
+
+(6) Creighton, Louise. _Missions._ Their rise and development. New York,
+1912. [Bibliography.]
+
+(7) Pascoe, C. F. _Two Hundred Years of the Society for the Propagation
+of the Gospel, 1701-1900._ Based on a digest of the Society's records.
+London, 1901.
+
+(8) Parkman, Francis. _The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth
+Century._ Part II. "France and England in North America." Boston, 1902.
+
+(9) Bryce, James. _Impressions of South Africa._ Chap. xxii, "Missions,"
+pp. 384-93. 3d ed. New York, 1900.
+
+(10) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ "Missions and Antagonistic Mores," pp.
+111-14, 629-31. New York, 1906.
+
+(11) Coffin, Ernest W. "On the Education of Backward Races,"
+_Pedagogical Seminary_, XV (1908), 1-62. [Bibliography.]
+
+(12) Blackmar, Frank W. _Spanish Colonization in the South West._ "The
+Mission System," pp. 28-48. "Johns Hopkins University Studies in
+Historical and Political Science." Baltimore, 1890.
+
+(13) Johnston, Harry H. _George Grenfell and the Congo._ A history and
+description of the Congo Independent State and adjoining districts of
+Congoland, together with some account of the native peoples and their
+languages, the fauna and flora, and similar notes on the Cameroons, and
+the Island of Fernando Pô, the whole founded on the diaries and
+researches of the late Rev. George Grenfell, B.M.S., F.R.S.G.; and on
+the records of the British Baptist Missionary society; and on additional
+information contributed by the author, by the Rev. Lawson Forfeitt, Mr.
+Emil Torday, and others. 2 vols. London, 1908.
+
+(14) Kingsley, Mary H. _West African Studies._ Pp. 107-9, 272-75. 2d ed.
+London, 1901.
+
+(15) Morel, E. D. _Affairs of West Africa._ Chaps. xxii-xxiii, "Islam in
+West Africa," pp. 208-37. London, 1902.
+
+(16) Sapper, Karl. "Der Charakter der mittelamerikanischen Indianer,"
+_Globus_, LXXXVII (1905), 128-31.
+
+(17) Fleming, Daniel J. _Devolution in Mission Administration._ As
+exemplified by the legislative history of five American missionary
+societies in India. New York, 1916. [Bibliography.]
+
+
+III. IMMIGRATION AND AMERICANIZATION
+
+
+A. _Immigration and the Immigrant_
+
+(1) United States Immigration Commission. _Reports of the Immigration
+Commission._ 41 vols. Washington, 1911.
+
+(2) Lauck, William J., and Jenks, Jeremiah. _The Immigration Problem._
+New York, 1912.
+
+(3) Commons, John R. _Races and Immigrants in America._ New ed. New
+York, 1920.
+
+(4) Fairchild, Henry P. _Immigration._ A world-movement and its American
+significance. New York, 1913. [Bibliography.]
+
+(5) Ross, E. A. _The Old World in the New._ The significance of past and
+present immigration to the American people. New York, 1914.
+
+(6) Abbott, Grace. _The Immigrant and the Community._ With an
+introduction by Judge Julian W. Mack. New York, 1917.
+
+(7) Steiner, Edward A. _On the Trail of the Immigrant._ New York, 1906.
+
+(8) ----. _The Immigrant Tide, Its Ebb and Flow._ Chicago, 1909.
+
+(9) Brandenburg, Broughton. _Imported Americans._ The story of the
+experiences of a disguised American and his wife studying the
+immigration question. New York, 1904.
+
+(10) Kapp, Friedrich. _Immigration and the Commissioners of Emigration
+of the State of New York._ New York, 1880.
+
+
+B. _Immigrant Communities_
+
+(1) Faust, Albert B. _The German Element in the United States._ With
+special reference to its political, moral, social, and educational
+influence. New York, 1909.
+
+(2) Green, Samuel S. _The Scotch-Irish in America, 1895._ A paper read
+as the report of the Council of the American Antiquarian Society, at the
+semi-annual meeting, April 24, 1895, with correspondence called out by
+the paper. Worcester, Mass., 1895.
+
+(3) Hanna, Charles A. _The Scotch-Irish._ Or the Scot in North Britain,
+North Ireland, and North America. New York and London, 1902.
+
+(4) Jewish Publication Society of America. _The American Jewish
+Yearbook._ Philadelphia, 1899.
+
+(5) _Jewish Communal Register, 1917-1918._ 2d ed. Edited and published
+by the Kehillah (Jewish Community) of New York City. New York, 1919.
+
+(6) Balch, Emily G. _Our Slavic Fellow Citizens._ New York, 1910.
+
+(7) Horak, Jakub. _Assimilation of Czechs in Chicago._ [In press.]
+
+(8) Millis, Harry A. _The Japanese Problem in the United States._ An
+investigation for the Commission on Relations with Japan appointed by
+the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. New York,
+1915.
+
+(9) Fairchild, Henry P. _Greek Immigration to the United States._ New
+Haven, 1911.
+
+(10) Burgess, Thomas. _Greeks in America._ An account of their coming,
+progress, customs, living, and aspirations; with a historical
+introduction and the stories of some famous American-Greeks. Boston,
+1913.
+
+(11) Coolidge, Mary R. _Chinese Immigration._ New York, 1909.
+
+(12) Foerster, Robert F. _The Italian Emigration of Our Times._
+Cambridge, Mass., 1919.
+
+(13) Lord, Eliot, Trenor, John J. D., and Barrows, Samuel J. _The
+Italian in America._ New York, 1905.
+
+(14) DuBois, W. E. Burghardt. _The Philadelphia Negro, A Social Study._
+Together with a special report on domestic service by Isabel Eaton.
+"Publications of the University of Pennsylvania, Series in Political
+Economy and Public Law," No. 14. Philadelphia, 1899.
+
+(15) Williams, Daniel J. _The Welsh of Columbus, Ohio._ A study in
+adaptation and assimilation. Oshkosh, Wis., 1913.
+
+
+C. _Americanization_
+
+(1) Drachsler, Julius. _Democracy and Assimilation._ The blending of
+immigrant heritages in America. New York, 1920. [Bibliography.]
+
+(2) Dushkin, Alexander M. _Jewish Education in New York City._ New York,
+1918.
+
+(3) Thompson, Frank V. _Schooling of the Immigrant._ New York, 1920.
+
+(4) Daniels, John. _America via the Neighborhood._ New York, 1920.
+
+(5) Park, Robert E., and Miller, Herbert A. _Old World Traits
+Transplanted._ New York, 1921.
+
+(6) Speek, Peter A. _A Stake in the Land._ New York, 1921.
+
+(7) Davis, Michael M. _Immigrant Health and the Community._ New York,
+1921.
+
+(8) Breckinridge, Sophonisba P. _New Homes for Old._ New York, 1921.
+
+(9) Leiserson, William M. _Adjusting Immigrant and Industry._ [In
+press.]
+
+(10) Gavit, John P. _Americans by Choice._ [In press.]
+
+(11) Claghorn, Kate H. _The Immigrant's Day in Court._ [In press.]
+
+(12) Park, Robert E. _The Immigrant Press and Its Control._ [In press.]
+New York, 1921.
+
+(13) Burns, Allen T. _Summary of the Americanization Studies of the
+Carnegie Corporation of New York._ [In press.]
+
+(14) Miller, Herbert A. _The School and the Immigrant._ Cleveland
+Education Survey. Cleveland, 1916.
+
+(15) Kallen, Horace M. "Democracy versus the Melting-Pot, a Study of
+American Nationality." _Nation_, C (1915), 190-94, 217-20.
+
+(16) Gulick, Sidney L. _American Democracy and Asiatic Citizenship._ New
+York, 1918.
+
+(17) Talbot, Winthrop, editor. _Americanization._ Principles
+of Americanism; essentials of Americanization; technic of
+race-assimilation. New York, 1917. [Annotated bibliography.]
+
+(18) Stead, W. T. _The Americanization of the World._ Or the trend of
+the twentieth century. New York and London, 1901.
+
+(19) Aronovici, Carol. _Americanization._ St. Paul, 1919. [Also in
+_American Journal of Sociology_, XXV (1919-20), 695-730.]
+
+
+D. _Personal Documents_
+
+(1) Bridges, Horace. _On Becoming an American._ Some meditations of a
+newly naturalized immigrant. Boston, 1919.
+
+(2) Riis, Jacob A. _The Making of an American._ New York, 1901.
+
+(3) Rihbany, Abraham Mitrie. _A Far Journey._ Boston, 1914.
+
+(4) Hasanovitz, Elizabeth. _One of Them._ Chapters from a passionate
+autobiography. Boston, 1918.
+
+(5) Cohen, Rose. _Out of the Shadow._ New York, 1918.
+
+(6) Ravage, M. E. _An American in the Making._ The life-story of an
+immigrant. New York, 1917.
+
+(7) Cahan, Abraham. _The Rise of David Levinsky._ A novel. New York,
+1917.
+
+(8) Antin, Mary. _The Promised Land._ New York, 1912.
+
+(9) ----. _They Who Knock at Our Gates._ A complete gospel of
+immigration. New York, 1914.
+
+(10) Washington, Booker T. _Up from Slavery._ An autobiography. New
+York, 1901.
+
+(11) Steiner, Edward A. _From Alien to Citizen._ The story of my life in
+America. New York, 1914.
+
+(12) Stern, Mrs. Elizabeth Gertrude (Levin). _My Mother and I._ New
+York, 1919.
+
+(13) DuBois, W. E. Burghardt. _Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil._
+New York, 1920.
+
+(14) ----. _The Souls of Black Folk._ Essays and sketches. Chicago,
+1903.
+
+(15) Hapgood, Hutchins. _The Spirit of the Ghetto._ Studies of the
+Jewish quarter in New York. Rev. ed. New York, 1909.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. Race and Culture, and the Problem of the Relative Superiority and
+Inferiority of Races.
+
+2. The Relation of Assimilation to Amalgamation.
+
+3. The Mulatto as a Cultural Type.
+
+4. Language as a Means of Assimilation and a Basis of National
+Solidarity.
+
+5. History and Literature as Means for Preserving National Solidarity.
+
+6. Race Prejudice and Segregation in Their Relations to Assimilation and
+Accommodation.
+
+7. Domestic Slavery and the Assimilation of the Negro.
+
+8. A Study of Historical Experiments in Denationalization; the
+Germanization of Posen, the Russianization of Poland, the Japanese
+Policy in Korea, etc.
+
+9. The "Melting-Pot" versus "Hyphen" in Their Relation to
+Americanization.
+
+10. A Study of Policies, Programs, and Experiments in Americanization
+from the Standpoint of Sociology.
+
+11. The Immigrant Community as a Means of Americanization.
+
+12. The Process of Assimilation as Revealed in Personal Documents, as
+Antin, _The Promised Land_; Rihbany, _A Far Journey_; Ravage, _An
+American in the Making_; etc.
+
+13. Foreign Missions and Native Cultures.
+
+14. The Rôle of Assimilation and Accommodation in the Personal
+Development of the Individual Man.
+
+15. Assimilation and Accommodation in Their Relations to the Educational
+Process.
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. What do you understand Simons to mean by the term "assimilation"?
+
+2. What is the difference between amalgamation and assimilation?
+
+3. How are assimilation and amalgamation interrelated?
+
+4. What do you consider to be the difference between Trotter's
+explanation of human evolution and that of Crile?
+
+5. What do you understand Trotter to mean by the gregarious instinct as
+a mechanism controlling conduct?
+
+6. Of what significance is the distinction made by Trotter between (a)
+the three individual instincts, and (b) the gregarious instincts?
+
+7. What is the significance of material and non-material cultural
+elements for the study of race contact and intermixture?
+
+8. How do you explain the difference in rapidity of assimilation of the
+various types of cultural elements?
+
+9. What factors promoted and impeded the extension of Roman culture in
+Gaul?
+
+10. What social factors were involved in the origin of the French
+language?
+
+11. To what extent does the extension of a cultural language involve
+assimilation?
+
+12. In what sense do the cultural languages compete with each other?
+
+13. Do you agree with the prediction that within a century English will
+be the vernacular of a quarter of the people of the world? Justify your
+position.
+
+14. Does Park's definition of assimilation differ from that of Simons?
+
+15. What do you understand Park to mean when he says, "Social
+institutions are not founded in similarities any more than they are
+founded in differences, but in relations, and in the mutual
+interdependence of the parts"? What is the relation of this principle to
+the process of assimilation?
+
+16. What do you understand to be the difference between the type of
+assimilation (a) that makes for group solidarity and corporate action,
+and (b) that makes for formal like-mindedness? What conditions favor
+the one or the other type of assimilation?
+
+17. What do you understand by the term "Americanization"?
+
+18. Is there a difference between Americanization and Prussianization?
+
+19. With what programs of Americanization are you familiar? Are they
+adequate from the standpoint of the sociological interpretation of
+assimilation?
+
+20. In what way is language both a means and a product of assimilation?
+
+21. What is meant by the phrases "apperception mass," "universes of
+discourse," and "definitions of the situations"? What is their
+significance for assimilation?
+
+22. In what way does assimilation involve the mediation of individual
+differences?
+
+23. Does the segregation of immigrants make for or against assimilation?
+
+24. In what ways do primary and secondary contacts, imitation and
+suggestion, competition, conflict and accommodation, enter into the
+process of assimilation?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[241] Adapted from Sarah E. Simons, "Social Assimilation," in the
+_American Journal of Sociology_, VI (1901), 790-801.
+
+[242] Adapted from W. Trotter, "Herd Instinct," in the _Sociological
+Review_, I (1908), 231-42.
+
+[243] From W. H. R. Rivers, "The Ethnological Analysis of Culture," in
+_Nature_, LXXXVII (1911), 358-60.
+
+[244] From John H. Cornyn, "French Language," in the _Encyclopedia
+Americana_, XI (1919), 646-47.
+
+[245] Adapted from E. H. Babbitt, "The Geography of the Great
+Languages," in _World's Work_, XV (1907-8), 9903-7.
+
+[246] From Robert E. Park, "Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups," in
+the _Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1914),
+66-72.
+
+[247] The three selections under this heading are adapted from
+_Memorandum on Americanization_, prepared by the Division of Immigrant
+Heritages, of the Study of Methods of Americanization, of the Carnegie
+Corporation, New York City, 1919.
+
+[248] See chap. i, pp. 16-24.
+
+[249] See _Menighetskalenderen_. (Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg
+Publishing Co. 1917.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+SOCIAL CONTROL
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Social Control Defined
+
+Social control has been studied, but, in the wide extension that
+sociology has given to the term, it has not been defined. All social
+problems turn out finally to be problems of social control. In the
+introductory chapter to this volume social problems were divided into
+three classes: Problems (a) of administration, (b) of policy and
+polity, (c) of social forces and human nature.[250] Social control may
+be studied in each one of these categories. It is with social forces and
+human nature that sociology is mainly concerned. Therefore it is from
+this point of view that social control will be considered in this
+chapter.
+
+In the four preceding chapters the process of interaction, in its four
+typical forms, competition, conflict, accommodation, and assimilation,
+has been analyzed and described. The community and the natural order
+within the limits of the community, it appeared, are an effect of
+competition. Social control and the mutual subordination of individual
+members to the community have their origin in conflict, assume definite
+organized forms in the process of accommodation, and are consolidated
+and fixed in assimilation.
+
+Through the medium of these processes, a community assumes the form of a
+society. Incidentally, however, certain definite and quite spontaneous
+forms of social control are developed. These forms are familiar under
+various titles: tradition, custom, folkways, mores, ceremonial, myth,
+religious and political beliefs, dogmas and creeds, and finally public
+opinion and law. In this chapter it is proposed to define a little more
+accurately certain of these typical mechanisms through which social
+groups are enabled to act. In the chapter on "Collective Behavior" which
+follows, materials will be presented to exhibit the group in action.
+
+It is in action that the mechanisms of control are created, and the
+materials under the title "Collective Behavior" are intended to
+illustrate the stages, (a) social unrest, (b) mass movements, (c)
+institutions in which society is formed and reformed. Finally, in the
+chapter on "Progress," the relation of social change to social control
+will be discussed and the rôle of science and collective representations
+in the direction of social changes indicated.
+
+The most obvious fact about social control is the machinery by which
+laws are made and enforced, that is, the legislature, the courts, and
+the police. When we think of social control, therefore, these are the
+images in which we see it embodied and these are the terms in which we
+seek to define it.
+
+It is not quite so obvious that legislation and the police must, in the
+long run, have the support of public opinion. Hume's statement that
+governments, even the most despotic, have nothing but opinion to support
+them, cannot be accepted without some definition of terms, but it is
+essentially correct. Hume included under opinion what we would
+distinguish from it, namely, the mores. He might have added, using
+opinion in this broad sense, that the governed, no matter how numerous,
+are helpless unless they too are united by "opinion."
+
+A king or a political "boss," having an army or apolitical "machine" at
+his command, can do much. It is possible, also, to confuse or mislead
+public opinion, but neither the king nor the boss will, if he be wise,
+challenge the mores and the common sense of the community.
+
+Public opinion and the mores, however, representing as they do the
+responses of the community to changing situations, are themselves
+subject to change and variation. They are based, however, upon what we
+have called fundamental human nature, that is, certain traits which in
+some form or other are reproduced in every form of society.
+
+ During the past seventy years the various tribes, races, and
+ nationalities of mankind have been examined in detail by the
+ students of ethnology, and a comparison of the results shows
+ that the fundamental patterns of life and behavior are
+ everywhere the same, whether among the ancient Greeks, the
+ modern Italians, the Asiatic Mongols, the Australian blacks, or
+ the African Hottentots. All have a form of family life, moral
+ and legal regulations, a religious system, a form of
+ government, artistic practices, and so forth. An examination
+ of the moral code of any given group, say the African Kaffirs,
+ will disclose many identities with that of any other given
+ group, say the Hebrews. All groups have such "commandments" as
+ "Honor thy father and mother," "Thou shalt not kill," "Thou
+ shalt not steal." Formerly it was assumed that this similarity
+ was the result of borrowing between groups. When Bastian
+ recorded a Hawaiian myth resembling the one of Orpheus and
+ Eurydice, there was speculation as to how this story had been
+ carried so far from Greece. But it is now recognized that
+ similarities of culture are due, in the main, not to imitation,
+ but to parallel development. The nature of man is everywhere
+ essentially the same and tends to express itself everywhere in
+ similar sentiments and institutions.[251]
+
+There are factors in social control more fundamental than the mores.
+Herbert Spencer, in his chapter on "Ceremonial Government," has defined
+social control from this more fundamental point of view. In that chapter
+he refers to "the modified forms of action caused in men by the presence
+of their fellows" as a form of control "out of which other more definite
+controls are evolved." The spontaneous responses of one individual to
+the presence of another which are finally fixed, conventionalized, and
+transmitted as social ritual constitute that "primitive undifferentiated
+kind of government from which political and religious government are
+differentiated, and in which they continue immersed."
+
+In putting this emphasis upon ceremonial and upon those forms of
+behavior which spring directly and spontaneously out of the innate and
+instinctive responses of the individual to a social situation, Spencer
+is basing government on the springs of action which are fundamental, so
+far, at any rate, as sociology is concerned.
+
+
+2. Classification of the Materials
+
+The selections on social control have been classified under three heads:
+(a) elementary forms of social control, (b) public opinion, and
+(c) institutions. This order of the readings indicates the development
+of control from its spontaneous forms in the crowd, in ceremony,
+prestige, and taboo; its more explicit expression in gossip, rumor,
+news, and public opinion; to its more formal organization in law,
+dogma, and in religious and political institutions. Ceremonial, public
+opinion, and law are characteristic forms in which social life finds
+expression as well as a means by which the actions of the individual are
+co-ordinated and collective impulses are organized so that they issue in
+behavior, that is, either (a) primarily expressive--play, for
+example--or (b) positive action.
+
+A very much larger part of all human behavior than we ordinarily imagine
+is merely expressive. Art, play, religious exercises, and political
+activity are either wholly or almost wholly forms of expression, and
+have, therefore, that symbolic and ceremonial character which belongs
+especially to ritual and to art, but is characteristic of every activity
+carried on for its own sake. Only work, action which has some ulterior
+motive or is performed from a conscious sense of duty, falls wholly and
+without reservation into the second class.
+
+a) _Elementary forms of social control._--Control in the crowd, where
+rapport is once established and every individual is immediately
+responsive to every other, is the most elementary form of control.
+
+Something like this same direct and spontaneous response of the
+individual in the crowd to the crowd's dominant mood or impulse may be
+seen in the herd and the flock, the "animal crowd."
+
+Under the influence of the vague sense of alarm, or merely as an effect
+of heat and thirst, cattle become restless and begin slowly moving about
+in circles, "milling." This milling is a sort of collective gesture, an
+expression of discomfort or of fear. But the very expression of the
+unrest tends to intensify its expression and so increases the tension in
+the herd. This continues up to the point where some sudden sound, the
+firing of a pistol or a flash of lightning, plunges the herd into a wild
+stampede.
+
+Milling in the herd is a visible image of what goes on in subtler and
+less obvious ways in human societies. Alarms or discomforts frequently
+provoke social unrest. The very expression of this unrest tends to
+magnify it. The situation is a vicious circle. Every attempt to deal
+with it merely serves to aggravate it. Such a vicious circle we
+witnessed in our history from 1830 to 1861, when every attempt to deal
+with slavery served only to bring the inevitable conflict between the
+states nearer. Finally there transpired what had for twenty years been
+visibly preparing and the war broke.
+
+Tolstoi in his great historical romance, _War and Peace_, describes, in
+a manner which no historian has equaled, the events that led up to the
+Franco-Russian War of 1812, and particularly the manner in which
+Napoleon, in spite of his efforts to avoid it, was driven by social
+forces over which he had no control to declare war on Russia, and so
+bring about his own downfall.
+
+The condition under which France was forced by Bismarck to declare war
+on Prussia in 1870, and the circumstances under which Austria declared
+war on Serbia in 1914 and so brought on the world-war, exhibit the same
+fatal circle. In both cases, given the situation, the preparations that
+had been made, the resolutions formed and the agreements entered into,
+it seems clear that after a certain point had been reached every move
+was forced.
+
+This is the most fundamental and elementary form of control. It is the
+control exercised by the mere play of elemental forces. These forces
+may, to a certain extent, be manipulated, as is true of other natural
+forces; but within certain limits, human nature being what it is, the
+issue is fatally determined, just as, given the circumstances and the
+nature of cattle, a stampede is inevitable. Historical crises are
+invariably created by processes which, looked at abstractly, are very
+much like milling in a herd. The vicious circle is the so-called
+"psychological factor" in financial depressions and panics and is,
+indeed, a factor in all collective action.
+
+The effect of this circular form of interaction is to increase the
+tensions in the group and, by creating a state of expectancy, to
+mobilize its members for collective action. It is like the attention in
+the individual: it is the way in which the group prepares to act.
+
+Back of every other form of control--ceremonial, public opinion, or
+law--there is always this interaction of the elementary social forces.
+What we ordinarily mean by social control, however, is the arbitrary
+intervention of some individual--official, functionary, or leader--in
+the social process. A policeman arrests a criminal, an attorney sways
+the jury with his eloquence, the judge passes sentence; these are the
+familiar formal acts in which social control manifests itself. What
+makes the control exercised in this way social, in the strict sense of
+that term, is the fact that these acts are supported by custom, law, and
+public opinion.
+
+The distinction between control in the crowd and in other forms of
+society is that the crowd has no tradition. It has no point of reference
+in its own past to which its members can refer for guidance. It has
+therefore neither symbols, ceremonies, rites, nor ritual; it imposes no
+obligations and creates no loyalties.
+
+Ceremonial is one method of reviving in the group a lively sense of the
+past. It is a method of reinstating the excitements and the sentiments
+which inspired an earlier collective action. The savage war dance is a
+dramatic representation of battle and as such serves to rouse and
+reawaken the warlike spirit. This is one way in which ceremonial becomes
+a means of control. By reviving the memories of an earlier war, it
+mobilizes the warriors for a new one.
+
+Ernst Grosse, in _The Beginnings of Art_, has stated succinctly what has
+impressed all first-hand observers, namely, the important rôle which the
+dance plays in the lives of primitive peoples.
+
+ The dances of the hunting peoples are, as a rule, mass dances.
+ Generally the men of the tribe, not rarely the members of
+ several tribes, join in the exercises, and the whole assemblage
+ then moves according to one law in one time. All who have
+ described the dances have referred again and again to this
+ "wonderful" unison of the movements. In the heat of the dance
+ the several participants are fused together as into a single
+ being, which is stirred and moved as by one feeling. During the
+ dance they are in a condition of complete social unification,
+ and the dancing group feels and acts like a single organism.
+ _The social significance of the primitive dance lies precisely
+ in this effect of social unification._ It brings and accustoms
+ a number of men who, in their loose and precarious conditions
+ of life, are driven irregularly hither and thither by different
+ individual needs and desires, to act under one impulse with one
+ feeling for one object. It introduces order and connection, at
+ least occasionally, into the rambling, fluctuating life of the
+ hunting tribes. It is, besides wars, perhaps the only factor
+ that makes their solidarity vitally perceptible to the
+ adherents of a primitive tribe, and it is at the same time one
+ of the best preparations for war, for the gymnastic dances
+ correspond in more than one respect to our military exercises.
+ It would be hard to overestimate the importance of the
+ primitive dance in the culture development of mankind. All
+ higher civilization is conditioned upon the uniformly ordered
+ co-operation of individual social elements, and primitive men
+ are trained to this co-operation by the dance.[252]
+
+The dance, which is so characteristic and so universal a feature of the
+life of primitive man--at once a mode of collective expression and of
+collective representation--is but a conventionalized form of the
+circular reaction, which in its most primitive form is represented by
+the milling of the herd.
+
+b) _Public opinion._--We ordinarily think of public opinion as a sort
+of social weather. At certain times, and under certain circumstances, we
+observe strong, steady currents of opinion, moving apparently in a
+definite direction and toward a definite goal. At other times, however,
+we note flurries and eddies and counter-currents in this movement. Every
+now and then there are storms, shifts, or dead calms. These sudden
+shifts in public opinion, when expressed in terms of votes, are referred
+to by the politicians as "landslides."
+
+In all these movements, cross-currents and changes in direction which a
+closer observation of public opinion reveals, it is always possible to
+discern, but on a much grander scale, to be sure, that same type of
+circular reaction which we have found elsewhere, whenever the group was
+preparing to act. Always in the public, as in the crowd, there will be a
+circle, sometimes wider, sometimes narrower, within which individuals
+are mutually responsive to motives and interests of one another, so that
+out of this interplay of social forces there may emerge at any time a
+common motive and a common purpose that will dominate the whole.
+
+Within the circle of the mutual influence described, there will be no
+such complete rapport and no such complete domination of the individual
+by the group as exists in a herd or a crowd in a state of excitement,
+but there will be sufficient community of interest to insure a common
+understanding. A public is, in fact, organized on the basis of a
+universe of discourse, and within the limits of this universe of
+discourse, language, statements of fact, news will have, for all
+practical purposes, the same meanings. It is this circle of mutual
+influence within which there is a universe of discourse that defines the
+limits of the public.
+
+A public like the crowd is not to be conceived as a formal organization
+like a parliament or even a public meeting. It is always the widest area
+over which there is conscious participation and consensus in the
+formation of public opinion. The public has not only a circumference,
+but it has a center. Within the area within which there is
+participation and consensus there is always a focus of attention around
+which the opinions of the individuals which compose the public seem to
+revolve. This focus of attention, under ordinary circumstances, is
+constantly shifting. The shifts of attention of the public constitute
+what is meant by the changes in public opinion. When these changes take
+a definite direction and have or seem to have a definite goal, we call
+the phenomenon a social movement. If it were possible to plot this
+movement in the form of maps and graphs, it would be possible to show
+movement in two dimensions. There would be, for example, a movement in
+space. The focus of public opinion, the point namely at which there is
+the greatest "intensity" of opinion, tends to move from one part of the
+country to another.[253] In America these movements, for reasons that
+could perhaps be explained historically, are likely to be along the
+meridians, east and west, rather than north and south. In the course of
+this geographical movement of public opinion, however, we are likely to
+observe changes in intensity and changes in direction (devagation).
+
+ Changes in intensity seem to be in direct proportion to the
+ area over which opinion on a given issue may be said to exist.
+ In minorities opinion is uniformly more intense than it is in
+ majorities and this is what gives minorities so much greater
+ influence in proportion to their numbers than majorities. While
+ changes in intensity have a definite relation to the area over
+ which public opinion on an issue may be said to exist, the
+ devagations of public opinion, as distinguished from the trend,
+ will probably turn out to have a direct relation to the
+ character of the parties that participate. Area as applied to
+ public opinion will have to be measured eventually in terms of
+ social rather than geographical distance, that is to say, in
+ terms of isolation and contact. The factor of numbers is also
+ involved in any such calculation. Geographical area,
+ communication, and the number of persons involved are in
+ general the factors that would determine the concept "area" as
+ it is used here. If party spirit is strong the general
+ direction or trend of public opinion will probably be
+ intersected by shifts and sudden transient changes in
+ direction, and these shifts will be in proportion to the
+ intensity of the party spirit. Charles E. Merriam's recent
+ study of political parties indicates that the minority parties
+ formulate most of the legislation in the United States.[254]
+ This is because there is not very great divergence in the
+ policies of the two great parties and party struggles are
+ fought out on irrelevant issues. So far as this is true it
+ insures against any sudden change in policy. New legislation is
+ adopted in response to the trend of public opinion, rather than
+ in response to the devagations and sudden shifts brought about
+ by the development of a radical party spirit.
+
+All these phenomena may be observed, for example, in the Prohibition
+Movement. Dicey's study of _Law and Public Opinion in England_ showed
+that while the direction of opinion in regard to specific issues had
+been very irregular, on the whole the movement had been in one general
+direction. The trend of public opinion is the name we give to this
+general movement. In defining the trend, shifts, cross-currents, and
+flurries are not considered. When we speak of the tendency or direction
+of public opinion we usually mean the trend over a definite period of
+time.
+
+When the focus of public attention ceases to move and shift, when it is
+fixed, the circle which defines the limits of the public is narrowed. As
+the circle narrows, opinion itself becomes more intense and
+concentrated. This is the phenomenon of crisis. It is at this point that
+the herd stampedes.
+
+The effect of crisis is invariably to increase the dangers of
+precipitate action. The most trivial incident, in such periods of
+tension, may plunge a community into irretrievable disaster. It is under
+conditions of crisis that dictatorships are at once possible and
+necessary, not merely to enable the community to act energetically, but
+in order to protect the community from the mere play of external forces.
+The manner in which Bismarck, by a slight modification of the famous
+telegram of Ems, provoked a crisis in France and compelled Napoleon III,
+against his judgment and that of his advisers, to declare war on
+Germany, is an illustration of this danger.[255]
+
+It is this narrowing of the area over which a definite public opinion
+may be said to exist that at once creates the possibility and defines
+the limits of arbitrary control, so far as it is created or determined
+by the existence of public opinion.
+
+Thus far the public has been described almost wholly in terms that could
+be applied to a crowd. The public has been frequently described as if it
+were simply a great crowd, a crowd scattered as widely as news will
+circulate and still be news.[256] But there is this difference. In the
+heat and excitement of the crowd, as in the choral dances of primitive
+people, there is for the moment what may be described as complete fusion
+of the social forces. Rapport has, for the time being, made the crowd,
+in a peculiarly intimate way, a social unit.
+
+No such unity exists in the public. The sentiment and tendencies which
+we call public opinion are never unqualified expressions of emotion. The
+difference is that public opinion is determined by conflict and
+discussion, and made up of the opinions of individuals not wholly at
+one. In any conflict situation, where party spirit is aroused, the
+spectators, who constitute the public, are bound to take sides. The
+impulse to take sides is, in fact, in direct proportion to the
+excitement and party spirit displayed. The result is, however, that both
+sides of an issue get considered. Certain contentions are rejected
+because they will not stand criticism. Public opinion formed in this way
+has the character of a judgment, rather than a mere unmeditated
+expression of emotion, as in the crowd. The public is never ecstatic. It
+is always more or less rational. It is this fact of conflict, in the
+form of discussion, that introduces into the control exercised by public
+opinion the elements of rationality and of fact.
+
+In the final judgment of the public upon a conflict or an issue, we
+expect, to be sure, some sort of unanimity of judgment, but in the
+general consensus there will be some individual differences of opinion
+still unmediated, or only partially so, and final agreement of the
+public will be more or less qualified by all the different opinions that
+co-operated to form its judgment.
+
+In the materials which follow a distinction is made between public
+opinion and the mores, and this distinction is important. Custom and the
+folkways, like habit in the individual, may be regarded as a mere
+residuum of past practices. When folkways assume the character of mores,
+they are no longer merely matters of fact and common sense, they are
+judgments upon matters which were probably once live issues and as such
+they may be regarded as the products of public opinion.
+
+Ritual, religious or social, is probably the crystallization of forms of
+behavior which, like the choral dance, are the direct expression of the
+emotions and the instincts. The mores, on the other hand, in so far as
+they contain a rational element, are the accumulations, the residuum,
+not only of past practices, but of judgments such as find expression in
+public opinion. The mores, as thus conceived, are the judgments of
+public opinion in regard to issues that have been settled and forgotten.
+
+L. T. Hobhouse, in his volume, _Morals in Evolution_, has described, in
+a convincing way, the process by which, as he conceives it, custom is
+modified and grows under the influence of the personal judgments of
+individuals and of the public. Public opinion, as he defines it, is
+simply the combined and sublimated judgments of individuals.
+
+Most of these judgments are, to be sure, merely the repetition of old
+formulas. But occasionally, when the subject of discussion touches us
+more deeply, when it touches upon some matter in which we have had a
+deeper and more intimate experience, the ordinary patter that passes as
+public opinion is dissipated and we originate a moral judgment that not
+only differs from, but is in conflict with, the prevailing opinion. In
+that case "we become, as it were, centers from which judgments of one
+kind or another radiate and from which they pass forth to fill the
+atmosphere of opinion and take their place among the influences that
+mould the judgments of men."
+
+The manner in which public opinion issues from the interaction of
+individuals, and moral judgments are formed that eventually become the
+basis of law, may be gathered from the way in which the process goes on
+in the daily life about us.
+
+ No sooner has the judgment escaped us--a winged word from our
+ own lips--than it impinges on the judgment similarly flying
+ forth to do its work from our next-door neighbor, and if the
+ subject is an exciting one the air is soon full of the winged
+ forces clashing, deflecting or reinforcing one another as the
+ case may be, and generally settling down toward some
+ preponderating opinion which is society's judgment on the case.
+ But in the course of the conflict many of the original
+ judgments are modified. Discussion, further consideration,
+ above all, the mere influence of our neighbour's opinion reacts
+ on each of us, with a stress that is proportioned to various
+ mental and moral characteristics of our own, our clearness of
+ vision, our firmness, or, perhaps, obstinacy of character, our
+ self-confidence, and so forth. Thus, the controversy will tend
+ to leave its mark, small or great, on those who took part in
+ it. It will tend to modify their modes of judgment, confirming
+ one, perhaps, in his former ways, shaping the confidence of
+ another, opening the eyes of a third. Similarly, it will tend
+ to set a precedent for future judgments. It will affect what
+ men say and think on the next question that turns up. It adds
+ its weight, of one grain it may be, to some force that is
+ turning the scale of opinion and preparing society for some new
+ departure. In any case, we have here in miniature at work every
+ day before our eyes the essential process by which moral
+ judgments arise and grow.[257]
+
+c) _Institutions._--An institution, according to Sumner, consists of a
+concept and a structure. The concept defines the purpose, interest, or
+function of the institution. The structure embodies the idea of the
+institution and furnishes the instrumentalities through which the idea
+is put into action. The process by which purposes, whether they are
+individual or collective, are embodied in structures is a continuous
+one. But the structures thus formed are not physical, at least not
+entirely so. Structure, in the sense that Sumner uses the term, belongs,
+as he says, to a category of its own. "It is a category in which custom
+produces continuity, coherence, and consistency, so that the word
+'structure' may properly be applied to the fabric of relations and
+prescribed positions with which functions are permanently connected."
+Just as every individual member of a community participates in the
+process by which custom and public opinion are made, so also he
+participates in the creation of the structure, that "cake of custom"
+which, when it embodies a definite social function, we call an
+institution.
+
+Institutions may be created just as laws are enacted, but only when a
+social situation exists to which they correspond will they become
+operative and effective. Institutions, like laws, rest upon the mores
+and are supported by public opinion. Otherwise they remain mere paper
+projects or artefacts that perform no real function. History records the
+efforts of conquering peoples to impose upon the conquered their own
+laws and institutions. The efforts are instructive, but not encouraging.
+The most striking modern instance is the effort of King Leopold of
+Belgium to introduce civilization into the Congo Free State.[258]
+
+Law, like public opinion, owes its rational and secular character to the
+fact that it arose out of an effort to compromise conflict and to
+interpret matters which were in dispute.
+
+To seek vengeance for a wrong committed was a natural impulse, and the
+recognition of this fact in custom established it not merely as a right
+but as a duty. War, the modern form of trial by battle, the vendetta,
+and the duel are examples that have survived down to modern times of
+this natural and primitive method of settling disputes.
+
+In all these forms of conflict custom and the mores have tended to limit
+the issues and define the conditions under which disputes might be
+settled by force. At the same time public opinion, in passing judgment
+on the issues, exercised a positive influence on the outcome of the
+struggle.
+
+Gradually, as men realized the losses which conflicts incurred, the
+community has intervened to prevent them. At a time when the blood feud
+was still sanctioned by the mores, cities of refuge and sanctuaries were
+established to which one who had incurred a blood feud might flee until
+his case could be investigated. If it then appeared that the wrong
+committed had been unintentional or if there were other mitigating
+circumstances, he might find in the sanctuary protection. Otherwise, if
+a crime had been committed in cold blood, "lying in wait," or "in
+enmity," as the ancient Jewish law books called it, he might be put to
+death by the avenger of blood, "when he meeteth him."[259]
+
+Thus, gradually, the principle became established that the community
+might intervene, not merely to insure that vengeance was executed in due
+form, but to determine the facts, and thus courts which determined by
+legal process the guilt or innocence of the accused were established.
+
+It does not appear that courts of justice were ever set up within the
+kinship group for the trial of offenses, although efforts were made
+there first of all, by the elders and the headmen, to compromise
+quarrels and compose differences.
+
+Courts first came into existence, the evidence indicates, when society
+was organized over wider areas and after some authority had been
+established outside of the local community. As society was organized
+over a wider territory, control was extended to ever wider areas of
+human life until we have at present a program for international courts
+with power to intervene between nations to prevent wars.[260]
+
+Society, like the individual man, moves and acts under the influence of
+a multitude of minor impulses and tendencies which mutually interact to
+produce a more general tendency which then dominates all the individuals
+of the group. This explains the fact that a group, even a mere casual
+collection of individuals like a crowd, is enabled to act more or less
+as a unit. The crowd acts under the influence of such a dominant
+tendency, unreflectively, without definite reference to a past or a
+future. The crowd has no past and no future. The public introduces into
+this vortex of impulses the factor of reflection. The public presupposes
+the existence of a common impulse such as manifests itself in the crowd,
+but it presupposes, also, the existence of individuals and groups of
+individuals representing divergent tendencies. These individuals
+interact upon one another _critically_. The public is, what the crowd is
+not, a discussion group. The very existence of discussion presupposes
+objective standards of truth and of fact. The action of the public is
+based on a universe of discourse in which things, although they may and
+do have for every individual somewhat different value, are describable
+at any rate in terms that mean the same to all individuals. The public,
+in other words, moves in an objective and intelligible world.
+
+Law is based on custom. Custom is group habit. As the group acts it
+creates custom. There is implicit in custom a conception and a rule of
+action, which is regarded as right and proper in the circumstances. Law
+makes this rule of action explicit. Law grows up, however, out of a
+distinction between this rule of action and the facts. Custom is bound
+up with the facts under which the custom grew up. Law is the result of
+an effort to frame the rule of action implicit in custom in such general
+terms that it can be made to apply to new situations, involving new sets
+of facts. This distinction between the law and the facts did not exist
+in primitive society. The evolution of law and jurisprudence has been in
+the direction of an increasingly clearer recognition of this distinction
+between law and the facts. This has meant in practice an increasing
+recognition by the courts of the facts, and a disposition to act in
+accordance with them. The present disposition of courts, as, for
+example, the juvenile courts, to call to their assistance experts to
+examine the mental condition of children who are brought before them and
+to secure the assistance of juvenile-court officers to advise and assist
+them in the enforcement of the law, is an illustration of an increasing
+disposition to take account of the facts.
+
+The increasing interest in the natural history of the law and of legal
+institutions, and the increasing disposition to interpret it in
+sociological terms, from the point of view of its function, is another
+evidence of the same tendency.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. ELEMENTARY FORMS OF SOCIAL CONTROL
+
+
+1. Control in the Crowd and the Public[261]
+
+In August, 1914, I was a cowboy on a ranch in the interior of British
+Columbia. How good a cowboy I would not undertake to say, because if
+there were any errands off the ranch the foreman seemed better able to
+spare me for them than anyone else in the outfit.
+
+One ambition, and one only, possessed me in those days. And it was not
+to own the ranch! All in the world I wanted was to accumulate money
+enough to carry me to San Francisco when the Panama exposition opened in
+the autumn. After that I didn't care. It would be time enough to worry
+about another job when I had seen the fair.
+
+Ordinarily I was riding the range five days in the week. Saturdays I was
+sent on a 35-mile round trip for the mail. It was the most delightful
+day of them all for me. The trail lay down the valley of the Fraser and
+although I had been riding it for months it still wove a spell over me
+that never could be broken. Slipping rapidly by as though escaping to
+the sea from the grasp of the hills that hemmed it in on all sides, the
+river always fascinated me. It was new every time I reached its edge.
+
+An early Saturday morning in August found me jogging slowly along the
+trail to Dog Creek. Dog Creek was our post-office and trading-center.
+This morning, however, my mind was less on the beauties of the Fraser
+than on the Dog Creek hotel. Every week I had my dinner there before
+starting in mid-afternoon on my return to the ranch, and this day had
+succeeded one of misunderstanding with "Cookie" wherein all the boys of
+our outfit had come off second-best. I was hungry and that dinner at the
+hotel was going to taste mighty good. Out there on the range we had
+heard rumors of a war in Europe. We all talked it over in the evening
+and decided it was another one of those fights that were always starting
+in the Balkans. One had just been finished a few months before and we
+thought it was about time another was under way, so we gave the matter
+no particular thought. But when I got within sight of Dog Creek I knew
+something was up. The first thing I heard was that somebody had
+retreated from Mons and that the Germans were chasing them. So, the
+Germans were fighting anyway. Then a big Indian came up to me as I was
+getting off my pony and told me England's big white chief was going to
+war, or had gone, he wasn't certain which, but he was going too. Would
+I?
+
+I laughed at him. "What do you mean, go to war?" I asked him.
+
+I wasn't English; I wasn't Canadian. I was from the good old U.S.A. and
+from all we could understand the States were neutral. So, I reasoned, I
+ought to be neutral too, and I went in to see what there might be to
+eat.
+
+There was plenty of excitement in the dining-room. Under its influence I
+began to look at the thing in a different light. While I was an alien, I
+had lived in Canada. I had enjoyed her hospitality. Much of my education
+was acquired in a Canadian school. Canadians were among my dearest
+friends. Some of these very fellows, there in Dog Creek, were "going
+down" to enlist.
+
+All the afternoon we argued about it. Politics, economics, diplomacy;
+none of them entered into the question. In fact we hadn't the faintest
+idea what the war was all about. Our discussion hinged solely on what
+we, personally, ought to do. England was at war. She had sent out a call
+to all the Empire for men; for help. Dog Creek heard and was going to
+answer that call. Even if I were an alien I had been in that district
+for more than a year and I owed it to Dog Creek and the district to join
+up with the rest. By that time I wanted to go. I was crazy to go! It
+would be great to see London and maybe Paris and some of the other
+famous old towns--if the war lasted long enough for us to get over
+there. I began to bubble over with enthusiasm, just thinking about it.
+So I made an appointment with some of the boys for the next evening,
+rode back to the ranch and threw the mail and my job at the foreman.
+
+A week later we were in Vancouver. Then things began to get plainer--to
+some of the fellows. We heard of broken treaties, "scraps of paper,"
+"Kultur," the rights of nations, big and small, "freedom of the seas,"
+and other phrases that meant less than nothing to most of us. It was
+enough for me, then, that the country which had given me the protection
+of its laws wanted to help England. I trusted the government to know
+what it was doing. Before we were in town an hour we found ourselves at
+a recruiting office. By the simple expedient of moving my birthplace a
+few hundred miles north I became a Canadian and a member of the
+expeditionary force--a big word with a big meaning. Christmas came and I
+was in a well-trained battalion of troops with no more knowledge of the
+war than the retreat from Mons, the battles of the Marne and the Aisne,
+and an occasional newspaper report of the capture of a hundred thousand
+troops here and a couple of hundred thousand casualties somewhere else.
+We knew, at that rate, it couldn't possibly last until we got to the
+other side, but we prayed loudly that it would. In April we heard of the
+gassing of the first Canadians at Ypres. Then the casualty lists from
+that field arrived and hit Vancouver with a thud. Instantly a change
+came over the city. Before that day, war had been a romance, a thing far
+away about which to read and over which to wave flags. It was
+intangible, impersonal. It was the same attitude the States exhibited in
+the autumn of '17. Then suddenly it became real. This chap and that
+chap; a neighbor boy, a fellow from the next block or the next desk.
+Dead! Gassed! This was war; direct, personal, where you could count the
+toll among your friends. Personally, I thought that what the Germans had
+done was a terrible thing and I wondered what kind of people they might
+be that they could, without warning, deliver such a foul blow. In a
+prize ring the Kaiser would have lost the decision then and there. We
+wondered about gas and discussed it by the hour in our barracks. Some of
+us, bigger fools than the rest, insisted that the German nation would
+repudiate its army. But days went by and nothing of the kind occurred.
+It was then I began to take my soldiering a little more seriously. If a
+nation wanted to win a war so badly that it would damn its good name
+forever by using means ruled by all humanity as beyond the bounds of
+civilized warfare, it must have a very big object in view. And I
+started--late it is true--to obtain some clue to those objects.
+
+May found us at our port of embarkation for the voyage to England. The
+news of the "Lusitania" came over the wires and that evening our convoy
+steamed. For the first time, I believe, I fully realized I was a soldier
+in the greatest war of all the ages.
+
+Between poker, "blackjack," and "crown and anchor" with the crew, we
+talked over the two big things that had happened in our soldier
+lives--gas and the "Lusitania." And to these we later added liquid fire.
+
+Our arguments, our logic, may have been elemental, but I insist they
+struck at the root. I may sum them up thus: Germany was not using the
+methods of fighting that could be countenanced by a civilized nation. As
+the nation stood behind its army in all this barbarism, there must be
+something inherently lacking in it despite its wonderful music, its
+divine poetry, its record in the sciences. It, too, must be barbarian at
+heart. We agreed that if it should win this war it would be very
+uncomfortable to belong to one of the allied nations, or even to live in
+the world at all, since it was certain German manners and German methods
+would not improve with victory. And we, as a battalion, were ready to
+take our places in France to back up our words with deeds.
+
+A week or so later we landed in England. A marked change had come over
+the men since the day we left Halifax. Then most of us regarded the
+whole war, or our part in it, as more or less of a lark. On landing we
+were still for a lark, but something else had come into our
+consciousness. We were soldiers fighting for a cause--a cause clear cut
+and well defined--the saving of the world from a militarily mad country
+without a conscience. At our camp in England we saw those boys of the
+first division who had stood in their trenches in front of Ypres one
+bright April morning and watched with great curiosity a peculiar looking
+bank of fog roll toward them from the enemy's line. It rolled into their
+trenches, and in a second those men were choking and gasping for breath.
+Their lungs filled with the rotten stuff, and they were dying by dozens
+in the most terrible agony, beating off even as they died a part of the
+"brave" Prussian army as it came up behind those gas clouds; came up
+with gas masks on and bayonets dripping with the blood of men lying on
+the ground fighting, true, but for breath. A great army, that Prussian
+army! And what a "glorious" victory! Truly should the Hun be proud! So
+far as I am concerned, Germany did not lose the war at the battle of the
+Marne, at the Aisne, or at the Yser. She lost it there at Ypres, on
+April 22, 1915. It is no exaggeration when I say our eagerness to work,
+to complete our training, to learn how to kill, so we could take our
+places in the line, and help fight off those mad people, grew by the
+hour. _They_ stiffened our backs and made us fighting mad. We saw what
+they had done to our boys from Canada; they and their gas. The effect on
+our battalion was the effect on the whole army, and, I am quite sure, on
+the rest of the world. They put themselves beyond the pale. They
+compelled the world to look on them as mad dogs, and to treat them as
+mad dogs. We trained in England until August, when we went to France. To
+all outward appearances we were still happy, carefree soldiers, all out
+for a good time. We were happy! We were happy we were there, and down
+deep there was solid satisfaction, not on account of the
+different-colored books that were issuing from every chancellory in
+Europe, but from a feeling rooted in white men's hearts, backed by the
+knowledge of Germany's conduct, that we were there in a righteous cause.
+Our second stop in our march toward the line was a little village which
+had been occupied by the Boches in their mad dash toward Paris. Our
+billet was a farm just on the edge of the village. The housewife
+permitted us in her kitchen to do our cooking, at the same time selling
+us coffee. We stayed there two or three days and became quite friendly
+with her, even if she did scold us for our muddy boots. Two pretty
+little kiddies played around the house, got in the way, were scolded and
+spanked and in the next instant loved to death by Madame. Then she would
+parade them before a picture of a clean-cut looking Frenchman in the
+uniform of the army, and say something about "après la guerre." In a
+little crib to one side of the room was a tiny baby, neglected by
+Madame, except that she bathed and fed it. The neglect was so pronounced
+that our curiosity was aroused. The explanation came through the
+_estaminet_ gossip, and later from Madame herself. A Hun captain of
+cavalry had stayed there a few days in August, '14, and not only had he
+allowed his detachment full license in the village, but had abused his
+position in the house in the accustomed manner of his bestial class. As
+Madame told us her story; how her husband had rushed off to his unit
+with the first call for reserves, leaving her alone with two children,
+and how the blond beast had come, our fists clenched and we boiled with
+rage. That is German war! but it is not all. What will be the stories
+that come out of what is now occupied France? This Frenchwoman's story
+was new to us then, but, like other things in the war, as we moved
+through the country it became common enough, with here and there a
+revolting detail more horrible than anything we had heard before.
+
+Now and then Germany expresses astonishment at the persistence of the
+British and the French. They are a funny people, the Germans. There are
+so many things they do not, perhaps cannot, understand. They never could
+understand why Americans, such as myself, who enlisted in a spirit of
+adventure, and with not a single thought on the justice of the cause,
+could experience such a marked change of feeling as to regard this
+conflict as the most holy crusade in which a man could engage. It is a
+holy crusade! Never in the history of the world was the cause of right
+more certainly on the side of an army than it is today on the side of
+the allies: We who have been through the furnace of France know this. I
+only say what every other American who has been fighting under an alien
+flag said when our country came in: "Thank God we have done it. Some
+boy, Wilson, believe me!"
+
+
+2. Ceremonial Control[262]
+
+If, disregarding conduct that is entirely private, we consider only that
+species of conduct which involves direct relations with other persons;
+and if under the name government we include all control of conduct,
+however arising; then we must say that the earliest kind of government,
+the most general kind of government, and the government which is ever
+spontaneously recommencing, is the government of ceremonial observance.
+This kind of government, besides preceding other kinds, and besides
+having in all places and times approached nearer to universality of
+influence, has ever had, and continues to have, the largest share in
+regulating men's lives.
+
+Proof that the modifications of conduct called "manners" and "behavior"
+arise before those which political and religious restraints cause is
+yielded by the fact that, besides preceding social evolution, they
+precede human evolution: they are traceable among the higher animals.
+The dog afraid of being beaten comes crawling up to his master clearly
+manifesting the desire to show submission. Nor is it solely to human
+beings that dogs use such propitiatory actions. They do the like one to
+another. All have occasionally seen how, on the approach of some
+formidable Newfoundland or mastiff, a small spaniel, in the extremity of
+its terror, throws itself on its back with legs in the air. Clearly
+then, besides certain modes of behavior expressing affection, which are
+established still earlier in creatures lower than man, there are
+established certain modes of behavior expressing subjection.
+
+After recognizing this fact, we shall be prepared to recognize the fact
+that daily intercourse among the lowest savages, whose small loose
+groups, scarcely to be called social, are without political or religious
+regulation, is under a considerable amount of ceremonial regulation. No
+ruling agency beyond that arising from personal superiority
+characterizes a horde of Australians; but every such horde has
+imperative observances. Strangers meeting must remain some time silent;
+a mile from an encampment approach has to be heralded by loud _cooeys_;
+a green bough is used as an emblem of peace; and brotherly feeling is
+indicated by exchange of names. Ceremonial control is highly developed
+in many places where other forms of control are but rudimentary. The
+wild Comanche "exacts the observance of his rules of etiquette from
+strangers," and "is greatly offended" by any breach of them. When
+Araucanians meet, the inquiries, felicitations, and condolences which
+custom demands are so elaborate that "the formality occupies ten or
+fifteen minutes."
+
+That ceremonial restraint, preceding other forms of restraint, continues
+ever to be the most widely diffused form of restraint we are shown by
+such facts as that in all intercourse between members of each society,
+the decisively governmental actions are usually prefaced by this
+government of observances. The embassy may fail, negotiation may be
+brought to a close by war, coercion of one society by another may set up
+wider political rule with its peremptory commands; but there is
+habitually this more general and vague regulation of conduct preceding
+the more special and definite. So within a community acts of relatively
+stringent control coming from ruling agencies, civil and religious,
+begin with and are qualified by this ceremonial control which not only
+initiates but in a sense envelops all other. Functionaries,
+ecclesiastical and political, coercive as their proceedings may be,
+conform them in large measure to the requirements of courtesy. The
+priest, however arrogant his assumption, makes a civil salute; and the
+officer of the law performs his duty subject to certain propitiatory
+words and movements.
+
+Yet another indication of primordialism may be named. This species of
+control establishes itself anew with every fresh relation among
+individuals. Even between intimates greetings signifying continuance of
+respect begin each renewal of intercourse. And in the presence of a
+stranger, say in a railway carriage, a certain self-restraint, joined
+with some small act like the offer of a newspaper, shows the spontaneous
+rise of a propitiatory behavior such as even the rudest of mankind are
+not without. So that the modified forms of action caused in men by the
+presence of their fellows constitute that comparatively vague control
+out of which other more definite controls are evolved--the primitive
+undifferentiated kind of government from which the political and
+religious governments are differentiated, and in which they ever
+continue immersed.
+
+
+3. Prestige[263]
+
+Originally _prestige_--here, too, etymology proves to be an _enfant
+terrible_--means delusion. It is derived from the Latin _praestigiae_
+(_-arum_)--though it is found in the forms _praestigia_ (_-ae_) and
+_praestigium_ (_-ii_) too: the juggler himself (dice-player,
+rope-walker, "strong man," etc.) was called _praestigiator_ (_-oris_).
+Latin authors and mediaeval writers of glossaries took the word to mean
+"deceptive juggling tricks," and, as far as we know, did not use it in
+its present signification. The _praestigiator_ threw dice or put coins
+on a table, then passed them into a small vessel or box, moved the
+latter about quickly and adroitly, till finally, when you thought they
+were in a certain place, the coins turned up somewhere else: "The
+looker-on is deceived by such innocent tricks, being often inclined to
+presume the sleight of hand to be nothing more or less than magic art."
+
+The practice of French writers in the oldest times was, so far as we
+have been able to discover, to use the word _prestige_ at first in the
+signification above assigned to the Latin "praestigiae" (_prestige_,
+_prestigiateur_, _-trice_, _prestigieux_). The use of the word was not
+restricted to the prestige of prophets, conjurers, demons, but was
+transferred by analogy to delusions the cause of which is not regarded
+any longer as supernatural. Diderot actually makes mention of the
+prestige of harmony. The word "prestige" became transfigured, ennobled,
+and writers and orators refined it so as to make it applicable to
+analogies of the remotest character. Rousseau refers to the prestige of
+our passions, which dazzles the intellect and deceives wisdom. Prestige
+is the name continually given to every kind of spell, the effect of
+which reminds us of "prestige" ("cet homme exerce une influence que
+rassemble à une prestige"--Littre), and to all magic charms and
+attractive power which is capable of dulling the intellect while it
+enhances sensation. We may read of the prestige of fame, of the power
+which, in default of prestige, is brute force; in 1869 numberless
+placards proclaimed through the length and breadth of Paris that
+Bourbeau, Minister of Public Instruction, though reputed to be a
+splendid lawyer, "lacked prestige"--"Bourbeau manque de prestige." The
+English and German languages make use of the word in the latter meaning
+as opposed to the imaginary virtue of the conjurer; the same
+signification is applied, generally speaking, to the Italian and Spanish
+_prestigio_, only that the Italian _prestigiáo_ and the Spanish
+_prestigiador_, just like the French _prestigiateur_, have, as opposed
+to the more recent meaning, kept the older significance; neither of them
+means anything more or less than conjurer or juggler.
+
+The market clown, the rope-walker, the sword-swallower, the reciter of
+long poems, the clever manipulator who defies imitation--all possess
+prestige: but on the other hand, prestige surrounds demoniacal spells,
+wizardry, and all effectiveness not comprehensible by logic.
+
+We state something of someone when we say that he possesses prestige;
+but our statement is not clear, and the predicate cannot be
+distinguished from the subject. Of what is analysable, well-known,
+commonplace, or what we succeed in understanding thoroughly, in
+attaining or imitating, we do not say that it possesses prestige.
+
+What is the relation between _prestige_ and _prejudice_? When what is
+unintelligible, or mysterious, is at one time received with enthusiasm,
+at another with indignation, _what renders necessary these two extreme
+sentiments of appreciation_ which, though appearing under apparently
+identical circumstances, are diametrically opposed to one another?
+
+The most general form of social prejudice is that of race. A _foreigner_
+is received with prejudice, conception, or prestige. If we put
+"conception" aside, we find prejudice and prestige facing one another.
+We see this split most clearly demonstrated if we observe the
+differences of conduct in the reception of strangers by primitive
+peoples. In Yrjö Hirn's _Origins of Art_ we are told that those
+travellers who have learned the tongues of savages have often observed
+that their persons were made the subjects of extemporized poems by the
+respective savages. Sometimes these verses are of a derisive character;
+at other times they glorify the white man. When do they deride, when
+glorify?
+
+Where strong prejudice values are present, as in the case of Negroes,
+every conception of equality and nationalism incorporated in the
+statute-book is perverted. All that _appears_ permanently divergent is
+made the subject of damnatory prejudice; and the more apparent and
+seeming, the more primitive the impression that restrains, the more
+general the prejudice; smell affects more keenly than form, and form
+more than mode of thought. If a member of a nation is not typical, but
+exercises an exclusive, personal impression on us, he possesses
+prestige; if he is typical, he is indifferent to us, or we look down
+upon him and consider him comical. To sum up: the stranger whom we feel
+to be divergent as compared with ourselves is indifferent or the object
+of prejudice; the stranger whom we feel ourselves unable to measure by
+our own standard, whose measure--not his qualities--we feel to be
+different, we receive with prestige. We look with prejudice on the
+stranger whom we dissociate, and receive with prestige the stranger who
+is dissociated.
+
+Even in the animal world we come across individuals consistently treated
+with deference, of which, in his work on the psychical world of animals,
+Perty has plenty to tell us: "Even in the animal world," he says, "there
+are certain eminent individuals, which in comparison with the other
+members of their species show a superiority of capability, brain power,
+and force of will, and obtain a _predominance_ over the other animals."
+Cuvier observed the same in the case of a buck which had only one horn;
+Grant tells us of a certain ourang-outang which got the upper hand of
+the rest of the monkeys and often threatened them with the stick; from
+Naumann we hear of a clever crane which ruled over all the domestic
+animals and quickly settled any quarrels that arose among them. Far more
+important than these somewhat obscure observations is the peculiar
+social mechanism of the animal world to be found in the mechanical
+following of the leaders of flocks and herds. But this obedience is so
+conspicuously instinctive, so genuine, and so little varying in
+substance and intensity, that it can hardly be identified with prestige.
+Bees are strong royalists; but the extent to which their selection of a
+queen is instinctive and strictly exclusive is proved by the fact that
+the smell of a strange queen forced on them makes them hate her; they
+kill her or torture her--though the same working bees prefer to die of
+hunger rather than allow their own queen to starve.
+
+Things are radically changed when animals are brought face to face with
+man. Some animals sympathize with men, and like to take part in their
+hunting and fighting, as the dog and the horse; others subject
+themselves as a result of force. Consequently men have succeeded in
+_domesticating_ a number of species of animals. It is here that we find
+the first traces, in the animal world, of phenomena, reactions of
+conduct in the course of development, which, to a certain extent, remind
+us of the reception of prestige. The behaviour of a dog, says Darwin,
+which returns to its master after being absent--or the conduct of a
+monkey, when it returns to its beloved keeper--_is far different from
+what these animals display towards beings of the same order as
+themselves_. In the latter case the expressions of joy seem to be
+somewhat less demonstrative, and all their actions evince a feeling of
+equality. Even Professor Braubach declares that _a dog looks upon its
+master as a divine person_. Brehm gives us a description of the tender
+respect shown towards his children by a chimpanzee that had been brought
+to his home and domesticated. "When we first introduced my little
+six-weeks-old daughter to him," he says, "at first he regarded the child
+with evident astonishment, as if desirous to convince himself of its
+human character, then touched its face with one finger with remarkable
+gentleness, and amiably offered to shake hands. This trifling
+characteristic, which I observed in the case of all chimpanzees reared
+in my house, is worthy of particular emphasis, because it seems to prove
+that _our man-monkey descries and pays homage to that higher being, man,
+even in the tiniest child. On the other hand, he by no means shows any
+such friendly feelings towards creatures like himself--not even towards
+little ones_."
+
+In every stage of the development of savage peoples we come across
+classical examples of mock kings--of the "primus inter pares," "duces ex
+virtute," _not_ "ex nobilitate reges"--of rational and valued leaders.
+The savages of Chile elect as their chief the man who is able to carry
+the trunk of a tree farthest. In other places, military prowess, command
+of words, crafts, a knowledge of spells are the causal sources of the
+usually extremely trifling homage due to the chieftain. "Savage hordes
+in the lowest stage of civilization are organized, like troops of
+monkeys, on the basis of authority. The strongest old male by virtue of
+his strength acquires a certain ascendancy, which lasts as long as his
+physical strength is superior to that of every other male...."
+
+Beyond that given by nature, primitive society recognizes no other
+prestige, for the society of savages lacks the subjective conditions of
+prestige--settlement in large numbers and permanency. The lack of
+distance compels the savage to respect only persons who hold their own
+in his presence: this conspicuous clearness of the estimation of
+primitive peoples is the cause that has prevailed on us to dwell so long
+on this point. That the cause of this want of prestige among savages is
+the lack of concentration in masses, not any esoteric peculiarity, is
+proved by the profound psychological appreciation of the distances
+created by nature, and still more by the expansion of tribal life into a
+barbarian one. The tenfold increase of the number of a tribe renders
+difficult a logical, ethical, or aesthetic selection of a leader, as
+well as an intuitive control of spells and superstitions.
+
+The dramatic _mise en scène_ of human prestige coincides with the first
+appearance of this concentration in masses, and triumphs with its
+triumph.
+
+
+4. Prestige and Status in South East Africa[264]
+
+In no other land under the British flag, except, perhaps, in the Far
+East, certainly in none of the great self-governing colonies with which
+we rank ourselves, is the position of white man _qua_ white man so high,
+his status so impugnable, as in South East Africa. Differing in much
+else, the race instinct binds the whites together to demand recognition
+as a member of the ruling and inviolable caste, even for the poorest,
+the degraded of their race. And this position connotes freedom from all
+manual and menial toil; without hesitation the white man demands this
+freedom, without question the black man accedes and takes up the burden,
+obeying the race command of one who may be his personal inferior. It is
+difficult to convey to one who has never known this distinction the way
+in which the very atmosphere is charged with it in South East Africa. A
+white oligarchy, every member of the race an aristocrat; a black
+proletariat, every member of the race a server; the line of cleavage as
+clear and deep as the colours. The less able and vigorous of our race,
+thus protected, find here an ease, a comfort, a recognition to which
+their personal worth would never entitle them in a homogeneous white
+population.
+
+When uncontaminated by contact with the lower forms of our civilization,
+the native is courteous and polite. Even today, changed for the worse as
+he is declared to be by most authorities, a European could ride or walk
+alone, unarmed even with a switch, all through the locations of Natal
+and Zululand, scores of miles away from the house of any white man, and
+receive nothing but courteous deference from the natives. If he met, as
+he certainly would, troops of young men, dressed in all their barbaric
+finery, going to wedding or dance, armed with sticks and shields, full
+of hot young blood, they would still stand out of the narrow path,
+giving to the white man the right of way and saluting as he passed. I
+have thus travelled alone all over South East Africa, among thousands of
+blacks and never a white man near, and I cannot remember the natives,
+even if met in scores or hundreds, ever disputing the way for a moment.
+All over Africa, winding and zigzagging over hill and dale, over
+grassland and through forest, from kraal to kraal, and tribe to tribe,
+go the paths of the natives. In these narrow paths worn in the grass by
+the feet of the passers, you could travel from Natal to Benguela and
+back again to Mombasa. Only wide enough for one to travel thereon, if
+opposite parties meet one must give way; cheerfully, courteously,
+without cringing, often with respectful salute, does the native stand on
+one side allowing the white man to pass. One accepts it without thought;
+it is the expected, but if pondered upon it is suggestive of much.
+
+
+5. Taboo[265]
+
+Rules of holiness in the sense just explained, i.e., a system of
+restrictions on man's arbitrary use of natural things, enforced by the
+dread of supernatural penalties, are found among all primitive peoples.
+It is convenient to have a distinct name for this primitive institution,
+to mark it off from the later developments of the idea of holiness in
+advanced religions, and for this purpose the Polynesian term "taboo"
+has been selected. The field covered by taboos among savage and
+half-savage races is very wide, for there is no part of life in which
+the savage does not feel himself to be surrounded by mysterious agencies
+and recognise the need of walking warily. Moreover all taboos do not
+belong to religion proper, that is, they are not always rules of conduct
+for the regulation of man's contact with deities that, when taken in the
+right way, may be counted on as friendly, but rather appear in many
+cases to be precautions against the approach of malignant
+enemies--against contact with evil spirits and the like. Thus alongside
+of taboos that exactly correspond to rules of holiness, protecting the
+inviolability of idols and sanctuaries, priest and chiefs, and generally
+of all persons and things pertaining to the gods and their worship, we
+find another kind of taboo which in the Semitic field has its parallel
+in rules of uncleanness. Women after childbirth, men who have touched a
+dead body, and so forth, are temporarily taboo and separated from human
+society, just as the same persons are unclean in Semitic religion. In
+these cases the person under taboo is not regarded as holy, for he is
+separated from approach to the sanctuary as well as from contact with
+men; but his act or condition is somehow associated with supernatural
+dangers, arising, according to the common savage explanation, from the
+presence of formidable spirits which are shunned like an infectious
+disease. In most savage societies no sharp line seems to be drawn
+between the two kinds of taboo just indicated, and even in more advanced
+nations the notions of holiness and uncleanness often touch. Among the
+Syrians, for example, swine's flesh was taboo, but it was an open
+question whether this was because the animal was holy or because it was
+unclean. But though not precise, the distinction between what is holy
+and what is unclean is real; in rules of holiness the motive is respect
+for the gods, in rules of uncleanliness it is primarily fear of an
+unknown or hostile power, though ultimately, as we see in the Levitical
+legislation, the law of clean and unclean may be brought within the
+sphere of divine ordinances, on the view that uncleanness is hateful to
+God and must be avoided by all that have to do with Him.
+
+The fact that all the Semites have rules of uncleanness as well as rules
+of holiness, that the boundary between the two is often vague, and that
+the former as well as the latter present the most startling agreement
+in point of detail with savage taboos, leaves no reasonable doubt as to
+the origin and ultimate relations of the idea of holiness. On the other
+hand, the fact that the Semites--or at least the northern
+Semites--distinguish between the holy and the unclean, marks a real
+advance above savagery. All taboos are inspired by awe of the
+supernatural, but there is a great moral difference between precautions
+against the invasion of mysterious hostile powers and precautions
+founded on respect for the prerogative of a friendly god. The former
+belong to magical superstition--the barrenest of all aberrations of the
+savage imagination--which, being founded only on fear, acts merely as a
+bar to progress and an impediment to the free use of nature by human
+energy and industry. But the restrictions on individual licence which
+are due to respect for a known and friendly power allied to man, however
+trivial and absurd they may appear to us in their details, contain
+within them germinant principles of social progress and moral order. To
+know that one has the mysterious powers of nature on one's side so long
+as one acts in conformity with certain rules, gives a man strength and
+courage to pursue the task of the subjugation of nature to his service.
+To restrain one's individual licence, not out of slavish fear, but from
+respect for a higher and beneficent power, is a moral discipline of
+which the value does not altogether depend on the reasonableness of
+sacred restrictions; an English schoolboy is subject to many
+unreasonable taboos, which are not without value in the formation of
+character. But finally, and above all, the very association of the idea
+of holiness with a beneficent deity, whose own interests are bound up
+with the interests of a community, makes it inevitable that the laws of
+social and moral order, as well as mere external precepts of physical
+observance, shall be placed under the sanction of the god of the
+community. Breaches of social order are recognised as offences against
+the holiness of the deity, and the development of law and morals is made
+possible, at a stage when human sanctions are still wanting, or too
+imperfectly administered to have much power, by the belief that the
+restrictions on human licence which are necessary to social well-being
+are conditions imposed by the god for the maintenance of a good
+understanding between himself and his worshippers.
+
+Various parallels between savage taboos and Semitic rules of holiness
+and uncleanness will come before us from time to time; but it may be
+useful to bring together at this point some detailed evidences that the
+two are in their origin indistinguishable.
+
+Holy and unclean things have this in common, that in both cases certain
+restrictions lie on men's use of and contact with them, and that the
+breach of these restrictions involves supernatural dangers. The
+difference between the two appears, not in their relation to man's
+ordinary life, but in their relation to the gods. Holy things are not
+free to man, because they pertain to the gods; uncleanness is shunned,
+according to the view taken in the higher Semitic religions, because it
+is hateful to the god, and therefore not to be tolerated in his
+sanctuary, his worshippers, or his land. But that this explanation is
+not primitive can hardly be doubted when we consider that the acts that
+cause uncleanness are exactly the same which among savage nations place
+a man under taboo, and that these acts are often involuntary, and often
+innocent, or even necessary to society. The savage, accordingly, imposes
+a taboo on a woman in childbed, or during her courses, and on the man
+who touches a corpse, not out of any regard for the gods, but simply
+because birth and everything connected with the propagation of the
+species on the one hand, and disease and death on the other, seem to him
+to involve the action of superhuman agencies of a dangerous kind. If he
+attempts to explain, he does so by supposing that on these occasions
+spirits of deadly power are present; at all events the persons involved
+seem to him to be sources of mysterious danger, which has all the
+characters of an infection and may extend to other people unless due
+precautions are observed. This is not scientific, but it is perfectly
+intelligible, and forms the basis of a consistent system of practice;
+whereas, when the rules of uncleanness are made to rest on the will of
+the gods, they appear altogether arbitrary and meaningless. The affinity
+of such taboos with laws of uncleanness comes out most clearly when we
+observe that uncleanness is treated like a contagion, which has to be
+washed away or otherwise eliminated by physical means. Take the rules
+about the uncleanness produced by the carcases of vermin in Lev. 11:32
+ff.; whatever they touch must be washed; the water itself is then
+unclean, and can propagate the contagion; nay, if the defilement affect
+an (unglazed) earthen pot, it is supposed to sink into the pores, and
+cannot be washed out, so that the pot must be broken. Rules like this
+have nothing in common with the spirit of Hebrew religion; they can
+only be remains of a primitive superstition, like that of the savage who
+shuns the blood of uncleanness, and such like things, as a supernatural
+and deadly virus. The antiquity of the Hebrew taboos, for such they are,
+is shown by the way in which many of them reappear in Arabia; cf. for
+example Deut. 21:12, 13, with the Arabian ceremonies for removing the
+impurity of widowhood. In the Arabian form the ritual is of purely
+savage type; the danger to life that made it unsafe for a man to marry
+the woman was transferred in the most materialistic way to an animal,
+which it was believed generally died in consequence, or to a bird.
+
+
+B. PUBLIC OPINION
+
+
+1. The Myth[266]
+
+There is no process by which the future can be predicted scientifically,
+nor even one which enables us to discuss whether one hypothesis about it
+is better than another; it has been proved by too many memorable
+examples that the greatest men have committed prodigious errors in thus
+desiring to make predictions about even the least distant future.
+
+And yet, without leaving the present, without reasoning about this
+future, which seems forever condemned to escape our reason, we should be
+unable to act at all. Experience shows that the _framing of a future, in
+some indeterminate time_, may, when it is done in a certain way, be very
+effective, and have very few inconveniences; this happens when the
+anticipations of the future take the form of those myths, which enclose
+with them all the strongest inclinations of a people, of a party, or of
+a class, inclinations which recur to the mind with the insistence of
+instincts in all the circumstances of life; and which give an aspect of
+complete reality to the hopes of immediate action by which, more easily
+than by any other method, men can reform their desires, passions, and
+mental activity. We know, moreover, that these social myths in no way
+prevent a man profiting by the observations which he makes in the course
+of his life, and form no obstacle to the pursuit of his normal
+occupations.
+
+The truth of this may be shown by numerous examples.
+
+The first Christians expected the return of Christ and the total ruin of
+the pagan world, with the inauguration of the kingdom of the saints, at
+the end of the first generation. The catastrophe did not come to pass,
+but Christian thought profited so greatly from the apocalyptic myth that
+certain contemporary scholars maintain that the whole preaching of
+Christ referred solely to this one point. The hopes which Luther and
+Calvin had formed of the religious exaltation of Europe were by no means
+realised; these fathers of the Reformation very soon seemed men of a
+past era; for present-day Protestants they belong rather to the Middle
+Ages than to modern times, and the problems which troubled them most
+occupy very little place in contemporary Protestantism. Must we for that
+reason deny the immense result which came from their dreams of Christian
+renovation? It must be admitted that the real developments of the
+Revolution did not in any way resemble the enchanting pictures which
+created the enthusiasm of its first adepts; but without those pictures,
+would the Revolution have been victorious? Many Utopias were mixed up
+with the Revolutionary myth, because it had been formed by a society
+passionately fond of imaginative literature, full of confidence in the
+"science," and very little acquainted with the economic history of the
+past. These Utopias came to nothing; but it may be asked whether the
+Revolution was not a much more profound transformation than those
+dreamed of by the people who in the eighteenth century had invented
+social Utopias. In our own times Mazzini pursued what the wiseacres of
+his time called a mad chimera; but it can no longer be denied that,
+without Mazzini, Italy would never have become a great power, and that
+he did more for Italian unity than Cavour and all the politicians of his
+school.
+
+A knowledge of what the myths contain in the way of details which will
+actually form part of the history of the future is then of small
+importance; they are not astrological almanacs; it is even possible that
+nothing which they contain will ever come to pass--as was the case with
+the catastrophe expected by the first Christians. In our own daily life,
+are we not familiar with the fact that what actually happens is very
+different from our preconceived notion of it? And that does not prevent
+us from continuing to make resolutions. Psychologists say that there is
+heterogeneity between the ends in view and the ends actually realised:
+the slightest experience of life reveals this law to us, which Spencer
+transferred into nature, to extract therefrom his theory of the
+multiplication of effects.
+
+The myth must be judged as a means of acting on the present; any attempt
+to discuss how far it can be taken literally as future history is devoid
+of sense. _It is the myth in its entirety which is alone important:_ its
+parts are only of interest in so far as they bring out the main idea. No
+useful purpose is served, therefore, in arguing about the incidents
+which may occur in the course of a social war, and about the decisive
+conflicts which may give victory to the proletariat; even supposing the
+revolutionaries to have been wholly and entirely deluded in setting up
+this imaginary picture of the general strike, this picture may yet have
+been, in the course of the preparation for the revolution, a great
+element of strength, if it has embraced all the aspirations of
+socialism, and if it has given to the whole body of revolutionary
+thought a precision and a rigidity which no other method of thought
+could have given.
+
+To estimate, then, the significance of the idea of the general strike,
+all the methods of discussion which are current among politicians,
+sociologists, or people with pretensions to political science, must be
+abandoned. Everything which its opponents endeavour to establish may be
+conceded to them, without reducing in any way the value of the theory
+which they think they have refuted. The question whether the general
+strike is a partial reality, or only a product of popular imagination,
+is of little importance. All that it is necessary to know is, whether
+the general strike contains everything that the socialist doctrine
+expects of the revolutionary proletariat.
+
+To solve this question, we are no longer compelled to argue learnedly
+about the future; we are not obliged to indulge in lofty reflections
+about philosophy, history, or economics; we are not on the plane of
+theories, and we can remain on the level of observable facts. We have to
+question men who take a very active part in the real revolutionary
+movement amidst the proletariat, men who do not aspire to climb into the
+middle class and whose mind is not dominated by corporative prejudices.
+These men may be deceived about an infinite number of political,
+economical, or moral questions; but their testimony is decisive,
+sovereign, and irrefutable when it is a question of knowing what are the
+ideas which most powerfully move them and their comrades, which most
+appeal to them as being identical with their socialistic conceptions,
+and thanks to which their reason, their hopes, and their way of looking
+at particular facts seem to make but one indivisible unity.
+
+Thanks to these men, we know that the general strike is indeed what I
+have said: the _myth_ in which socialism is wholly comprised, i.e., a
+body of images capable of evoking instinctively all the sentiments which
+correspond to the different manifestations of the war undertaken by
+socialism against modern society. Strikes have engendered in the
+proletariat the noblest, deepest, and most moving sentiments that they
+possess; the general strike groups them all in a co-ordinated picture,
+and, by bringing them together, gives to each one of them its maximum of
+intensity; appealing to their painful memories of particular conflicts,
+it colours with an intense life all the details of the composition
+presented to consciousness. We thus obtain that intuition of socialism
+which language cannot give us with perfect clearness--and we obtain it
+as a whole, perceived instantaneously.
+
+
+2. The Growth of a Legend[267]
+
+Hardly had the German armies entered Belgium when strange rumors began
+to circulate. They spread from place to place, they were reproduced by
+the press, and they soon permeated the whole of Germany. It was said
+that the Belgian people, instigated by the clergy, had intervened
+perfidiously in the hostilities; had attacked by surprise isolated
+detachments; had indicated to the enemy the positions occupied by the
+troops; that women, old men, and even children had been guilty of
+horrible atrocities upon wounded and defenseless German soldiers,
+tearing out their eyes and cutting off fingers, nose, or ears; that the
+priests from their pulpits had exhorted the people to commit these
+crimes, promising them as a reward the Kingdom of Heaven, and had even
+taken the lead in this barbarity.
+
+Public credulity accepted these stories. The highest powers in the state
+welcomed them without hesitation and indorsed them with their authority.
+Even the Emperor echoed them, and, taking them for a text, advanced, in
+the famous telegram of September 8, 1914, addressed to the President of
+the United States, the most terrible accusations against the Belgian
+people and clergy.
+
+At the time of the invasion of Belgium, it was the German army which, as
+we have seen, constituted the chief breeding ground for legendary
+stories. These were disseminated with great rapidity among the troops;
+the _liaison_ officers, the dispatch riders, the food convoys, the
+victualling posts assured the diffusion of them.
+
+These stories were not delayed in reaching Germany. As in most wars, it
+was the returning soldiery who were responsible for the transmission of
+them.
+
+From the first day of hostilities in enemy territory the fighting troops
+were in constant touch with those behind them. Through the frontier
+towns there was a continual passage of convoys, returning empty or
+loaded with prisoners and wounded. These last, together with the
+escorting soldiers, were immediately surrounded and pressed for news by
+an eager crowd. It is they who brought the first stories.
+
+ As a silent listener, seated on the boulevards, I have noticed
+ how curious people, men and women, question the wounded who are
+ resting there, suggesting to them answers to inquiries on the
+ subject of the battles, the losses, and the atrocities of war;
+ how they interpret silence as an affirmative answer and how
+ they wish to have confirmed things always more terrible. I am
+ convinced that shortly afterward they will repeat the
+ conversation, adding that they have heard it as the personal
+ experience of somebody present at the affair.
+
+In their oral form stories of this kind are not definite, their
+substance is malleable; they can be modified according to the taste of
+the narrator; they transform themselves; they evolve. To sum up, not
+only do the soldiers, returned from the field of battle, insure the
+transmission of the stories, they also elaborate them.
+
+The military post links the campaigning army directly with Germany. The
+soldiers write home, and in their letters they tell of their adventures,
+which people are eager to hear, and naturally they include the rumors
+current among the troops. Thus a soldier of the Landsturm writes to his
+wife that he has seen at Liége a dozen priests condemned to death
+because they put a price on the heads of German soldiers; he had also
+seen there civilians who had cut off the breasts of a Red Cross nurse.
+Again, a Hessian schoolmaster tells in a letter how his detachment had
+been treacherously attacked at Ch----by the inhabitants, with the curé
+at their head.
+
+Submitted to the test of the German military inquiry these stories are
+shown to be without foundation. Received from the front and narrated by
+a soldier who professes to have been an eyewitness, they are
+nevertheless clothed in the public view with special authority.
+
+Welcomed without control by the press, the stories recounted in letters
+from the front appear, however, in the eyes of the readers of a paper
+clothed with a new authority--that which attaches to printed matter.
+They lose in the columns of a paper their individual and particular
+character. Those who send them have, as the _Kölnische Volkszeitung_
+notes, usually effaced all personal allusions. The statements thus
+obtain a substance and an objectivity of which they would otherwise be
+devoid. Mixed with authentic news, they are accepted by the public
+without mistrust. Is not their appearance in the paper a guaranty of
+accuracy?
+
+Besides imposing itself on public credulity, the printed story fixes
+itself in the mind. It takes a lasting form. It has entered permanently
+into consciousness, and more, it has become a source of reference.
+
+All these pseudo-historical publications are, however, only one aspect
+of the abundant literary production of the Great War. All the varieties
+of popular literature, the romances of cloak and sword, the stories of
+adventure, the collections of news and anecdotes, the theater itself,
+are in turn devoted to military events. The great public loves lively
+activity, extraordinary situations, and sensational circumstances
+calculated to strike the imagination and cause a shiver of horror.
+
+So one finds in this literature of the lower classes the principal
+legendary episodes of which we have studied the origin and followed the
+development; accommodated to a fiction, woven into a web of intrigue,
+they have undergone new transformations; they have lost every indication
+of their source; they are transposed in the new circumstances imagined
+for them; they have usually been dissociated from the circumstances
+which individualize them and fix their time and place. The thematic
+motives from which they spring nevertheless remain clearly recognizable.
+
+The legendary stories have thus attained the last stage of their
+elaboration and completed their diffusion. They have penetrated not only
+into the purlieus of the cities but into distant countries; into
+centers of education as among the popular classes. Wounded convalescents
+and soldiers on leave at home for a time have told them to the city man
+and to the peasant. Both have found them in letters from the front; both
+have read them in journals and books, both have listened to the warnings
+of the government and to the imperial word. The schoolteacher has mixed
+these episodes with his teaching; he has nourished with them infantile
+imaginations. Scholars have read the text of them in their classbooks
+and have enacted them in the games inspired by the war; they have told
+them at home in the family circle, giving them the authority attached to
+the master's word.
+
+Everywhere these accounts have been the subject of ardent commentaries;
+in the village, in the councils held upon doorsteps, and in the barrooms
+of inns; in the big cafés, the trams, and the public promenades of
+towns. Everywhere they have become an ordinary topic of conversation,
+everywhere they have met with ready credence. The term _franc tireur_
+has become familiar. Its use is general and its acceptance widespread.
+
+A collection of prayers for the use of the Catholic German soldiers
+includes this incredible text: "Shame and malediction on him who wishes
+to act like the Belgian and French, perfidious and cruel, who have even
+attacked defenseless wounded."
+
+
+3. Ritual, Myth, and Dogma[268]
+
+The antique religions had for the most part no creed; they consisted
+entirely of institutions and practices. No doubt, men will not
+habitually follow certain practices without attaching a meaning to them;
+but as a rule we find that while the practice was rigorously fixed, the
+meaning attached to it was extremely vague, and the same rite was
+explained by different people in different ways, without any question of
+orthodoxy or heterodoxy arising in consequence. In ancient Greece, for
+example, certain things were done at a temple, and people were agreed
+that it would be impious not to do them. But if you had asked why they
+were done, you would probably have had several mutually contradictory
+explanations from different persons, and no one would have thought it a
+matter of the least religious importance which of these you chose to
+adopt. Indeed, the explanations offered would not have been of a kind to
+stir any strong feeling; for in most cases they would have been merely
+different stories as to the circumstances under which the rite first
+came to be established, by the command or by the direct example of the
+god. The rite, in short, was connected not with a dogma but with a myth.
+
+In all the antique religions, mythology takes the place of dogma; that
+is, the sacred lore of priests and people, so far as it does not consist
+of mere rules for the performance of religious acts, assumes the form of
+stories about the gods; and these stories afford the only explanation
+that is offered of the precepts of religion and the prescribed rules of
+ritual. But, strictly speaking, this mythology was no essential part of
+ancient religion, for it had no sacred sanction and no binding force on
+the worshippers. The myths connected with individual sanctuaries and
+ceremonies were merely part of the apparatus of the worship; they served
+to excite the fancy and sustain the interest of the worshipper; but he
+was often offered a choice of several accounts of the same thing, and,
+provided that he fulfilled the ritual with accuracy, no one cared what
+he believed about its origin. Belief in a certain series of myths was
+neither obligatory as a part of true religion, nor was it supposed that,
+by believing, a man acquired religious merit and conciliated the favour
+of the gods. What was obligatory or meritorious was the exact
+performance of certain sacred acts prescribed by religious tradition.
+This being so, it follows that mythology ought not to take the prominent
+place that is too often assigned to it in the scientific study of
+ancient faiths. So far as myths consist of explanations of ritual, their
+value is altogether secondary, and it may be affirmed with confidence
+that in almost every case the myth was derived from the ritual, and not
+the ritual from the myth; for the ritual was fixed and the myth was
+variable, the ritual was obligatory and faith in the myth was at the
+discretion of the worshipper. The conclusion is, that in the study of
+ancient religions we must begin, not with myth, but with ritual and
+traditional usage.
+
+Nor can it be fairly set against this conclusion, that there are certain
+myths which are not mere explanations of traditional practices, but
+exhibit the beginnings of larger religious speculation, or of an
+attempt to systematise and reduce to order the motley variety of local
+worships and beliefs. For in this case the secondary character of the
+myths is still more clearly marked. They are either products of early
+philosophy, reflecting on the nature of the universe; or they are
+political in scope, being designed to supply a thread of union between
+the various worships of groups, originally distinct, which have been
+united into one social or political organism; or, finally, they are due
+to the free play of epic imagination. But philosophy, politics, and
+poetry are something more, or something less, than religion pure and
+simple.
+
+There can be no doubt that, in the later stages of ancient religions,
+mythology acquired an increased importance. In the struggle of
+heathenism with scepticism on the one hand and Christianity on the
+other, the supporters of the old traditional religions were driven to
+search for ideas of a modern cast, which they could represent as the
+true inner meaning of the traditional rites. To this end they laid hold
+of the old myths, and applied to them an allegorical system of
+interpretation. Myth interpreted by the aid of allegory became the
+favourite means of infusing a new significance into ancient forms. But
+the theories thus developed are the falsest of false guides as to the
+original meaning of the old religions.
+
+Religion in primitive times was not a system of belief with practical
+applications; it was a body of fixed traditional practices, to which
+every member of society conformed as a matter of course. Men would not
+be men if they agreed to do certain things without having a reason for
+their action; but in ancient religion the reason was not first
+formulated as a doctrine and then expressed in practice, but conversely,
+practice preceded doctrinal theory. Men form general rules of conduct
+before they begin to express general principles in words; political
+institutions are older than political theories, and in like manner
+religious institutions are older than religious theories. This analogy
+is not arbitrarily chosen, for in fact the parallelism in ancient
+society between religious and political institutions is complete. In
+each sphere great importance was attached to form and precedent, but the
+explanation why the precedent was followed consisted merely of a legend
+as to its first establishment. That the precedent, once established, was
+authoritative did not appear to require any proof. The rules of society
+were based on precedent, and the continued existence of the society was
+sufficient reason why a precedent once set should continue to be
+followed.
+
+I say that the oldest religious and political institutions present a
+close analogy. It would be more correct to say that they were parts of
+one whole of social custom. Religion was a part of the organised social
+life into which a man was born, and to which he conformed through life
+in the same unconscious way in which men fall into any habitual practice
+of the society in which they live. Men took the gods and their worship
+for granted, just as they took the other usages of the state for
+granted, and if they reasoned or speculated about them, they did so on
+the presupposition that the traditional usages were fixed things, behind
+which their reasonings must not go, and which no reasoning could be
+allowed to overturn. To us moderns religion is above all a matter of
+individual conviction and reasoned belief, but to the ancients it was a
+part of the citizen's public life, reduced to fixed forms, which he was
+not bound to understand and was not at liberty to criticise or to
+neglect. Religious non-conformity was an offence against the state; for
+if sacred tradition was tampered with the bases of society were
+undermined, and the favour of the gods was forfeited. But so long as the
+prescribed forms were duly observed, a man was recognised as truly
+pious, and no one asked how his religion was rooted in his heart or
+affected his reason. Like political duty, of which indeed it was a part,
+religion was entirely comprehended in the observance of certain fixed
+rules of outward conduct.
+
+From the antique point of view, indeed, the question what the gods are
+in themselves is not a religious but a speculative one; what is
+requisite to religion is a practical acquaintance with the rules on
+which the deity acts and on which he expects his worshippers to frame
+their conduct--what in II Kings 17:26 is called the "manner" or rather
+the "customary law" (_mishpat_) of the god of the land. This is true
+even of the religion of Israel. When the prophets speak of the knowledge
+of God, they always mean a practical knowledge of the laws and
+principles of His government in Israel, and a summary expression for
+religion as a whole is "the knowledge and fear of Jehovah," i.e., the
+knowledge of what Jehovah prescribes, combined with a reverent
+obedience.
+
+The traditional usages of religion had grown up gradually in the course
+of many centuries, and reflected habits of thought characteristic of
+very diverse stages of man's intellectual and moral development. No one
+conception of the nature of the gods could possibly afford the clue to
+all parts of that motley complex of rites and ceremonies which the later
+paganism had received by inheritance, from a series of ancestors in
+every state of culture from pure savagery upwards. The record of the
+religious thought of mankind, as it is embodied in religious
+institutions, resembles the geological record of the history of the
+earth's crust; the new and the old are preserved side by side or rather
+layer upon layer. The classification of ritual formations in their
+proper sequence is the first step towards their explanation, and that
+explanation itself must take the form, not of a speculative theory, but
+of a rational life-history.
+
+
+4. The Nature of Public Opinion[269]
+
+"_Vox populi_ may be _vox Dei_, but very little attention shows that
+there has never been any agreement as to what _vox_ means or as to what
+_populus_ means." In spite of endless discussions about democracy, this
+remark of Sir Henry Maine is still so far true that no other excuse is
+needed for studying the conceptions which lie at the very base of
+popular government. In doing so one must distinguish the form from the
+substance; for the world of politics is full of forms in which the
+spirit is dead--mere shams, but sometimes not recognized as such even by
+the chief actors, sometimes deceiving the outside multitude, sometimes
+no longer misleading anyone. Shams, are, indeed, not without value.
+Political shams have done for English government what fictions have done
+for English law. They have promoted growth without revolutionary change.
+But while shams play an important part in political evolution, they are
+snares for the political philosopher who fails to see through them, who
+ascribes to the forms a meaning that they do not really possess. Popular
+government may in substance exist under the form of a monarchy, and an
+autocratic despotism can be set up without destroying the forms of
+democracy. If we look through the forms to observe the vital forces
+behind them; if we fix our attention, not on the procedure, the extent
+of the franchise, the machinery of elections, and such outward things,
+but on the essence of the matter, popular government, in one important
+aspect at least, may be said to consist of the control of political
+affairs by public opinion.
+
+If two highwaymen meet a belated traveler on a dark road and propose to
+relieve him of his watch and wallet, it would clearly be an abuse of
+terms to say that in the assemblage on that lonely spot there was a
+public opinion in favor of a redistribution of property. Nor would it
+make any difference, for this purpose, whether there were two highwaymen
+and one traveler, or one robber and two victims. The absurdity in such a
+case of speaking about the duty of the minority to submit to the verdict
+of public opinion is self-evident; and it is not due to the fact that
+the three men on the road form part of a larger community, or that they
+are subject to the jurisdiction of a common government. The expression
+would be quite as inappropriate if no organized state existed; on a
+savage island, for example, where two cannibals were greedy to devour
+one shipwrecked mariner. In short, the three men in each of the cases
+supposed do not form a community that is capable of a public opinion on
+the question involved. May this not be equally true under an organized
+government, among people that are for certain purposes a community?
+
+To take an illustration nearer home. At the time of the Reconstruction
+that followed the American Civil War the question whether public opinion
+in a southern state was or was not in favor of extending the suffrage to
+the Negroes could not in any true sense be said to depend on which of
+the two races had a slight numerical majority. One opinion may have been
+public or general in regard to the whites, the other public or general
+in regard to the Negroes, but neither opinion was public or general in
+regard to the whole population. Examples of this kind could be
+multiplied indefinitely. They can be found in Ireland, in
+Austria-Hungary, in Turkey, in India, in any country where the cleavage
+of race, religion, or politics is sharp and deep enough to cut the
+community into fragments too far apart for an accord on fundamental
+matters.
+
+In all these instances an opinion cannot be public or general with
+respect to both elements in the state. For that purpose they are as
+distinct as if they belonged to different commonwealths. You may count
+heads, you may break heads, you may impose uniformity by force; but on
+the matters at stake the two elements do not form a community capable
+of an opinion that is in any rational sense public or general. If we are
+to employ the term in a sense that is significant for government, that
+imports any obligation moral or political on the part of the minority,
+surely enough has been said to show that the opinion of a mere majority
+does not by itself always suffice. Something more is clearly needed.
+
+But if the opinion of a majority does not of itself constitute a public
+opinion, it is equally certain that unanimity is not required. Unanimous
+opinion is of no importance for our purpose, because it is perfectly
+sure to be effective in any form of government, however despotic, and it
+is, therefore, of no particular interest in the study of democracy.
+Legislation by unanimity was actually tried in the kingdom of Poland,
+where each member of the assembly had the right of _liberum veto_ on any
+measure, and it prevented progress, fostered violence, and spelled
+failure. The Polish system has been lauded as the acme of liberty, but
+in fact it was directly opposed to the fundamental principle of modern
+popular government; that is, the conduct of public affairs in accord
+with a public opinion which is general, although not universal, and
+which implies under certain conditions a duty on the part of the
+minority to submit.
+
+A body of men are politically capable of a public opinion only so far as
+they are agreed upon the ends and aims of government and upon the
+principles by which those ends shall be attained. They must be united,
+also, about the means whereby the action of the government is to be
+determined, in a conviction, for example, that the views of a
+majority--or it may be some other portion of their numbers--ought to
+prevail, and a political community as a whole is capable of public
+opinion only when this is true of the great bulk of the citizens. Such
+an assumption was implied, though usually not expressed in all theories
+of the social compact; and, indeed, it is involved in all theories that
+base rightful government upon the consent of the governed, for the
+consent required is not a universal approval by all the people of every
+measure enacted, but a consensus in regard to the legitimate character
+of the ruling authority and its right to decide the questions that
+arise.
+
+One more remark must be made before quitting the subject of the relation
+of public opinion to the opinion of the majority. The late Gabriel
+Tarde, with his habitual keen insight, insisted on the importance of the
+intensity of belief as a factor in the spread of opinions. There is a
+common impression that public opinion depends upon and is measured by
+the mere number of persons to be found on each side of a question; but
+this is far from accurate. If 49 per cent of a community feel very
+strongly on one side, and 51 per cent are lukewarmly on the other, the
+former opinion has the greater public force behind it and is certain to
+prevail ultimately, if it does not at once.
+
+One man who holds his belief tenaciously counts for as much as several
+men who hold theirs weakly, because he is more aggressive and thereby
+compels and overawes others into apparent agreement with him, or at
+least into silence and inaction. This is, perhaps, especially true of
+moral questions. It is not improbable that a large part of the accepted
+moral code is maintained by the earnestness of a minority, while more
+than half of the community is indifferent or unconvinced. In short,
+public opinion is not strictly the opinion of the numerical majority,
+and no form of its expression measures the mere majority, for individual
+views are always to some extent weighed as well as counted.
+
+Without attempting to consider how the weight attaching to intensity and
+intelligence can be accurately gauged, it is enough for our purpose to
+point out that when we speak of the opinion of a majority we mean, not
+the numerical, but the effective, majority.
+
+
+5. Public Opinion and the Mores[270]
+
+We are interested in public opinion, I suppose, because public opinion
+is, in the long run, the sovereign power in the state. There is not now,
+and probably there never has been a government that did not rest on
+public opinion. The best evidence of this is the fact that all
+governments have invariably sought either to _control_ or, at least, to
+inspire and direct it.
+
+The Kaiser had his "official" and his "semiofficial" organs. The
+communists in Russia have taken possession of the schools. It is in the
+schoolroom that the bolshevists propose to complete the revolution.
+Hume, the English historian, who was also the greatest of English
+philosophers, said:
+
+ As force is always on the side of the governed, the governors
+ have nothing to support them but opinion. It is therefore on
+ opinion only that government is founded; and this maxim extends
+ to the most despotic and the most military governments as well
+ as to the most free and popular. The soldan of Egypt, or the
+ emperor of Rome, might drive their helpless subjects, like
+ brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclinations, but he
+ must at least have led his mameluks, or praetorian bands, like
+ men, by their opinions.
+
+Hume's statement is too epigrammatic to be true. Governments can and do
+maintain themselves by force rather than consent. They have done this
+even when they were greatly inferior in numbers. Witness Cortez in
+Mexico, the Belgians in the Congo, and the recent English conquest, with
+two hundred aeroplanes, of the Mad Mullah in Somaliland. Civilized
+people must be governed in subtle ways. Unpopular governments maintain
+themselves sometimes by taking possession of the means of communication,
+by polluting the sources of information, by suppressing newspapers, by
+propaganda.
+
+Caspar Schmidt, "Max Stirner," the most consistent of anarchists, said
+the last tyranny is the tyranny of the idea. The last tyrant, in other
+words, is the propagandist, the individual who gives a "slant" to the
+facts in order to promote his own conception of the welfare of the
+community.
+
+We use the word public opinion in a wider and in a narrower sense. The
+public, the popular mind, is controlled by something more than opinion,
+or public opinion, in the narrower sense.
+
+We are living today under the subtle tyranny of the advertising man. He
+tells us what to wear, and makes us wear it. He tells us what to eat,
+and makes us eat it. We do not resent this tyranny. We do not feel it.
+We do what we are told; but we do it with the feeling that we are
+following our own wild impulses. This does not mean that, under the
+inspiration of advertisements, we act irrationally. We have reasons; but
+they are sometimes after-thoughts. Or they are supplied by the
+advertiser.
+
+Advertising is one form of social control. It is one way of capturing
+the public mind. But advertising does not get its results by provoking
+discussion. That is one respect in which it differs from public opinion.
+
+Fashion is one of the subtler forms of control to which we all bow. We
+all follow the fashions at a greater or less distance. Some of us fall
+behind the fashions, but no one ever gets ahead of them. No one ever can
+get ahead of the fashions because we never know what they are, until
+they arrive.
+
+Fashion, in the broad sense, comes under the head of what Herbert
+Spencer called ceremonial government. Ceremony, he said, is the most
+primitive and the most effective of all forms of government. There is no
+rebellion against fashion; no rebellion against social ritual. At least
+these rebellions never make martyrs or heroes. Dr. Mary Walker, who wore
+men's clothes, was a heroine no doubt, but never achieved martyrdom.
+
+So far as ceremonial government finds expression in a code it is
+etiquette, social ritual, form. We do not realize how powerful an
+influence social form is. There are breaches of etiquette that any
+ordinary human being would rather die than be guilty of.
+
+We often speak of social usages and the dictates of fashion as if they
+were imposed by public opinion. This is not true, if we are to use
+public opinion in the narrower sense. Social usages are not matters of
+opinion; they are matters of custom. They are fixed in habits. They are
+not matters of reflection, but of impulse. They are parts of ourselves.
+
+There is an intimate relation between public opinion and social customs
+or the mores, as Sumner calls them. But there is this difference: Public
+opinion fluctuates. It wobbles. Social customs, the mores, change
+slowly. Prohibition was long in coming; but the custom of drinking has
+not disappeared. The mores change slowly; but they change _in one
+direction_ and they change _steadily_. Mores change as fashion does; as
+language does; by a law of their own.
+
+Fashions must change. It is in their nature to do so. As the existing
+thing loses its novelty it is no longer stimulating; no longer
+interesting. It is no longer the fashion.
+
+What fashion demands is not something new; but something different. It
+demands the old in a new and stimulating form. Every woman who is up
+with the fashion wants to be in the fashion; but she desires to be
+something different from everyone else, especially from her best friend.
+
+Language changes in response to the same motives and according to the
+same law. We are constantly seeking new metaphors for old ideas;
+constantly using old metaphors to express new ideas. Consider the way
+that slang grows!
+
+There is a fashion or a trend in public opinion. A. V. Dicey, in his
+volume on _Law and Opinion in England_, points out that there has been a
+constant tendency, for a hundred years, in English legislation, from
+individualism to collectivism. This does not mean that public opinion
+has changed constantly in one direction. There have been, as he says,
+"cross currents." Public opinion has veered, but the changes in the
+mores have been steadily in one direction.
+
+There has been a change in the fundamental attitudes. This change has
+taken place in response to changed conditions. Change in mores is
+something like change in the nest-building habits of certain birds, the
+swallows, for example. This change, like the change in bird habits,
+takes place without discussion--without clear consciousness--in response
+to changed conditions. Furthermore, changes in the mores, like changes
+in fashion, are only slightly under our control. They are not the result
+of agitation; rather they are responsible for the agitation.
+
+There are profound changes going on in our social organization today.
+Industrial democracy, or something corresponding to it, is coming. It is
+coming not entirely because of social agitation. It is coming, perhaps,
+in spite of agitation. It is a social change, but it is part of the
+whole cosmic process.
+
+There is an intimate relation between the mores and opinion. The mores
+represent the attitudes in which we agree. Opinion represents these
+attitudes in so far as we do not agree. We do not have opinions except
+over matters which are in dispute.
+
+So far as we are controlled by habit and custom, by the mores, we do not
+have opinions. I find out what my opinion is only after I discover that
+I disagree with my fellow. What I call my opinions are for the most part
+invented to justify my agreements or disagreements with prevailing
+public opinion. The mores do not need justification. As soon as I seek
+justification for them they have become matters of opinion.
+
+Public opinion is just the opinion of individuals plus their
+differences. There is no public opinion where there is no substantial
+agreement. But there is no public opinion where there is not
+disagreement. Public opinion presupposes public discussion. When a
+matter has reached the stage of public discussion it becomes a matter of
+public opinion.
+
+Before war was declared in France there was anxiety, speculation. After
+mobilization began, discussion ceased. The national ideal was exalted.
+The individual ceased to exist. Men ceased even to think. They simply
+obeyed. This is what happened in all the belligerent countries except
+America. It did not quite happen here. Under such circumstances public
+opinion ceases to exist. This is quite as true in a democracy as it is
+in an autocracy.
+
+The difference between an autocracy and a democracy is not that in one
+the will of the people finds expression and in the other it does not. It
+is simply that in a democracy a larger number of the citizens
+participate in the discussions which give rise to public opinion. At
+least they are supposed to do so. In a democracy everyone belongs, or is
+supposed to belong, to one great public. In an autocracy there are
+perhaps many little publics.
+
+What rôle do the schools and colleges play in the formation of public
+opinion? The schools transmit the tradition. They standardize our
+national prejudices and transmit them. They do this necessarily.
+
+A liberal or college education tends to modify and qualify all our
+inherited political, religious, and social prejudices. It does so by
+bringing into the field of discussion matters that would not otherwise
+get into the public consciousness. In this way a college education puts
+us in a way to control our prejudices instead of being controlled by
+them. This is the purpose of a liberal education.
+
+The emancipation which history, literature, and a wider experience with
+life give us permits us to enter sympathetically into the lives and
+interests of others; it widens that area over which public opinion
+rather than force exercises control.
+
+It makes it possible to extend the area of political control. It means
+the extension of democratic participation in the common life. The
+universities, by their special studies in the field of social science,
+are seeking to accumulate and bring into the view of public opinion a
+larger body of attested fact upon which the public may base its opinion.
+
+It is probably not the business of the universities to agitate reforms
+nor to attempt directly to influence public opinion in regard to current
+issues. To do this is to relax its critical attitude, lessen its
+authority in matters of fact, and jeopardize its hard-won academic
+freedom. When a university takes over the function of a political party
+or a church it ceases to perform its function as a university.
+
+
+6. News and Social Control[271]
+
+Everywhere today men are conscious that somehow they must deal with
+questions more intricate than any that church or school had prepared
+them to understand. Increasingly they know that they cannot understand
+them if the facts are not quickly and steadily available. Increasingly
+they are baffled because the facts are not available; and they are
+wondering whether government by consent can survive in a time when the
+manufacture of consent is an unregulated private enterprise. For in an
+exact sense the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in
+journalism.
+
+I do not agree with those who think that the sole cause is corruption.
+There is plenty of corruption, to be sure, moneyed control, caste
+pressure, financial and social bribery, ribbons, dinner parties, clubs,
+petty politics. The speculators in Russian rubles who lied on the Paris
+Bourse about the capture of Petrograd are not the only example of their
+species. And yet corruption does not explain the condition of modern
+journalism.
+
+Mr. Franklin P. Adams wrote recently:
+
+ Now there is much pettiness--and almost incredible stupidity
+ and ignorance--in the so-called free press; but it is the
+ pettiness, etc., common to the so-called human race--a
+ pettiness found in musicians, steamfitters, landlords, poets,
+ and waiters. And when Miss Lowell [who had made the usual
+ aristocratic complaint] speaks of the incurable desire in all
+ American newspapers to make fun of everything in season and
+ out, we quarrel again. There is an incurable desire in American
+ newspapers to take things much more seriously than they
+ deserve. Does Miss Lowell read the ponderous news from
+ Washington? Does she read the society news? Does she, we
+ wonder, read the newspapers?
+
+Mr. Adams does read them, and when he writes that the newspapers take
+things much more seriously than they deserve, he has, as the mayor's
+wife remarked to the queen, said a mouthful. Since the war, especially,
+editors have come to believe that their highest duty is not to report
+but to instruct, not to print news but to save civilization, not to
+publish what Benjamin Harris calls "the Circumstances of Publique
+Affairs, both abroad and at home," but to keep the nation on the
+straight and narrow path. Like the kings of England, they have elected
+themselves Defenders of the Faith. "For five years," says Mr. Cobb of
+the _New York World_, "there has been no free play of public opinion in
+the world. Confronted by the inexorable necessities of war, governments
+conscripted public opinion. They goose-stepped it. They taught it to
+stand at attention and salute. It sometimes seems that, after the
+armistice was signed, millions of Americans must have taken a vow that
+they would never again do any thinking for themselves. They were willing
+to die for their country but not willing to think for it." That
+minority, which is proudly prepared to think for it, and not only
+prepared but cocksure that it alone knows how to think for it, has
+adopted the theory that the public should know what is good for it.
+
+The work of reporters has thus become confused with the work of
+preachers, revivalists, prophets, and agitators. The current theory of
+American newspaperdom is that an abstraction like the truth and a
+grace-like fairness must be sacrificed whenever anyone thinks the
+necessities of civilization require the sacrifice. To Archbishop
+Whately's dictum that it matters greatly whether you put truth in the
+first place or the second, the candid expounder of modern journalism
+would reply that he put truth second to what he conceived to be the
+national interest. Judged simply by their product, men like Mr. Ochs or
+Viscount Northcliffe believe that their respective nations will perish
+and civilization decay unless their idea of what is patriotic is
+permitted to temper the curiosity of their readers.
+
+They believe that edification is more important than veracity. They
+believe it profoundly, violently, relentlessly. They preen themselves
+upon it. To patriotism, as they define it from day to day, all other
+considerations must yield. That is their pride. And yet what is this but
+one more among myriad examples of the doctrine that the end justifies
+the means? A more insidiously misleading rule of conduct was, I believe,
+never devised among men. It was a plausible rule as long as men believed
+that an omniscient and benevolent Providence taught them what end to
+seek. But now that men are critically aware of how their purposes are
+special to their age, their locality, their interests, and their limited
+knowledge, it is blazing arrogance to sacrifice hard-won standards of
+credibility to some special purpose. It is nothing but the doctrine that
+I want what I want when I want it. Its monuments are the Inquisition
+and the invasion of Belgium. It is the reason given for every act of
+unreason, the law invoked whenever lawlessness justifies itself. At
+bottom it is nothing but the anarchical nature of man imperiously
+hacking its way through.
+
+Just as the most poisonous form of disorder is the mob incited from high
+places, the most immoral act the immorality of a government, so the most
+destructive form of untruth is sophistry and propaganda by those whose
+profession it is to report the news. The news columns are common
+carriers. When those who control them arrogate to themselves the right
+to determine by their own consciences what shall be reported and for
+what purpose, democracy is unworkable. Public opinion is blockaded. For
+when a people can no longer confidently repair "to the best fountains
+for their information," then anyone's guess and anyone's rumor, each
+man's hope and each man's whim, become the basis of government. All that
+the sharpest critics of democracy have alleged is true if there is no
+steady supply of trustworthy and relevant news. Incompetence and
+aimlessness, corruption and disloyalty, panic and ultimate disaster,
+must come to any people which is denied an assured access to the facts.
+No one can manage anything on pap. Neither can a people.
+
+Few episodes in recent history are more poignant than that of the
+British prime minister, sitting at the breakfast table with that
+morning's paper before him, protesting that he cannot do the sensible
+thing in regard to Russia because a powerful newspaper proprietor has
+drugged the public. That incident is a photograph of the supreme danger
+which confronts popular government. All other dangers are contingent
+upon it, for the news is the chief source of the opinion by which
+government now proceeds. So long as there is interposed between the
+ordinary citizen and the facts a news organization determining by
+entirely private and unexamined standards, no matter how lofty, what he
+shall know, and hence what he shall believe, no one will be able to say
+that the substance of democratic government is secure. The theory of our
+constitution, says Mr. Justice Holmes, is that truth is the only ground
+upon which men's wishes safely can be carried out. In so far as those
+who purvey the news make of their own beliefs a higher law than truth,
+they are attacking the foundations of our constitutional system. There
+can be no higher law in journalism than to tell the truth and shame the
+devil.
+
+In a few generations it will seem ludicrous to historians that a people
+professing government by the will of the people should have made no
+serious effort to guarantee the news without which a governing opinion
+cannot exist. "Is it possible," they will ask, "that at the beginning of
+the twentieth century nations calling themselves democracies were
+content to act on what happened to drift across their doorsteps; that
+apart from a few sporadic exposures and outcries they made no plans to
+bring these common carriers under social control, that they provided no
+genuine training schools for the men upon whose sagacity they were
+dependent; above all, that their political scientists went on year after
+year writing and lecturing about government without producing one
+single, significant study of the process of public opinion?" And then
+they will recall the centuries in which the church enjoyed immunity from
+criticism, and perhaps they will insist that the news structure of
+secular society was not seriously examined for analogous reasons.
+
+
+7. The Psychology of Propaganda[272]
+
+Paper bullets, according to Mr. Creel, won the war. But they have
+forever disturbed our peace of mind. The war is long since over, all but
+saying so; but our consciousness of the immanence of propaganda bids
+fair to be permanent. It has been discovered by individuals, by
+associations, and by governments that a certain kind of advertising can
+be used to mold public opinion and control democratic majorities. As
+long as public opinion rules the destinies of human affairs, there will
+be no end to an instrument that controls it.
+
+The tremendous forces of propaganda are now common property. They are
+available for the unscrupulous and the destructive as well as for the
+constructive and the moral. This gives us a new interest in its
+technique, namely, to inquire if anywhere there is an opportunity for
+regulative and protective interference with its indiscriminate
+exploitation.
+
+Until recently the most famous historical use of the term propaganda
+made it synonymous with foreign missions. It was Pope Gregory XV who
+almost exactly three centuries ago, after many years of preparation,
+finally founded the great Propaganda College to care for the interests
+of the church in non-Catholic countries. With its centuries of
+experience this is probably the most efficient organization for
+propaganda in the world. Probably most apologetics is propaganda. No
+religion and no age has been entirely free from it.
+
+One of the classical psychoanalytic case histories is that of Breuer's
+water glass and the puppy dog. A young lady patient was utterly unable
+to drink water from a glass. It was a deep embarrassment. Even under the
+stress of great thirst in warm weather and the earnest effort to break
+up a foolish phobia, the glass might be taken and raised, but it
+couldn't be drunk from. Psychoanalysis disclosed the following facts.
+Underlying this particular phobia was an intense antipathy to dogs. The
+young lady's roommate had been discovered giving a dog a drink from the
+common drinking-glass. The antipathy to the dog was simply transferred
+to the glass.
+
+The case is a commonplace in the annals of hysteria. But let us examine
+the mechanism. Suppose that I had wanted to keep that drinking-glass for
+my own personal use. A perfectly simple and effective expedient it would
+have been in the absence of other good motives to capitalize that
+antipathy by allowing her to see the dog drink out of the glass. The
+case would then have been a perfect case of propaganda. All propaganda
+is capitalized prejudice. It rests on some emotional premise which is
+the motive force of the process. The emotional transfer is worked by
+some associative process like similarity, use, or the causal
+relationship. The derived sympathetic antipathy represents the goal.
+
+The great self-preservative, social, and racial instincts will always
+furnish the main reservoir of motive forces at the service of
+propaganda. They will have the widest and the most insistent appeal.
+Only second to these in importance are the peculiar racial tendencies
+and historical traditions that represent the genius of a civilization.
+The racial-superiority consciousness of the Germans operated as a
+never-ending motive for their "Aushalten" propaganda. We Americans have
+a notable cultural premise in our consideration for the underdog. Few
+things outside our consciousness of family will arouse us as surely and
+as universally as this modification of the protective instinct.
+
+In addition to the group tendencies that arise from a community of
+experience, individual propaganda may use every phase of individual
+experience, individual bias and prejudice. I am told that first-class
+salesmen not infrequently keep family histories of their customers,
+producing a favorable attitude toward their merchandise by way of an
+apparent personal interest in the children. Apparently any group of
+ideas with an emotional valence may become the basis for propaganda.
+
+There are three limitations to the processes of propaganda. The first is
+emotional recoil, the second is the exhaustion of available motive
+force, the third is the development of internal resistance or
+negativism.
+
+The most familiar of the three is emotional recoil. We know only too
+well what will happen if we tell a boy all the things that he likes to
+do are "bad," while all the things that he dislikes are "good." Up to a
+certain point the emotional value of bad and good respectively will be
+transferred to the acts as we intend. But each transfer has an emotional
+recoil on the concepts good and bad. At the end a most surprising thing
+may happen. The moral values may get reversed in the boy's mind. Bad may
+come to represent the sum total of the satisfactory and desirable, while
+good may represent the sum total of the unsatisfactory and the
+undesirable. To the pained adult such a consequence is utterly
+inexplicable, only because he fails to realize that all mental products
+are developments. There is always a kind of reciprocity in emotional
+transfer. The value of the modified factor recoils to the modifying
+factor.
+
+The whole mechanism of the transfer and of the recoil may best be
+expressed in terms of the conditioned reflex of Pavlov. The flow of
+saliva in a dog is a natural consequence to the sight and smell of food.
+If concurrently with the smelling of food the dog is pinched, the pinch
+ceases to be a matter for resentment. By a process of emotional
+transfer, on being pinched the dog may show the lively delight that
+belongs to the sight and smell of food. Even the salivary secretions may
+be started by the transfigured pinch. It was the great operating
+physiologist Sherrington who exclaimed after a visit to Pavlov that at
+last he understood the psychology of the martyrs. But it is possible so
+to load the smell of food with pain and damage that its positive value
+breaks down. Eating-values may succumb to the pain values instead of the
+pain to the eating-values. This is the prototype of the concept bad when
+it gets overloaded with the emotional value of the intrinsically
+desirable. The law of recoil seems to be a mental analogue of the
+physical law that action and reaction are equal and in opposite
+directions.
+
+The second limitation to propaganda occurs when the reciprocal effects
+of transfer exhaust the available motive forces of a mind. Propaganda
+certainly weakens the forces that are appealed to too often. We are
+living just now in a world of weakened appeals. Many of the great human
+motives were exploited to the limit during the war. It is harder to
+raise money now than it was, harder to find motives for giving that are
+still effective. One of my former colleagues once surprised and shocked
+me by replying to some perfectly good propaganda in which I tried to
+tell him that certain action was in the line of duty, to the effect that
+he was tired of being told that something was his duty, and that he was
+resolved not to do another thing because it was his duty. There seems to
+be evidence that in some quarters, at least, patriotism, philanthropy,
+and civic duty have been exploited as far as the present systems will
+carry. It is possible to exhaust our floating capital of social-motive
+forces. When that occurs we face a kind of moral bankruptcy.
+
+A final stage of resistance is reached when propaganda develops a
+negativistic defensive reaction. To develop such negativisms is always
+the aim of counterpropaganda. It calls the opposed propaganda,
+prejudiced, half-truth, or, as the Germans did, "Lies, All Lies." There
+is evidence that the moral collapse of Germany under the fire of our
+paper bullets came with the conviction that they had been systematically
+deceived by their own propagandists.
+
+There are two great social dangers in propaganda. Great power in
+irresponsible hands is always a social menace. We have some legal
+safeguards against careless use of high-powered physical explosives.
+Against the greater danger of destructive propaganda there seems to be
+little protection without imperiling the sacred principles of free
+speech.
+
+The second social danger is the tendency to overload and level down
+every great human incentive in the pursuit of relatively trivial ends.
+To become _blasé_ is the inevitable penalty of emotional exploitation. I
+believe there may well be grave penalties in store for the reckless
+commercialized exploitation of human emotions in the cheap
+sentimentalism of our moving pictures. But there are even graver
+penalties in store for the generation that permits itself to grow
+morally _blasé_. One of our social desiderata, it seems to me, is the
+protection of the great springs of human action from destructive
+exploitation for selfish, commercial, or other trivial ends.
+
+The slow constructive process of building moral credits by systematic
+education lacks the picturesqueness of propaganda. It also lacks its
+quick results. But just as the short cut of hypnotism proved a dangerous
+substitute for moral training, so I believe we shall find that not only
+is moral education a necessary precondition for effective propaganda,
+but that in the end it is a safer and incomparably more reliable social
+instrument.
+
+
+C. INSTITUTIONS
+
+
+1. Institutions and the Mores[273]
+
+Institutions and laws are produced out of mores. An institution consists
+of a concept (idea, notion, doctrine, interest) and a structure. The
+structure is a framework, or apparatus, or perhaps only a number of
+functionaries set to co-operate in prescribed ways at a certain
+conjuncture. The structure holds the concept and furnishes
+instrumentalities for bringing it into the world of facts and action in
+a way to serve the interests of men in society. Institutions are either
+crescive or enacted. They are crescive when they take shape in the
+mores, growing by the instinctive efforts by which the mores are
+produced. Then the efforts, through long use, become definite and
+specific.
+
+Property, marriage, and religion are the most primary institutions. They
+began in folkways. They became customs. They developed into mores by the
+addition of some philosophy of welfare, however crude. Then they were
+made more definite and specific as regards the rules, the prescribed
+acts, and the apparatus to be employed. This produced a structure and
+the institution was complete. Enacted institutions are products of
+rational invention and intention. They belong to high civilization.
+Banks are institutions of credit founded on usages which can be traced
+back to barbarism. There came a time when, guided by rational reflection
+on experience, men systematized and regulated the usages which had
+become current, and thus created positive institutions of credit,
+defined by law and sanctioned by the force of the state. Pure enacted
+institutions which are strong and prosperous are hard to find. It is too
+difficult to invent and create an institution, for a purpose, out of
+nothing. The electoral college in the Constitution of the United States
+is an example. In that case the democratic mores of the people have
+seized upon the device and made of it something quite different from
+what the inventors planned. All institutions have come out of mores,
+although the rational element in them is sometimes so large that their
+origin in the mores is not to be ascertained except by a historical
+investigation (legislatures, courts, juries, joint-stock companies, the
+stock exchange). Property, marriage, and religion are still almost
+entirely in the mores. Amongst nature men any man might capture and hold
+a woman at any time, if he could. He did it by superior force which was
+its own supreme justification. But his act brought his group and her
+group into war, and produced harm to his comrades. They forbade capture,
+or set conditions for it. Beyond the limits, the individual might still
+use force, but his comrades were no longer responsible. The glory to
+him, if he succeeded, might be all the greater. His control over his
+captive was absolute. Within the prescribed conditions, "capture" became
+technical and institutional, and rights grew out of it. The woman had a
+status which was defined by custom, and was very different from the
+status of a real captive. Marriage was the institutional relation, in
+the society and under its sanction, of a woman to a man, where the woman
+had been obtained in the prescribed way. She was then a "wife." What her
+rights and duties were was defined by the mores, as they are today in
+all civilized society.
+
+Acts of legislation come out of the mores. In low civilization all
+societal regulations are customs and taboos, the origin of which is
+unknown. Positive laws are impossible until the stage of verification,
+reflection, and criticism is reached. Until that point is reached there
+is only customary law, or common law. The customary law may be codified
+and systematized with respect to some philosophical principles, and yet
+remain customary. The codes of Manu and Justinian are examples.
+Enactment is not possible until reverence for ancestors has been so much
+weakened that it is no longer thought wrong to interfere with
+traditional customs by positive enactment. Even then there is
+reluctance to make enactments, and there is a stage of transition during
+which traditional customs are extended by interpretation to cover new
+cases and to prevent evils. Legislation, however, has to seek standing
+ground on the existing mores, and it soon becomes apparent that
+legislation, to be strong, must be consistent with the mores. Things
+which have been in the mores are put under police regulation and later
+under positive law. It is sometimes said that "public opinion" must
+ratify and approve police regulations, but this statement rests on an
+imperfect analysis. The regulations must conform to the mores, so that
+the public will not think them too lax or too strict. The mores of our
+urban and rural populations are not the same; consequently legislation
+about intoxicants which is made by one of these sections of the
+population does not succeed when applied to the other. The regulation of
+drinking-places, gambling-places, and disorderly houses has passed
+through the above-mentioned stages. It is always a question of
+expediency whether to leave a subject under the mores, or to make a
+police regulation for it, or to put it into the criminal law. Betting,
+horse racing, dangerous sports, electric cars, and vehicles are cases
+now of things which seem to be passing under positive enactment and out
+of the unformulated control of the mores. When an enactment is made
+there is a sacrifice of the elasticity and automatic self-adaptation of
+custom, but an enactment is specific and is provided with sanctions.
+Enactments come into use when conscious purposes are formed, and it is
+believed that specific devices can be framed by which to realize such
+purposes in the society. Then also prohibitions take the place of
+taboos, and punishments are planned to be deterrent rather than
+revengeful. The mores of different societies, or of different ages, are
+characterized by greater of less readiness and confidence in regard to
+the use of positive enactments for the realization of societal purposes.
+
+
+2. Common Law and Statute Law[274]
+
+It probably would have surprised the early Englishman if he had been
+told that either he or anybody else did not know the law--still more
+that there was ever any need for any parliament or assembly to tell him
+what it was. They all knew the law, and they all knew that they knew
+the law, and the law was a thing that they knew as naturally as they
+knew fishing and hunting. They had grown up into it. It never occurred
+to them as an outside thing.
+
+So it has been found that where you take children, modern children, at
+least boys who are sons of educated parents, and put them in large
+masses by themselves, they will, without apparently any reading, rapidly
+invent a notion of law; that is, they will invent a certain set of
+customs which are the same thing to them as law, and which indeed are
+the same as law. They have tried in Johns Hopkins University experiments
+among children, to leave them entirely alone, without any instruction,
+and it is quite singular how soon customs will grow up, and it is also
+quite singular, and a thing that always surprises the socialist and
+communist, that about the earliest concept at which they will arrive is
+that of private property! They will soon get a notion that one child
+owns a stick, or toy, or seat, and the others must respect that
+property. This I merely use as an illustration to show how simple the
+notion of law was among our ancestors in England fifteen hundred years
+ago, and how it had grown up with them, of course, from many centuries,
+but in much the same way that the notion of custom or law grows up among
+children.
+
+The "law" of the free Angelo-Saxon people was regarded as a thing
+existing by itself, like the sunlight, or at least as existing like a
+universally accepted custom observed by everyone. It was five hundred
+years before the notion crept into the minds, even of the members of the
+British Parliaments, that they could make a new law. What they supposed
+they did, and what they were understood by the people to do, was merely
+to declare the law, as it was then and as it had been from time
+immemorial; the notion always being--and the farther back you go and the
+more simple the people are, the more they have that notion--that their
+free laws and customs were something which came from the beginning of
+the world, which they always held, which were immutable, no more to be
+changed than the forces of nature; and that no Parliament, under the
+free Angelo-Saxon government or later under the Norman kings who tried
+to make them unfree, no king could ever make a law but could only
+declare what the law was. The Latin phrase for that distinction is _jus
+dare_, and _jus dicere_. In early England, in Anglo-Saxon times, the
+Parliament never did anything but tell what the law was; and, as I have
+said, not only what it was then but what it had been, as they supposed,
+for thousands of years before. The notion of a legislature to make new
+laws is an entirely modern conception of Parliament.
+
+The notion of law as a statute, a thing passed by a legislature, a thing
+enacted, made new by representative assembly, is perfectly modern, and
+yet it has so thoroughly taken possession of our minds, and particularly
+of the American mind (owing to the forty-eight legislatures that we have
+at work, besides the national Congress, every year, and to the fact that
+they try to do a great deal to deserve their pay in the way of enacting
+laws), that statutes have assumed in our minds the main bulk of the
+concept of law as we formulate it to ourselves.
+
+Statutes with us are recent, legislatures making statutes are recent
+everywhere; legislatures themselves are fairly recent; that is, they
+date only from the end of the Dark Ages, at least in Anglo-Saxon
+countries. Representative government itself is supposed, by most
+scholars, to be the one invention that is peculiar to the Anglo-Saxon
+people.
+
+I am quite sure that all the American people when they think of law in
+the sense I am now speaking of, even when they are not thinking
+necessarily of statute law, do mean, nevertheless, a law which is
+enforced by somebody with power, somebody with a big stick. They mean a
+law, an ordinance, an order or dictate addressed to them by a sovereign,
+or at least by a power of some sort, and they mean an ordinance which if
+they break they are going to suffer for, either in person or in
+property. In other words, they have a notion of law as a written command
+addressed by the sovereign to the subject, or at least by one of the
+departments of government to the citizen. Now that, I must caution you,
+is in the first place rather a modern notion of law, quite modern in
+England; it is really Roman, and was not law as it was understood by our
+Anglo-Saxon ancestors. He did not think of law as a thing written,
+addressed to him by the king. Neither did he necessarily think of it as
+a thing which had any definite punishment attached or any code attached,
+any "sanction," as we call it, or thing which enforces the law; a
+penalty or fine or imprisonment. There are just as good "sanctions" for
+law outside of the sanctions that our people usually think of as there
+are inside of them, and often very much better; for example, the
+sanction of a strong custom. Take any example you like; there are many
+states where marriage between blacks and whites is not made unlawful but
+where practically it is made tremendously unlawful by the force of
+public opinion [mores]. Take the case of debts of honor, so called,
+debts of gambling; they are paid far more universally than ordinary
+commercial debts, even by the same people; but there is no law enforcing
+them--there is no sanction for the collection of gambling debts. And
+take any custom that grows up. We know how strong our customs in college
+are. Take the mere custom of a club table; no one dares or ventures to
+supplant the members at that table. That kind of sanction is just as
+good a law as a law made by statute and imposing five or ten dollars'
+penalty or a week's imprisonment. And judges or juries recognize those
+things as laws, just as much as they do statute laws; when all other
+laws are lacking, our courts will ask what is the "custom of the trade."
+These be laws, and are often better enforced than the statute law; the
+rules of the New York Stock Exchange are better enforced than the laws
+of the state legislature. Now all our early Anglo-Saxon law was law of
+that kind. For the law was but universal custom, and that custom had no
+sanction; but for breach of the custom anybody could make personal
+attack, or combine with his friends to make attack, on the person who
+committed the breach, and then, when the matter was taken up by the
+members of both tribes, and finally by the witenagemot as a judicial
+court, the question was, what the law was. That was the working of the
+old Anglo-Saxon law, and it was a great many centuries before the notion
+of law changed from that in their minds. And this "unwritten law"
+perdures in the minds of many of the people today.
+
+
+3. Religion and Social Control[275]
+
+As a social fact religion is, indeed, not something apart from mores or
+social standards; it is these as regarded as "sacred." Strictly speaking
+there is no such thing as an unethical religion. We judge some religions
+as unethical because the mores of which they approve are not our mores,
+that is, the standards of higher civilization. All religions are
+ethical, however, in the sense that without exception they support
+customary morality, and they do this necessarily because the values
+which the religious attitude of mind universalizes and makes absolute
+are social values. Social obligations thus early become religious
+obligations. In this way religion becomes the chief means of conserving
+customs and habits which have been found to be safe by society or which
+are believed to conduce to social welfare.
+
+As the guardian of the mores, religion develops prohibitions and
+"taboos" of actions of which the group, or its dominant class,
+disapproves. It may lend itself, therefore, to maintaining a given
+social order longer than that order is necessary, or even after it has
+become a stumbling-block to social progress. For the same reason it may
+be exploited by a dominant class in their own interest. It is in this
+way that religion has often become an impediment to progress and an
+instrument of class oppression. This socially conservative side of
+religion is so well known and so much emphasized by certain writers that
+it scarcely needs even to be mentioned. It is the chief source of the
+abuses of religion, and in the modern world is probably the chief cause
+of the deep enmity which religion has raised up for itself in a certain
+class of thinkers who see nothing but its negative and conservative
+side.
+
+There is no necessity, however, for the social control which religion
+exerts being of a non-progressive kind. The values which religion
+universalizes and makes absolute may as easily be values which are
+progressive as those which are static. In a static society which
+emphasizes prohibitions and the conservation of mere habit or custom,
+religion will also, of course, emphasize the same things; but in a
+progressive society religion can as easily attach its sanctions to
+social ideals and standards beyond the existing order as to those
+actually realized. Such an idealistic religion will, however, have the
+disadvantages of appealing mainly to the progressive and idealizing
+tendencies of human nature rather than to its conservative and
+reactionary tendencies. Necessarily, also, it will appeal more strongly
+to those enlightened classes in society who are leading in social
+progress rather than to those who are content with things as they are.
+This is doubtless the main reason why progressive religions are
+exceedingly rare in human history, taking it as a whole, and have
+appeared only in the later stages of cultural evolution.
+
+Nevertheless, there are good reasons for believing that the inevitable
+evolution of religion has been in a humanitarian direction, and that
+there is an intimate connection between social idealism and the higher
+religions. There are two reasons for this generalization. The social
+life becomes more complex with each succeeding stage of upward
+development, and groups have therefore more need of commanding the
+unfailing devotion of their members if they are to maintain their unity
+and efficiency as groups. More and more, accordingly, religion in its
+evolution has come to emphasize the self-effacing devotion of the
+individual to the group in times of crisis. And as the complexity of
+social life increases, the crises increase in which the group must ask
+the unfailing service and devotion of its members. Thus religion in its
+upward evolution becomes increasingly social, until it finally comes to
+throw supreme emphasis upon the life of service and of self-sacrifice
+for the sake of the group; and as the group expands from the clan and
+the tribe to humanity, religion necessarily becomes less tribal and more
+humanitarian until the supreme object of the devotion which it
+inculcates must ultimately be the whole of humanity.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. Social Control and Human Nature
+
+Society, so far as it can be distinguished from the individuals that
+compose it, performs for those individuals the function of a mind. Like
+mind in the individual man, society is a control organization. Evidence
+of mind in the animal is the fact that it can make adjustments to new
+conditions. The evidence that any group of persons constitutes a society
+is the fact that the group is able to act with some consistency, and as
+a unit. It follows that the literature on social control, in the widest
+extension of that term, embraces most that has been written and all that
+is fundamental on the subject of society. In chapter ii, "Human Nature,"
+and the later chapters on "Interaction" and its various forms,
+"Conflict," "Accommodation," and "Assimilation," points of view and
+literature which might properly be included in an adequate study of
+social control have already been discussed. The present chapter is
+concerned mainly with ceremonial, public opinion, and law, three of the
+specific forms in which social control has universally found
+expression.
+
+Sociology is indebted to Edward Alsworth Ross for a general term broad
+enough to include all the special forms in which the solidarity of the
+group manifests itself. It was his brilliant essay on the subject
+published in 1906 that popularized the term social control. The
+materials for such a general, summary statement had already been brought
+together by Sumner and published in 1906 in his _Folkways_. This volume,
+in spite of its unsystematic character, must still be regarded as the
+most subtle analysis and suggestive statement about human nature and
+social relations that has yet been written in English.
+
+A more systematic and thoroughgoing review of the facts and literature,
+however, is Hobhouse's _Morals in Evolution_. After Hobhouse the next
+most important writer is Westermarck, whose work, _The Origin and
+Development of the Moral Ideas_, published in 1906, was a pioneer in
+this field.
+
+
+2. Elementary Forms of Social Control
+
+Literature upon elementary forms of social control includes materials
+upon ceremonies, taboo, myth, prestige, and leadership. These are
+characterized as elementary because they have arisen spontaneously
+everywhere out of original nature. The conventionalized form in which we
+now find them has arisen in the course of their repetition and
+transmission from one generation to another and from one culture group
+to another. The fact that they have been transmitted over long periods
+of time and wide areas of territory is an indication that they are the
+natural vehicle for the expression of fundamental human impulses.
+
+It is quite as true of leadership, as it is of myth and prestige, that
+it springs directly out of an emotional setting. The natural leaders are
+never elected and leadership is, in general, a matter that cannot be
+rationally controlled.
+
+The materials upon ceremony, social ritual, and fashion are large in
+comparison with the attempts at a systematic study of the phenomena.
+Herbert Spencer's chapter on "Ceremonial Government," while it
+interprets social forms from the point of view of the individual rather
+than of the group, is still the only adequate survey of the materials in
+this special field.
+
+Ethnology and folklore have accumulated an enormous amount of
+information in regard to primitive custom which has yet to be
+interpreted from the point of view of more recent studies of human
+nature and social life. The most important collections are Frazer's
+_Golden Bough_ and his _Totemism and Exogamy_. Crawley's _The Mystic
+Rose_ is no such monument of scholarship and learning as Frazer's
+_Golden Bough_, but it is suggestive and interesting.
+
+Prestige and taboo represent fundamental human traits whose importance
+is by no means confined to the life of primitive man where, almost
+exclusively hitherto, they have been observed and studied.
+
+The existing literature on leadership, while serving to emphasize the
+importance of the leader as a factor in social organization and social
+process, is based on too superficial an analysis to be of permanent
+scientific value. Adequate methods for the investigation of leadership
+have not been formulated. In general it is clear, however, that
+leadership must be studied in connection with the social group in which
+it arises and that every type of group will have a different type of
+leader. The prophet, the agitator, and the political boss are types of
+leaders in regard to whom there already are materials available for
+study and interpretation. A study of leadership should include, however,
+in addition to the more general types, like the poet, the priest, the
+tribal chieftain, and the leader of the gang, consideration of
+leadership in the more specific areas of social life, the precinct
+captain, the promoter, the banker, the pillar of the church, the
+football coach, and the society leader.
+
+
+3. Public Opinion and Social Control
+
+Public opinion, "the fourth estate" as Burke called it, has been
+appreciated, but not studied. The old Roman adage, _Vox populi, vox
+dei_, is a recognition of public opinion as the ultimate seat of
+authority. Public opinion has been elsewhere identified with the
+"general will." Rousseau conceived the general will to be best expressed
+through a plebiscite at which a question was presented without the
+possibilities of the divisive effects of public discussion. The natural
+impulses of human nature would make for more uniform and beneficial
+decisions than the calculated self-interest that would follow discussion
+and deliberation. English liberals like John Stuart Mill, of the latter
+half of the nineteenth century, looked upon freedom of discussion and
+free speech as the breath of life of a free society, and that tradition
+has come down to us a little shaken by recent experience, but
+substantially intact.
+
+The development of advertising and of propaganda, particularly during
+and since the world-war, has aroused a great many misgivings,
+nevertheless, in regard to the traditional freedom of the press. Walter
+Lippmann's thoughtful little volume, _Liberty and the News_, has stated
+the whole problem in a new form and has directed attention to an
+entirely new field for observation and study.
+
+De Tocqueville, in his study of the early frontier, _Democracy in
+America_, and James Bryce, in his _American Commonwealth_, have
+contributed a good deal of shrewd observation to our knowledge of the
+rôle of political opinion in the United States. The important attempts
+in English to define public opinion as a social phenomenon and study it
+objectively are A. V. Dicey's _Law and Opinion in England in the
+Nineteenth Century_ and A. Lawrence Lowell's _Public Opinion and Popular
+Government_. Although Dicey's investigation is confined to England and
+to the nineteenth century, his analysis of the facts throws new light on
+the nature of public opinion in general. The intimate relation between
+the press and parliamentary government in England is revealed in an
+interesting historical monograph by Michael Macdonagh, _The Reporters'
+Gallery_.
+
+
+4. Legal Institutions and Law
+
+Public law came into existence in an effort of the community to deal
+with conflict. In achieving this result, however, courts of law
+invariably have sought to make their decisions first in accordance with
+precedent, and second in accordance with common sense. The latter
+insured that the law would be administered equitably; the former that
+interpretations of the law would be consistent. Post says:
+
+ Jural feelings are principally feelings of indignation as when
+ an injustice is experienced by an individual, a feeling of fear
+ as when an individual is affected by an inclination to do
+ wrong, a feeling of penitence as when the individual has
+ committed a wrong. With the feeling of indignation is joined a
+ desire for vengeance, with the feeling of penitence a desire of
+ atonement, the former tending towards an act of vengeance and
+ the latter towards an act of expiation. The jural judgments of
+ individuals are not complete judgments; they are based upon an
+ undefined sense of right and wrong. In the consciousness of the
+ individual there exists no standard of right and wrong under
+ which every single circumstance giving rise to the formation of
+ a jural judgment can be subsumed. A simple instinct impels the
+ individual to declare an action right or wrong.[276]
+
+If these motives are the materials with which the administration of
+justice has to deal, the legal motive which has invariably controlled
+the courts is something quite different. The courts in the
+administration of law have invariably sought, above all else, to achieve
+consistency. It is an ancient maxim of English law that "it is better
+that the law should be certain than that the law should be just."[277]
+
+The conception implicit in the law is that the rule laid down in one
+case must apply in every similar case. In the effort to preserve this
+consistency in a constantly increasing variety of cases the courts have
+been driven to the formulation of principles, increasingly general and
+abstract, to multiply distinctions and subtleties, and to operate with
+legal fictions. All this effort to make the law a rationally consistent
+system was itself inconsistent with the conception that law, like
+religion, had a natural history and was involved, like language, in a
+process of growth and decay. It is only in recent years that comparative
+jurisprudence has found its way into the law schools. Although there is
+a vast literature upon the subject of the history of the law, Maine's
+_Ancient Law_, published in 1861, is still the classic work in this
+field in English.
+
+More recently there has sprung up a school of "legal ethnology." The
+purpose of these studies is not to trace the historical development, of
+the law, but to seek in the forms in use in isolated and primitive
+societies materials which will reveal, in their more elementary
+expressions, motives and practices that are common to legal institutions
+of every people. In the Preface to a recent volume of _Select Readings
+on the Origin and Development of Legal Institutions_, the editors
+venture the statement, in justification of the materials from sociology
+that these volumes include, that "contrary, perhaps, to legal tradition,
+the law itself is only a social phenomenon and not to be understood in
+detachment from human uses, necessities and forces from which it
+arises." Justice Holmes's characterization of law as "a great
+anthropological document" seems to support that position.
+
+Law in its origin is related to religion. The first public law was that
+which enforced the religious taboos, and the ceremonial purifications
+and expiations were intended to protect the community from the divine
+punishment for any involuntary disrespect or neglect of the rites due
+the gods which were the first crimes to be punished by the community as
+a whole, and for the reason that failure to punish or expiate them would
+bring disaster upon the community as a whole.
+
+Maine says that the earliest conceptions of law or a rule of life among
+the Greeks are contained in the Homeric words _Themis_ and _Themistes_.
+
+ When a king decided a dispute by a sentence, the judgment was
+ assumed to be the result of direct inspiration. The divine
+ agent, suggesting judicial awards to kings or to gods, the
+ greatest of kings, was _Themis_. The peculiarity of the
+ conception is brought out by the use of the plural.
+ _Themistes_, Themises, the plural of Themis, are the awards
+ themselves, divinely dictated to the judge. Kings are spoken of
+ as if they had a store of "Themistes" ready to hand for use;
+ but it must be distinctly understood that they are not laws,
+ but judgments. "Zeus, or the human king on earth," says Mr.
+ Grote, in his _History of Greece_, "is not a law-maker, but a
+ judge." He is provided with Themistes, but, consistently with
+ the belief in their emanation from above, they cannot be
+ supposed to be connected by any thread of principle; they are
+ separate, isolated judgments.[278]
+
+It is only in recent times, with the gradual separation of the function
+of the church and the state, that legal institutions have acquired a
+character wholly secular. Within the areas of social life that are
+represented on the one hand by religion and on the other by law are
+included all the sanctions and the processes by which society maintains
+its authority and imposes its will upon its individual members.[279]
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+I. SOCIAL CONTROL AND HUMAN NATURE
+
+(1) Maine, Henry S. _Dissertations on Early Law and Custom_. New York,
+1886.
+
+(2) Kocourek, Albert, and Wigmore, John H., editors. _Evolution of Law_.
+Select readings on the origin and development of legal institutions.
+Vol. I, "Sources of Ancient and Primitive Law." Vol. II, "Primitive and
+Ancient Legal Institutions." Vol. III, "Formative Influences of Legal
+Development." Boston, 1915.
+
+(3) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways_. A study of the sociological importance of
+usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. Boston, 1906.
+
+(4) Letourneau, Ch. _L'Évolution de la morale_. Paris, 1887.
+
+(5) Westermarck, Edward. _The Origin and Development of the Moral
+Ideas_, 2 vols. London, 1906-8.
+
+(6) Hobhouse, L. T. _Morals in Evolution_. New ed. A study in
+comparative ethics. New York, 1915.
+
+(7) Durkheim, Émile. _The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life_. A
+study in religious sociology. Translated from the French by J. W. Swain.
+London, 1915.
+
+(8) Novicow, J. _Conscience et volonté sociales_. Paris, 1897.
+
+(9) Ross, Edward A. _Social Control_. A survey of the foundations of
+order. New York, 1906.
+
+(10) Bernard, Luther L. _The Transition to an Objective Standard of
+Social Control_. Chicago, 1911.
+
+
+II. ELEMENTARY FORMS OF SOCIAL CONTROL
+
+
+A. _Leadership_
+
+(1) Woods, Frederick A. _The Influence of Monarchs_. Steps in a new
+science of history. New York, 1913.
+
+(2) Smith, J. M. P. _The Prophet and His Problems_. New York, 1914.
+
+(3) Walter, F. _Die Propheten in ihrem sozialen Beruf und das
+Wirtschaftsleben ihrer Zeit_. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
+Sozialethik. Freiburg-in-Brisgau, 1900.
+
+(4) Vierkandt, A. "Führende Individuen bei den Naturvölkern,"
+_Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft_, XI (1908), 542-53, 623-39.
+
+(5) Dixon, Roland B. "Some Aspects of the American Shaman," _The Journal
+of American Folk-Lore_, XXI (1908), 1-12.
+
+(6) Kohler, Josef. _Philosophy of Law_. (Albrecht's translation.)
+"Cultural Importance of Chieftainry." "Philosophy of Law Series," Vol.
+XII. [Reprinted in the _Evolution of Law_, II, 96-103.]
+
+(7) Fustel de Coulanges. _The Ancient City_, Book III, chap. ix, "The
+Government of the City. The King," pp. 231-39. Boston, 1896.
+
+(8) Leopold, Lewis. _Prestige_. A psychological study of social
+estimates. London, 1913.
+
+(9) Clayton, Joseph. _Leaders of the People_. Studies in democratic
+history. London, 1910.
+
+(10) Brent, Charles H. _Leadership_. New York, 1908.
+
+(11) Rothschild, Alonzo. _Lincoln: Master of Men_. A study in character.
+Boston, 1906.
+
+(12) Mumford, Eben. _The Origins of Leadership_. Chicago, 1909.
+
+(13) Ely, Richard T. _The World War and Leadership in a Democracy_. New
+York, 1918.
+
+(14) Terman, L. M. "A Preliminary Study of the Psychology and Pedagogy
+of Leadership," _Pedagogical Seminary_, XI (1904), 413-51.
+
+(15) Miller, Arthur H. _Leadership_. A study and discussion of the
+qualities most to be desired in an officer. New York, 1920.
+
+(16) Gowin, Enoch B. _The Executive and His Control of Men_. A study in
+personal efficiency. New York, 1915.
+
+(17) Cooley, Charles H. "Genius, Fame and the Comparison of Races,"
+_Annals of the American Academy_, IX (1897), 317-58.
+
+(18) Odin, Alfred. _Genèse des grands hommes, gens de lettres français
+modernes_. Paris, 1895. [See Ward, Lester F., _Applied Sociology_, for a
+statement in English of Odin's study.]
+
+(19) Kostyleff, N. _Le Mécanisme cérébral de la pensée_. Paris, 1914.
+[This is a study of the mechanism of the inspiration of poets and
+writers of romance.]
+
+(20) Chabaneix, Paul. _Physiologie cérébrale_. Le subconscient chez les
+artistes, les savants, et les écrivains. Bordeaux, 1897-98.
+
+
+B. _Ceremony, Rites, and Ritual_
+
+(1) Spencer, Herbert. _The Principles of Sociology, Part IV_,
+"Ceremonial Institutions." Vol. II, pp. 3-225. London, 1893.
+
+(2) Tylor, Edward B. _Primitive Culture_. Researches into the
+development of mythology, philosophy, religion, language, art, and
+custom. Chap. xviii, "Rites and Ceremonies," pp. 362-442. New York,
+1874.
+
+(3) Frazer, J. G. _Totemism and Exogamy_. A treatise on certain early
+forms of superstition and society. 4 vols. London, 1910.
+
+(4) Freud, Sigmund. _Totem and Taboo_. Resemblances between the psychic
+life of savages and neurotics. Authorized translation from the German by
+A. A. Brill. New York, 1918.
+
+(5) James, E. O. _Primitive Ritual and Belief_. An anthropological
+essay. With an introduction by R. R. Marett. London, 1917.
+
+(6) Brinton, Daniel G. _The Religious Sentiment: Its Source and Aim_. A
+contribution to the science and philosophy of religion. Chap. vi, "The
+Cult, Its Symbols and Rites," pp. 197-227. New York, 1876.
+
+(7) Frazer, J. G. _Golden Bough_. A study in magic and religion. Part
+VI, "The Scapegoat." 3d ed. London, 1913.
+
+(8) Nassau, R. H. _Fetichism in West Africa_. Forty years' observation
+of native customs and superstitions. New York, 1907.
+
+(9) Hubert, H., and Mauss, M. "Essai sur la nature et la fonction de
+sacrifice," _L'Année sociologique_, II (1897-98), 29-138.
+
+(10) Farnell, L. R. _The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion_. New York,
+1912.
+
+(11) ----. _The Cults of the Greek States_. 5 vols. Oxford, 1896-1909.
+
+(12) ----. "Religious and Social Aspects of the Cult of Ancestors and
+Heroes," _Hibbert Journal_, VII (1909), 415-35.
+
+(13) Harrison, Jane E. _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_.
+Cambridge, 1903.
+
+(14) De-Marchi, A. _Il Culto privato di Roma antica_. Milano, 1896.
+
+(15) Oldenberg, H. _Die Religion des Veda_. Part III, "Der Cultus," pp.
+302-523. Berlin, 1894.
+
+
+C. _Taboo_
+
+(1) Thomas, N. W. Article on "Taboo" in _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,
+XXVI, 337-41.
+
+(2) Frazer, J. G. _The Golden Bough_. A study in magic and religion.
+Part II, "Taboo and the Perils of the Soul." London, 1911.
+
+(3) Kohler, Josef. _Philosophy of Law_. "Taboo as a Primitive Substitute
+for Law." "Philosophy of Law Series," Vol. XII. Boston, 1914. [Reprinted
+in _Evolution of Law_, II, 120-21.]
+
+(4) Crawley, A. E. "Sexual Taboo," _Journal of Anthropological
+Institute_, XXIV (London, 1894), 116-25, 219-35, 430-45.
+
+(5) Gray, W. "Some Notes on the Tannese," _Internationales Archiv für
+Ethnographie_, VII (1894), 232-37.
+
+(6) Waitz, Theodor, und Gerland, Georg. _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_,
+VI, 343-63. 6 vols. Leipzig, 1862-77.
+
+(7) Tuchmann, J. "La Fascination," _Mélusine_, II (1884-85), 169-175,
+193-98, 241-50, 350-57, 368-76, 385-87, 409-17, 457-64, 517-24; III
+(1886-87), 49-56, 105-9, 319-25, 412-14, 506-8.
+
+(8) Durkheim, É. "La prohibition de l'inceste et ses origines," _L'Année
+sociologique_, I (1896-97), 38-70.
+
+(9) Crawley, A. E. "Taboos of Commensality," _Folk-Lore_, VI (1895),
+130-44.
+
+(10) Hubert, H., and Mauss, M. "Le Mana," _L'Année sociologique_, VII
+(1902-3), 108-22.
+
+(11) Codrington, R. H. _The Melanesians_. Studies in their anthropology
+and folklore. "Mana," pp. 51-58, 90, 103, 115, 118-24, 191, 200, 307-8.
+Oxford, 1891.
+
+
+D. _Myths_
+
+(1) Sorel, Georges. _Reflections on Violence_. Chap. iv, "The
+Proletarian Strike," pp. 126-67. Translated from the French by T. E.
+Hulme. New York, 1912.
+
+(2) Smith, W. Robertson. _Lectures on the Religion of the Semites_.
+"Ritual, Myth and Dogma," pp. 16-24. New ed. London, 1907.
+
+(3) Harrison, Jane E. _Themis_. A study of the social origins of Greek
+religion. Cambridge, 1912.
+
+(4) Clodd, Edward. _The Birth and Growth of Myth_. Humboldt Library of
+Popular Science Literature. New York, 1888.
+
+(5) Gennep, A. van. _La Formation des légendes_. Paris, 1910.
+
+(6) Langenhove, Fernand van. _The Growth of a Legend_. A study based
+upon the German accounts of _francs-tireurs_ and "atrocities" in
+Belgium. With a preface by J. Mark Baldwin. New York, 1916.
+
+(7) Case, S. J. _The Millennial Hope_. Chicago, 1918.
+
+(8) Abraham, Karl. _Dreams and Myths_. Translated from the German by W.
+A. White. "Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series," No. 15.
+Washington, 1913.
+
+(9) Pfister, Oskar. _The Psychoanalytic Method_. Translated from the
+German by C. R. Payne. Pp. 410-15. New York, 1917.
+
+(10) Jung, C. G. _Psychology of the Unconscious_. A study of the
+transformations and symbolisms of the libido. A contribution to the
+history of the evolution of thought. Authorized translation from the
+German by Beatrice M. Hinkle. New York, 1916.
+
+(11) Brinton, Daniel G. _The Religious Sentiment: Its Source and Aim_. A
+contribution to the science and philosophy of religion. Chap. v, "The
+Myth and the Mythical Cycles," pp. 153-96. New York, 1876.
+
+(12) Rivers, W. H. R. "The Sociological Significance of Myth,"
+_Folk-Lore_, XXIII (1912), 306-31.
+
+(13) Rank, Otto. _The Myth of the Birth of the Hero_. A psychological
+interpretation of mythology. "Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph
+Series," No. 18. Translated from the German by Drs. F. Robbins and Smith
+E. Jelliffe. Washington, 1914.
+
+(14) Freud, Sigmund. "Der Dichter und das Phantasieren," _Sammlung
+kleiner Schriften zur Neurosenlehre_. 2d ed. Wien, 1909.
+
+
+III. PUBLIC OPINION AND SOCIAL CONTROL
+
+
+A. _Materials for the Study of Public Opinion_
+
+(1) Lowell, A. Lawrence. _Public Opinion and Popular Government_. New
+York, 1913.
+
+(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _L'Opinion et la foule_. Paris, 1901.
+
+(3) Le Bon, Gustave. _Les Opinions et les croyances; genèse-évolution_.
+Paris, 1911. [Discusses the formation of public opinion, trends, etc.]
+
+(4) Bauer, Wilhelm. _Die öffentliche Meinung und ihre geschichtlichen
+Grundlagen_. Tübingen, 1914.
+
+(5) Dicey, A. V. _Lectures on the Relation between Law and Public
+Opinion in England during the Nineteenth Century_. 2d ed. London, 1914.
+
+(6) Shepard, W. J. "Public Opinion," _American Journal of Sociology_, XV
+(1909), 32-60.
+
+(7) Tocqueville, Alexius de. _The Republic of the United States of
+America_. Book IV. "Influence of Democratic Opinion on Political
+Society," pp. 306-55. 2 vols. in one. New York, 1858.
+
+(8) Bryce, James. _The American Commonwealth_, Vol. II, Part IV, "Public
+Opinion," pp. 239-64. Chicago, 1891.
+
+(9) ----. _Modern Democracies_. 2 vols. New York, 1921.
+
+(10) Lecky, W. E. H. _Democracy and Liberty_. New York, 1899.
+
+(11) Godkin, Edwin L. _Unforeseen Tendencies of Democracy_. Boston,
+1898.
+
+(12) Sageret, J. "L'opinion," _Revue philosophique_, LXXXVI (1918),
+19-38.
+
+(13) Bluntschli, Johann K. Article on "Public Opinion," _Lalor's
+Cyclopaedia of Political Science, Political Economy and of the Political
+History of the United States_. Vol. III, pp. 479-80.
+
+(14) Lewis, George C. _An Essay on the Influence of Authority in Matters
+of Opinion_. London, 1849.
+
+(15) Jephson, Henry. _The Platform_. Its rise and progress. 2 vols.
+London, 1892.
+
+(16) Junius. (Pseud.) _The Letters of Junius_. Woodfall's ed., revised
+by John Wade. 2 vols. London, 1902.
+
+(17) Woodbury, Margaret. _Public Opinion in Philadelphia, 1789-1801_.
+"Smith College Studies in History." Vol. V. Northampton, Mass., 1920.
+
+(18) Heaton, John L. _The Story of a Page_. Thirty years of public
+service and public discussion in the editorial columns of _The New York
+World_. New York, 1913.
+
+(19) _Editorials from the Hearst Newspapers_. New York, 1906.
+
+(20) Harrison, Shelby M. _Community Action through Surveys_. A paper
+describing the main features of the social survey. Russell Sage
+Foundation. New York, 1916.
+
+(21) Millioud, Maurice. "La propagation des idées," _Revue
+philosophique_, LXIX (1910), 580-600; LXX (1910), 168-91.
+
+(22) Scott, Walter D. _The Theory of Advertising_. Boston, 1903.
+
+
+B. _The Newspaper as an Organ of Public Opinion_
+
+(1) Dana, Charles A. _The Art of Newspaper Making_. New York, 1895.
+
+(2) Irwin, Will. "The American Newspaper," _Colliers_, XLVI and XLVII
+(1911). [A series of fifteen articles beginning in the issue of January
+21 and ending in the issue of July 29, 1911.]
+
+(3) Park, Robert E. _The Immigrant Press and Its Control_. [In Press.]
+New York, 1921.
+
+(4) Stead, W. T. "Government by Journalism," _Contemporary Review_, XLIX
+(1886), 653-74.
+
+(5) Blowitz, Henri G. S. A. O. de. _Memoirs of M. de Blowitz_. New York,
+1903.
+
+(6) Cook, Edward. _Delane of the Times_. New York, 1916.
+
+(7) Trent, William P. _Daniel Defoe: How to Know Him_. Indianapolis,
+1916.
+
+(8) Oberholtzer, E. P. _Die Beziehungen zwischen dem Staat und der
+Zeitungspresse im Deutschen Reich_. Nebst einigen Umrissen für die
+Wissenschaft der Journalistik. Berlin, 1895.
+
+(9) Yarros, Victor S. "The Press and Public Opinion," _American Journal
+of Sociology_, V (1899-1900), 372-82.
+
+(10) Macdonagh, Michael. _The Reporters' Gallery_. London, 1913.
+
+(11) Lippmann, Walter. _Liberty and the News_. New York, 1920.
+
+(12) O'Brien, Frank M. _The Story of the Sun, New York, 1833-1918_. With
+an introduction by Edward Page Mitchell, editor of _The Sun_. New York,
+1918.
+
+(13) Hudson, Frederic. _Journalism in the United States, from 1690 to
+1872_. New York, 1873.
+
+(14) Bourne, H. R. Fox. _English Newspapers_. London, 1887.
+
+(15) Andrews, Alexander. _The History of British Journalism_. 2 vols.
+London, 1859.
+
+(16) Lee, James Melvin. _A History of American Journalism_. Boston,
+1917.
+
+
+IV. LAW AND SOCIAL CONTROL
+
+
+A. _The Sociological Conception of Law_
+
+(1) Post, Albert H. "Ethnological Jurisprudence." Translated from the
+German by Thomas J. McCormack. _Open Court_, XI (1897), 641-53, 718-32.
+[Reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, II, 10-36.]
+
+(2) Vaccaro, M. A. _Les Bases sociologiques_. Du droit et de l'état.
+Translated by J. Gaure. Paris, 1898.
+
+(3) Duguit, Léon. _Law in the Modern State_. With introduction by Harold
+Laski. Translated from the French by Frida and Harold Laski. New York,
+1919. [The inherent nature of law is to be found in the social needs of
+man.]
+
+(4) Picard, Edmond. _Le Droit pur_. Secs. 140-54. Paris, 1908.
+[Translated by John H. Wigmore, under the title "Factors of Legal
+Evolution," in _Evolution of Law_, III, 163-81.]
+
+(5) Laski, Harold J. _Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty_. New Haven,
+1917.
+
+(6) ----. _Authority in the Modern State_. New Haven, 1919.
+
+(7) ----. _The Problem of Administrative Areas_. An essay in
+reconstruction. Northampton, Mass., 1918.
+
+
+B. _Ancient and Primitive Law_
+
+(1) Maine, Henry S. _Ancient Law_. 14th ed. London, 1891.
+
+(2) Fustel de Coulanges. _The Ancient City_. A study on the religion,
+laws, and institutions of Greece and Rome. Boston, 1894.
+
+(3) Kocourek, Albert, and Wigmore, J. H., editors. _Sources of Ancient
+and Primitive Law_. "Evolution of Law Series." Vol. I. Boston, 1915.
+
+(4) Steinmetz, S. R. _Rechtsverhältnisse von eingeborenen Völkern in
+Afrika und Oceanien_. Berlin, 1903.
+
+(5) Sarbah, John M. _Fanti Customary Law_. A brief introduction to the
+principles of the native laws and customs of the Fanti and Akan
+districts of the Gold Coast with a report of some cases thereon decided
+in the law courts. London, 1904. [Reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, I,
+326-82.]
+
+(6) McGee, W. J. "The Seri Indians," _Seventeenth Annual Report of the
+Bureau of American Ethnology_, 1895-96. Part I, pp. 269-95. [Reprinted
+in _Evolution of Law_, I, 257-78.]
+
+(7) Dugmore, H. H. _Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs_. Grahamstown,
+South Africa, 1906. [Reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, I 292-325.]
+
+(8) Spencer, Baldwin, and Gillen, F. J. _The Northern Tribes of Central
+Australia_. London, 1904. [Reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, I, 213-326.]
+
+(9) Seebohm, Frederic. _Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law_. Being an
+essay supplemental to (1) "The English Village Community," (2) "The
+Tribal System in Wales." London, 1903.
+
+
+C. _The History and Growth of Law_
+
+(1) Wigmore, John H. "Problems of the Law's Evolution," _Virginia Law
+Review_, IV (1917), 247-72. [Reprinted, in part, in _Evolution of Law_,
+III, 153-58.]
+
+(2) Robertson, John M. _The Evolution of States_. An introduction to
+English politics. New York, 1913.
+
+(3) Jhering, Rudolph von. _The Struggle for Law_. Translated from the
+German by John J. Lalor. 1st ed. Chicago, 1879. [Chap. i, reprinted in
+_Evolution of Law_, III, 440-47.]
+
+(4) Nardi-Greco, Carlo. _Sociologia giuridica_. Chap. viii, pp. 310-24.
+Torino, 1907. [Translated by John H. Wigmore under the title "Causes for
+the Variation of Jural Phenomena in General," in _Evolution of Law_,
+III, 182-97.]
+
+(5) Bryce, James. _Studies in History and Jurisprudence_. Oxford, 1901.
+
+(6) ----. "Influence of National Character and Historical Environment on
+the American Law." Annual address to the Bar Association, 1907. _Reports
+of American Bar Association_, XXXI (1907), 444-59. [Abridged and
+reprinted in _Evolution of Law_, III, 369-77.]
+
+(7) Pollock, Frederick, and Maitland, Frederic W. _The History of
+English Law before the Time of Edward I_. 2d ed. Cambridge, 1899.
+
+(8) Jenks, Edward. _Law and Politics in the Middle Ages_. With a
+synoptic table of sources. London, 1913.
+
+(9) Holdsworth, W. S. _A History of English Law_. 3 vols. London,
+1903-9.
+
+(10) _The Modern Legal Philosophy Series_. Edited by a committee of the
+Association of American Law Schools. 13 vols. Boston, 1911-.
+
+(11) _Continental Legal History Series_. Published under the auspices of
+the Association of American Law Schools. 11 vols. Boston, 1912-.
+
+(12) _Select Essays in Anglo-American Legal History._ Compiled and
+edited by a committee of the Association of American Law Schools. 3
+vols. Boston, 1907-9.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. Social Interaction and Social Control
+
+2. Social Control as the Central Fact and the Central Problem of
+Sociology
+
+3. Social Control, Collective Behavior, and Progress
+
+4. Manipulation and Participation as Forms of Social Control
+
+5. Social Control and Self-Control
+
+6. Accommodation as Control
+
+7. Elementary Forms of Social Control: Ceremony, Fashion, Prestige, and
+Taboo, etc.
+
+8. Traditional Forms of Control, as Folkways, Mores, Myths, Law,
+Education, Religion, etc.
+
+9. Rumors, News, Facts, etc., as Forms of Control
+
+10. Case Studies of the Influence of Myths, Legends, "Vital Lies," etc.,
+on Collective Behavior
+
+11. The Newspaper as Controlling and as Controlled by Public Opinion
+
+12. Gossip as Social Control
+
+13. Social Control in the Primary Group in the Village Community as
+Compared with Social Control in the Secondary Group in the City
+
+14. An Analysis of Public Opinion in a Selected Community
+
+15. The Politician and Public Opinion
+
+16. The Social Survey as a Mechanism of Social Control
+
+17. A Study of Common Law and Statute Law from the Standpoint of Mores
+and Public Opinion
+
+18. A Concrete Example of Social Change Analyzed in Terms of Mores, the
+Trend, and Public Opinion, as Woman's Suffrage, Prohibition, the
+Abolition of Slavery, Birth Control, etc.
+
+19. The Life History of an Institution from the Standpoint of Its Origin
+and Survival as an Agency of Control
+
+20. Unwritten Law; a Case Study
+
+21. Legal Fictions and Their Function in Legal Practice
+
+22. The Sociology of Authority in the Social Group and in the State
+
+23. Maine's Conception of Primitive Law
+
+24. The Greek Conception of Themistes and Their Relation to Code of
+Solon
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. What do you understand by social control?
+
+2. What do you mean by elementary social control? How would you
+distinguish it from control exercised by public opinion and law?
+
+3. How does social control in human society differ from that in animal
+society?
+
+4. What is the natural history of social control in the crowd and the
+public?
+
+5. What is the fundamental mechanism by which control is established in
+the group?
+
+6. How do you explain the process by which a crisis develops in a social
+group? How is crisis related to control?
+
+7. Under what conditions is a dictatorship a necessary form of control?
+Why?
+
+8. In what way does the crowd control its members?
+
+9. Describe and analyze your behavior in a crowd. Were you conscious of
+control by the group?
+
+10. What is the mechanism of control in the public?
+
+11. In what sense is ceremony a control?
+
+12. How do music, rhythm, and art enter into social control?
+
+13. Analyze the mechanism of the following forms of ceremonial control:
+the salute, the visit, the decoration, forms of address, presents,
+greetings. What other forms of ceremonial control occur to you?
+
+14. What is the relation of fashions to ceremonial control?
+
+15. What is the meaning to the individual of ceremony?
+
+16. What are the values and limitations of ceremonial control?
+
+17. What do you understand by "prestige" in interpreting control through
+leadership?
+
+18. In what sense is prestige an aspect of personality?
+
+19. What relation, if any, is there between prestige and prejudice?
+
+20. How do you explain the prestige of the white man in South East
+Africa? Does the white man always have prestige among colored races?
+
+21. What is the relation of taboo to contact? (See pp. 291-93.)
+
+22. Why does taboo refer both to things "holy" and things "unclean"?
+
+23. How does taboo function for social control?
+
+24. Describe and analyze the mechanism of control through taboo in a
+selected group.
+
+25. What examples do you discover of American taboos?
+
+26. What is the mechanism of control by the myth?
+
+27. "Myths are projections of our hopes and of our fears." Explain with
+reference to the Freudian wish.
+
+28. How do you explain the growth of a legend? Make an analysis of the
+origin and development of the legend.
+
+29. Under what conditions does the press promote the growth of myths and
+legends?
+
+30. Does control by public opinion exist outside of democracies?
+
+31. What is the relation of the majority and the minority to public
+opinion?
+
+32. What is the distinction made by Lowell between (a) an effective
+majority, and (b) a numerical majority, with reference to public
+opinion?
+
+33. What is the relation of mores to public opinion?
+
+34. How do you distinguish between public opinion, advertising, and
+propaganda as means and forms of social control?
+
+35. What is the relation of news to social control?
+
+36. "The news columns are common carriers." Discuss the implications of
+this statement.
+
+37. How do you explain the psychology of propaganda?
+
+38. What is the relation between institutions and the mores?
+
+39. What is the nature of social control exerted by the institution?
+
+40. What is the relation of mores to common law and statute law?
+
+41. "Under the free Anglo-Saxon government, no king could ever make a
+law, but could only declare what the law was." Discuss the significance
+of this fact.
+
+42. In what different ways does religion control the behavior of the
+individual and of the group?
+
+43. Is religion a conservative or a progressive factor in society?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[250] Chap. i, pp. 46-47.
+
+[251] Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, _Old World Traits
+Transplanted_, pp. 1-2. (New York, 1921.)
+
+[252] Ernst Grosse, _The Beginnings of Art_, pp. 228-29. (New York,
+1897.)
+
+[253] See A. L. Lowell, _Public Opinion and Popular Government_, pp.
+12-13. (New York, 1913.)
+
+[254] _The American Party System_, chap. viii. (New York, 1922.) [In
+press.]
+
+[255] "On the afternoon of July 13, Bismarck, Roon, and Moltke were
+seated together in the Chancellor's Room at Berlin. They were depressed
+and moody; for Prince Leopold's renunciation had been trumpeted in Paris
+as a humiliation for Prussia. They were afraid, too, that King William's
+conciliatory temper might lead him to make further concessions, and that
+the careful preparations of Prussia for the inevitable war with France
+might be wasted, and a unique opportunity lost. A telegram arrived. It
+was from the king at Ems, and described his interview that morning with
+the French ambassador. The king had met Benedetti's request for the
+guarantee required by a firm but courteous refusal; and when the
+ambassador had sought to renew the interview, he had sent a polite
+message through his aide-de-camp informing him that the subject must be
+considered closed. In conclusion, Bismarck was authorized to publish the
+message if he saw fit. The Chancellor at once saw his opportunity. In
+the royal despatch, though the main incidents were clear enough, there
+was still a note of doubt, of hesitancy, which suggested a possibility
+of further negotiation. The excision of a few lines would alter, not
+indeed the general sense, but certainly the whole tone of the message.
+Bismarck, turning to Moltke, asked him if he were ready for a sudden
+risk of war; and on his answering in the affirmative, took a blue pencil
+and drew it quickly through several parts of the telegram. Without the
+alteration or addition of a single word, the message, instead of
+appearing a mere 'fragment of a negotiation still pending,' was thus
+made to appear decisive. In the actual temper of the French people there
+was no doubt that it would not only appear decisive, but insulting, and
+that its publication would mean war.
+
+"On July 14 the publication of the 'Ems telegram' became known in Paris,
+with the result that Bismarck had expected. The majority of the Cabinet,
+hitherto in favour of peace, were swept away by the popular tide; and
+Napoleon himself reluctantly yielded to the importunity of his ministers
+and of the Empress, who saw in a successful war the best, if not the
+only, chance of preserving the throne for her son. On the evening of the
+same day, July 14, the declaration of war was signed."--W. Alison
+Phillips, _Modern Europe, 1815-1899_, pp. 465-66. (London, 1903.)
+
+[256] G. Tarde, _L'opinion et la foule._ (Paris, 1901.)
+
+[257] L. T. Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution, A Study in Comparative
+Ethics_, pp. 13-14. (New York, 1915.)
+
+[258] E. D. Morel, _King Leopold's Rule in Africa_. (London, 1904.)
+
+[259] L. T. Hobhouse, _op. cit._, p. 85.
+
+[260] The whole process of evolution by which a moral order has been
+established over ever wider areas of social life has been sketched in a
+masterly manner by Hobhouse in his chapter, "Law and Justice," _op.
+cit._, pp. 72-131.
+
+[261] From Lieutenant Joseph S. Smith, _Over There and Back_, pp. 9-22.
+(E. P. Dutton & Co., 1917.)
+
+[262] From Herbert Spencer, _The Principles of Sociology_, II, 3-6.
+(Williams & Norgate, 1893.)
+
+[263] Adapted from Lewis Leopold, _Prestige_, pp. 16-62. (T. Fisher
+Unwin, 1913.)
+
+[264] Adapted from Maurice S. Evans, _Black and White in South East
+Africa_, pp. 15-35. (Longmans, Green & Co., 1911.)
+
+[265] From W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, pp.
+152-447. (Adam and Charles Black, 1907.)
+
+[266] From Georges Sorel, _Reflections on Violence_, pp. 133-37. (B. W.
+Huebsch, 1912.)
+
+[267] Adapted from Fernand van Langenhove, _The Growth of a Legend_, pp.
+5-275. (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1916.)
+
+[268] From W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, pp. 16-24.
+(Adam and Charles Black, 1907.)
+
+[269] Adapted from A. Lawrence Lowell, _Public Opinion and Popular
+Government_, pp. 3-14. (Longmans, Green & Co., 1913.)
+
+[270] From Robert E. Park, _The Crowd and the Public_. (Unpublished
+manuscript.)
+
+[271] Adapted from Walter Lippmann, _Liberty and the News_, pp. 4-15.
+(Harcourt, Brace & Howe, 1920.)
+
+[272] From Raymond Dodge, "The Psychology of Propaganda," _Religious
+Education_, XV (1920), 241-52.
+
+[273] From William G. Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 53-56. (Ginn & Co., 1906.)
+
+[274] Adapted from Frederic J. Stimson, _Popular Law-Making_, pp. 2-16.
+(Charles Scribner's Sons, 1912.)
+
+[275] From Charles A. Ellwood, "Religion and Social Control," in the
+_Scientific Monthly_, VII (1918), 339-41.
+
+[276] Albert H. Post, _Evolution of Law: Select Readings on the Origin
+and Development of Legal Institutions_, Vol. II, "Primitive and Ancient
+Legal Institutions," complied by Albert Kocourek and John H. Wigmore;
+translated from the German by Thomas J. McCormack. Section 2,
+"Ethnological Jurisprudence," p. 12. (Boston, 1915.)
+
+[277] Quoted by James Bryce, "Influence of National Character and
+Historical Environment on Development of Common Law," annual address to
+the American Bar Association, 1907, _Reports of the American Bar
+Association_, XXXI (1907), 447.
+
+[278] Henry S. Maine, _Ancient Law_. Its connection with the early
+history of society and its relation to modern ideas, pp. 4-5. 14th ed.
+(London, 1891.)
+
+[279] For the distinction between the cultural process and the political
+process see _supra_, pp. 52-53.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Collective Behavior Defined
+
+A collection of individuals is not always, and by the mere fact of its
+collectivity, a society. On the other hand, when people come together
+anywhere, in the most casual way, on the street corner or at a railway
+station, no matter how great the social distances between them, the mere
+fact that they are aware of one another's presence sets up a lively
+exchange of influences, and the behavior that ensues is both social and
+collective. It is social, at the very least, in the sense that the train
+of thought and action in each individual is influenced more or less by
+the action of every other. It is collective in so far as each individual
+acts under the influence of a mood or a state of mind in which each
+shares, and in accordance with conventions which all quite unconsciously
+accept, and which the presence of each enforces upon the others.
+
+The amount of individual eccentricity or deviation from normal and
+accepted modes of behavior which a community will endure without comment
+and without protest will vary naturally enough with the character of the
+community. A cosmopolitan community like New York City can and does
+endure a great deal in the way of individual eccentricity that a smaller
+city like Boston would not tolerate. In any case, and this is the point
+of these observations, even in the most casual relations of life, people
+do not behave in the presence of others as if they were living alone
+like Robinson Crusoe, each on his individual island. The very fact of
+their consciousness of each other tends to maintain and enforce a great
+body of convention and usage which otherwise falls into abeyance and is
+forgotten. Collective behavior, then, is the behavior of individuals
+under the influence of an impulse that is common and collective, an
+impulse, in other words, that is the result of social interaction.
+
+
+2. Social Unrest and Collective Behavior
+
+The most elementary form of collective behavior seems to be what is
+ordinarily referred to as "social unrest." Unrest in the individual
+becomes social when it is, or seems to be, transmitted from one
+individual to another, but more particularly when it produces something
+akin to the milling process in the herd, so that the manifestations of
+discontent in A communicated to B, and from B reflected back to A,
+produce the circular reaction described in the preceding chapter.
+
+The significance of social unrest is that it represents at once a
+breaking up of the established routine and a preparation for new
+collective action. Social unrest is not of course a new phenomenon; it
+is possibly true, however, that it is peculiarly characteristic, as has
+been said, of modern life. The contrast between the conditions of modern
+life and of primitive society suggests why this may be true.
+
+The conception which we ought to form of primitive society, says Sumner,
+is that of small groups scattered over a territory. The size of the
+group will be determined by the conditions of the struggle for existence
+and the internal organization of each group will correspond (1) to the
+size of the group, and (2) to the nature and intensity of the struggle
+with its neighbors.
+
+ Thus war and peace have reacted on each other and developed
+ each other, one within the group, the other in the intergroup
+ relation. The closer the neighbors, and the stronger they are,
+ the intenser is the warfare, and then the intenser is the
+ internal organization and discipline of each. Sentiments are
+ produced to correspond. Loyalty to the group, sacrifice for it,
+ hatred and contempt for outsiders, brotherhood within,
+ warlikeness without--all grow together, common products of the
+ same situation. These relations and sentiments constitute a
+ social philosophy. It is sanctified by connection with
+ religion. Men of an others-group are outsiders with whose
+ ancestors the ancestors of the we-group waged war. The ghosts
+ of the latter will see with pleasure their descendants keep up
+ the fight, and will help them. Virtue consists in killing,
+ plundering, and enslaving outsiders.[280]
+
+The isolation, territorial and cultural, under which alone it is
+possible to maintain an organization which corresponds to Sumner's
+description, has disappeared within comparatively recent times from all
+the more inhabitable portions of the earth. In place of it there has
+come, and with increasing rapidity is coming, into existence a society
+which includes within its limits the total population of the earth and
+is so intimately bound together that the speculation of a grain merchant
+in Chicago may increase the price of bread in Bombay, while the act of
+an assassin in a provincial town in the Balkans has been sufficient to
+plunge the world into a war which changed the political map of three
+continents and cost the lives, in Europe alone, of 8,500,000 combatants.
+
+The first effect of modern conditions of life has been to increase and
+vastly complicate the economic interdependence of strange and distant
+peoples, i.e., to destroy distances and make the world, as far as
+national relations are concerned, small and tight.
+
+The second effect has been to break down family, local, and national
+ties, and emancipate the individual man.
+
+ When the family ceases, as it does in the city, to be an
+ economic unit, when parents and children have vocations that
+ not only intercept the traditional relations of family life,
+ but make them well nigh impossible, the family ceases to
+ function as an organ of social control. When the different
+ nationalities, with their different national cultures, have so
+ far interpenetrated one another that each has permanent
+ colonies within the territorial limits of the other, it is
+ inevitable that the old solidarities, the common loyalties and
+ the common hatreds that formerly bound men together in
+ primitive kinship and local groups should be undermined.
+
+A survey of the world today shows that vast changes are everywhere in
+progress. Not only in Europe but in Asia and in Africa new cultural
+contacts have undermined and broken down the old cultures. The effect
+has been to loosen all the social bonds and reduce society to its
+individual atoms. The energies thus freed have produced a world-wide
+ferment. Individuals released from old associations enter all the more
+readily into new ones. Out of this confusion new and strange political
+and religious movements arise, which represent the groping of men for a
+new social order.
+
+
+3. The Crowd and the Public
+
+Gustave Le Bon, who was the first writer to call attention to the
+significance of the crowd as a social phenomenon,[281] said that mass
+movements mark the end of an old régime and the beginning of a new.
+
+"When the structure of a civilization is rotten, it is always the masses
+that bring about its downfall."[282] On the other hand, "all founders of
+religious or political creeds have established them solely because they
+were successful in inspiring crowds with those fanatical sentiments
+which have as result that men find their happiness in worship and
+obedience and are ready to lay down their lives for their idol."[283]
+
+The crowd was, for Le Bon, not merely any group brought together by the
+accident of some chance excitement, but it was above all the emancipated
+masses whose bonds of loyalty to the old order had been broken by "the
+destruction of those religious, political, and social beliefs in which
+all the elements of our civilization are rooted." The crowd, in other
+words, typified for Le Bon the existing social order. Ours is an age of
+crowds, he said, an age in which men, massed and herded together in
+great cities without real convictions or fundamental faiths, are likely
+to be stampeded in any direction for any chance purpose under the
+influence of any passing excitement.
+
+Le Bon did not attempt to distinguish between the crowd and the public.
+This distinction was first made by Tarde in a paper entitled "Le Public
+et la foule," published first in _La Revue de Paris_ in 1898, and
+included with several others on the same general theme under the title
+_L'Opinion et la foule_ which appeared in 1901. The public, according to
+Tarde, was a product of the printing press. The limits of the crowd are
+determined by the length to which a voice will carry or the distance
+that the eye can survey. But the public presupposes a higher stage of
+social development in which suggestions are transmitted in the form of
+ideas and there is "contagion without contact."[284]
+
+The fundamental distinction between the crowd and the public, however,
+is not to be measured by numbers nor by means of communication, but by
+the form and effects of the interactions. In the public, interaction
+takes the form of discussion. Individuals tend to act upon one another
+critically; issues are raised and parties form. Opinions clash and thus
+modify and moderate one another.
+
+The crowd does not discuss and hence it does not reflect. It simply
+"mills." Out of this milling process a collective impulse is formed
+which dominates all members of the crowd. Crowds, when they act, do so
+impulsively. The crowd, says Le Bon, "is the slave of its impulses."
+
+"The varying impulses which crowds obey may be, according to their
+exciting causes, generous or cruel, heroic or cowardly, but they will
+always be so imperious that the interest of the individual, even the
+interest of self-preservation, will not dominate them."[285]
+
+When the crowd acts it becomes a mob. What happens when two mobs meet?
+We have in the literature no definite record. The nearest approach to it
+are the occasional accounts we find in the stories of travelers of the
+contacts and conflicts of armies of primitive peoples. These
+undisciplined hordes are, as compared with the armies of civilized
+peoples, little more than armed mobs. Captain S. L. Hinde in his story
+of the Belgian conquest of the Congo describes several such battles.
+From the descriptions of battles carried on almost wholly between savage
+and undisciplined troops it is evident that the morale of an army of
+savages is a precarious thing. A very large part of the warfare consists
+in alarms and excursions interspersed with wordy duels to keep up the
+courage on one side and cause a corresponding depression on the
+other.[286]
+
+Gangs are conflict groups. Their organization is usually quite informal
+and is determined by the nature and imminence of its conflicts with
+other groups. When one crowd encounters another it either goes to pieces
+or it changes its character and becomes a conflict group. When
+negotiations and palavers take place as they eventually do between
+conflict groups, these two groups, together with the neutrals who have
+participated vicariously in the conflict, constitute a public. It is
+possible that the two opposing savage hordes which seek, by threats and
+boastings and beatings of drums, to play upon each other's fears and so
+destroy each other's morale, may be said to constitute a very primitive
+type of public.
+
+Discussion, as might be expected, takes curious and interesting forms
+among primitive peoples. In a volume, _Iz Derevni: 12 Pisem_ ("From the
+Country: 12 Letters"), A. N. Engelgardt describes the way in which the
+Slavic peasants reach their decisions in the village council.
+
+ In the discussion of some questions by the _mir_ [organization
+ of neighbors] there are no speeches, no debates, no votes. They
+ shout, they abuse one another--they seem on the point of coming
+ to blows; apparently they riot in the most senseless manner.
+ Some one preserves silence, and then suddenly puts in a word,
+ one word, or an ejaculation, and by this word, this
+ ejaculation, he turns the whole thing upside down. In the end,
+ you look into it and find that an admirable decision has been
+ formed and, what is most important, a unanimous decision....
+ (In the division of land) the cries, the noise, the hubbub do
+ not subside until everyone is satisfied and no doubter is
+ left.[287]
+
+
+4. Crowds and Sects
+
+Reference has been made to the crowds that act, but crowds do not always
+act. Sometimes they merely dance or, at least, make expressive motions
+which relieve their feelings. "The purest and most typical expression of
+simple feeling," as Hirn remarks, "is that which consists of mere random
+movements."[288] When these motions assume, as they so easily do, the
+character of a fixed sequence in time, that is to say when they are
+rhythmical, they can be and inevitably are, as by a sort of inner
+compulsion, imitated by the onlookers. "As soon as the expression is
+fixed in rhythmical form its contagious power is incalculably
+increased."[289]
+
+This explains at once the function and social importance of the dance
+among primitive people. It is the form in which they prepare for battle
+and celebrate their victories. It gives the form at once to their
+religious ritual and to their art. Under the influence of the memories
+and the emotions which these dances stimulate the primitive group
+achieves a sense of corporate unity, which makes corporate action
+possible outside of the fixed and sacred routine of ordinary daily life.
+
+If it is true, as has been suggested, that art and religion had their
+origin in the choral dance, it is also true that in modern times
+religious sects and social movements have had their origin in crowd
+excitements and spontaneous mass movements. The very names which have
+been commonly applied to them--Quakers, Shakers, Convulsionaires, Holy
+Rollers--suggest not merely the derision with which they were at one
+time regarded, but indicate likewise their origin in ecstatic or
+expressive crowds, the crowds that _do not act_.
+
+All great mass movements tend to display, to a greater or less extent,
+the characteristics that Le Bon attributes to crowds. Speaking of the
+convictions of crowds, Le Bon says:
+
+ When these convictions are closely examined, whether at epochs
+ marked by fervent religious faith, or by great political
+ upheavals such as those of the last century, it is apparent
+ that they always assume a peculiar form which I cannot better
+ define than by giving it the name of a religious
+ sentiment.[290]
+
+Le Bon's definition of religion and religious sentiment will hardly find
+general acceptance but it indicates at any rate his conception of the
+extent to which individual personalities are involved in the excitements
+that accompany mass movements.
+
+ A person is not religious solely when he worships a divinity,
+ but when he puts all the resources of his mind, the complete
+ submission of his will, and the whole-souled ardour of
+ fanaticism at the service of a cause or an individual who
+ becomes the goal and guide of his thoughts and actions.[291]
+
+Just as the gang may be regarded as the perpetuation and permanent form
+of "the crowd that acts," so the sect, religious or political, may be
+regarded as a perpetuation and permanent form of the orgiastic
+(ecstatic) or expressive crowd.
+
+"The sect," says Sighele, "is a crowd _triée_, selected, and permanent,
+the crowd is a transient sect, which does not select its members. The
+sect is the _chronic_ form of the crowd; the crowd is the _acute_ form
+of the sect."[292] It is Sighele's conception that the crowd is an
+elementary organism, from which the sect issues, like the chick from the
+egg, and that all other types of social groups "may, in this same
+manner, be deduced from this primitive social protoplasm." This is a
+simplification which the facts hardly justify. It is true that, implicit
+in the practices and the doctrines of a religious sect, there is the
+kernel of a new independent culture.
+
+
+5. Sects and Institutions
+
+A sect is a religious organization that is at war with the existing
+mores. It seeks to cultivate a state of mind and establish a code of
+morals different from that of the world about it and for this it claims
+divine authority. In order to accomplish this end it invariably seeks to
+set itself off in contrast with the rest of the world. The simplest and
+most effective way to achieve this is to adopt a peculiar form of dress
+and speech. This, however, invariably makes its members objects of scorn
+and derision, and eventually of persecution. It would probably do this
+even if there was no assumption of moral superiority to the rest of the
+world in this adoption of a peculiar manner and dress.
+
+Persecution tends to dignify and sanctify all the external marks of the
+sect, and it becomes a cardinal principle of the sect to maintain them.
+Any neglect of them is regarded as disloyalty and is punished as heresy.
+Persecution may eventually, as was the case with the Puritans, the
+Quakers, the Mormons, compel the sect to seek refuge in some part of the
+world where it may practice its way of life in peace.
+
+Once the sect has achieved territorial isolation and territorial
+solidarity, so that it is the dominant power within the region that it
+occupies, it is able to control the civil organization, establish
+schools and a press, and so put the impress of a peculiar culture upon
+all the civil and political institutions that it controls. In this case
+it tends to assume the form of a state, and become a nationality.
+Something approaching this was achieved by the Mormons in Utah. The most
+striking illustration of the evolution of a nationality from a sect is
+Ulster, which now has a position not quite that of a nation within the
+English empire.
+
+This sketch suggests that the sect, like most other social institutions,
+originates under conditions that are typical for all institutions of the
+same species; then it develops in definite and predictable ways, in
+accordance with a form or entelechy that is predetermined by
+characteristic internal processes and mechanisms, and that has, in
+short, a nature and natural history which can be described and explained
+in sociological terms. Sects have their origin in social unrest to which
+they give a direction and expression in forms and practices that are
+largely determined by historical circumstances; movements which were at
+first inchoate impulses and aspirations gradually take form; policies
+are defined, doctrine and dogmas formulated; and eventually an
+administrative machinery and efficiencies are developed to carry into
+effect policies and purposes. The Salvation Army, of which we have a
+more adequate history than of most other religious movements, is an
+example.
+
+A sect in its final form may be described, then, as a movement of social
+reform and regeneration that has become institutionalized. Eventually,
+when it has succeeded in accommodating itself to the other rival
+organizations, when it has become tolerant and is tolerated, it tends to
+assume the form of a denomination. Denominations tend and are perhaps
+destined to unite in the form of religious federations--a thing which is
+inconceivable of a sect.
+
+What is true of the sect, we may assume, and must assume if social
+movements are to become subjects for sociological investigation, is true
+of other social institutions. Existing institutions represent social
+movements that survived the conflict of cultures and the struggle for
+existence.
+
+Sects, and that is what characterizes and distinguishes them from
+secular institutions, at least, have had their origin in movements that
+aimed to reform the mores--movements that sought to renovate and renew
+the inner life of the community. They have wrought upon society from
+within outwardly. Revolutionary and reform movements, on the contrary,
+have been directed against the outward fabric and formal structure of
+society. Revolutionary movements in particular have assumed that if the
+existing structure could be destroyed it would then be possible to erect
+a new moral order upon the ruins of the old social structures.
+
+A cursory survey of the history of revolutions suggests that the most
+radical and the most successful of them have been religious. Of this
+type of revolution Christianity is the most conspicuous example.
+
+
+6. Classification of the Materials
+
+The materials in this chapter have been arranged under the headings:
+(a) social contagion, (b) the crowd, and (c) types of mass
+movements. The order of materials follows, in a general way, the order
+of institutional evolution. Social unrest is first communicated, then
+takes form in crowd and mass movements, and finally crystallizes in
+institutions. The history of almost any single social movement--woman's
+suffrage, prohibition, protestantism--exhibit in a general way, if not
+in detail, this progressive change in character. There is at first a
+vague general discontent and distress. Then a violent, confused, and
+disorderly, but enthusiastic and popular movement, and finally the
+movement takes form; develops leadership, organization; formulates
+doctrines and dogmas. Eventually it is accepted, established, legalized.
+The movement dies, but the institution remains.
+
+a) _Social contagion._--The ease and the rapidity with which a
+cultural trait originating in one cultural group finds its way to other
+distant groups is familiar to students of folklore and ethnology. The
+manner in which fashions are initiated in some metropolitan community,
+and thence make their way, with more or less rapidity, to the provinces
+is an illustration of the same phenomenon in a different context.
+
+ Fashion plays a much larger rôle in social life than most of us
+ imagine. Fashion dominates our manners and dress but it
+ influences also our sentiments and our modes of thought.
+ Everything in literature, art or philosophy that was
+ characteristic of the middle of the nineteenth century, the
+ "mid-Victorian period," is now quite out of date and no one who
+ is intelligent now-a-days practices the pruderies, defends the
+ doctrines, nor shares the enthusiasms of that period.
+ Philosophy, also, changes with the fashion and Sumner says that
+ even mathematics and science do the same. Lecky in his history
+ of Rationalism in Europe describes in great detail how the
+ belief in witches, so characteristic of the Middle Ages,
+ gradually disappeared with the period of enlightenment and
+ progress.[293] But the enlightenment of the eighteenth century
+ was itself a fashion and is now quite out of date. In the
+ meantime a new popular and scientific interest is growing up in
+ obscure mental phenomena which no man with scientific training
+ would have paid any attention to a few years ago because he did
+ not believe in such things. It was not good form to do so.
+
+But the changes of fashion are so pervasive, so familiar, and, indeed,
+universal phenomena that we do not regard the changes which they bring,
+no matter how fantastic, as quite out of the usual and expected order.
+Gabriel Tarde, however, regards the "social contagion" represented in
+fashion (imitation) as the fundamental social phenomenon.[294]
+
+The term social epidemic, which is, like fashion, a form of social
+contagion, has a different origin and a different connotation. J. F. C.
+Hecker, whose study of the Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages, published
+in 1832, was an incident of his investigation of the Black Death, was
+perhaps the first to give currency to the term.[295] Both the Black
+Death and the Dancing Mania assumed the form of epidemics and the
+latter, the Dancing Mania, was in his estimation the sequel of the
+former, the Black Death. It was perhaps this similarity in the manner in
+which they spread--the one by physical and the other by psychical
+infection--that led him to speak of the spread of a popular delusion in
+terms of a physical science. Furthermore, the hysteria was directly
+traceable, as he believed, to the prevailing conditions of the time, and
+this seemed to put the manifestations in the world of intelligible and
+controllable phenomena, where they could be investigated.
+
+It is this notion, then, that unrest which manifests itself in social
+epidemics is an indication of pathological social conditions, and the
+further, the more general, conception that unrest does not become social
+and hence contagious except when there are contributing causes in the
+environment--it is this that gives its special significance to the term
+and the facts. Unrest in the social organism with the social ferments
+that it induces is like fever in the individual organism, a highly
+important diagnostic symptom.
+
+b) _The crowd._--Neither Le Bon nor any of the other writers upon the
+subject of mass psychology has succeeded in distinguishing clearly
+between the organized or "psychological" crowd, as Le Bon calls it, and
+other similar types of social groups. These distinctions, if they are to
+be made objectively, must be made on the basis of case studies. It is
+the purpose of the materials under the general heading of "The 'Animal'
+Crowd," not so much to furnish a definition, as to indicate the nature
+and sources of materials from which a definition can be formulated. It
+is apparent that the different animal groups behave in ways that are
+distinctive and characteristic, ways which are predetermined in the
+organism to an extent that is not true of human beings.
+
+One other distinction may possibly be made between the so-called
+"animal" and the human crowd. The organized crowd is controlled by _a
+common purpose_ and acts to achieve, no matter how vaguely it is
+defined, a common end. The herd, on the other hand, has apparently no
+common purpose. Every sheep in the flock, at least as the behavior of
+the flock is ordinarily interpreted, behaves like every other. Action in
+a stampede, for example, is collective but it is not concerted. It is
+very difficult to understand how there can be concerted action in the
+herd or the flock unless it is on an instinctive basis. The crowd,
+however, responds to collective representations. The crowd does not
+imitate or follow its leader as sheep do a bellwether. On the contrary,
+the crowd _carries out the suggestions of the leader_, and even though
+there be no division of labor each individual acts more or less in his
+own way to achieve a common end.
+
+In the case of a panic or a stampede, however, where there is no common
+end, the crowd acts like a flock of sheep. But a stampede or a panic is
+not a crowd in Le Bon's sense. It is not a psychological unity, nor a
+"single being," subject to "the mental unity of crowds."[296] The panic
+is the crowd in dissolution. All effective methods of dispersing crowds
+involve some method of distracting attention, breaking up the tension,
+and dissolving the mob into its individual units.
+
+c) _Types of mass movements._--The most elementary form of mass
+movement is a mass migration. Such a mass movement displays, in fact,
+many of the characteristics of the "animal" crowd. It is the "human"
+herd. The migration of a people, either as individuals or in organized
+groups, may be compared to the swarming of the hive. Peoples migrate in
+search of better living conditions, or merely in search of new
+experience. It is usually the younger generation, the more restless,
+active, and adaptable, who go out from the security of the old home to
+seek their fortunes in the new. Once settled on the new land, however,
+immigrants inevitably remember and idealize the home they have left.
+Their first disposition is to reproduce as far as possible in the new
+world the institutions and the social order of the old. Just as the
+spider spins his web out of his own body, so the immigrant tends to spin
+out of his experience and traditions, a social organization which
+reproduces, as far as circumstances will permit, the organization and
+the life of the ancestral community. In this way the older culture is
+transplanted and renews itself, under somewhat altered circumstances, in
+the new home. That explains, in part, at any rate, the fact that
+migration tends to follow the isotherms, since all the more fundamental
+cultural devices and experience are likely to be accommodations to
+geographical and climatic conditions.
+
+In contrast with migrations are movements which are sometimes referred
+to as crusades, partly because of the religious fervor and fanaticism
+with which they are usually conducted and partly because they are an
+appeal to the masses of the people for direct action and depend for
+their success upon their ability to appeal to some universal human
+interest or to common experiences and interests that are keenly
+comprehended by the common man.
+
+The Woman's Christian Temperance Crusade, referred to in the materials,
+may be regarded, if we are permitted to compare great things with small,
+as an illustration of collective behavior not unlike the crusades of the
+eleventh and twelfth centuries.
+
+Crusades are reformatory and religious. This was true at any rate of the
+early crusades, inspired by Peter the Hermit, whatever may have been the
+political purposes of the popes who encouraged them. It was the same
+motive that led the people of the Middle Ages to make pilgrimages which
+led them to join the crusades. At bottom it was an inner restlessness,
+that sought peace in great hardship and inspiring action, which moved
+the masses.
+
+Somewhat the same widespread contagious restlessness is the source of
+most of our revolutions. It is not, however, hardships and actual
+distress that inspire revolutions but hopes and dreams, dreams which
+find expression in those myths and "vital lies," as Vernon Lee calls
+them,[297] which according to Sorel are the only means of moving the
+masses.
+
+The distinction between crusades, like the Woman's Temperance Crusade,
+and revolutions, like the French Revolution, is that one is a radical
+attempt to correct a recognized evil and the other is a radical attempt
+to reform an existing social order.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. SOCIAL CONTAGION
+
+
+1. An Incident in a Lancashire Cotton Mill[298]
+
+At a cotton manufactory at Hodden Bridge, in Lancashire, a girl, on the
+fifteenth of February, 1787, put a mouse into the bosom of another girl,
+who had a great dread of mice. The girl was immediately thrown into a
+fit, and continued in it with the most violent convulsions for
+twenty-four hours. On the following day three more girls were seized in
+the same manner; and on the seventeenth, six more. By this time the
+alarm was so great that the whole work, in which 200 or 300 were
+employed, was totally stopped, and an idea prevailed that a particular
+disease had been introduced by a bag of cotton opened in the house. On
+Sunday, the eighteenth, Dr. St. Clare was sent for from Preston; before
+he arrived three more were seized, and during that night and the morning
+of the nineteenth, eleven more, making in all twenty-four. Of these,
+twenty-one were young women, two were girls of about ten years of age,
+and one man, who had been much fatigued with holding the girls. Three of
+the number lived about two miles from the place where the disorder
+first broke out, and three at another factory in Clitheroe, about five
+miles distant, which last and two more were infected entirely from
+report, not having seen the other patients, but, like them and the rest
+of the country, strongly impressed with the idea of the plague being
+caught from the cotton. The symptoms were anxiety, strangulation, and
+very strong convulsions; and these were so violent as to last without
+any intermission from a quarter of an hour to twenty-four hours, and to
+require four or five persons to prevent the patients from tearing their
+hair and dashing their heads against the floor or walls. Dr. St. Clare
+had taken with him a portable electrical machine, and by electric shocks
+the patients were universally relieved without exception. As soon as the
+patients and the country were assured that the complaint was merely
+nervous, easily cured, and not introduced by the cotton, no fresh person
+was affected. To dissipate their apprehension still further, the best
+effects were obtained by causing them to take a cheerful glass and join
+in a dance. On Tuesday, the twentieth, they danced, and the next day
+were all at work, except two or three, who were much weakened by their
+fits.
+
+
+2. The Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages[299]
+
+So early as the year 1374, assemblages of men and women were seen at
+Aix-la-Chapelle who had come out of Germany and who, united by one
+common delusion, exhibited to the public both in the streets and in the
+churches the following strange spectacle. They formed circles hand in
+hand and, appearing to have lost all control over their senses,
+continued dancing, regardless of the by-standers, for hours together in
+wild delirium, until at length they fell to the ground in a state of
+exhaustion. While dancing they neither saw nor heard, being insensible
+to external impressions through the senses, but were haunted by visions,
+their fancies conjuring up spirits whose names they shrieked out; and
+some of them afterward asserted that they felt as if they had been
+immersed in a stream of blood, which obliged them to leap so high.
+Others, during the paroxysm, saw the heavens open and the Saviour
+enthroned with the Virgin Mary, according as the religious notions of
+the age were strangely and variously reflected in their imaginations.
+
+Where the disease was completely developed, the attack commenced with
+epileptic convulsions. Those affected fell to the ground senseless,
+panting and laboring for breath. They foamed at the mouth, and suddenly
+springing up began their dance amid strange contortions. Yet the malady
+doubtless made its appearance very variously, and was modified by
+temporary or local circumstances, whereof non-medical contemporaries but
+imperfectly noted the essential particulars, accustomed as they were to
+confound their observation of natural events with their notions of the
+world of spirits.
+
+It was but a few months ere this demoniacal disease had spread from
+Aix-la-Chapelle, where it appeared in July, over the neighboring
+Netherlands. Wherever the dancers appeared, the people assembled in
+crowds to gratify their curiosity with the frightful spectacle. At
+length the increasing number of the affected excited no less anxiety
+than the attention that was paid to them. In towns and villages they
+took possession of the religious houses, processions were everywhere
+instituted on their account, and masses were said and hymns were sung,
+while the disease itself, of the demoniacal origin of which no one
+entertained the least doubt, excited everywhere astonishment and horror.
+In Liége the priests had recourse to exorcisms and endeavored by every
+means in their power to allay an evil which threatened so much danger to
+themselves; for the possessed, assembling in multitudes, frequently
+poured forth imprecations against them and menaced their destruction.
+
+A few months after this dancing malady had made its appearance at
+Aix-la-Chapelle, it broke out at Cologne, where the number of those
+possessed amounted to more than five hundred; and about the same time at
+Metz, the streets of which place are said to have been filled with
+eleven hundred dancers. Peasants left their plows, mechanics their
+workshops, housewives their domestic duties, to join the wild revels,
+and this rich commercial city became the scene of the most ruinous
+disorder. Secret desires were excited and but too often found
+opportunities for wild enjoyment; and numerous beggars, stimulated by
+vice and misery, availed themselves of this new complaint to gain a
+temporary livelihood. Girls and boys quitted their parents, and
+servants their masters, to amuse themselves at the dances of those
+possessed, and greedily imbibed the poison of mental infection. Above a
+hundred unmarried women were seen raving about in consecrated and
+unconsecrated places, and the consequences were soon perceived. Gangs of
+idle vagabonds, who understood how to imitate to the life the gestures
+and convulsions of those really affected, roved from place to place
+seeking maintenance and adventures, and thus, wherever they went,
+spreading this disgusting spasmodic disease like a plague; for in
+maladies of this kind the susceptible are infected as easily by the
+appearance as by the reality. At last it was found necessary to drive
+away these mischievous guests, who were equally inaccessible to the
+exorcisms of the priests and the remedies of the physicians. It was not,
+however, until after four months that the Rhenish cities were able to
+suppress these impostures, which had so alarmingly increased the
+original evil. In the meantime, when once called into existence, the
+plague crept on and found abundant food in the tone of thought which
+prevailed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and even, though in
+a minor degree, throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth, causing a
+permanent disorder of the mind, and exhibiting, in those cities to whose
+inhabitants it was a novelty, scenes as strange as they were detestable.
+
+
+B. THE CROWD
+
+
+1. The "Animal" Crowd
+
+_a. The Flock_[300]
+
+Understand that a flock is not the same thing as a number of sheep. On
+the stark, wild headlands of the White Mountains, as many as thirty
+Bighorn are known to run in loose, fluctuating hordes; in fenced
+pastures, two to three hundred; close-herded on the range, two to three
+thousand; but however artificially augmented, the flock is always a
+conscious adjustment. There are always leaders, middlers, and tailers,
+each insisting on its own place in the order of going. Should the flock
+be rounded up suddenly in alarm it mills within itself until these have
+come to their own places.
+
+There is much debate between herders as to the advantage of goats over
+sheep as leaders. In any case there are always a few goats in a flock,
+and most American owners prefer them; but the Frenchmen choose
+bell-wethers. Goats lead naturally by reason of a quicker instinct,
+forage more freely, and can find water on their own account. But
+wethers, if trained with care, learn what goats abhor, to take broken
+ground sedately, to walk through the water rather than set the whole
+flock leaping and scrambling; but never to give voice to alarm, as goats
+will, and call the herder.
+
+It appears that leaders understand their office, and goats particularly
+exhibit a jealousy of their rights to be first over the stepping-stones
+or to walk the teetering log-bridges at the roaring creeks. By this
+facile reference of the initiative to the wisest one, the shepherd is
+served most. The dogs learn to which of the flock to communicate orders,
+at which heels a bark or a bite soonest sets the flock in motion. But
+the flock-mind obsesses equally the best-trained, flashes as instantly
+from the meanest of the flock.
+
+By very little the herder may turn the flock-mind to his advantage, but
+chiefly it works against him. Suppose on the open range the impulse to
+forward movement overtakes them, set in motion by some eager leaders
+that remember enough of what lies ahead to make them oblivious to what
+they pass. They press ahead. The flock draws on. The momentum of travel
+grows. The bells clang soft and hurriedly; the sheep forget to feed;
+they neglect the tender pastures; they will not stay to drink. Under an
+unwise or indolent herder the sheep going on an unaccustomed trail will
+overtravel and underfeed, until in the midst of good pasture they starve
+upon their feet. So it is on the Long Trail you so often see the herder
+walking with his dogs ahead of his sheep to hold them back to feed. But
+if it should be new ground he must go after and press them skilfully,
+for the flock-mind balks chiefly at the unknown.
+
+In sudden attacks from several quarters, or inexplicable man-thwarting
+of their instincts, the flock-mind teaches them to turn a solid front,
+revolving about in the smallest compass with the lambs in their midst,
+narrowing and indrawing until they perish by suffocation. So they did in
+the intricate defiles of Red Rock, where Carrier lost 250 in '74, and at
+Poison Springs, as Narcisse Duplin told me, where he had to choose
+between leaving them to the deadly waters, or, prevented from the
+spring, made witless by thirst, to mill about until they piled up and
+killed threescore in their midst. By no urgency of the dogs could they
+be moved forward or scattered until night fell with coolness and
+returning sanity. Nor does the imperfect gregariousness of man always
+save us from ill-considered rushes or strangulous in-turnings of the
+social mass. Notwithstanding there are those who would have us to be
+flock-minded.
+
+It is doubtful if the herder is anything more to the flock than an
+incident of the range, except as a giver of salt, for the only cry they
+make to him is the salt cry. When the natural craving is at the point of
+urgency, they circle about his camp or his cabin, leaving off feeding
+for that business; and nothing else offering, they will continue this
+headlong circling about a bowlder or any object bulking large in their
+immediate neighborhood remotely resembling the appurtenances of man, as
+if they had learned nothing since they were free to find licks for
+themselves, except that salt comes by bestowal and in conjunction with
+the vaguely indeterminate lumps of matter that associate with man. As if
+in fifty centuries of man-herding they had made but one step out of the
+terrible isolation of brute species, an isolation impenetrable except by
+fear to every other brute, but now admitting the fact without knowledge,
+of the God of the Salt. Accustomed to receiving this miracle on open
+bowlders, when the craving is strong upon them, they seek such as these
+to run about, vociferating, as if they said, In such a place our God has
+been wont to bless us, come now, let us greatly entreat Him. This one
+quavering bleat, unmistakable to the sheepman even at a distance, is the
+only new note in the sheep's vocabulary, and the only one which passes
+with intention from himself to man. As for the call of distress which a
+leader raised by hand may make to his master, it is not new, is not
+common to flock usage, and is swamped utterly in the obsession of the
+flock-mind.
+
+
+_b. The Herd_[301]
+
+My purpose in this paper is to discuss a group of curious and useless
+emotional instincts of social animals, which have not yet been properly
+explained. Excepting two of the number, placed first and last in the
+list, they are not related in their origin; consequently they are here
+grouped together arbitrarily, only for the reason that we are very
+familiar with them on account of their survival in our domestic animals,
+and because they are, as I have said, useless; also because they
+resemble each other, among the passions and actions of the lower
+animals, in their effect on our minds. This is in all cases unpleasant,
+and sometimes exceedingly painful, as when species that rank next to
+ourselves in their developed intelligence and organized societies, such
+as elephants, monkeys, dogs, and cattle, are seen under the domination
+of impulses, in some cases resembling insanity, and in others simulating
+the darkest passions of man.
+
+These instincts are:
+
+(1) The excitement caused by the smell of blood, noticeable in horses
+and cattle among our domestic animals, and varying greatly in degree,
+from an emotion so slight as to be scarcely perceptible to the greatest
+extremes of rage or terror.
+
+(2) The angry excitement roused in some animals when a scarlet or bright
+red cloth is shown to them. So well known is this apparently insane
+instinct in our cattle that it has given rise to a proverb and metaphor
+familiar in a variety of forms to everyone.
+
+(3) The persecution of a sick or weakly animal by its companions.
+
+(4) The sudden deadly fury that seizes on the herd or family at the
+sight of a companion in extreme distress. Herbivorous mammals at such
+times will trample and gore the distressed one to death. In the case of
+wolves, and other savage-tempered carnivorous species, the distressed
+fellow is frequently torn to pieces and devoured on the spot.
+
+To take the first two together. When we consider that blood is red; that
+the smell of it is, or may be, or has been, associated with that vivid
+hue in the animal's mind; that blood, seen and smelt, is, or has been,
+associated with the sight of wounds and with cries of pain and rage or
+terror from the wounded or captive animal, there appears at first sight
+to be some reason for connecting these two instinctive passions as
+having the same origin--namely, terror and rage caused by the sight of a
+member of the herd struck down and bleeding, or struggling for life in
+the grasp of an enemy. I do not mean to say that such an image is
+actually present in the animal's mind, but that the inherited or
+instinctive passion is one in kind and in its working with the passion
+of the animal when experience and reason were its guides.
+
+But the more I consider the point, the more am I inclined to regard
+these two instincts as separate in their origin, although I retain the
+belief that cattle and horses and several wild animals are violently
+excited by the smell of blood for the reason just given--namely, their
+inherited memory associates the smell of blood with the presence among
+them of some powerful enemy that threatens their life.
+
+The following incident will show how violently this blood passion
+sometimes affects cattle, when they are permitted to exist in a
+half-wild condition, as on the Pampas. I was out with my gun one day, a
+few miles from home, when I came across a patch on the ground where the
+grass was pressed or trodden down and stained with blood. I concluded
+that some thievish Gauchos had slaughtered a fat cow there on the
+previous night, and, to avoid detection, had somehow managed to carry
+the whole of it away on their horses. As I walked on, a herd of cattle,
+numbering about three hundred, appeared moving slowly on to a small
+stream a mile away; they were traveling in a thin, long line, and would
+pass the blood-stained spot at a distance of seven to eight hundred
+yards, but the wind from it would blow across their track. When the
+tainted wind struck the leaders of the herd they instantly stood still,
+raising their heads, then broke out into loud, excited bellowings; and
+finally turning, they started off at a fast trot, following up the scent
+in a straight line, until they arrived at the place where one of their
+kind had met its death. The contagion spread, and before long all the
+cattle were congregated on the fatal spot, and began moving round in a
+dense mass, bellowing continually.
+
+It may be remarked here that the animal has a peculiar language on
+occasions like this; it emits a succession of short, bellowing cries,
+like excited exclamations, followed by a very loud cry, alternately
+sinking into a hoarse murmur and rising to a kind of scream that grates
+harshly on the sense. Of the ordinary "cow-music" I am a great admirer,
+and take as much pleasure in it as in the cries and melody of birds and
+the sound of the wind in trees; but this performance of cattle excited
+by the smell of blood is most distressing to hear.
+
+The animals that had forced their way into the center of the mass to the
+spot where the blood was, pawed the earth, and dug it up with their
+horns, and trampled each other down in their frantic excitement. It was
+terrible to see and hear them. The action of those on the border of the
+living mass, in perpetually moving round in a circle with dolorous
+bellowings, was like that of the women in an Indian village when a
+warrior dies, and all night they shriek and howl with simulated grief,
+going round and round the dead man's hut in an endless procession.
+
+
+_c. The Pack_[302]
+
+Wolves are the most sociable of beasts of prey. Not only do they gather
+in bands, but they arrange to render each other assistance, which is the
+most important test of sociability. The most gray wolves I ever saw in a
+band was five. This was in northern New Mexico in January, 1894. The
+most I ever heard of in a band was thirty-two that were seen in the same
+region. These bands are apparently formed in winter only. The packs are
+probably temporary associations of personal acquaintances, for some
+temporary purpose, or passing reason, such as food question or
+mating-instinct. As soon as this is settled, they scatter.
+
+An instance in point was related to me by Mr. Gordon Wright of Carberry,
+Manitoba. During the winter of 1865 he was logging at Sturgeon Lake,
+Ontario. One Sunday he and some companions strolled out on the ice of
+the lake to look at the logs there. They heard the hunting-cry of
+wolves, then a deer (a female) darted from the woods to the open ice.
+Her sides were heaving, her tongue out, and her legs cut by the slight
+crust of the snow. Evidently she was hard pressed. She was coming toward
+them, but one of the men gave a shout which caused her to sheer off. A
+minute later six timber wolves appeared galloping on her trail, heads
+low, tails horizontal, and howling continuously. They were uttering
+their hunting-cry, but as soon as they saw her they broke into a louder,
+different note, left the trail and made straight for her. Five of the
+wolves were abreast and one that seemed much darker was behind. Within
+half a mile they overtook her and pulled her down, all seemed to seize
+her at once. For a few minutes she bleated like a sheep in distress;
+after that the only sound was the snarling and the crunching of the
+wolves as they feasted. Within fifteen minutes nothing was left of the
+deer but hair and some of the larger bones, and the wolves fighting
+among themselves for even these. Then they scattered, each going a
+quarter of a mile or so, no two in the same direction, and those that
+remained in view curled up there on the open lake to sleep. This
+happened about ten in the morning within three hundred yards of several
+witnesses.
+
+
+2. The Psychological Crowd[303]
+
+In its ordinary sense the word "crowd" means a gathering of individuals
+of whatever nationality, profession, or sex, and whatever be the chances
+that have brought them together. From the psychological point of view
+the expression "crowd" assumes quite a different signification. Under
+certain given circumstances, and only under those circumstances, an
+agglomeration of men presents new characteristics very different from
+those of the individuals composing it. The sentiments and ideas of all
+the persons in the gathering take one and the same direction, and their
+conscious personality vanishes. A collective mind is formed, doubtless
+transitory, but presenting very clearly defined characteristics. The
+gathering has thus become what, in the absence of a better expression, I
+will call an organized crowd, or, if the term is considered preferable,
+a psychological crowd. It forms a single being, and is subjected to the
+law of the mental unity of crowds.
+
+It is evident that it is not by the mere fact of a number of individuals
+finding themselves accidentally side by side that they acquire the
+character of an organized crowd. A thousand individuals accidentally
+gathered in a public place without any determined object in no way
+constitute a crowd, from the psychological point of view. To acquire the
+special characteristics of such a crowd, the influence is necessary of
+certain predisposing causes, of which we shall have to determine the
+nature.
+
+The disappearance of conscious personality and the turning of feelings
+and thoughts in a definite direction, which are the primary
+characteristics of a crowd about to become organized, do not always
+involve the simultaneous presence of a number of individuals on one
+spot. Thousands of isolated individuals may acquire at certain moments,
+and under the influence of certain violent emotions--such, for example,
+as a great national event--the characteristics of a psychological crowd.
+It will be sufficient in that case that a mere chance should bring them
+together for their acts at once to assume the characteristics peculiar
+to the acts of a crowd. At certain moments half a dozen men might
+constitute a psychological crowd, which may not happen in the case of
+hundreds of men gathered together by accident. On the other hand, an
+entire nation, though there may be no visible agglomeration, may become
+a crowd under the action of certain influences.
+
+It is not easy to describe the mind of crowds with exactness, because
+its organization varies not only according to race and composition but
+also according to the nature and intensity of the exciting causes to
+which crowds are subjected. The same difficulty, however, presents
+itself in the psychological study of an individual. It is only in novels
+that individuals are found to traverse their whole life with an
+unvarying character. It is only the uniformity of the environment that
+creates the apparent uniformity of characters. I have shown elsewhere
+that all mental constitutions contain possibilities of character which
+may be manifested in consequence of a sudden change of environment. This
+explains how it was that among the most savage members of the French
+Convention were to be found inoffensive citizens who, under ordinary
+circumstances, would have been peaceable notaries or virtuous
+magistrates. The storm past, they resumed their normal character of
+quiet, law-abiding citizens. Napoleon found amongst them his most docile
+servants.
+
+It being impossible to study here all the successive degrees of
+organization of crowds, we shall concern ourselves more especially with
+such crowds as have attained to the phase of complete organization. In
+this way we shall see what crowds may become, but not what they
+invariably are. It is only in this advanced phase of organization that
+certain new and special characteristics are superposed on the unvarying
+and dominant character of the race; then takes place that turning,
+already alluded to, of all the feelings and thoughts of the collectivity
+in an identical direction. It is only under such circumstances, too,
+that what I have called above the psychological law of the mental unity
+of crowds comes into play.
+
+The most striking peculiarity presented by a psychological crowd is the
+following: Whoever be the individuals that compose it, however like or
+unlike be their mode of life, their occupations, their character, or
+their intelligence, the fact that they have been transformed into a
+crowd puts them in possession of a sort of collective mind which makes
+them feel, think, and act in a manner quite different from that in which
+each individual of them would feel, think, and act, were he in a state
+of isolation. There are certain ideas and feelings which do not come
+into being or do not transform themselves into acts except in the case
+of individuals forming a crowd. The psychological crowd is a provisional
+being formed of heterogeneous elements, which for a moment are combined,
+exactly as the cells which constitute a living body form by their
+reunion a new being which displays characteristics very different from
+these possessed by each of the cells singly.
+
+Contrary to an opinion which one is astonished to find coming from the
+pen of so acute a philosopher as Herbert Spencer, in the aggregate which
+constitutes a crowd there is in no sort a summing-up of or an average
+struck between its elements. What really takes place is a combination
+followed by the creation of new characteristics, just as in chemistry
+certain elements, when brought into contact--bases and acids, for
+example--combine to form a new body possessing properties quite
+different from those of the bodies that have served to form it.
+
+It is easy to prove how much the individual forming part of a crowd
+differs from the isolated individual, but it is less easy to discover
+the causes of this difference. To obtain, at any rate, a glimpse of them
+it is necessary in the first place to call to mind the truth established
+by modern psychology that unconscious phenomena play an altogether
+preponderating part not only in organic life but also in the operations
+of the intelligence. The conscious life of the mind is of small
+importance in comparison with its unconscious life. The most subtle
+analyst, the most acute observer, is scarcely successful in discovering
+more than a very small number of the unconscious motives that determine
+his conduct.
+
+The greater part of our daily actions are the result of hidden motives
+which escape our observation. It is more especially with respect to
+those unconscious elements that all the individuals belonging to it
+resemble each other, while it is principally in respect to the conscious
+elements of their character--the fruit of education, and yet more of
+exceptional hereditary conditions--that they differ from each other. Men
+most unlike in the matter of their intelligence possess instincts,
+passions, and feelings that are very similar. In the case of everything
+that belongs to the realm of sentiment--religion, politics, morality,
+the affections and antipathies, etc.--the most eminent men seldom
+surpass the standard of the most ordinary individuals. From the
+intellectual point of view an abyss may exist between a great
+mathematician and his bootmaker, but from the point of view of character
+the difference is most often slight or nonexistent.
+
+It is precisely these general qualities of character, governed by forces
+of which we are unconscious, and possessed by the majority of the normal
+individuals of a race in much the same degree, it is precisely these
+qualities that in crowds become common property. In the collective mind
+the intellectual aptitudes of the individuals, and in consequence their
+individuality, are weakened. The heterogeneous is swamped by the
+homogeneous, and the unconscious qualities obtain the upper hand.
+
+This very fact that crowds possess in common ordinary qualities explains
+why they can never accomplish acts demanding a high degree of
+intelligence. The decisions affecting matters of general interest come
+to by an assembly of men of distinction, but specialists in different
+walks of life, are not sensibly superior to the decisions that would be
+adopted by a gathering of imbeciles. The truth is, they can only bring
+to bear in common on the work in hand those mediocre qualities which are
+the birthright of every average individual. In crowds it is stupidity
+and not mother-wit that is accumulated. It is not all the world, as is
+so often repeated, that has more wit than Voltaire, but assuredly
+Voltaire that has more wit than all the world, if by "all the world"
+crowds are to be understood.
+
+If the individuals of a crowd confined themselves to putting in common
+the ordinary qualities of which each of them has his share, there would
+merely result the striking of an average, and not, as we have said is
+actually the case, the creation of new characteristics. How is it that
+these new characteristics are created? This is what we are now to
+investigate.
+
+Different causes determine the appearance of these characteristics
+peculiar to crowds and not possessed by isolated individuals. The first
+is that the individual forming part of a crowd acquires, solely from
+numerical considerations, a sentiment of invincible power which allows
+him to yield to instincts which, had he been alone, he would perforce
+have kept under restraint. He will be the less disposed to check himself
+from the consideration that, a crowd being anonymous and in consequence
+irresponsible, the sentiment of responsibility which always controls
+individuals disappears entirely.
+
+The second cause, which is contagion, also intervenes to determine the
+manifestation in crowds of their special characteristics, and at the
+same time the trend they are to take. Contagion is a phenomenon of which
+it is easy to establish the presence, but which it is not easy to
+explain. It must be classed among those phenomena of a hypnotic order.
+In a crowd every sentiment and act is contagious, and contagious to such
+a degree that an individual readily sacrifices his personal interest to
+the collective interest. This is an aptitude very contrary to his
+nature, and of which a man is scarcely capable except when he makes part
+of a crowd.
+
+A third cause, and by far the most important, determines in the
+individuals of a crowd special characteristics which are quite contrary
+at times to those presented by the isolated individual. I allude to that
+suggestibility of which, moreover, the contagion mentioned above is
+neither more nor less than an effect.
+
+The most careful observations seem to prove that an individual immerged
+for some length of time in a crowd in action soon finds himself--either
+in consequence of the magnetic influence given out by the crowd or from
+some other cause of which we are ignorant--in a special state, which
+much resembles the state of fascination in which the hypnotized
+individual finds himself in the hands of the hypnotizer.
+
+Such also is approximately the state of the individual forming part of a
+psychological crowd. He is no longer conscious of his acts. In his case,
+as in the case of the hypnotized subject, at the same time that certain
+faculties are destroyed, others may be brought to a high degree of
+exaltation. Under the influence of a suggestion, he will undertake the
+accomplishment of certain acts with irresistible impetuosity. This
+impetuosity is the more irresistible in the case of crowds than in that
+of the hypnotized subject, from the fact that, the suggestion being the
+same for all the individuals of the crowd, it gains in strength by
+reciprocity. The individualities in the crowd who might possess a
+personality sufficiently strong to resist the suggestion are too few in
+number to struggle against the current. At the utmost, they may be able
+to attempt a diversion by means of different suggestions. It is in this
+way, for instance, that a happy expression, an image opportunely evoked,
+have occasionally deterred crowds from the most bloodthirsty acts.
+
+We see, then, that the disappearance of the conscious personality, the
+predominance of the unconscious personality, the turning by means of
+suggestion and contagion of feelings and ideas in an identical
+direction, the tendency to immediately transform the suggested ideas
+into acts; these, we see, are the principal characteristics of the
+individual forming part of a crowd. He is no longer himself, but has
+become an automaton who has ceased to be guided by his will.
+
+Moreover, by the mere fact that he forms part of an organized crowd, a
+man descends several rungs in the ladder of civilization. Isolated, he
+may be a cultivated individual; in a crowd, he is a barbarian--that is,
+a creature acting by instinct. He possesses the spontaneity, the
+violence, the ferocity, and also the enthusiasm and heroism of primitive
+beings.
+
+An individual in a crowd is a grain of sand amid other grains of sand,
+which the wind stirs up at will. It is for these reasons that juries are
+seen to deliver verdicts of which each individual juror would
+disapprove, that parliamentary assemblies adopt laws and measures of
+which each of their members would disapprove in his own person. Taken
+separately, the men of the Convention were enlightened citizens of
+peaceful habits. United in a crowd, they did not hesitate to give their
+adhesion to the most savage proposals, to guillotine individuals most
+clearly innocent, and, contrary to their interest, to renounce their
+inviolability and to decimate themselves.
+
+The conclusion to be drawn from what precedes is that the crowd is
+always intellectually inferior to the isolated individual, but that,
+from the point of view of feelings and of the acts these feelings
+provoke, the crowd may, according to circumstances, be better or worse
+than the individual. All depends on the nature of the suggestion to
+which the crowd is exposed. This is the point that has been completely
+misunderstood by writers who have only studied crowds from the criminal
+point of view. Doubtless a crowd is often criminal, but also it is often
+heroic. It is crowds rather than isolated individuals that may be
+induced to run the risk of death to secure the triumph of a creed or an
+idea, that may be fired with enthusiasm for glory and honor, that are
+led on--almost without bread and without arms, as in the age of the
+Crusades--to deliver the tomb of Christ from the infidel, or, as in '93,
+to defend the fatherland. Such heroism is without doubt somewhat
+unconscious, but it is of such heroism that history is made. Were
+peoples only to be credited with the great actions performed in cold
+blood, the annals of the world would register but few of them.
+
+
+3. The Crowd Defined[304]
+
+A crowd in the ordinary sense of that term is any chance collection of
+individuals. Such a collectivity becomes a crowd in the sociological
+sense only when a condition of _rapport_ has been established among the
+individuals who compose it.
+
+_Rapport_ implies the existence of a mutual responsiveness, such that
+every member of the group reacts immediately, spontaneously, and
+sympathetically to the sentiments and attitudes of every other member.
+
+The fact that A responds sympathetically toward B and C implies the
+existence in A of an attitude of receptivity and suggestibility toward
+the sentiments and attitudes of B and C. Where A, B, and C are mutually
+sympathetic, the inhibitions which, under ordinary circumstances, serve
+to preserve the isolation and self-consciousness of individuals are
+relaxed or completely broken down. Under these circumstances each
+individual, in so far as he may be said to reflect, in his own
+consciousness and in his emotional reactions, the sentiments and
+emotions of all the others, tends at the same time to modify the
+sentiments and attitudes of those others. The effect is to produce a
+heightened, intensified, and relatively impersonal state of
+consciousness in which all seem to share, but which is, at the same
+time, relatively independent of each.
+
+The development of this so-called "group-consciousness" represents a
+certain amount of loss of self-control on the part of the individual.
+Such control as the individual loses over himself is thus automatically
+transferred to the group as a whole or to the leader.
+
+What is meant by _rapport_ in the group may be illustrated by a somewhat
+similar phenomenon which occurs in hypnosis. In this case a relation is
+established between the experimenter and his subject such that the
+subject responds automatically to every suggestion of the experimenter
+but is apparently oblivious of suggestions coming from other persons
+whose existence he does not perceive or ignores. This is the condition
+called "isolated rapport."[305]
+
+In the case of the crowd this mutual and exclusive responsiveness of
+each member of the crowd to the suggestions emanating from the other
+members produces here also a kind of mental isolation which is
+accompanied by an inhibition of the stimuli and suggestions that control
+the behavior of individuals under the conditions of ordinary life. Under
+these conditions impulses long repressed in the individual may find an
+expression in the crowd. It is this, no doubt, which accounts for those
+so-called criminal and atavistic tendencies of crowds, of which Le Bon
+and Sighele speak.[306]
+
+The organization of the crowd is only finally effected when the
+attention of the individuals who compose it becomes focused upon some
+particular object or some particular objective. This object thus fixed
+in the focus of the attention of the group tends to assume the character
+of a _collective representation_.[307] It becomes this because it is the
+focus of the collectively enhanced emotion and sentiment of the group.
+It becomes the representation and the symbol of what the crowd feels and
+wills at the moment when all members are suffused with a common
+collective excitement and dominated by a common and collective idea.
+This excitement and this idea with the meanings that attach to it are
+called collective because they are a product of the interactions of the
+members of the crowd. They are not individual but corporate products.
+
+Le Bon describes the organization thus effected in a chance-met
+collection of individuals as a "collective mind," and refers to the
+group, transitory and ephemeral though it be, as a "single being."
+
+The positive factors in determining the organization of the crowd are
+then:
+
+(1) A condition of _rapport_ among the members of the group with a
+certain amount of contagious excitement and heightened suggestibility
+incident to it.
+
+(2) A certain degree of mental isolation of the group following as a
+consequence of the _rapport_ and sympathetic responsiveness of members
+of the group.
+
+(3) Focus of attention; and finally the consequent.
+
+(4) Collective representation.
+
+
+C. TYPES OF MASS MOVEMENTS
+
+
+1. Crowd Excitements and Mass Movements: The Klondike Rush[308]
+
+It was near the middle of July when the steamer _Excelsior_ arrived in
+San Francisco from St. Michael's, on the west coast of Alaska, with
+forty miners, having among them seven hundred and fifty thousand
+dollars' worth of gold, brought down from the Klondike. When the bags
+and cans and jars containing it had been emptied and the gold piled on
+the counters of the establishment to which it was brought, no such sight
+had been seen in San Francisco since the famous year of 1849.
+
+On July 18 the _Portland_ arrived in Seattle, on Puget Sound, having on
+board sixty-eight miners, who brought ashore bullion worth a million
+dollars. The next day it was stated that these miners had in addition
+enough gold concealed about their persons and in their baggage to double
+the first estimate. Whether all these statements were correct or not
+does not signify, for those were the reports that were spread throughout
+the states. From this last source alone, the mint at San Francisco
+received half a million dollars' worth of gold in one week, and it was
+certain that men who had gone away poor had come back with fortunes. It
+was stated that a poor blacksmith who had gone up from Seattle returned
+with $115,000, and that a man from Fresno, who had failed as a farmer,
+had secured $135,000.
+
+The gold fever set in with fury and attacked all classes. Men in good
+positions, with plenty of money to spend on an outfit, and men with
+little beyond the amount of their fare, country men and city men, clerks
+and professional men without the faintest notion of the meaning of
+"roughing it," flocked in impossible numbers to secure a passage. There
+were no means of taking them. Even in distant New York, the offices of
+railroad companies and local agencies were besieged by anxious
+inquirers eager to join the throng. On Puget Sound, mills, factories,
+and smelting works were deserted by their employees, and all the miners
+on the upper Skeena left their work in a body. On July 21 the North
+American Transportation Company (one of two companies which monopolized
+the trade of the Yukon) was reincorporated in Chicago with a quadrupled
+capital, to cope with the demands of traffic. At the different Pacific
+ports every available vessel was pressed into the service, and still the
+wild rush could not be met. Before the end of July the _Portland_ left
+Seattle again for St. Michael's, and the _Mexico_ and _Topeka_ for Dyea;
+the _Islander_ and _Tees_ sailed for Dyea from Victoria, and the _G. W.
+Elder_ from Portland; while from San Francisco the _Excelsior_, of the
+Alaska Company, which had brought the first gold down, left again for
+St. Michael's on July 28, being the last of the company's fleet
+scheduled to connect with the Yukon river boats for the season. Three
+times the original price was offered for the passage, and one passenger
+accepted an offer of $1,500 for the ticket for which he had paid only
+$150.
+
+This, however, was only the beginning of the rush. Three more steamers
+were announced to sail in August for the mouth of the Yukon, and at
+least a dozen more for the Lynn Canal, among which were old tubs, which,
+after being tied up for years, were now overhauled and refitted for the
+voyage north. One of these was the _Williamette_, an old collier with
+only sleeping quarters for the officers and crew, which, however, was
+fitted up with bunks and left Seattle for Dyea and Skagway with 850
+passengers, 1,200 tons of freight, and 300 horses, men, live stock, and
+freight being wedged between decks till the atmosphere was like that of
+a dungeon; and even with such a prospect in view, it was only by a
+lavish amount of tipping that a man could get his effects taken aboard.
+Besides all these, there were numerous scows loaded with provisions and
+fuel, and barges conveying horses for packing purposes.
+
+A frightful state of congestion followed as each successive steamer on
+its arrival at the head of the Lynn Canal poured forth its crowds of
+passengers and added to the enormous loads of freight already
+accumulated. Matters became so serious that on August 10 the United
+States Secretary of the Interior, having received information that 3,000
+persons with 2,000 tons of baggage and freight were then waiting to
+cross the mountains to Yukon, and that many more were preparing to join
+them, issued a warning to the public (following that of the Dominion
+Government of the previous week) in which he called attention to the
+exposure, privation, suffering, and danger incident to the journey at
+that advanced period of the season, and further referred to the gravity
+of the possible consequences to people detained in the mountainous
+wilderness during five or six months of Arctic winter, where no relief
+could reach them.
+
+To come now to the state of things at the head of the Lynn Canal, where
+the steamers discharged their loads of passengers, horses, and freight.
+This was done either at Dyea or Skagway, the former being the
+landing-place for the Chilcoot Pass, and the latter for the White Pass,
+the distance between the two places being about four miles by sea. There
+were no towns at these places, nor any convenience for landing except a
+small wharf at Skagway, which was not completed, the workmen having been
+smitten with the gold fever. Every man had to bring with him, if he
+wanted to get through and live, supplies for a year: sacks of flour,
+slabs of bacon, beans, and so forth, his cooking utensils, his mining
+outfit and building tools, his tent, and all the heavy clothing and
+blankets suitable for the northern winter, one thousand pounds' weight
+at least. Imagine the frightful mass of stuff disgorged as each
+successive vessel arrived, with no adequate means of taking it inland!
+
+Before the end of September people were preparing to winter on the
+coast, and Skagway was growing into a substantial town. Where in the
+beginning of August there were only a couple of shacks, there were in
+the middle of October 700 wooden buildings and a population of about
+1,500. Businesses of all kinds were carried on, saloons and low gaming
+houses and haunts of all sorts abounded, but of law and order there was
+none. Dyea also, which at one time was almost deserted, was growing into
+a place of importance, but the title of every lot in both towns was in
+dispute. Rain was still pouring down, and without high rubber boots
+walking was impossible. None indeed but the most hardy could stand
+existence in such places, and every steamer from the south carried fresh
+loads of people back to their homes.
+
+Of the 6,000 people who went in this fall, 200 at the most got over to
+the Dawson Route by the White Pass, and perhaps 700 by the Chilcoot.
+There were probably 1,000 camped at Lake Bennett, and all the rest,
+except the 1,500 remaining on the coast, had returned home to wait till
+midwinter or the spring before venturing up again. The question of which
+was the best trail was still undecided, and men vehemently debated it
+every day with the assistance of the most powerful language at their
+command.
+
+As to the crowds who had gone to St. Michael's, it is doubtful whether
+any of them got through to Dawson City, since the lower Yukon is
+impassable by the end of September, and, at any rate, in view of the
+prospects of short rations, it would have been rash to try. The
+consequence would be that they would have to remain on that desolate
+island during nine months of almost Arctic winter, for the river does
+not open again till the end of June. Here they would be absolutely
+without employment unless they chose to stack wood for the steamboat
+companies, and their only amusements (save the mark) would be drinking
+bad rye whiskey--for Alaska is a "prohibition" country--and
+poker-playing. For men with a soul above such delights, the
+heart-breaking monotony of a northern winter would be appalling, and it
+is only to be understood by those who have had to endure similar
+experiences themselves on the western prairies.
+
+
+2. Mass Movements and the Mores: The Woman's Crusade[309]
+
+On the evening of December 23, 1873, there might have been seen in the
+streets of Hillsboro, Ohio, persons singly or in groups wending their
+way to Music Hall, where a lecture on temperance was to be delivered by
+Dr. Dio Lewis, of Boston, Massachusetts.
+
+Hillsboro is a small place, containing something more than 3,000 people.
+The inhabitants are rather better educated than is usually the case in
+small towns, and its society is indeed noted in that part of the country
+for its quietude, culture, and refinement.
+
+But Hillsboro was by no means exempt from the prevailing scourge of
+intemperance. The early settlers of Hillsboro were mostly from Virginia,
+and brought with them the old-fashioned ideas of hospitality. For many
+years previous to the crusade the professional men, and especially of
+the bar, were nearly all habitual drinkers, and many of them very
+dissipated. When a few earnest temperance men, among whom was Governor
+Allen Trimble, initiated a total-abstinence movement in or about the
+year 1830, the pulpit took up arms against them, and a condemnatory
+sermon was preached in one of the churches.
+
+Thus it was that, although from time to time men, good and true, banded
+themselves together in efforts to break up this dreadful state of things
+and reform society, all endeavors seemed to fail of any permanent
+effect.
+
+The plan laid down by Dr. Lewis challenged attention by its novelty at
+least. He believed the work of temperance reform might be successfully
+carried on by women if they would set about it in the right
+manner--going to the saloon-keeper in a spirit of Christian love, and
+persuading him for the sake of humanity and his own eternal welfare to
+quit the hateful, soul-destroying business. The doctor spoke with
+enthusiasm; and seeing him so full of faith, the hearts of the women
+seized the hope--a forlorn one, 'tis true, but still a hope--and when
+Dr. Lewis asked if they were willing to undertake the task, scores of
+women rose to their feet, and there was no lack of good men who pledged
+themselves to encourage and sustain the women in their work.
+
+At a subsequent meeting an organization was effected and Mrs. Eliza J.
+Thompson, a daughter of ex-Governor Trimble of Ohio, was elected
+chairman. Mrs. Thompson gives the following account of the manner in
+which the crusade was organized:
+
+ My boy came home from Dr. Dio Lewis' lecture and said, "Ma,
+ they've got you into business"; and went on to tell that Dio
+ Lewis had incidentally related the successful effort of his
+ mother, by prayer and persuasion, to close the saloon in a town
+ where he lived when a boy, and that he had exhorted the women
+ of Hillsboro to do the same, and fifty had risen up to signify
+ their willingness, and that they looked to me to help them to
+ carry out their promise. As I'm talking to you here familiarly,
+ I'll go on to say that my husband, who had retired, and was in
+ an adjoining room, raised up on his elbow and called out, "Oh!
+ that's all tomfoolery!" I remember I answered him something
+ like this: "Well, husband, the men have been in the tomfoolery
+ business a long time; perhaps the Lord is going to call us into
+ partnership with them." I said no more. The next morning my
+ brother-in-law, Colonel ----, came in and told me about the
+ meeting, and said, "Now, you must be sure to go to the women's
+ meeting at the church this morning; they look to see you
+ there." Our folks talked it all over, and my husband said,
+ "Well, we all know where your mother'll take this case for
+ counsel," and then he pointed to the Bible and left the room.
+
+ I went into the corner of my room, and knelt down and opened my
+ Bible to see what God would say to me. Just at that moment
+ there was a tap on the door and my daughter entered. She was in
+ tears; she held her Bible in her hand, open to the 146th Psalm.
+ She said, "Ma, I just opened to this, and I think it is for
+ you," and then she went away, and I sat down and read
+
+ THIS WONDERFUL MESSAGE FROM GOD
+
+ "Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom
+ there is no help. Happy is he that hath the God of Jacob for
+ his help, whose hope is in the Lord his God; which keepeth
+ truth forever; which executeth judgment for the oppressed; the
+ Lord looseth the prisoners; the Lord openeth the eyes of the
+ blind; the Lord raiseth them that are bowed down; the Lord
+ loveth the righteous; the Lord relieveth the fatherless and the
+ widow--_but the way of the wicked he turneth upside down_. The
+ Lord shall reign forever, even thy God, O Zion, unto all
+ generations. Praise ye the Lord!"
+
+ I knew that was for me, and I got up, put on my shoes, and
+ started. I went to the church, in this town where I was born. I
+ sat down quietly in the back part of the audience room, by the
+ stove. A hundred ladies were assembled. I heard my name--heard
+ the whisper pass through the company, "Here she is!" "She's
+ come!" and before I could get to the pulpit, they had put me
+ "in office"--I was their leader.
+
+ Many of our citizens were there, and our ministers also. They
+ stayed a few minutes, and then rose and went out, saying, "This
+ is your work--we leave it with the women and the Lord." When
+ they had gone, I just opened the big pulpit Bible and read that
+ 146th Psalm, and told them the circumstance of my selecting it.
+ The women sobbed so I could hardly go on. When I had finished,
+ I felt inspired to call on a dear Presbyterian lady to pray.
+ She did so without the least hesitation, though it was the
+ first audible prayer in her life. I can't tell you anything
+ about that prayer, only that the words were like fire.
+
+ When she had prayed, I said--and it all came to me just at the
+ moment--"Now, ladies, let us file out, two by two, the smallest
+ first, and let us sing as we go, 'Give to the winds thy
+ fears.'"
+
+ We went first to John ----'s saloon. Now, John was a German,
+ and his sister had lived in my family thirteen years, and she
+ was very mild and gentle, and I hoped it might prove a family
+ trait, but I found out it wasn't. He fumed about dreadfully and
+ said, "It's awful; it's a sin and a shame to pray in a saloon!"
+ But we prayed right on just the same.
+
+Next day the ladies held another meeting, but decided not to make any
+visitations, it being Christmas day, and the hotel-keepers more than
+usually busy and not likely to listen very attentively to our
+proposition.
+
+On the twenty-sixth, the hotels and saloons were visited; Mrs. Thompson
+presenting the appeal. And it was on this morning, and at the saloon of
+Robert Ward, that there came a break in the established routine. "Bob"
+was a social, jolly sort of fellow, and his saloon was a favorite
+resort, and there were many women in the company that morning whose
+hearts were aching in consequence of his wrong-doing. Ward was evidently
+touched. He confessed that it was a "bad business," said if he could
+only "afford to quit it he would," and then tears began to flow from his
+eyes. Many of the ladies were weeping, and at length, as if by
+inspiration, Mrs. Thompson kneeled on the floor of the saloon, all
+kneeling with her, even the saloonist, and prayed, pleading with
+indescribable pathos and earnestness for the conversion and salvation of
+this and all saloon-keepers. When the amen was sobbed rather than
+spoken, Mrs. Washington Doggett's sweet voice began, "There is a
+fountain," etc., in which all joined; the effect was most solemn, and
+when the hymn was finished the ladies went quietly away, and that was
+the first saloon prayer meeting.
+
+There was a saloon-keeper brought from Greenfield to H---- to be tried
+under the Adair law. The poor mother who brought the suit had besought
+him not to sell to her son--"her only son." He replied roughly that he
+would sell to him "as long as he had a dime." Another mother, an old
+lady, made the same request, "lest," she said, "he may some day fill a
+drunkard's grave." "Madam," he replied, "your son has as good a right to
+fill a drunkard's grave as any other mother's son." And in one of the
+Hillsboro saloons a lady saw her nephew. "O, Mr. B----," said she,
+"don't sell whiskey to that boy: if he has one drink he will want
+another, and he may die a drunkard." "Madam, I will sell to him if it
+sends his soul to hell," was the awful reply. The last man is a
+peculiarly hard, stony sort of man; his lips look as if chiseled out of
+flint, a man to be afraid of. One morning, when the visiting band
+reached his door, they found him in a very bad humor. He locked his door
+and seated himself on the horse block in front in a perfect rage,
+clenched his fist, swore furiously, and ordered us to go home. Some
+gentlemen, on the opposite side of the street, afterward said that they
+were watching the scene, ready to rush over and defend the ladies from
+an attack, and they were sure it would come; but one of the ladies, a
+sweet-souled woman, gentle and placid, kneeled just at his feet, and
+poured out such a tender, earnest prayer for him, that he quieted down
+entirely, and when she rose and offered him her hand in token of kind
+feeling, he could not refuse to take it.
+
+ During the Crusade, a saloon-keeper (at Ocean Grove) consented
+ to close his business. There was a great deal of enthusiasm and
+ interest, and we women decided to compensate the man for his
+ whiskey and make a bonfire of it in the street. A great crowd
+ gathered about the saloon, and the barrels of whiskey were
+ rolled out to the public square where we were to have our
+ bonfire. Myself and two other little women, who had been chosen
+ to knock in the heads, and had come to the place with axes
+ concealed under our shawls, went to our work with a will.
+
+ I didn't know I was so strong, but I lifted that axe like a
+ woodman and brought it down with such force that the first blow
+ stove in the head of a barrel and splashed the whiskey in every
+ direction. I was literally baptized with the noxious stuff. The
+ intention was to set it on fire, and we had brought matches for
+ that purpose, _but it would not burn_! It was a villainous
+ compound of some sort, but we had set out to have a fire, and
+ were determined by some means or other to make it burn, so we
+ sent for some coal oil and poured it on and we soon had a
+ blaze. The man who could sell such liquors would not be likely
+ to keep the pledge. He is selling liquors again.
+
+The crusade began at Washington C.H. only two days later than at
+Hillsboro. And Washington C.H. was the first place where the crusade was
+made prominent and successful.
+
+On Friday morning, December 26, 1873, after an hour of prayer in the
+M.E. Church, forty-four women filed slowly and solemnly down the aisle,
+and started forth upon their strange mission with fear and trembling,
+while the male portion of the audience remained at the church to pray
+for the success of this new undertaking; the tolling of the church-bell
+keeping time to the solemn march of the women, as they wended their way
+to the first drug-store on the list. (The number of places within the
+city limits where intoxicating drinks were sold was fourteen--eleven
+saloons and three drug-stores.) Here, as in every place, they entered
+singing, every woman taking up the sacred strain as she crossed the
+threshold. This was followed by the reading of the appeal and prayer;
+then earnest pleading to desist from their soul-destroying traffic and
+sign the dealer's pledge.
+
+Thus, all the day long, they went from place to place, without stopping
+even for dinner or lunch, till five o'clock, meeting with no marked
+success; but invariably courtesy was extended to them; not even their
+reiterated promise, "We will call again," seeming to offend.
+
+No woman who has ever entered one of these dens of iniquity on such an
+errand needs to be told of the heartsickness that almost over-came them
+as they, for the first time, saw behind those painted windows or green
+blinds, or entered the little stifling "back room," or found their way
+down winding steps into the damp, dark cellars, and realized that into
+_such places_ those they loved best were being landed, through the
+allurements of the brilliantly lighted drug-store, the fascinating
+billiard table, or the enticing beer gardens, with their siren
+attractions. A crowded house at night, to hear the report of the day's
+work, betrayed the rapidly increasing interest in this mission.
+
+On the twenty-seventh the contest really began, and, at the first place,
+the doors were found locked. With hearts full of compassion, the women
+knelt in the snow upon the pavement, to plead for the divine influence
+upon the heart of the liquor-dealer, and there held their first street
+prayer meeting.
+
+At night the weary but zealous workers reported at a mass meeting of the
+various rebuffs, and the success in having two druggists sign the pledge
+not to sell, except upon the written prescription of a physician.
+
+The Sabbath, was devoted to union mass meeting, with direct reference to
+the work in hand; and on Monday the number of ladies had increased to
+near one hundred. That day, December 29, is one long to be remembered in
+Washington, as the day upon which occurred the first surrender ever made
+by a liquor-dealer, of his stock of liquors of every kind and variety,
+to the women, in answer to their prayers and entreaties, and by them
+poured into the street. Nearly a thousand men, women, and children
+witnessed the mingling of beer, ale, wine, and whiskey, as they filled
+the gutters and were drunk up by the earth, while the bells were
+ringing, men and boys shouting, and women singing and praying to God who
+had given the victory. But on the fourth day, "stock sale-day," the
+campaign had reached its height, the town being filled with visitors
+from all parts of the county and adjoining villages. Another public
+surrender, and another pouring into the street of a larger stock of
+liquors than on the previous day, and more intense excitement and
+enthusiasm.
+
+Mass meetings were held nightly, with new victories reported constantly,
+until on Friday, January 21, one week from the beginning of the work, at
+the public meeting held in the evening, the secretary's report announced
+the unconditional surrender of every liquor-dealer, some having shipped
+their liquors back to wholesale dealers, others having poured them into
+the gutters, and the druggists as all having signed the pledge. Thus a
+campaign of prayer and song had, in eight days, closed eleven saloons,
+and pledged three drug-stores to sell only on prescription. At first men
+had wondered, scoffed, and laughed, then criticized, respected, and
+yielded.
+
+Morning prayer and evening mass meetings continued daily, and the
+personal pledge was circulated till over one thousand signatures were
+obtained. Physicians were called upon to sign a pledge not to prescribe
+ardent spirits when any other substitute could be found, and in no case
+without a personal examination of the patient.
+
+Early in the third week the discouraging intelligence came that a new
+man had taken out a license to sell liquor in one of the deserted
+saloons, and that he was backed by a whiskey house in Cincinnati, to the
+amount of $5,000, to break down this movement. On Wednesday, 'the
+fourteenth, the whiskey was unloaded at his room. About forty women were
+on the ground and followed the liquor in, and remained holding an
+uninterrupted prayer meeting all day and until eleven o'clock at night.
+The next day, bitterly cold, was spent in the same place and manner,
+without fire or chairs, two hours of that time the women being locked
+in, while the proprietor was off attending a trial. On the following
+day, the coldest of the winter of 1874, the women were locked out, and
+stood on the street holding religious services all day long.
+
+Next morning a tabernacle was built in the street, just in front of the
+house, and was occupied for the double purpose of _watching_ and prayer
+through the day; and before night the sheriff closed the saloon, and the
+proprietor surrendered; thus ended the third week.
+
+A short time after, on a dying-bed, this four days' liquor-dealer sent
+for some of these women, telling them their songs and prayers had never
+ceased to ring in his ears, and urging them to pray again in his behalf;
+so he passed away.
+
+Thus, through most of the winter of 1874 no alcoholic drinks were
+publicly sold as a beverage in the county.
+
+During the two intervening years weekly temperance-league meetings have
+been kept up by the faithful few, while frequent union mass meetings
+have been held, thus keeping the subject always before the people. Today
+the disgraceful and humiliating fact exists that there are more places
+where liquors are sold than before the crusade.
+
+
+3. Mass Movements and Revolution
+
+
+_a. The French Revolution_[310]
+
+The outward life of men in every age is molded upon an inward life
+consisting of a framework of traditions, sentiments, and moral
+influences which direct their conduct and maintain certain fundamental
+notions which they accept without discussion.
+
+Let the resistance of this social framework weaken, and ideas which
+could have had no force before will germinate and develop. Certain
+theories whose success was enormous at the time of the Revolution would
+have encountered an impregnable wall two centuries earlier.
+
+The aim of these considerations is to recall to the reader the fact that
+the outward events of revolutions are always a consequence of invisible
+transformations which have slowly gone forward in men's minds. Any
+profound study of a revolution necessitates a study of the mental soil
+upon which the ideas that direct its courses have to germinate.
+
+Generally slow in the extreme, the evolution of ideas is often invisible
+for a whole generation. Its extent can only be grasped by comparing the
+mental condition of the same social classes at the two extremities of
+the curve which the mind has followed.
+
+The actual influence of the philosophers in the genesis of the
+Revolution was not that which was attributed to them. They revealed
+nothing new, but they developed the critical spirit which no dogma can
+resist, once the way is prepared for its downfall.
+
+Under the influence of this developing critical spirit things which were
+no longer very greatly respected came to be respected less and less.
+When tradition and prestige had disappeared, the social edifice suddenly
+fell. This progressive disaggregation finally descended to the people,
+but was not commenced by them. The people follow examples, but never set
+them.
+
+The philosophers, who could not have exerted any influence over the
+people, did exert a great influence over the enlightened portion of the
+nation. The unemployed nobility, who had long been ousted from their old
+functions and who were consequently inclined to be censorious, followed
+their leadership. Incapable of foresight, the nobles were the first to
+break with the traditions that were their only _raison d'être_. As
+steeped in humanitarianism and rationalism as the _bourgeoisie_ of
+today, they continually sapped their own privileges by their criticisms.
+As today, the most ardent reformers were found among the favorites of
+fortune. The aristocracy encouraged dissertations on the social
+contract, the rights of man, and the equality of citizens. At the
+theater it applauded plays which criticized privileges, the
+arbitrariness and the incapacity of men in high places, and abuses of
+all kinds.
+
+As soon as men lose confidence in the foundations of the mental
+framework which guides their conduct, they feel at first uneasy and then
+discontented. All classes felt their old motives of action gradually
+disappearing. Things that had seemed sacred for centuries were now
+sacred no longer.
+
+The censorious spirit of the nobility and of the writers of the day
+would not have sufficed to move the heavy load of tradition but that its
+action was added to that of other powerful influences. We have already
+stated, in citing Bossuet, that under the _ancien régime_ the religious
+and civil governments, widely separated in our day, were intimately
+connected. To injure one was inevitably to injure the other. Now even
+before the monarchical idea was shaken, the force of religious tradition
+was greatly diminished among cultivated men. The constant progress of
+knowledge had sent an increasing number of minds from theology to
+science by opposing the truth observed to the truth revealed.
+
+This mental evolution, although as yet very vague, was sufficient to
+show that the traditions which for so many centuries had guided men had
+not the value which had been attributed to them, and that it would soon
+be necessary to replace them.
+
+But where discover the new elements which might take the place of
+tradition? Where seek the magic ring which would raise a new social
+edifice on the remains of that which no longer contented men?
+
+Men were agreed in attributing to reason the power that tradition and
+the gods seemed to have lost. How could its force be doubted? Its
+discoveries having been innumerable, was it not legitimate to suppose
+that by applying it to the construction of societies it would entirely
+transform them? Its possible function increased very rapidly in the
+thoughts of the more enlightened, in proportion as tradition seemed more
+and more to be distrusted.
+
+The sovereign power attributed to reason must be regarded as the
+culminating idea which not only engendered the Revolution but governed
+it throughout. During the whole Revolution men gave themselves up to the
+most persevering efforts to break with the past and to erect society
+upon a new plan dictated by logic.
+
+Slowly filtering downward, the rationalistic theories of the
+philosophers meant to the people simply that all the things which had
+been regarded as worthy of respect were now no longer worthy. Men being
+declared equal, the old masters need no longer be obeyed. The multitude
+easily succeeded in ceasing to respect what the upper classes themselves
+no longer respected. When the barrier of respect was down the Revolution
+was accomplished.
+
+The first result of this new mentality was a general insubordination.
+Mme. Vigée Lebrun relates that on the promenade at Longchamps men of the
+people leaped on the footboards of the carriages, saying, "Next year you
+will be behind and we shall be inside."
+
+The populace was not alone in manifesting insubordination and
+discontent. These sentiments were general on the eve of the Revolution.
+"The lesser clergy," says Taine, "are hostile to the prelates; the
+provincial gentry to the nobility of the court; the vassals to the
+seigneurs; the peasants to the townsmen, etc."
+
+This state of mind, which had been communicated from the nobles and
+clergy to the people, also invaded the army. At the moment the States
+General were opened, Necker said: "We are not sure of the troops." The
+officers were becoming humanitarian and philosophical. The soldiers,
+recruited from the lowest class of the population, did not philosophize,
+but they no longer obeyed. In their feeble minds the ideas of equality
+meant simply the suppression of all leaders and masters, and therefore
+of all obedience. In 1790 more than twenty regiments threatened their
+officers, and sometimes, as at Nancy, threw them into prison.
+
+The mental anarchy which, after spreading through all classes of
+society, finally invaded the army was the principal cause of the
+disappearance of the _ancien régime_. "It was the defection of the army
+affected by the ideas of the Third Estate," wrote Rivarol, "that
+destroyed royalty."
+
+The genesis of the French Revolution, as well as its duration, was
+conditioned by elements of a rational, affective, mystic, and collective
+nature, each category of which was ruled by a different logic. The
+rational element usually invoked as an explanation exerted in reality
+but very slight influence. It prepared the way for the Revolution, but
+maintained it only at the outset, while it was still exclusively middle
+class. Its action was manifested by many measures of the time, such as
+the proposals to reform the taxes, the suppression of the privileges of
+a useless nobility, etc.
+
+As soon as the Revolution reached the people, the influence of the
+rational elements speedily vanished before that of the affective and
+collective elements. As for the mystic elements, the foundation of the
+revolutionary faith, they made the army fanatical and propagated the new
+belief throughout the world.
+
+We shall see these various elements as they appeared in events and in
+the psychology of individuals. Perhaps the most important was the mystic
+element. The Revolution cannot be clearly comprehended--we cannot repeat
+it too often--unless it is considered as the formation of a religious
+belief. What I have said elsewhere of all beliefs applies equally to the
+Revolution. They impose themselves on men apart from reason and have the
+power to polarize men's thoughts and feelings in one direction. Pure
+reason had never such a power, for men were never impassioned by reason.
+
+The religious forms rapidly assumed by the Revolution explain its power
+of expansion and the prestige which it possessed and has retained. Few
+historians have understood that this great monument ought to be regarded
+as the foundation of a new religion. The penetrating mind of
+Tocqueville, I believe, was the first to perceive as much. He wrote:
+
+ The French Revolution was a political revolution which operated
+ in the manner of and assumed something of the aspect of a
+ religious revolution. See by what regular and characteristic
+ traits it finally resembled the latter; not only did it spread
+ itself far and wide like a religious revolution, but, like the
+ latter, it spread itself by means of preaching and propaganda.
+ A political revolution which inspires proselytes, which is
+ preached as passionately to foreigners as it is accomplished at
+ home: consider what a novel spectacle was this.
+
+Although the mystic element is always the foundation of beliefs, certain
+affective and rational elements are quickly added thereto. A belief thus
+serves to group sentiments and passions and interests which belong to
+the affective domain. Reason then envelops the whole, seeking to justify
+events in which, however, it played no part whatever.
+
+At the moment of the Revolution everyone, according to his aspirations,
+dressed the new belief in a different rational vesture. The peoples saw
+in it only the suppression of the religious and political despotisms and
+hierarchies under which they had so often suffered. Writers like Goethe
+and thinkers like Kant imagined that they saw in it the triumph of
+reason. Foreigners like Humboldt came to France "to breathe the air of
+liberty and to assist at the obsequies of despotism." These intellectual
+illusions did not last long. The evolution of the drama soon revealed
+the true foundations of the dream.
+
+
+_b. Bolshevism_[311]
+
+Great mass movements, whether these be religious or political, are at
+first always difficult to understand. Invariably they challenge existing
+moral and intellectual values, the revaluation of which is, for the
+normal mind, an exceedingly difficult and painful task. Moreover the
+definition of their aims and policies into exact and comprehensive
+programs is generally slowly achieved. At their inception and during the
+early stages of their development there must needs be many crude and
+tentative statements and many rhetorical exaggerations. It is safe to
+assert as a rule that at no stage of its history can a great movement
+of the masses be fully understood and fairly interpreted by a study of
+its formal statements and authentic expositions only. These must be
+supplemented by a careful study of the psychology of the men and women
+whose ideals and yearnings these statements and expositions aim to
+represent. It is not enough to know and comprehend the creed: it is
+essential that we also know and comprehend the spiritual factors, the
+discontent, the hopes, the fears, the inarticulate visionings of the
+human units in the movement. This is of greater importance in the
+initial stages than later, when the articulation of the soul of the
+movement has become more certain and clear.
+
+No one who has attended many bolshevist meetings or is acquainted with
+many of the individuals to whom bolshevism makes a strong appeal will
+seriously question the statement that an impressively large number of
+those who profess to be Bolshevists present a striking likeness to
+extreme religious zealots, not only in the manner of manifesting their
+enthusiasm, but also in their methods of exposition and argument. Just
+as in religious hysteria a single text becomes a whole creed to the
+exclusion of every other text, and instead of being itself subject to
+rational tests is made the sole test of the rationality of everything
+else, so in the case of the average Bolshevist of this type a single
+phrase received into the mind in a spasm of emotion, never tested by the
+usual criteria of reason, becomes not only the very essence of truth but
+also the standard by which the truth or untruth of everything else must
+be determined. Most of the preachers who become pro-Bolshevists are of
+this type.
+
+People who possess minds thus affected are generally capable of, and
+frequently indulge in, the strictest logical deduction and analysis.
+Sometimes they acquire the reputation of being exceptionally brilliant
+thinkers because of this power. But the fact is that their initial
+ideas, upon which everything is pivoted, are derived emotionally and are
+not the results of a deliberate weighing of available evidence. The
+initial movement is one of feeling, of emotional impulse. The conviction
+thereby created is so strong and so dominant that it cannot be affected
+by any purely rational functional factors.
+
+People of this type jump at decisions and reach very positive
+convictions upon the most difficult matters with bewildering ease. For
+them the complexities and intricacies which trouble the normal mind do
+not exist. Everything is either black or white: there are no perplexing
+intervening grays. Right is right and wrong is wrong; they do not
+recognize that there are doubtful twilight zones. Ideas capable of the
+most elaborate expansion and the most subtle intricacies of
+interpretation are immaturely grasped and preached with naïve assurance.
+Statements alleged to be facts, no matter what their source, if they
+seem to support the convictions thus emotionally derived, are received
+without any examination and used as conclusive proof, notwithstanding
+that a brief investigation would prove them to be worthless as evidence.
+
+If we take the group of American intellectuals who at present are ardent
+champions of bolshevism we shall find that, with exceptions so few as to
+be almost negligible, they have embraced nearly every "ism" as it arose,
+seeing in each one the magic solvent of humanity's ills. Those of an
+older generation thus regarded bimetallism, for instance. What else
+could be required to make the desert bloom like a garden and to usher in
+the earthly Paradise? The younger ones, in their turn, took up
+anarchist-communism, Marxian socialism, industrial unionism,
+syndicalism, birth control, feminism, and many other movements and
+propagandas, each of which in its turn induced ecstatic visions of a new
+heaven and a new earth. The same individuals have grown lyrical in
+praise of every bizarre and eccentric art fad. In the banal and
+grotesque travesties of art produced by cubists, futurists, _et al._,
+they saw transcendent genius. They are forever seeking new gods and
+burying old ones.
+
+It would be going too far to say that these individuals are all
+hystericals in the pathological sense, but it is strictly accurate to
+say that the class exhibits marked hysterical characteristics and that
+it closely resembles the large class of over-emotionalized religious
+enthusiasts which furnish so many true hystericals. It is probable that
+accidents of environment account for the fact that their emotionalism
+takes sociological rather than religious forms. If the sociological
+impetus were absent, most of them would be religiously motived to a
+state not less abnormal.
+
+To understand the spread of bolshevist agitation and sympathy among a
+very considerable part of the working class in this country, we must
+take into account the fact that its logical and natural nucleus is the
+I.W.W. It is necessary also to emancipate our minds from the obsession
+that only "ignorant foreigners" are affected. This is not a true
+estimate of either the I.W.W. or the bolshevist propaganda as a whole.
+There are indeed many of this class in both, but there are also many
+native Americans, sturdy, self-reliant, enterprising, and courageous
+men. The peculiar group psychology which we are compelled to study is
+less the result of those subtle and complex factors which are
+comprehended in the vague term "race" than of the political and economic
+conditions by which the group concerned is environed.
+
+The typical native-born I.W.W. member, the "Wobbly" one frequently
+encounters in our mid-western and western cities, is very unlike the
+hideous and repulsive figure conjured up by sensational cartoonists. He
+is much more likely to be a very attractive sort of man. Here are some
+characteristics of the type: figure robust, sturdy, and virile; dress
+rough but not unclean; speech forthright, deliberate, and bold; features
+intelligent, frank, and free from signs of alcoholic dissipation;
+movements slow and leisurely as of one averse to over-exertion. There
+are thousands of "wobblies" to whom the specifications of this
+description will apply. Conversation with these men reveals that, as a
+general rule, they are above rather than below the average in sobriety.
+They are generally free from family ties, being either unmarried or, as
+often happens, wife-deserters. They are not highly educated, few having
+attended any school beyond the grammar-school grade. Many of them have,
+however, read a great deal more than the average man, though their
+reading has been curiously miscellaneous in selection and nearly always
+badly balanced. Theology, philosophy, sociology, and economics seem to
+attract most attention. In discussion--and every "Wobbly" seems to
+possess a passion for disputation--men of this type will manifest a
+surprising familiarity with the broad outlines of certain theological
+problems, as well as with the scriptural texts bearing upon them. It is
+very likely to be the case, however, that they have only read a few
+popular classics of what used to be called rationalism--Paine's _Age of
+Reason_, Ingersoll's lectures in pamphlet form, and Haeckel's _Riddle of
+the Universe_ are typical. A surprisingly large number can quote
+extensively from Buckle's _History of Civilization_ and from the
+writings of Marx. They quote statistics freely--statistics of wages,
+poverty, crime, vice, and so on--generally derived from the radical
+press and implicitly believed because so published, with what they
+accept as adequate authority.
+
+Their most marked peculiarity is the migratory nature of their lives.
+Whether this is self-determined, a matter of temperament and habit, or
+due to uncontrollable factors, it is largely responsible for the
+contempt in which they are popularly held. It naturally brings upon them
+the reproach and resentment everywhere visited upon "tramps" and
+"vagabonds." They rarely remain long enough in any one place to form
+local attachments and ties or anything like civic pride. They move from
+job to job, city to city, state to state, sometimes tramping afoot,
+begging as they go; sometimes stealing rides on railway trains, in
+freight cars--"side-door Pullmans"--or on the rods underneath the cars.
+Frequently arrested for begging, trespassing, or stealing rides, they
+are often victims of injustice at the hands of local judges and
+justices. The absence of friends, combined with the prejudice against
+vagrants which everywhere exists, subjects them to arbitrary and
+high-handed injustice such as no other body of American citizens has to
+endure. Moreover, through the conditions of their existence they are
+readily suspected of crimes they do not commit; it is all too easy for
+the hard-pushed police officer or sheriff to impute a crime to the lone
+and defenseless "Wobbly," who frequently can produce no testimony to
+prove his innocence, simply because he has no friends in the
+neighborhood and has been at pains to conceal his movements. In this
+manner the "Wobbly" becomes a veritable son of Ishmael, his hand against
+the hand of nearly every man in conventional society. In particular he
+becomes a rebel by habit, hating the police and the courts as his
+constant enemies.
+
+Doubtless the great majority of these men are temperamentally
+predisposed to the unanchored, adventurous, migratory existence which
+they lead. Boys so constituted run away to sea, take jobs with traveling
+circuses, or enlist as soldiers. The type is familiar and not uncommon.
+Such individuals cannot be content with the prosaic, humdrum, monotonous
+life of regular employment. As a rule we do not look upon this trait in
+boy or man as criminal.
+
+Many a hardworking, intelligent American, who from choice or from
+necessity is a migratory worker, following his job, never has an
+opportunity to vote for state legislators, for governor, for
+congressman or president. He is just as effectively excluded from the
+actual electorate as if he were a Chinese coolie, ignorant of our
+customs and our speech.
+
+We cannot wonder that such conditions prove prolific breeders of
+bolshevism and similar "isms." It would be strange indeed if it were
+otherwise. We have no right to expect that men who are so constantly the
+victims of arbitrary, unjust, and even brutal treatment at the hands of
+our police and our courts will manifest any reverence for the law and
+the judicial system. Respect for majority rule in government cannot
+fairly be demanded from a disfranchised group. It is not to be wondered
+at that the old slogan of socialism, "Strike at the ballot-box!"--the
+call to lift the struggle of the classes to the parliamentary level for
+peaceful settlement--becomes the desperate, anarchistic I.W.W. slogan,
+"Strike at the ballot-box with an ax!" Men who can have no family life
+cannot justly be expected to bother about school administration. Men who
+can have no home life but only dreary shelter in crowded work-camps or
+dirty doss-houses are not going to bother themselves with municipal
+housing reforms.
+
+In short, we must wake up to the fact that, as the very heart of our
+problem, we have a bolshevist nucleus in America composed of virile,
+red-blooded Americans, racy of our soil and history, whose conditions of
+life and labor are such as to develop in them the psychology of
+reckless, despairing, revengeful bolshevism. They really are little
+concerned with theories of the state and of social development, which to
+our intellectuals seem to be the essence of bolshevism. They are vitally
+concerned only with action. Syndicalism and bolshevism involve speedy
+and drastic action--hence the force of their appeal.
+
+Finally, if we would understand why millions of people in all lands have
+turned away from old ideals, old loyalties, and old faiths to
+bolshevism, with something of the passion and frenzy characteristic of
+great messianic movements, we must take into account the intense
+spiritual agony and hunger which the Great War has brought into the
+lives of civilized men. The old gods are dead and men are everywhere
+expectantly waiting for the new gods to arise. The aftermath of the war
+is a spiritual cataclysm such as civilized mankind has never before
+known. The old religions and moralities are shattered and men are
+waiting and striving for new ones. It is a time suggestive of the birth
+of new religions. Man cannot live as yet without faith, without some
+sort of religion. The heart of the world today is strained with yearning
+for new and living faiths to replace the old faiths which are dead. Were
+some persuasive fanatic to arise proclaiming himself to be a new
+Messiah, and preaching the religion of action, the creation of a new
+society, he would find an eager, soul-hungry world already predisposed
+to believe.
+
+
+4. Mass Movements and Institutions: Methodism[312]
+
+The corruption of manners which has been general since the restoration
+was combated by societies for "the reformation of manners," which in the
+last years of the seventeenth century acquired extraordinary dimensions.
+They began in certain private societies which arose in the reign of
+James II, chiefly under the auspices of Beveridge and Bishop Horneck.
+These societies were at first purely devotional, and they appear to have
+been almost identical in character with those of the early Methodists.
+They held prayer meetings, weekly communions, and Bible-readings; they
+sustained charities and distributed religious books, and they cultivated
+a warmer and more ascetic type of devotion than was common in the
+Church. Societies of this description sprang up in almost every
+considerable city in England and even in several of those in Ireland. In
+the last years of the seventeenth century we find no less than ten of
+them in Dublin. Without, however, altogether discarding their first
+character, they assumed, about 1695, new and very important functions.
+They divided themselves into several distinct groups, undertaking the
+discovery and suppression of houses of ill fame, and the prosecution of
+swearers, drunkards, and Sabbath-breakers. They became a kind of
+voluntary police, acting largely as spies, and enforcing the laws
+against religious offenses. The energy with which this scheme was
+carried out is very remarkable. As many as seventy or eighty persons
+were often prosecuted in London and Westminster for cursing and
+swearing, in a single week. Sunday markets, which had hitherto been not
+uncommon, were effectually suppressed. Hundreds of disorderly houses
+were closed. Forty or fifty night-walkers were sent every week to
+Bridewell, and numbers were induced to emigrate to the colonies. A great
+part of the fines levied for these offenses was bestowed on the poor. In
+the fortieth annual report of the "Societies for the Reformation of
+Manners" which appeared in 1735, it was stated that the number of
+prosecutions for debauchery and profaneness in London and Westminster
+alone, since the foundation of the societies, had been 99,380.
+
+The term Methodist was a college nickname bestowed upon a small society
+of students at Oxford, who met together between 1729 and 1735 for the
+purpose of mutual improvement. They were accustomed to communicate every
+week, to fast regularly on Wednesdays and Fridays, and on most days
+during Lent; to read and discuss the Bible in common, to abstain from
+most forms of amusement and luxury, and to visit sick persons and
+prisoners in the gaol. John Wesley, the future leader of the religious
+revival of the eighteenth century, was the master-spirit of this
+society. The society hardly numbered more than fifteen members, and was
+the object of much ridicule at the university; but it included some men
+who afterward played considerable parts in the world. Among them was
+Charles, the younger brother of John Wesley, whose hymns became the
+favorite poetry of the sect, and whose gentler, more submissive, and
+more amiable character, though less fitted than that of his brother for
+the great conflicts of public life, was very useful in moderating the
+movement, and in drawing converts to it by personal influence. Charles
+Wesley appears to have originated the society at Oxford; he brought
+Whitefield into its pale, and besides being the most popular poet he was
+one of the most persuasive preachers of the movement.
+
+In the course of 1738 the chief elements of the movement were already
+formed. Whitefield had returned from Georgia, Charles Wesley had begun
+to preach the doctrine with extraordinary effect to the criminals in
+Newgate and from every pulpit into which he was admitted. Methodist
+societies had already sprung up under Moravian influence. They were in
+part a continuation of the society at Oxford, in part a revival of those
+religious societies that have been already noticed as so common after
+the Revolution. The design of each was to be a church within a church, a
+seedplot of a more fervent piety, the center of a stricter discipline
+and a more energetic propagandism than existed in religious communities
+at large. In these societies the old Christian custom of love-feasts
+was revived. The members sometimes passed almost the whole night in the
+most passionate devotions, and voluntarily submitted to a spiritual
+tyranny that could hardly be surpassed in a Catholic monastery. They
+were to meet every week, to make an open and particular confession of
+every frailty, to submit to be crossexamined on all their thoughts,
+words, and deeds. The following among others were the questions asked at
+every meeting: "What known sin have you committed since our last
+meeting? What temptations have you met with? How were you delivered?
+What have you thought, said, or done of which you doubt whether it be
+sin or not? Have you nothing you desire to keep secret?"
+
+Such rules could only have been accepted under the influence of an
+overpowering religious enthusiasm, and there was much truth in the
+judgment which the elder brother of John Wesley passed upon them in
+1739. "Their societies," he wrote to their mother, "are sufficient to
+dissolve all other societies but their own. Will any man of common sense
+or spirit suffer any domestic to be in a band engaged to relate to five
+or ten people everything without reserve that concerns the person's
+conscience how much soever it may concern the family? Ought any married
+persons to be there unless husband and wife be there together?"
+
+From this time the leaders of the movement became the most active of
+missionaries. Without any fixed parishes they wandered from place to
+place, proclaiming their new doctrine in every pulpit to which they were
+admitted, and they speedily awoke a passionate enthusiasm and a bitter
+hostility in the Church.
+
+We may blame, but we can hardly, I think, wonder at the hostility all
+this aroused among the clergy. It is, indeed, certain that Wesley and
+Whitefield were at this time doing more than any other contemporary
+clergymen to kindle a living piety among the people. Yet before the end
+of 1738 the Methodist leaders were excluded from most of the pulpits of
+the Church, and were thus compelled, unless they consented to relinquish
+what they considered a Divine mission, to take steps in the direction of
+separation.
+
+Two important measures of this nature were taken in 1739. One of them
+was the creation of Methodist chapels, which were intended not to oppose
+or replace, but to be supplemental and ancillary to, the churches, and
+to secure that the doctrine of the new birth should be faithfully taught
+to the people. The other and still more important event was the
+institution by Whitefield of field-preaching. The idea had occurred to
+him in London, where he found congregations too numerous for the church
+in which he preached, but the first actual step was taken in the
+neighborhood of Bristol. At a time when he was himself excluded from the
+pulpits at Bristol, and was thus deprived of the chief normal means of
+exercising his talents, his attention was called to the condition of the
+colliers at Kingswood. He was filled with horror and compassion at
+finding in the heart of a Christian country, and in the immediate
+neighborhood of a great city, a population of many thousands, sunk in
+the most brutal ignorance and vice, and entirely excluded from the
+ordinances of religion. Moved by such feelings, he resolved to address
+the colliers in their own haunts. The resolution was a bold one, for
+field-preaching was then utterly unknown in England, and it needed no
+common courage to brave all the obloquy and derision it must provoke,
+and to commence the experiment in the center of a half-savage
+population. Whitefield, however, had a just confidence in his cause and
+in his powers. Standing himself upon a hillside, he took for his text
+the first words of the sermon which was spoken from the Mount, and he
+addressed with his accustomed fire an astonished audience of some two
+hundred men. The fame of his eloquence spread far and wide. On
+successive occasions, five, ten, fifteen, even twenty thousand were
+present. It was February, but the winter sun shone clear and bright. The
+lanes were filled with carriages of the more wealthy citizens, whom
+curiosity had drawn from Bristol. The trees and hedges were crowded with
+humbler listeners, and the fields were darkened by a compact mass. The
+voice of the great preacher pealed with a thrilling power to the
+outskirts of that mighty throng. The picturesque novelty of the occasion
+and of the scene, the contagious emotion of so great a multitude, a deep
+sense of the condition of his hearers and of the momentous importance of
+the step he was taking, gave an additional solemnity to his eloquence.
+His rude auditors were electrified. They stood for a time in rapt and
+motionless attention. Soon tears might be seen forming white gutters
+down cheeks blackened from the coal mine. Then sobs and groans told how
+hard hearts were melting at his words. A fire was kindled among the
+outcasts of Kingswood which burnt long and fiercely, and was destined
+in a few years to overspread the land.
+
+But for the simultaneous appearance of a great orator and a great
+statesman, Methodism would probably have smouldered and at last perished
+like the very similar religious societies of the preceding century.
+Whitefield was utterly destitute of the organizing skill which could
+alone give a permanence to the movement, and no talent is naturally more
+ephemeral than popular oratory; while Wesley, though a great and
+impressive preacher, could scarcely have kindled a general enthusiasm
+had he not been assisted by an orator who had an unrivaled power of
+moving the passions of the ignorant. The institution of field-preaching
+by Whitefield in the February of 1739 carried the impulse through the
+great masses of the poor, while the foundation by Wesley, in the May of
+the same year, of the first Methodist chapel was the beginning of an
+organized body capable of securing and perpetuating the results that had
+been achieved.
+
+From the time of the institution of lay preachers Methodism became in a
+great degree independent of the Established Church. Its chapels
+multiplied in the great towns, and its itinerant missionaries penetrated
+to the most secluded districts. They were accustomed to preach in fields
+and gardens, in streets and lecture-rooms, in market places and
+churchyards. On one occasion we find Whitefield at a fair mounting a
+stage which had been erected for some wrestlers, and there denouncing
+the pleasures of the world; on another, preaching among the mountebanks
+at Moorfields; on a third, attracting around his pulpit ten thousand of
+the spectators at a race course; on a fourth, standing beside the
+gallows at an execution to speak of death and of eternity. Wesley, when
+excluded from the pulpit of Epworth, delivered some of his most
+impressive sermons in the churchyard, standing on his father's tomb.
+Howell Harris, the apostle of Wales, encountering a party of
+mountebanks, sprang into their midst exclaiming, in a solemn voice, "Let
+us pray," and then proceeded to thunder forth the judgments of the Lord.
+Rowland Hill was accustomed to visit the great towns on market day in
+order that he might address the people in the market place, and to go
+from fair to fair preaching among the revelers from his favorite text,
+"Come out from among them." In this manner the Methodist preachers came
+in contact with the most savage elements of the population, and there
+were few forms of mob violence they did not experience. In 1741 one of
+their preachers named Seward, after repeated ill treatment in Wales, was
+at last struck on the head while preaching at Monmouth, and died of the
+blow. In a riot, while Wheatley was preaching at Norwich, a poor woman
+with child perished from the kicks and blows of the mob. At Dublin,
+Whitefield was almost stoned to death. At Exeter he was stoned in the
+very presence of the bishop. At Plymouth he was violently assaulted and
+his life seriously threatened by a naval officer.
+
+Scenes of this kind were of continual occurrence, and they were
+interspersed with other persecutions of a less dangerous description.
+Drums were beaten, horns blown, guns let off, and blacksmiths hired to
+ply their noisy trade in order to drown the voices of the preachers.
+Once, at the very moment when Whitefield announced his text, the belfry
+gave out a peal loud enough to make him inaudible. On other occasions
+packs of hounds were brought with the same object, and once, in order to
+excite the dogs to fury, a live cat in a cage was placed in their midst.
+Fire engines poured streams of fetid water upon the congregation. Stones
+fell so thickly that the faces of many grew crimson with blood. At
+Hoxton the mob drove an ox into the midst of the congregation. At
+Pensford the rabble, who had been baiting a bull, concluded their sport
+by driving the torn and tired animal full against the table on which
+Wesley was preaching. Sometimes we find innkeepers refusing to receive
+the Methodist leaders in their inns, farmers entering into an agreement
+to dismiss every laborer who attended a Methodist preacher, landlords
+expelling all Methodists from their cottages, masters dismissing their
+servants because they had joined the sect. The magistrates, who knew by
+experience that the presence of a Methodist preacher was the usual
+precursor of disturbance and riot, looked on them with the greatest
+disfavor, and often scandalously connived at the persecutions they
+underwent.
+
+It was frequently observed by Wesley that his preaching rarely affected
+the rich and the educated. It was over the ignorant and the credulous
+that it exercised its most appalling power, and it is difficult to
+overrate the mental anguish it must sometimes have produced. Timid and
+desponding natures unable to convince themselves that they had undergone
+a supernatural change, gentle and affectionate natures who believed that
+those who were dearest to them were descending into everlasting fire,
+must have often experienced pangs compared with which the torments of
+the martyr were insignificant. The confident assertions of the Methodist
+preacher and the ghastly images he continually evoked poisoned their
+imaginations, haunted them in every hour of weakness or depression,
+discolored all their judgments of the world, and added a tenfold horror
+to the darkness of the grave. Sufferings of this description, though
+among the most real and the most terrible that superstition can inflict,
+are so hidden in their nature that they leave few traces in history; but
+it is impossible to read the journals of Wesley without feeling that
+they were most widely diffused. Many were thrown into paroxysms of
+extreme, though usually transient, agony; many doubtless nursed a secret
+sorrow which corroded all the happiness of their lives, while not a few
+became literally insane. On one occasion Wesley was called to the
+bedside of a young woman at Kingswood. He tells us:
+
+ She was nineteen or twenty years old, but, it seems, could not
+ write or read. I found her on the bed, two or three persons
+ holding her. It was a terrible sight. Anguish, horror, and
+ despair above all description appeared in her pale face. The
+ thousand distortions of her whole body showed how the dogs of
+ hell were gnawing at her heart. The shrieks intermixed were
+ scarce to be endured. But her stony eyes could not weep. She
+ screamed out as soon as words could find their way, "I am
+ damned, damned, lost forever: six days ago you might have
+ helped me. But it is past. I am the devil's now.... I will go
+ with him to hell. I cannot be saved." They sang a hymn, and for
+ a time she sank to rest, but soon broke out anew in incoherent
+ exclamations, "Break, break, poor stony hearts! Will you not
+ break? What more can be done for stony hearts? I am damned that
+ you may be saved!"... She then fixed her eyes in the corner of
+ the ceiling, and said, "There he is, ay, there he is! Come,
+ good devil, come! Take me away."... We interrupted her by
+ calling again on God, on which she sank down as before, and
+ another young woman began to roar out as loud as she had done.
+
+For more than two hours Wesley and his brother continued praying over
+her. At last the paroxysms subsided and the patient joined in a hymn of
+praise.
+
+In the intense religious enthusiasm that was generated, many of the ties
+of life were snapped in twain. Children treated with contempt the
+commands of their parents, students the rules of their colleges,
+clergymen the discipline of their Church. The whole structure of
+society, and almost all the amusements of life, appeared criminal. The
+fairs, the mountebanks, the public rejoicings of the people, were all
+Satanic. It was sinful for a woman to wear any gold ornament or any
+brilliant dress. It was even sinful for a man to exercise the common
+prudence of laying by a certain portion of his income. When Whitefield
+proposed to a lady to marry him, he thought it necessary to say, "I
+bless God, if I know anything of my own heart, I am free from that
+foolish passion which the world calls love." "I trust I love you only
+for God, and desire to be joined to you only by His commands, and for
+His sake." It is perhaps not very surprising that Whitefield's marriage,
+like that of Wesley, proved very unhappy. Theaters and the reading of
+plays were absolutely condemned, and Methodists employed all their
+influence with the authorities to prevent the erection of the former. It
+seems to have been regarded as a divine judgment that once, when
+_Macbeth_ was being acted at Drury Lane, a real thunderstorm mingled
+with the mimic thunder in the witch scene. Dancing was, if possible,
+even worse than the theater. "Dancers," said Whitefield, "please the
+devil at every step"; and it was said that his visit to a town usually
+put "a stop to the dancing-school, the assemblies, and every pleasant
+thing." He made it his mission to "bear testimony against the detestable
+diversions of this generation"; and he declared that no "recreations,
+considered as such, can be innocent."
+
+Accompanying this asceticism we find an extraordinary revival of the
+grossest superstition. It was a natural consequence of the essentially
+emotional character of Methodism that its disciples should imagine that
+every strong feeling or impulse within them was a direct inspiration of
+God or Satan. The language of Whitefield--the language in a great degree
+of all the members of the sect--was that of men who were at once
+continually inspired and the continual objects of miraculous
+interposition. In every perplexity they imagined that, by casting lots
+or opening their Bibles at random, they could obtain a supernatural
+answer to their inquiries.
+
+In all matters relating to Satanic interference, Wesley was especially
+credulous. "I cannot give up to all the Deists in Great Britain the
+existence of witchcraft till I give up the credit of all history, sacred
+and profane." He had no doubt that the physical contortions into which
+so many of his hearers fell were due to the direct agency of Satan, who
+tore the converts as they were coming to Christ. He had himself seen men
+and women who were literally possessed by devils; he had witnessed forms
+of madness which were not natural, but diabolical, and he had
+experienced in his own person the hysterical affections which resulted
+from supernatural agency.
+
+If Satanic agencies continually convulsed those who were coming to the
+faith, divine judgments as frequently struck down those who opposed it.
+Every illness, every misfortune that befell an opponent, was believed to
+be supernatural. Molther, the Moravian minister, shortly after the
+Methodists had separated from the Moravians, was seized with a passing
+illness. "I believe," wrote Wesley, "it was the hand of God that was
+upon him." Numerous cases were cited of sudden and fearful judgments
+which fell upon the adversaries of the cause. A clergyman at Bristol,
+standing up to preach against the Methodists, "was suddenly seized with
+a rattling in his throat, attended with a hideous groaning," and on the
+next Sunday he died. At Todmorden a minister was struck with a violent
+fit of palsy immediately after preaching against the Methodists. At
+Enniscorthy a clergyman, having preached for some time against
+Methodism, deferred the conclusion of the discourse to the following
+Sunday. Next morning he was raging mad, imagined that devils were about
+him, "and not long after, without showing the least sign of hope, he
+went to his account." At Kingswood a man began a vehement invective
+against Wesley and Methodism. "In the midst he was struck raving mad." A
+woman, seeing a crowd waiting for Wesley at the church door, exclaimed,
+"They are waiting for their God." She at once fell senseless to the
+ground, and next day expired. "A party of young men rode up to Richmond
+to disturb the sermons of Rowland Hill. The boat sank, and all of them
+were drowned." At Sheffield the captain of a gang who had long troubled
+the field-preachers, was bathing with his companions. "Another dip," he
+said, "and then for a bit of sport with the Methodists." He dived,
+struck his head against a stone, and appeared no more. By such anecdotes
+and by such beliefs a fever of enthusiasm was sustained.
+
+But with all its divisions and defects the movement was unquestionably
+effecting a great moral revolution in England. It was essentially a
+popular movement, exercising its deepest influence over the lower and
+middle classes. Some of its leaders were men of real genius, but in
+general the Methodist teacher had little sympathy with the more educated
+of his fellow-countrymen. To an ordinarily cultivated mind there was
+something extremely repulsive in his tears and groans and amorous
+ejaculations, in the coarse and anthropomorphic familiarity and the
+unwavering dogmatism with which he dealt with the most sacred subjects,
+in the narrowness of his theory of life and his utter insensibility to
+many of the influences that expand and embellish it, in the mingled
+credulity and self-confidence with which he imagined that the whole
+course of nature was altered for his convenience. But the very qualities
+that impaired his influence in one sphere enhanced it in another. His
+impassioned prayers and exhortations stirred the hearts of multitudes
+whom a more decorous teaching had left absolutely callous. The
+supernatural atmosphere of miracles, judgments, and inspirations in
+which he moved, invested the most prosaic life with a halo of romance.
+The doctrines he taught, the theory of life he enforced, proved
+themselves capable of arousing in great masses of men an enthusiasm of
+piety which was hardly surpassed in the first days of Christianity, of
+eradicating inveterate vice, of fixing and directing impulsive and
+tempestuous natures that were rapidly hastening toward the abyss. Out of
+the profligate slave-dealer, John Newton, Methodism formed one of the
+purest and most unselfish of saints. It taught criminals in Newgate to
+mount the gallows in an ecstasy of rapturous devotion. It planted a
+fervid and enduring religious sentiment in the midst of the most brutal
+and most neglected portions of the population, and whatever may have
+been its vices or its defects, it undoubtedly emancipated great numbers
+from the fear of death, and imparted a warmer tone to the devotion and a
+greater energy to the philanthropy of every denomination both in England
+and the colonies.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. Social Unrest
+
+The term collective behavior, which has been used elsewhere to include
+all the facts of group life, has been limited for the purposes of this
+chapter to those phenomena which exhibit in the most obvious and
+elementary way the processes by which societies are disintegrated into
+their constituent elements and the processes by which these elements are
+brought together again into new relations to form new organizations and
+new societies.
+
+Some years ago John Graham Brooks wrote a popular treatise on the labor
+situation in the United States. He called the volume _Social Unrest_.
+The term was, even at that time, a familiar one. Since then the word
+unrest, in both its substantive and adjective forms, has gained wide
+usage. We speak in reference to the notorious disposition of the native
+American to move from one part of the country to another, of his
+restless blood, as if restlessness was a native American trait
+transmitted in the blood. We speak more often of the "restless age," as
+if mobility and the desire for novelty and new experience were
+peculiarly characteristic of the twentieth century. We use the word to
+describe conditions in different regions of social life in such
+expressions as "political," "religious," and "labor" unrest, and in
+every case the word is used in a sense that indicates change, but change
+that menaces the existing order. Finally, we speak of the "restless
+woman," as of a peculiar modern type, characteristic of the changed
+status of women in general in the modern world. In all these different
+uses we may observe the gradual unfolding of the concept which seems to
+have been implicit in the word as it was first used. It is the concept
+of an activity in response to some urgent organic impulse which the
+activity, however, does not satisfy. It is a diagnostic symptom, a
+symptom of what Graham Wallas calls "balked disposition." It is a sign
+that in the existing situation some one or more of the four
+wishes--security, new experience, recognition, and response--has not
+been and is not adequately realized. The fact that the symptom is
+social, that it is contagious, is an indication that the situations that
+provoke it are social, that is to say, general in the community or the
+group where the unrest manifests itself. [313] The materials in which
+the term unrest is used in the sense indicated are in the popular
+discussions of social questions. The term is not defined but it is
+frequently used in connection with descriptions of conditions which are
+evidently responsible for it. Labor strikes are evidences of social
+unrest, and the literature already referred to in the chapter on
+"Conflict"[1] shows the conditions under which unrest arises, is
+provoked and exploited in labor situations. The relation of unrest to
+routine and fatigue has been the subject of a good deal of discussion
+and some investigation. The popular conception is that labor unrest is
+due to the dull driving routine of machine industry. The matter needs
+further study. The actual mental experiences of the different sexes,
+ages, temperamental and mental types under the influence of routine
+would add a much needed body of fact to our present psychology of the
+worker.
+
+2. Psychic Epidemics
+
+If social unrest is a symptom of disorganization, then the psychic
+epidemics, in which all the phenomena of social unrest and contagion are
+intensified, is evidence positive that disorganization exists. Social
+disorganization must be considered in relation to reorganization. All
+change involves a certain amount of disorganization. In order that an
+individual may make new adjustments and establish new habits it is
+inevitable that old habits should be broken up, and in order that
+society may reform an existing social order a certain amount of
+disorganization is inevitable. Social unrest may be, therefore, a
+symptom of health. It is only when the process of disorganization goes
+on so rapidly and to such an extent that the whole existing social
+structure is impaired, and society is, for that reason, not able to
+readjust itself, that unrest is to be regarded as a pathological
+symptom.
+
+There is reason to believe, contrary to the popular conception, that the
+immigrant in America, particularly in the urban environment,
+accommodates himself too quickly rather than too slowly to American
+life. Statistics show, particularly in the second generation, a notable
+increase in juvenile delinquency, and this seems to be due to the fact
+that in America the relation between parents and children is reversed.
+Owing to the children's better knowledge of English and their more rapid
+accommodation to the conditions of American life, parents become
+dependent upon their children rather than the children dependent upon
+their parents.
+
+Social epidemics, however, are evidence of a social disintegration due
+to more fundamental and widespread disorders. The literature has
+recorded the facts but writers have usually interpreted the phenomena in
+medical rather than sociological terms. Stoll, in his very interesting
+but rather miscellaneous collection of materials upon primitive life,
+disposes of the phenomena by giving them another name. His volume is
+entitled _Suggestion and Hypnotism in Folk Psychology_.[314] Friedmann,
+in his monograph, _Über Wahnideen im Völkerleben_, is disposed as a
+psychiatrist to treat the whole matter as a form of "social" insanity.
+
+
+3. Mass Movements
+
+In spite of the abundance of materials on the subject of mass movements
+no attempt has been made as yet to collect and classify them. There have
+been a number of interesting books in the field of collective
+psychology, so called mainly by French and Italian writers--Sighele,
+Rossi, Tarde, and Le Bon--but they are not based on a systematic study
+of cases. The general assumption has been that the facts are so obvious
+that any attempt to study systematically the mechanisms involved would
+amount to little more than academic elaboration of what is already
+obvious, a restatement in more abstract terms of what is already
+familiar.
+
+On the other hand, shepherds and cowboys, out of their experience in
+handling cattle and sheep, have learned that the flock and the herd have
+quite peculiar and characteristic modes of collective behavior which it
+is necessary to know if one is to handle them successfully. At the same
+time, practical politicians who make a profession of herding voters,
+getting them out to the polls at the times they are needed and
+determining for them, by the familiar campaign devices, the persons and
+the issues for which they are to cast their ballots, have worked out
+very definite methods for dealing with masses of people, so that they
+are able to predict the outcome with considerable accuracy far in
+advance of an election and make their dispositions accordingly.
+
+Political manipulation of the movements and tendencies of popular
+opinion has now reached a point of perfection where it can and will be
+studied systematically. During the world-war it was studied, and all the
+knowledge which advertisers, newspaper men, and psychologists possessed
+was used to win the war.
+
+Propaganda is now recognized as part of the grand strategy of war. Not
+only political and diplomatic victories, but battles were won during the
+world-war by the aid of this insidious weapon. The great victory of the
+Austrian and German armies at Caporetto which in a few days wiped out
+all the hard-won successes of the Italian armies was prepared by a
+psychic attack on the morale of the troops at the front and a defeatist
+campaign among the Italian population back of the lines.
+
+ In the battle of Caporetto the morale of the troops at the
+ front was undermined by sending postal cards and letters to
+ individual soldiers stating that their wives were in illicit
+ relations with officers and soldiers of the allies. Copies of
+ Roman and Milanese newspapers were forged and absolute
+ facsimiles of familiar journals were secretly distributed or
+ dropped from Austrian aeroplanes over the Italian lines. These
+ papers contained sensational articles telling the Italians that
+ Austria was in revolt, that Emperor Charles had been killed.
+ Accompanying these were other articles describing bread riots
+ throughout Italy and stating that the Italian government,
+ unable to quell them with its own forces, had sent British and
+ French re-enforcing troops and even Zulus into the cities, and
+ that these troops were shooting down women and children and
+ priests without mercy.
+
+ This attack upon the morale of the troops was followed by an
+ unforeseen assault upon a quiet sector, which succeeded in
+ piercing the line at numerous points. In the confusion that
+ followed the whole structure of the defense crumbled, and the
+ result was disastrous.
+
+When the final history of the world-war comes to be written, one of its
+most interesting chapters will be a description of the methods and
+devices which were used by the armies on both sides to destroy the will
+to war in the troops and among the peoples behind the lines. If the
+application of modern science to war has multiplied the engines of
+destruction, the increase of communication and the interpenetration of
+peoples has given war among civilized peoples the character of an
+internal and internecine struggle. Under these circumstances propaganda,
+in the sense of an insidious exploitation of the sources of dissension
+and unrest, may as completely change the character of wars of peoples as
+they were once changed by the invention of gunpowder.
+
+In this field there is room for investigation and study, for almost all
+attempts thus far made to put advertising on a scientific basis have
+been made by students of individual rather than social psychology.
+
+
+4. Revivals, Religious and Linguistic
+
+For something more than a hundred years Europe has experienced a series
+of linguistic and literary revivals, that is to say revivals of the folk
+languages and the folk cultures. The folk languages are the speech of
+peoples who have been conquered but not yet culturally absorbed by the
+dominant language group. They are mostly isolated rural populations who
+have remained to a large extent outside of the cosmopolitan cultures of
+the cities. These people while not wholly illiterate have never had
+enough education in the language of the dominant peoples of the cities
+to enable them to use this alien speech as a medium of education. The
+consequence is that, except for a relatively small group of
+intellectuals, they have been cut off from the main current of European
+life and culture. These linguistic revivals have not been confined to
+any one nation, since every nation in Europe turns out upon analysis to
+be a mosaic of minor nationalities and smaller cultural enclaves in
+which the languages of little and forgotten peoples have been preserved.
+Linguistic revivals have, in fact, been well-nigh universal. They have
+taken place in France, Spain, Norway, Denmark, in most of the Balkan
+States, including Albania, the most isolated of them all, and in all the
+smaller nationalities along the Slavic-German border--Finland, Esthonia,
+Letvia, Lithuania, Poland, Bohemia, Slovakia, Roumania, and the Ukraine.
+Finally, among the Jews of Eastern Europe, there has been the Haskala
+Movement, as the Jews of Eastern Europe call their period of
+enlightenment, a movement that has quite unintentionally made the
+Judeo-German dialect (Yiddish) a literary language.
+
+ At first blush, it seems strange that the revivals of the folk
+ speech should have come at a time when the locomotive and the
+ telegraph were extending commerce and communication to the
+ uttermost limits of the earth, when all barriers were breaking
+ down, and the steady expansion of cosmopolitan life and the
+ organization of the Great Society, as Graham Wallas has called
+ it, seemed destined to banish all the minor languages,
+ dialects, and obsolescent forms of speech, the last props of an
+ international provincialism, to the limbo of forgotten things.
+ The competition of the world-languages was already keen; all
+ the little and forgotten peoples of Europe--the Finns, Letts,
+ Ukrainians, Russo-Carpathians, Slovaks, Slovenians, Croatians,
+ the Catalonians of eastern Spain, whose language, by the way,
+ dates back to a period before the Roman Conquest, the Czechs,
+ and the Poles--began to set up presses and establish schools to
+ revive and perpetuate their several racial languages.
+
+ To those who, at this time, were looking forward to
+ world-organization and a universal peace through the medium of
+ a universal language, all this agitation had the appearance of
+ an anachronism, not to say a heresy. It seemed a deliberate
+ attempt to set up barriers, where progress demanded that they
+ should be torn down. The success of such a movement, it seemed,
+ must be to bring about a more complete isolation of the
+ peoples, to imprison them, so to speak, in their own languages,
+ and so cut them off from the general culture of Europe.[315]
+
+The actual effect has been different from what was expected. It is
+difficult, and for the masses of the people impossible, to learn through
+the medium of a language that they do not speak. The results of the
+efforts to cultivate Swedish and Russian in Finland, Polish and Russian
+in Lithuania, Magyar in Slovakia and at the same time to prohibit the
+publication of books and newspapers in the mother-tongue of the country
+has been, in the first place, to create an artificial illiteracy and, in
+the second, to create in the minds of native peoples a sense of social
+and intellectual inferiority to the alien and dominant race.
+
+The effect of the literary revival of the spoken language, however, has
+been to create, in spite of the efforts to suppress it, a vernacular
+press which opened the gates of western culture to great masses of
+people for whom it did not previously exist. The result has been a great
+cultural awakening, a genuine renaissance, which has had profound
+reverberations on the political and social life of Europe.
+
+ The literary revival of the folk speech in Europe has
+ invariably been a prelude to the revival of the national spirit
+ in subject peoples. The sentiment of nationality has its roots
+ in memories that attach to the common possessions of the
+ people, the land, the religion, and the language, but
+ particularly the language.
+
+ Bohemian patriots have a saying, "As long as the language
+ lives, the nation is not dead." In an address in 1904 Jorgen
+ Levland, who was afterward Premier of Norway, in a plea for
+ "freedom with self-government, home, land, and our own
+ language," made this statement: "Political freedom is not the
+ deepest and greatest. Greater is it for a nation to preserve
+ her intellectual inheritance in her native tongue."
+
+ The revival of the national consciousness in the subject
+ peoples has invariably been connected with the struggle to
+ maintain a press in the native language. The reason is that it
+ was through the medium of the national press that the literary
+ and linguistic revivals took place. Conversely, the efforts to
+ suppress the rising national consciousness took the form of an
+ effort to censor or suppress the national press. There were
+ nowhere attempts to suppress the spoken language as such. On
+ the other hand, it was only as the spoken language succeeded in
+ becoming a medium of literary expression that it was possible
+ to preserve it under modern conditions and maintain in this way
+ the national solidarity. When the Lithuanians, for example,
+ were condemned to get their education and their culture through
+ the medium of a language not their own, the effect was to
+ denationalize the literate class and to make its members aliens
+ to their own people. If there was no national press, there
+ could be no national schools, and, indeed, no national church.
+ It was for this reason that the struggle to maintain the
+ national language and the national culture has always been a
+ struggle to maintain a national press.
+
+ European nationalists, seeking to revive among their peoples
+ the national consciousness, have invariably sought to restore
+ the national speech, to purge it of foreign idioms, and
+ emphasize every mark which serves to distinguish it from the
+ languages with which it tended to fuse.[316]
+
+Investigation of these linguistic revivals and the nationalist movement
+that has grown out of them indicates that there is a very intimate
+relation between nationalist and religious movements. Both of them are
+fundamentally cultural movements with incidental political consequences.
+The movement which resulted in the reorganization of rural life in
+Denmark, the movement that found expression in so unique an institution
+as the rural high schools of Denmark, was begun by Bishop Grundtvig,
+called the Luther of Denmark, and was at once a religious and a
+nationalist movement. The rural high schools are for this reason not
+like anything in the way of education with which people outside of
+Denmark are familiar. They are not technical schools but cultural
+institutions in the narrowest, or broadest, sense of that term.[317] The
+teaching is "scientific," but at the same time "inspirational." They
+are what a Sunday school might be if it were not held on Sunday and was
+organized as Mr. H. G. Wells would organize it and with such a bible as
+he would like to have someone write for us.[318]
+
+The popular accounts which we have of religious revivals do not at first
+suggest any very definite relations, either psychological or
+sociological, between them and the literary revivals to which reference
+has just been made. Religious revivals, particularly as described by
+dispassionate observers, have the appearance of something bizarre,
+fantastic, and wild, as indeed they often are.
+
+What must strike the thoughtful observer, however, is the marked
+similarity of these collective religious excitements, whether among
+civilized or savage peoples and at places and periods remote in time and
+in space. Frederick Morgan Davenport, who has collected and compared the
+materials in this field from contemporary sources, calls attention in
+the title of his volume, _Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals_, to
+this fundamental similarity of the phenomena. Whatever else the word
+"primitive" may mean in this connection it does mean that the phenomena
+of religious revivals are fundamentally human.
+
+From the frantic and disheveled dances of the Bacchantes, following a
+wine cart through an ancient Greek village, to the shouts and groans of
+the mourners' bench of an old-time Methodist camp-meeting, religious
+excitement has always stirred human nature more profoundly than any
+other emotion except that of passionate love.
+
+In the volume by Jean Pélissier, _The Chief Makers of the National
+Lithuanian Renaissance_ (_Les Principaux artisans de la renaissance
+nationale lituanienne_), there is a paragraph describing the conversion
+of a certain Dr. Kudirka, a Lithuanian patriot, to the cause of
+Lithuanian nationality. It reads like a chapter from William James's
+_The Varieties of Religious Experience_.[319]
+
+It is materials like this that indicate how close and intimate are the
+relations between cultural movements, whether religious or literary and
+national, at least in their formal expression. The question that remains
+to be answered is: In what ways do they differ?
+
+
+5. Fashion, Reform and Revolution
+
+A great deal has been written in recent times in regard to fashion. It
+has been studied, for example, as an economic phenomenon. Sombart has
+written a suggestive little monograph on the subject. It is in the
+interest of machine industry that fashions should be standardized over a
+wide area, and it is the function of advertising to achieve this result.
+It is also of interest to commerce that fashions should change and this
+also is largely, but not wholly, a matter of advertising. Tarde
+distinguishes between custom and fashion as the two forms in which all
+cultural traits are transmitted. "In periods when custom is in the
+ascendant, men are more infatuated about their country than about their
+time; for it is the past which is pre-eminently praised. In ages when
+fashion rules, men are prouder, on the contrary, of their time than of
+their country."[320]
+
+The most acute analysis that has been made of fashion is contained in
+the observation of Sumner in _Folkways_. Sumner pointed out that fashion
+though differing from, is intimately related to, the mores. Fashion
+fixes the attention of the community at a given time and place and by so
+doing determines what is sometimes called the Spirit of the Age, the
+_Zeitgeist_. By the introduction of new fashions the leaders of society
+gain that distinction in the community by which they are able to
+maintain their prestige and so maintain their position as leaders. But
+in doing this, they too are influenced by the fashions which they
+introduce. Eventually changes in fashion affect the mores.[321]
+
+Fashion is related to reform and to revolution, because it is one of the
+fundamental ways in which social changes take place and because, like
+reform and revolution, it also is related to the mores.
+
+Fashion is distinguished from reform by the fact that the changes it
+introduces are wholly irrational if not at the same time wholly
+unpredictable. Reform, on the other hand, is nothing if not rational. It
+achieves its ends by agitation and discussion. Attempts have been made
+to introduce fashions by agitation, but they have not succeeded. On the
+other hand, reform is itself a fashion and has largely absorbed in
+recent years the interest that was formerly bestowed on party politics.
+
+There has been a great deal written about reforms but almost nothing
+about _reform_. It is a definite type of collective behavior which has
+come into existence and gained popularity under conditions of modern
+life. The reformer and the agitator, likewise, are definite,
+temperamental, and social types. Reform tends under modern conditions to
+become a vocation and a profession like that of the politician. The
+profession of the reformer, however, is social, as distinguished from
+party politics.
+
+Reform is not revolution. It does not seek to change the mores but
+rather to change conditions in conformity with the mores. There have
+been revolutionary reformers. Joseph II of Austria and Peter the Great
+of Russia were reformers of that type. But revolutionary reforms have
+usually failed. They failed lamentably in the case of Joseph II and
+produced many very dubious results under Peter.
+
+A revolution is a mass movement which seeks to change the mores by
+destroying the existing social order. Great and silent revolutionary
+changes have frequently taken place in modern times, but as these
+changes were not recognized at the time and were not directly sought by
+any party they are not usually called revolutions. They might properly
+be called "historical revolutions," since they are not recognized as
+revolutions until they are history.
+
+There is probably a definite revolutionary process but it has not been
+defined. Le Bon's book on the _Psychology of Revolution_, which is the
+sequel to his study of _The Crowd_, is, to be sure, an attempt, but the
+best that one can say of it is that it is suggestive. Many attempts have
+been made to describe the processes of revolution as part of the whole
+historical process. This literature will be considered in the chapter on
+"Progress."
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+I. DISORGANIZATION, SOCIAL UNREST, AND PSYCHIC EPIDEMICS
+
+
+A. _Social Disorganization_
+
+(1) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Organization._ Chap. xxx, "Formalism and
+Disorganization," pp. 342-55; chap. xxxi, "Disorganization: the Family,"
+pp. 356-71; chap. xxxii, "Disorganization: the Church," pp. 372-82;
+chap. xxxiii, "Disorganization: Other Traditions," pp. 383-92. New York,
+1909.
+
+(2) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, Florian. _The Polish Peasant in Europe
+and America._ Monograph of an immigrant group. Vol. IV, "Disorganization
+and Reorganization in Poland," Boston, 1920.
+
+(3) ----. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America._ Vol. V,
+"Organization and Disorganization in America," Part II, "Disorganization
+of the Immigrant," pp. 165-345. Boston, 1920.
+
+(4) Friedländer, L. _Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire._
+Authorized translation by L. A. Magnus from the 7th rev. ed. of the
+Sittengeschichte Roms. 4 vols. London, 1908-13.
+
+(5) Lane-Poole, S. _The Mohammedan Dynasties._ Charts showing "Growth of
+the Ottoman Empire" and "Decline of the Ottoman Empire," pp. 190-91.
+London, 1894.
+
+(6) Taine, H. _The Ancient Régime._ Translated from the French by John
+Durand. New York, 1896.
+
+(7) Wells, H. G. _Russia in the Shadows._ New York, 1921.
+
+(8) Patrick, George T. W. _The Psychology of Social Reconstruction._
+Chap. vi, "Our Centripetal Society," pp. 174-98. Boston, 1920.
+
+(9) Ferrero, Guglielmo. "The Crisis of Western Civilization," _Atlantic
+Monthly_, CXXV (1920), 700-712.
+
+
+B. _Social Unrest_
+
+(1) Brooks, John Graham. _The Social Unrest._ Studies in labor and
+socialist movements. London, 1903.
+
+(2) Fuller, Bampfylde. _Life and Human Nature._ Chap. ii, "Change," pp.
+24-45. London, 1914.
+
+(3) Wallas, Graham. _The Great Society._ A psychological analysis. Chap.
+iv, "Disposition and Environment," pp. 57-68. New York, 1914. [Defines
+"the baulked disposition," see also pp. 172-74.]
+
+(4) Healy, William. _The Individual Delinquent._ A textbook of diagnosis
+and prognosis for all concerned in understanding offenders. "Hypomania,
+Constitutional Excitement," pp. 609-13. Boston, 1915.
+
+(5) Janet, Pierre. _The Major Symptoms of Hysteria._ Fifteen lectures
+given in the medical school of Harvard University. New York, 1907.
+
+(6) Barr, Martin W., and Maloney, E. F. _Types of Mental Defectives._
+"Idiot Savant," pp. 128-35. Philadelphia, 1920.
+
+(7) Thomas, Edward. _Industry, Emotion and Unrest._ New York, 1920.
+
+(8) Parker, Carleton H. _The Casual Laborer and Other Essays._ Chap. i,
+"Toward Understanding Labor Unrest," pp. 27-59. New York, 1920.
+
+(9) _The Cause of World Unrest._ With an introduction by the editor of
+_The Morning Post_ (of London). New York, 1920.
+
+(10) Ferrero, Guglielmo. _Ancient Rome and Modern America._ A
+comparative study of morals and manners. New York, 1914.
+
+(11) Veblen, Thorstein. "The Instinct of Workmanship and the Irksomeness
+of Labor," _American Journal of Sociology_, IV (1898-99), 187-201.
+
+(12) Lippmann, Walter. "Unrest," _New Republic_, XX (1919), 315-22.
+
+(13) Tannenbaum, Frank. _The Labor Movement._ Its conservative functions
+and social consequences. New York, 1921.
+
+(14) Baker, Ray Stannard. _The New Industrial Unrest._ Its reason and
+remedy. New York, 1920.
+
+(15) MacCurdy, J. T. "Psychological Aspects of the Present Unrest,"
+_Survey_, XLIII (1919-20), 665-68.
+
+(16) Myers, Charles S. _Mind and Work._ The psychological factors in
+industry and commerce. Chap. vi, "Industrial Unrest," pp. 137-69. New
+York, 1921.
+
+(17) Adler, H. M. "Unemployment and Personality--a Study of Psychopathic
+Cases," _Mental Hygiene_, I (1917), 16-24.
+
+(18) Chirol, Valentine. _Indian Unrest._ A reprint, revised and enlarged
+from _The Times_, with an introduction by Sir Alfred Lyall. London,
+1910.
+
+(19) Münsterberg, Hugo. _Social Studies of Today._ Chap. ii, "The
+Educational Unrest," pp. 25-57. London, 1913.
+
+(20) ----. _American Problems._ From the point of view of a
+psychologist. Chap. v, "The Intemperance of Women," pp. 103-13. New
+York, 1912.
+
+(21) Corelli, Marie. "The Great Unrest," _World Today_, XXI (1912),
+1954-59.
+
+(22) Ferrero, Guglielmo. _The Women of the Caesars._ New York, 1911.
+
+(23) Myerson, Abraham. The Nervous Housewife. Boston, 1920.
+
+(24) Mensch, Ella. _Bilderstürmer in der Berliner Frauenbewegung._ 2d
+ed. Berlin, 1906.
+
+
+C. _Psychic Epidemics_
+
+(1) Hecker, J. F. C. _The Black Death and the Dancing Mania._ Translated
+from the German by B. G. Babington. Cassell's National Library. New
+York, 1888.
+
+(2) Stoll, Otto. _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Völkerpsychologie._
+2d ed. Leipzig, 1904.
+
+(3) Friedmann, Max. _Über Wahnideen im Völkerleben._ Wiesbaden, 1901.
+
+(4) Regnard, P. _Les maladies épidémiques de l'esprit._ Sorcellerie,
+magnétisme, morphinisme, délire des grandeurs. Paris, 1886.
+
+(5) Meyer, J. L. _Schwärmerische Greuelscenen oder Kreuzigungsgeschichte
+einer religiösen Schwärmerinn in Wildensbuch, Canton Zürich._ Ein
+merkwürdiger Beytrag zur Geschichte des religiösen Fanatismus. 2d ed.
+Zürich, 1824.
+
+(6) Gowen, B. S. "Some Aspects of Pestilences and Other Epidemics,"
+_American Journal of Psychology_, XVIII (1907), 1-60.
+
+(7) Weygandt, W. _Beitrag zur Lehre von den psychischen Epidemien._
+Halle, 1905.
+
+(8) _Histoire des diables de Loudun._ Ou de la possession des
+Religieuses Ursulines et de la condamnation et du supplice d'Urbain
+Grandier, curé de la même ville, cruels effets de la vengeance du
+Cardinal de Richelieu. Amsterdam, 1740.
+
+(9) Finsler, G. "Die religiöse Erweckung der zehner und zwanziger Jahre
+unseres Jahrhunderts in der deutschen Schweiz," _Züricher Taschenbuch
+auf das Jahr 1890._ Zürich, 1890.
+
+(10) Fauriel, M. C. _Histoire de la croisade centre les hérétiques
+Albigeois._ Écrite en vers provençaux par un poête contemporain. (Aiso
+es la consos de la crozada contr els ereges Dalbeges.) Paris, 1837.
+
+(11) Mosiman, Eddison. _Das Zungenreden, geschichtlich und psychologisch
+untersucht._ Tübingen, 1911. [Bibliography.]
+
+(12) Vigouroux, A., and Juquelier, P. _La contagion mentale._ Paris,
+1905.
+
+(13) Kotik, Dr. Naum. "Die Emanation der psychophysischen Energie,"
+_Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens._ Wiesbaden, 1908.
+
+(14) Aubry, P. "De l'influence contagieuse de la publicité des faits
+criminels," _Archives d'anthropologie criminelle_, VIII (1893), 565-80.
+
+(15) Achelis, T. _Die Ekstase in ihrer kulturetten Bedeutung._
+Kulturprobleme der Gegenwart. Berlin, 1902.
+
+(16) Cadière, L. "Sur quelques Faits religieux ou magiques, observés
+pendant une épidémie de choléra en Annam," _Anthropos_, V (1910),
+519-28, 1125-59.
+
+(17) Hansen, J. _Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter
+und die Entstehung der grossen Hexenverfolgung._ München, 1900.
+
+(18) Hansen, J. _Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des
+Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter._ Bonn, 1901.
+
+(19) Rossi, P. _Psicologia collettiva morbosa._ Torino, 1901.
+
+(20) Despine, Prosper. _De la Contagion morale._ Paris, 1870.
+
+(21) Moreau de Tours. _De la Contagion du suicide à propos de l'épidémie
+actuelle._ Paris, 1875.
+
+(22) Aubry, P. _La Contagion du meutre._ Étude d'anthropologie
+criminelle. 3d ed. Paris, 1896.
+
+(23) Rambosson, J. _Phénomènes nerveux, intellectuels et moraux, leur
+transmission par contagion._ Paris, 1883.
+
+(24) Dumas, Georges. "Contagion mentale, épidémies mentales, folies
+collectives, folies grégaires," _Revue philosophique_, LXXI (1911),
+225-44, 384-407.
+
+
+II. MUSIC, DANCE, AND RITUAL
+
+(1) Wallaschek, Richard. _Primitive Music._ An inquiry into the origin
+and development of music, songs, instruments, dances, and pantomimes of
+savage races. London, 1893.
+
+(2) Combarieu, J. _La Musique et le magic._ Étude sur les origines
+populaires de l'art musical; son influence et sa fonction dans les
+sociétés. Paris, 1908.
+
+(3) Simmel, Georg. "Psychologische und ethnologische Studien über
+Musik," _Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, XIII
+(1882), 261-305.
+
+(4) Boas, F. "Chinook Songs," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, I (1888),
+220-26.
+
+(5) Densmore, Frances. "The Music of the Filipinos," _American
+Anthropologist_, N.S., VIII (1906), 611-32.
+
+(6) Fletcher, Alice C. _Indian Story and Song from North America._
+Boston, 1906.
+
+(7) ----. "Indian Songs and Music," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, XI
+(1898), 85-104.
+
+(8) Grinnell, G. B. "Notes on Cheyenne Songs," _American
+Anthropologist_, N.S., V (1903), 312-22.
+
+(9) Mathews, W. "Navaho Gambling Songs," _American Anthropologist_, II
+(1889), 1-20.
+
+(10) Hearn, Lafcadio. "Three Popular Ballads," _Transactions of the
+Asiatic Society of Japan_, XXII (1894), 285-336.
+
+(11) Ellis, Havelock. "The Philosophy of Dancing," _Atlantic Monthly_,
+CXIII (1914), 197-207.
+
+(12) Hirn, Yrjö. _The Origins of Art._ A psychological and sociological
+inquiry. Chap. xvii, "Erotic Art," pp. 238-48. London, 1900.
+
+(13) Pater, Walter. _Greek Studies._ A series of essays. London, 1911.
+
+(14) Grosse, Ernst. _The Beginnings of Art._ Chap. viii, "The Dance,"
+pp. 207-31. New York, 1898.
+
+(15) Bücher, Karl. _Arbeit und Rhythmus._ 3d ed. Leipzig, 1902.
+
+(16) Lhérisson, E. "La Danse du vaudou," _Semaine médicale_, XIX (1899),
+xxiv.
+
+(17) Reed, V. Z. "The Ute Bear Dance," _American Anthropologist_, IX
+(1896) 237-44.
+
+(18) Gummere, F. B. _The Beginnings of Poetry._ New York, 1901.
+
+(19) Fawkes, J. W. "The Growth of the Hopi Ritual," _Journal of American
+Folk-Lore_, XI (1898), 173-94.
+
+(20) Cabrol, F. _Les origines liturgiques._ Paris, 1906.
+
+(21) Gennep, A. van. _Les Rites de passage._ Paris, 1909.
+
+(22) Pitre, Giuseppe. _Feste patronali in Sicilia._ Palermo, 1900.
+
+(23) Murray, W. A. "Organizations of Witches in Great Britain,"
+_Folk-Lore_, XXVIII (1917), 228-58.
+
+(24) Taylor, Thomas. _The Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries._ New York,
+1891.
+
+(25) Tippenhauer, L. G. _Die Insel Haiti._ Leipzig, 1893. [Describes the
+Voudou Ritual.]
+
+(26) Wuensch, R. _Das Frühlingsfest der Insel Malta._ Ein Beitrag zur
+Geschichte der antiken Religion. Leipzig, 1902.
+
+(27) Loisy, Alfred. _Les mystères païens et le mystère chrétien._ Paris,
+1919.
+
+(28) Lummis, Charles F. _The Land of Poco Tiempo._ Chap. iv, "The
+Penitent Brothers," pp. 77-108. New York, 1893.
+
+(29) "Los Hermanos Penitentes," _El Palacio_, VIII (1920), 3-20, 73-74.
+
+
+III. THE CROWD AND THE PUBLIC
+
+A. _The Crowd_
+
+(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. London,
+1920.
+
+(2) Tarde, G. _L'Opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901.
+
+(3) Sighele, S. _Psychologie des Aulaufs und der Massenverbrechen._
+Translated from the Italian by Hans Kurella. Leipzig, 1897.
+
+(4) ----. _La foule criminelle._ Essai de psychologie collective. 2d
+ed., entièrement refondue. Paris, 1901.
+
+(5) Tarde, Gabriel. "Foules et sectes au point de vue criminel," _Revue
+des deux mondes_, CXX (1893), 349-87.
+
+(6) Miceli, V. "La Psicologia della folla," _Rivista italiana di
+sociologia_, III (1899), 166-95.
+
+(7) Conway, M. _The Crowd in Peace and War._ New York, 1915.
+
+(8) Martin, E. D. _The Behavior of Crowds._ New York, 1920.
+
+(9) Christensen, A. _Politics and Crowd-Morality._ New York, 1915.
+
+(10) Park, R. E. _Masse und Publikum._ Bern, 1904.
+
+(11) Clark, H. "The Crowd." "University of Illinois Studies."
+_Psychological Monograph_, No. 92, XXI (1916), 26-36.
+
+(12) Tawney, G. A. "The Nature of Crowds," _Psychological Bulletin_, II
+(1905), 329-33.
+
+(13) Rossi, P. _Le suggesteur et la foule, psychologie du meneur._
+Paris, 1904.
+
+(14) ----. _I suggestionatori e la folla._ Torino, 1902.
+
+(15) ----. "Dell'Attenzione collettiva e sociale," _Manicomio_, XXI
+(1905), 248 ff.
+
+
+B. _Political Psychology_
+
+(1) Beecher, Franklin A. "National Politics in Its Psychological
+Aspect," _Open Court_, XXXIII (1919), 653-61.
+
+(2) Boutmy, Émile. _The English People._ A study of their political
+psychology. London, 1904.
+
+(3) Palanti, G. "L'Esprit de corps. (Remarques sociologiques.)" _Revue
+philosophique_, XLVIII (1899), 135-45.
+
+(4) Gardner, Chas. S. "Assemblies," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX
+(1914), 531-55.
+
+(5) Bentham, Jeremy. _Essay on Political Tactics._ Containing six of the
+principal rules proper to be observed by a political assembly, in the
+process of forming a decision: with the reasons on which they are
+grounded; and a comparative application of them to British and French
+practice. London, 1791.
+
+(6) Tönnies, Ferdinand. "Die grosse Menge und das Volk," _Schmollers
+Jahrbuch_, XLIV (1920), 317-45. [Criticism of Le Bon's conception of the
+crowd.]
+
+(7) Botsford, George W. _The Roman Assemblies._ From their origin to the
+end of the Republic. New York, 1909.
+
+(8) Crothers, T. D. "A Medical Study of the Jury System," _Popular
+Science Monthly_, XLVII (1895), 375-82.
+
+(9) Coleman, Charles T. "Origin and Development of Trial by Jury,"
+_Virginia Law Review_, VI (1919-20), 77-86.
+
+
+C. _Collective Psychology in General_
+
+(1) Rossi, P. _Sociologia e psicologia collettiva._ 2d ed. Roma, 1909.
+
+(2) Straticò, A. _La Psicologia collettiva._ Palermo, 1905.
+
+(3) Worms, René. "Psychologie collective et psychologie individuelle,"
+_Revue international de sociologie_, VII (1899), 249-74.
+
+(4) Brönner, W. "Zur Theorie der kollektiv-psychischen Erscheinungen,"
+_Zeitschrift für Philosophie und philosophische Kritik_, CXLI (1911),
+1-40.
+
+(5) Newell, W. W. "Individual and Collective Characteristics in
+Folk-Lore," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, XIX (1906), 1-15.
+
+(6) Campeano, M. _Essai de psychologie militaire individuelle et
+collective._ Avec une préface de M. Th. Ribot. Paris, 1902.
+
+(7) Hartenberg, P. "Les émotions de Bourse. (Notes de psychologie
+collective)." _Revue philosophique_, LVIII (1904), 163-70.
+
+(8) Scalinger, G. M. _La Psicologia a teatro._ Napoli, 1896.
+
+(9) Burckhard, M. "Das Theater." Die Gesellschaft. _Sammlung
+Sozial-Psychologische Monographien_, 18. Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907.
+
+(10) Woolbert, C. H. "The Audience." "University of Illinois Studies."
+_Psychological Monograph_, No. 92, XXI (1916), 36-54.
+
+(11) Howard, G. E. "Social Psychology of the Spectator," _American
+Journal of Sociology_, XVIII (1912), 33-50.
+
+(12) Peterson, J. "The Functioning of Ideas in Social Groups,"
+_Psychological Review_, XXV (1918), 214-26.
+
+
+IV. MASS MOVEMENTS
+
+(1) Bryce, James. "Migrations of the Races of Men Considered
+Historically," _Contemporary Review_, LXII (1892), 128-49.
+
+(2) Mason, Otis T. "Migration and the Food Quest: A Study in the
+Peopling of America," _American Anthropologist_, VII (1894), 275-92.
+
+(3) Pflugk-Harttung, Julius von. _The Great Migrations._ Translated from
+the German by John Henry Wright. Philadelphia, 1905.
+
+(4) Bradley, Henry. _The Story of the Goths._ From the earliest times to
+the end of the Gothic dominion in Spain. New York, 1888.
+
+(5) Jordanes. _The Origin and Deeds of the Goths._ English version by
+Charles C. Mierow. Princeton, 1908.
+
+(6) Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L. _The Crusades._ New York, 1894.
+
+(7) Ireland, W. W. "On the Psychology of the Crusades," _Journal of
+Mental Science_, LII (1906), 745-55; LIII (1907), 322-41.
+
+(8) Groves, E. R. "Psychic Causes of Rural Migration," _American Journal
+of Sociology_, XXI (1916), 623-27.
+
+(9) Woodson, Carter G. _A Century of Negro Migrations._ Washington,
+1918. [Bibliography.]
+
+(10) Fleming, Walter L. "'Pap' Singleton, the Moses of the Colored
+Exodus," _American Journal of Sociology_, XV (1909-10), 61-82.
+
+(11) Bancroft, H. H. _History of California._ Vol. VI, 1848-59. Chaps.
+ii-ix, pp. 26-163. San Francisco, 1888. [The discovery of gold in
+California.]
+
+(12) Down, T. C. "The Rush to the Klondike," _Cornhill Magazine_, IV
+(1898), 33-43.
+
+(13) Ziegler, T. _Die geistigen und socialen Strömungen des neunzehnten
+Jahrhunderts._ Berlin, 1899.
+
+(14) Zeeb, Frieda B. "Mobility of the German Woman," _American Journal
+of Sociology_, XXI (1915-16), 234-62.
+
+(15) Anthony, Katharine S. _Feminism in Germany and Scandinavia._ New
+York, 1915. [Bibliography.]
+
+(16) Croly, Jane (Mrs.). _The History of the Woman's Club Movement in
+America._ New York, 1898.
+
+(17) Taft, Jessie. _The Woman Movement from the Point of View of Social
+Consciousness._ Chicago, 1916.
+
+(18) Harnack, Adolf. _The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the
+First Three Centuries._ Translated from the 2d rev. German ed. by James
+Moffatt. New York, 1908.
+
+(19) Buck, S. J. _The Agrarian Crusade._ A chronicle of the farmer in
+politics. New Haven, 1920.
+
+(20) _Labor Movement._ The last six volumes of _The Documentary History
+of American Industrial Society_. Vols. V-VI, 1820-40, by John R. Commons
+and Helen L. Sumner; Vols. VII-VIII, 1840-60, by John R. Commons; Vols.
+IX-X, 1860-80, by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews. Cleveland, 1910.
+
+(21) Begbie, Harold. _The Life of General William Booth._ The Founder of
+the Salvation Army. 2 vols. New York, 1920.
+
+(22) Wittenmyer, Annie (Mrs.). _History of the Women's Temperance
+Crusade._ A complete official history of the wonderful uprising of the
+Christian women of the United States against the liquor traffic which
+culminated in the Gospel Temperance Movement. Introduction by Frances E.
+Willard. Philadelphia, 1878.
+
+(23) Gordon, Ernest. _The Anti-alcohol Movement in Europe._ New York,
+1913.
+
+(24) Cherrington, Ernest H. _The Evolution of Prohibition in the United
+States of America._ A chronological history of the liquor problem and
+the temperance reform in the United States from the earliest settlements
+to the consummation of national prohibition. Westerville, Ohio, 1920.
+
+(25) Woods, Robert A. _English Social Movements._ New York, 1891.
+
+(26) Zimand, Savel. _Modern Social Movements._ Descriptive summaries and
+bibliographies. New York, 1921.
+
+
+V. REVIVALS, RELIGIOUS AND LINGUISTIC
+
+
+A. _Religious Revivals and the Origin of Sects_
+
+(1) Meader, John R. Article on "Religious Sects," _Encyclopedia
+Americana_, XXIII, 355-61. [List of nearly 300 denominations and sects.]
+
+(2) Articles on "sects," _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, XI,
+307-47. [The subject and author of the different articles are "Sects
+(Buddhist)," T. W. Rhys Davids; "Sects (Chinese)," T. Richard; "Sects
+(Christian)," W. T. Whitley; "Sects (Hindu)," W. Crooke; "Sects
+(Jewish)," I. Abrahams; "Sects (Russian)," K. Grass and A. von
+Stromberg; "Sects (Samaritan)," N. Schmidt; "Sects (Zoroastrian)," E.
+Edwards. Bibliographies.]
+
+(3) United States Bureau of the Census. _Religious Bodies, 1906._ 2
+vols. Washington, 1910.
+
+(4) ----. _Religious Bodies, 1916._ 2 vols. Washington, 1919.
+
+(5) Davenport, Frederick M. _Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals._ A
+study in mental and social evolution. New York, 1905.
+
+(6) Mooney, James. "The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of
+1890." _14th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_
+(1892-93), 653-1136.
+
+(7) Stalker, James. Article on "Revivals of Religion," _Encyclopaedia of
+Religion and Ethics_, X, 753-57. [Bibliography.]
+
+(8) Burns, J. _Revivals, Their Laws and Leaders._ London, 1909.
+
+(9) Tracy, J. _The Great Awakening._ A history of the revival of
+religion in the time of Edwards and Whitefield. Boston, 1842.
+
+(10) Finney, C. G. _Autobiography._ London, 1892.
+
+(11) Hayes, Samuel P. "An Historical Study of the Edwardean Revivals,"
+_American Journal of Psychology_, XIII (1902), 550-74.
+
+(12) Maxon, C. H. _The Great Awakening in the Middle Colonies._ Chicago,
+1920. [Bibliography.]
+
+(13) Gibson, William. _Year of Grace._ Edinburgh, 1860. [Irish revival,
+1859.]
+
+(14) Moody, W. R. _The Life of Dwight L. Moody._ New York, 1900.
+
+(15) Bois, Henri. _Le Réveil au pays de Galles._ Paris, 1906. [Welsh
+revival of 1904-6.]
+
+(16) ----. _Quelques réflexions sur la psychologie des réveils._ Paris,
+1906.
+
+(17) Cartwright, Peter. _Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the
+Backwoods Preacher._ Cincinnati, 1859.
+
+(18) MacLean, J. P. "The Kentucky Revival and Its Influence on the Miami
+Valley," _Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications_, XII (1903),
+242-86. [Bibliography.]
+
+(19) Cleveland, Catharine C. _The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805._
+Chicago, 1916. [Bibliography.]
+
+(20) Rogers, James B. _The Cane Ridge Meeting-House._ To which is
+appended the autobiography of B. W. Stone. Cincinnati, 1910.
+
+(21) Stchoukine, Ivan. _Le Suicide collectif dans le Raskol russe._
+Paris, 1903.
+
+(22) Bussell, F. W. _Religious Thought and Heresy in the Middle Ages._
+London, 1918.
+
+(23) Egli, Emil. _Die Züricher Wiedertäufer zur Reformationszeit._
+Zürich, 1878.
+
+(24) Bax, Ernest Belfort. _Rise and Fall of the Anabaptists._ New York,
+1903.
+
+(25) Schechter, S. _Documents of Jewish Sectaries._ 2 vols. Cambridge,
+1910.
+
+(26) Graetz, H. _History of the Jews._ 6 vols. Philadelphia, 1891-98.
+
+(27) Jost, M. _Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner Sekten._ 3 vols.
+Leipzig, 1857-59.
+
+(28) Farquhar, J. N. _Modern Religious Movements in India._ New York,
+1915.
+
+(29) Selbie, W. B. _English Sects._ A history of non-conformity. Home
+University Library. New York, 1912.
+
+(30) Barclay, Robert. _The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the
+Commonwealth._ London, 1876. [Bibliography.]
+
+(31) Jones, Rufus M. _Studies in Mystical Religion._ London, 1909.
+
+(32) Braithwaite, W. C. _Beginnings of Quakerism._ London, 1912.
+
+(33) Jones, Rufus M. _The Quakers in the American Colonies._ London,
+1911.
+
+(34) Evans, F. W. _Shakers._ Compendium of the origin, history,
+principles, rules and regulations, government, and doctrines of the
+United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing. With
+biographies of Ann Lee, William Lee, James Whittaker, J. Hocknell, J.
+Meacham, and Lucy Wright. New York, 1859.
+
+(35) Train, J. _The Buchanites from First to Last._ Edinburgh, 1846.
+
+(36) Miller, Edward. _The History and Doctrines of Irvingism._ Or of the
+so-called Catholic and Apostolic Church. 2 vols. London, 1878.
+
+(37) Neatby, W. Blair. _A History of the Plymouth Brethren._ London,
+1901.
+
+(38) Lockwood, George B. _The New Harmony Movement._ "The Rappites."
+Chaps. ii-iv, pp. 7-42. [Bibliography.]
+
+(39) James, B. B. _The Labadist Colony of Maryland._ Baltimore, 1899.
+
+(40) Dixon, W. H. _Spiritual Wives._ 2 vols. London, 1868.
+
+(41) Randall, E. O. _History of the Zoar Society from Its Commencement
+to Its Conclusion._ Columbus, 1899.
+
+(42) Loughborough, J. N. _The Great Second Advent Movement._ Its rise
+and progress. Nashville, Tenn., 1905. [Adventists.]
+
+(43) Harlan, Rolvix. _John Alexander Dowie and the Christian Catholic
+Apostolic Church in Zion._ Evansville, Wis., 1906.
+
+(44) Smith, Henry C. _Mennonites of America._ Mennonite Publishing
+House, Scotdale, Pa., 1909. [Bibliography.]
+
+(45) La Rue, William. _The Foundations of Mormonism._ A study of the
+fundamental facts in the history and doctrines of the Mormons from
+original sources. With introduction by Alfred Williams Anthony. New
+York, 1919. [Bibliography.]
+
+
+B. _Language Revivals and Nationalism_
+
+(1) Dominian, Leon. _Frontiers of Language and Nationality in Europe._
+New York, 1917.
+
+(2) Bourgoing, P. de. _Les Guerres d'idiome et de nationalité._ Paris,
+1849.
+
+(3) Meillet, A. "Les Langues et les nationalités," _Scientia_, XVIII,
+(1915), 192-201.
+
+(4) Rhys, John, and Brynmor-Jones, David. _The Welsh People._ Chap. xii,
+"Language and Literature of Wales," pp. 501-50. London, 1900.
+
+(5) Dinneen, P. S. _Lectures on the Irish Language Movement._ Delivered
+under the auspices of various branches of the Gaelic League. London,
+1904.
+
+(6) Montgomery, K. L. "Some Writers of the Celtic Renaissance,"
+_Fortnightly Review_, XCVI (1911), 545-61.
+
+(7) ----. "Ireland's Psychology: a Study of Facts," _Fortnightly
+Review_, CXII (1919), 572-88.
+
+(8) Dubois, L. Paul. _Contemporary Ireland._ With an introduction by T.
+M. Kettle, M. P. London, 1908.
+
+(9) _The Teaching of Gaelic in Highland Schools._ Published under the
+auspices of the Highland Association. London, 1907.
+
+(10) Fedortchouk, Y. "La Question des nationalités en Austriche-Hongrie:
+les Ruthenes de Hongrie," _Annales des nationalités_, VIII (1915),
+52-56.
+
+(11) Seton-Watson, R. W. [Scotus Viator, _pseud_.] _Racial Problems in
+Hungary._ London, 1908. [Bibliography.]
+
+(12) Samassa, P. "Deutsche und Windische in Sudösterreich," _Deutsche
+Erde_, II (1903), 39-41.
+
+(13) Wace, A. J. B., and Thompson, M. S. _The Nomads of the Balkans._
+London, 1914.
+
+(14) Tabbé, P. _La vivante Roumanie._ Paris, 1913.
+
+(15) Louis-Jarau, G. _L'Albanie inconnue._ Paris, 1913.
+
+(16) Brancoff, D. M. _La Macédoine et sa population Chrétienne._ Paris,
+1905.
+
+(17) Fedortchouk, Y. _Memorandum on the Ukrainian Question in Its
+National Aspect._ London, 1914.
+
+(18) Vellay, Charles. "L'Irredentisme hellénique," _La Revue de Paris_,
+XX (Juillet-Août, 1913), 884-86.
+
+(19) Sands, B. _The Ukraine._ London, 1914.
+
+(20) Auerbach, B. "La Germanization de la Pologne Prussienne. La loi
+d'expropriation," _Revue Politique et Parlementaire_, LVII (1908),
+109-125.
+
+(21) Bernhard, L. _Das polnische Gemeinwesen im preussischen Staat._ Die
+Polenfrage. Leipzig, 1910.
+
+(22) Henry, R. "La Frontière linguistique en Alsace-Lorraine," _Les
+Marches de l'Est_, 1911-1912, pp. 60-71.
+
+(23) Nitsch, C. "Dialectology of Polish Languages," _Polish
+Encyclopaedia_, Vol. III. Cracow, 1915.
+
+(24) Witte, H. "Wendische Bevölkerungsreste in Mecklenburg,"
+_Forschungen zur deutschen Landes- und Volkskunde_, XVI (1905), 1-124.
+
+(25) Kaupas, A. "L'Église et les Lituaniens aux États-Unis d'Amérique,"
+_Annales des Nationalités_, II (1913), 233 ff.
+
+(26) Pélissier, Jean. _Les Principaux artisans de la renaissance
+nationale lituanienne._ Hommes et choses de Lituanie. Lausanne, 1918.
+
+(27) Jakstas, A. "Lituaniens et Polonais." _Annales des nationalités_,
+VIII (1915), 219 ff.
+
+(28) Headlam, Cecil. _Provence and Languedoc._ Chap. v, "Frédéric
+Mistral and the Félibres." London, 1912.
+
+(29) Belisle, A. _Histoire de la presse franco-américaine._ Comprenant
+l'historique de l'émigration des Canadiens-Français aux États-Unis, leur
+développement, et leur progrès. Worcester, Mass., 1911.
+
+
+VI. ECONOMIC CRISES
+
+(1) Wirth, M. _Geschichte der Handelskrisen._ Frankfurt-am-Main, 1890.
+
+(2) Jones, Edward D. _Economic Crises._ New York, 1900.
+
+(3) Gibson, Thomas. _The Cycles of Speculation._ 2d ed. New York, 1909.
+
+(4) Bellet, Daniel. _Crises économique._ Crises commerciales. Crises de
+guerre. Leur caractères, leur indices, leurs effects. Paris, 1918.
+
+(5) Clough, H. W. "Synchronous Variations in Solar and Terrestrial
+Phenomena," _Astrophysical Journal_, XXII (1905), 42-75.
+
+(6) Clayton, H. H. "Influence of Rainfall on Commerce and Politics,"
+_Popular Science Monthly_, LX (1901-2), 158-65.
+
+(7) Mitchell, Wesley C. _Business Cycles._ Berkeley, Cal., 1913.
+
+(8) Moore, Henry L. _Economic Cycles: Their Law and Cause._ New York,
+1914.
+
+(9) Hurry, Jamieson B. _Vicious Circles in Sociology and Their
+Treatment._ London, 1915.
+
+(10) Thiers, Adolphe. _The Mississippi Bubble._ A memoir of John Law. To
+which are added authentic accounts of the Darien expedition and the
+South Sea scheme. Translated from the French by F. S. Fiske. New York,
+1859.
+
+(11) Wiston-Glynn, A. W. _John Law of Lauriston._ Financier and
+statesman, founder of the Bank of France, originator of the Mississippi
+scheme, etc. London, 1907.
+
+(12) Mackay, Charles. _Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and
+the Madness of Crowds._ 2 vols. in one. London, 1859. [Vol. I, the
+Mississippi scheme, the South Sea bubble, the tulipomania, the
+alchymists, modern prophecies, fortune-telling, the magnetisers,
+influence of politics and religion on the hair and beard. Vol. II, the
+crusades, the witch mania, the slow prisoners, haunted houses, popular
+follies of great cities, popular admiration of great thieves, duels and
+ordeals, relics.]
+
+
+VII. FASHION, REFORM, AND REVOLUTION
+
+
+A. _Fashion_
+
+(1) Spencer, Herbert. _Principles of Sociology._ Part IV, chap. xi,
+"Fashion," II, 205-10. London, 1893.
+
+(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _Laws of Imitation._ Translated from the 2d French
+ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons. Chap. vii, "Custom and Fashion," pp.
+244-365. New York, 1903.
+
+(3) Simmel, G. _Philosophie der Mode._ Berlin, 1905.
+
+(4) ----. "The Attraction of Fashion," _International Quarterly_, X
+(1904), 130-55.
+
+(5) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ "Fashion," pp. 184-220. Boston, 1906.
+
+(6) Sombart, Werner. "Wirtschaft und Mode," _Grenzfragen des Nerven- und
+Seelenlebens._ Wiesbaden, 1902.
+
+(7) Clerget, Pierre. "The Economic and Social Rôle of Fashion." _Annual
+Report of the Smithsonian Institution_, 1913, pp. 755-65. Washington,
+1914.
+
+(8) Squillace, Fausto. _La Moda._ L'abito è l'uomo. Milano, 1912.
+
+(9) Shaler, N. S. "The Law of Fashion," _Atlantic Monthly_, LXI (1888),
+386-98.
+
+(10) Patrick, G. T. W. "The Psychology of Crazes," _Popular Science
+Monthly_, LVII (1900), 285-94.
+
+(11) Linton, E. L. "The Tyranny of Fashion," _Forum_ III (1887), 59-68.
+
+(12) Bigg, Ada H. "What is 'Fashion'?" _Nineteenth Century_, XXXIII
+(1893), 235-48.
+
+(13) Foley, Caroline A. "Fashion," _Economic Journal_, III (1893),
+458-74.
+
+(14) Aria, E. "Fashion, Its Survivals and Revivals," _Fortnightly
+Review_, CIV (1915), 930-37.
+
+(15) Thomas, W. I. "The Psychology of Woman's Dress," _American
+Magazine_, LXVII (1908-9), 66-72.
+
+(16) Schurtz, Heinrich. _Grundzüge einer Philosophie der Tracht._
+Stuttgart, 1871.
+
+(17) Wechsler, Alfred. _Psychologie der Mode._ Berlin, 1904.
+
+(18) Stratz, Carl H. _Die Frauenkleidung und ihre natürliche
+Entwicklung._ Stuttgart, 1904.
+
+(19) Holmes, William H. "Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in
+Ceramic Art," _Fourth Annual Report of the U.S. Bureau of American
+Ethnology, 1882-83_, pp. 437-65. Washington, 1886.
+
+(20) Kroeber, A. L. "On the Principle of Order in Civilization as
+Exemplified by Changes of Fashion," _American Anthropologist_, N.S., XXI
+(1919), 235-63.
+
+
+B. _Reform_
+
+(1) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ "Reform and Revolution," pp. 86-95.
+Boston, 1906.
+
+(2) Patrick, G. T. W. _The Psychology of Social Reconstruction._ Chaps.
+i-ii, "Psychological Factors in Social Reconstruction," pp. 27-118.
+Boston, 1920.
+
+(3) Jevons, William S. _Methods of Social Reform._ And other papers.
+London, 1883.
+
+(4) Pearson, Karl. _Social Problems._ Their treatment, past, present,
+and future. London, 1912.
+
+(5) Mallock, W. H. _Social Reform as Related to Realities and
+Delusions._ An examination of the increase and distribution of wealth
+from 1801 to 1910. New York, 1915.
+
+(6) Matthews, Brander. "Reform and Reformers," _North American_,
+CLXXXIII (1906), 461-73.
+
+(7) Miller, J. D. "Futilities of Reformers," _Arena_, XXVI (1901),
+481-89.
+
+(8) Lippmann, Walter. _A Preface to Politics._ Chap. v, "Well Meaning
+but Unmeaning: The Chicago Vice Report," pp. 122-58. New York, 1913.
+
+(9) Stanton, Henry B. _Sketches of Reforms and Reformers, of Great
+Britain and Ireland._ 2d rev. ed. New York, 1850.
+
+(10) Stoughton, John. _William Wilberforce._ London, 1880.
+
+(11) Field, J. _The Life of John Howard._ With comments on his character
+and philanthropic labours. London, 1850.
+
+(12) Hodder, Edwin. _The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, K.G., as Social
+Reformer._ New York, 1898.
+
+(13) Atkinson, Charles M. _Jeremy Bentham, His Life and Work._ London,
+1905.
+
+(14) Morley, John. _The Life of Richard Cobden._ Boston, 1890.
+
+(15) Bartlett, David W. _Modern Agitators._ Or pen portraits of living
+American reformers. New York, 1855.
+
+(16) Greeley, Horace. _Hints toward Reforms._ In lectures, addresses,
+and other writing. New York, 1850.
+
+(17) Austin, George L. _The Life and Times of Wendell Phillips._ New ed.
+Boston, 1901.
+
+(18) Hill, Georgiana. _Women in English Life._ From medieval to modern
+times. Period III, chap. v, "The Philanthropists," Vol. II, pp. 59-74;
+Period IV, chap. xi, "The Modern Humanitarian Movement," Vol. II, pp.
+227-36. 2 vols. London, 1896.
+
+(19) Yonge, Charlotte M. _Hannah More._ Famous women. Boston, 1888.
+
+(20) Besant, Annie. _An Autobiography._ 2d ed. London, 1908.
+
+(21) Harper, Ida H. _The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony._ Including
+public addresses, her own lectures and many from her contemporaries
+during fifty years. A story of the evolution of the status of woman. 3
+vols. Indianapolis, 1898-1908.
+
+(22) Whiting, Lilian. _Women Who Have Ennobled Life._ Philadelphia,
+1915.
+
+(23) Willard, Frances E. _Woman and Temperance._ Or the work and workers
+of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 3d ed. Hartford, Conn., 1883.
+
+(24) Gordon, Anna A. _The Beautiful Life of Frances E. Willard._ A
+memorial volume. Introduction by Lady Henry Somerset. Chicago, 1898.
+
+
+C. _Revolution_
+
+(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Psychology of Revolution._ Translated from the
+French by Bernard Miall. New York, 1913.
+
+(2) Petrie, W. M. F. _The Revolutions of Civilisation._ London, 1912.
+
+(3) Hyndman, Henry M. _The Evolution of Revolution._ London, 1920.
+
+(4) Adams, Brooks. _The Theory of Social Revolutions._ New York, 1913.
+
+(5) Landauer, G. _Die Revolution._ "Die Gesellschaft, Sammlung
+sozial-psychologischer Monographien." Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907.
+
+(6) Thomas, W. I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ "Crisis and
+Control," pp. 13-22. Chicago, 1909.
+
+(7) Ellwood, Charles A. "A Psychological Theory of Revolutions,"
+_American Journal of Sociology_, XI (1905-6), 49-59.
+
+(8) ----. _Introduction to Social Psychology._ Chap. viii, "Social
+Change under Abnormal Conditions," pp. 170-87. New York, 1917.
+
+(9) King, Irving. "The Influence of the Form of Social Change upon the
+Emotional Life of a People," _American Journal of Sociology_, IX
+(1903-4), 124-35.
+
+(10) Toynbee, Arnold. _Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the
+Eighteenth Century in England._ New ed. London, 1908.
+
+(11) Knowles, L. C. A. _The Industrial and Commercial Revolutions in
+Great Britain during the Nineteenth Century._ London, 1921.
+
+(12) Taine, H. A. _The French Revolution._ Translated from the French by
+John Durand. 3 vols. New York, 1878-85.
+
+(13) Olgin, Moissaye J. _The Soul of the Russian Revolution._
+Introduction by Vladimir G. Simkhovitch. New York, 1917.
+
+(14) Spargo, John. _The Psychology of Bolshevism._ New York, 1919.
+
+(15) Khoras, P. "La Psychologie de la révolution chinoise," _Revue des
+deux mondes_, VIII (1912), 295-331.
+
+(16) Le Bon, Gustave. _The World in Revolt._ A psychological study of
+our times. Translated from the French by Bernard Miall. New York, 1921.
+
+(17) Lombroso, Cesare. _Le Crime politique et les révolutions par
+rapport au droit, à l'anthropologie criminelle et à science du
+gouvernement._ Translated by A. Bouchard. Paris, 1912.
+
+(18) Prince, Samuel H. _Catastrophe and Social Change._ Based upon a
+sociological study of the Halifax disaster. "Columbia University Studies
+in Political Science." New York, 1920.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. Collective Behavior and Social Control
+
+2. Unrest in the Person and Unrest in the Group
+
+3. The Agitator as a Type of the Restless Person
+
+4. A Study of Adolescent Unrest: the Runaway Boy and the Girl Who Goes
+Wrong
+
+5. A Comparison of Physical Epidemics with Social Contagion
+
+6. Case Studies of Psychic Epidemics: the Mississippi Bubble, Gold
+Fever, War-Time Psychosis, the Dancing Mania in Modern Times, etc.
+
+7. Propaganda as Social Contagion: an Analysis of a Selected Case
+
+8. A Description and Interpretation of Crowd Behavior: the Orgy, the
+Cult, the Mob, the Organized Crowd
+
+9. The "Animal" Crowd: the Flock, the Herd, the Pack
+
+10. A Description of Crowd Behavior on Armistice Day
+
+11. The Criminal Crowd
+
+12. The Jury, the Congenial Group, the Committee, the Legislature, the
+Mass Meeting, etc., as Types of Collective Behavior
+
+13. Crowd Excitements and Mass Movements
+
+14. A Study of Mass Migrations: the Barbarian Invasions, the Settlement
+of Oklahoma, the Migrations of the Mennonnites, the Treks of the Boers,
+the Rise of Mohammedanism, the Mormon Migrations, etc.
+
+15. Crusades and Reforms: the Crusades, the Abolition Movement,
+Prohibition, the Woman's Temperance Crusades, Moving-Picture Censorship,
+etc.
+
+16. Fashions, Revivals, and Revolutions
+
+17. The Social Laws of Fashions
+
+18. Linguistic Revivals and the Nationalist Movements
+
+19. Religious Revivals and the Origin of Sects
+
+20. Social Unrest, Social Movements, and Changes in Mores and
+Institutions
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. What do you understand by collective behavior?
+
+2. Interpret the incident in a Lancashire cotton factory in terms of
+sympathy, imitation, and suggestion.
+
+3. What simple forms of social contagion have you observed?
+
+4. In what sense may the dancing mania of the Middle Ages be compared to
+an epidemic?
+
+5. Why may propaganda be interpreted as social contagion? Describe a
+concrete instance of propaganda and analyze its _modus operandi_.
+
+6. What are the differences in behavior of the flock, the pack, and the
+herd?
+
+7. Is it accurate to speak of these animal groups as "crowds"?
+
+8. What do you understand Le Bon to mean by "the mental unity of
+crowds"?
+
+9. Describe and analyze the behavior of crowds which you have observed.
+
+10. "The crowd is always intellectually inferior to the isolated
+individual." "The crowd may be better or worse than the individual." Are
+these statements consistent? Elaborate your position.
+
+11. In what sense may we speak of sects, castes, and classes as crowds?
+
+12. What do you mean by a social movement?
+
+13. What is the significance of a movement?
+
+14. Why is movement to be regarded as the fundamental form of freedom?
+
+15. How does crowd excitement lead to mass movements?
+
+16. What were the differences in the characteristics of mass movements
+in the Klondike Rush, the Woman's Crusade, Methodism, and bolshevism?
+
+17. What are the causes of social unrest?
+
+18. What is the relation of social unrest to social organization?
+
+19. How does Le Bon explain the mental anarchy at the time of the French
+Revolution?
+
+20. What was the nature of this mental anarchy in the different social
+classes? Are revolutions always preceded by mental anarchy?
+
+21. What was the relative importance of belief and of reason in the
+French Revolution?
+
+22. What are the likenesses and differences between the origin and
+development of bolshevism and of the French Revolution?
+
+23. Do you agree with Spargo's interpretation of the psychology (a) of
+the intellectual Bolshevists, and (b) of the I.W.W.?
+
+24. Are mass movements organizing or disorganizing factors in society?
+Illustrate by reference to Methodism, the French Revolution, and
+bolshevism.
+
+25. Under what conditions will a mass movement (a) become organized,
+and (b) become an institution?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[280] W. G. Sumner, _Folkways_. A study of the sociological importance
+of usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals, pp. 12-13. (Boston,
+1906.)
+
+[281] Scipio Sighele, in a note to the French edition of his _Psychology
+of Sects_, claims that his volume, _La Folla delinquente_, of which the
+second edition was published at Turin in 1895, and his article
+"Physiologie du succès," in the _Revue des Revues_, October 1, 1894,
+were the first attempts to describe the crowd from the point of view of
+collective psychology. Le Bon published two articles, "Psychologie des
+foules" in the _Revue scientifique_, April 6 and 20, 1895. These were
+later gathered together in his volume _Psychologie des foules_, Paris,
+1895. See Sighele _Psychologie des sectes_, pp. 25, 39.
+
+[282] Gustave Le Bon, _The Crowd_. A study of the popular mind, p. 19.
+(New York, 1900.)
+
+[283] _Ibid._, p. 83.
+
+[284] _L'Opinion et la foule_, pp. 6-7. (Paris, 1901.)
+
+[285] _The Crowd_, p. 41.
+
+[286] Sidney L. Hinde, _The Fall of the Congo Arabs_, p. 147. (London,
+1897.) Describing a characteristic incident in one of the strange
+confused battles Hinde says: "Wordy war, which also raged, had even more
+effect than our rifles. Mahomedi and Sefu led the Arabs, who were
+jeering and taunting Lutete's people, saying that they were in a bad
+case, and had better desert the white man, who was ignorant of the fact
+that Mohara with all the forces of Nyange was camped in his rear.
+Lutete's people replied: 'Oh, we know all about Mohara; we ate him the
+day before yesterday.'" This news became all the more depressing when it
+turned out to be true. See also Hirn, _The Origins of Art_, p. 269, for
+an explanation of the rôle of threats and boastings in savage warfare.
+
+[287] Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, _Old World Traits
+Transplanted_. Document 23, pp. 32-33. (New York, 1921.)
+
+[288] Yrjö Hirn, _The Origins of Art_. A psychological and sociological
+inquiry, p. 87. (London, 1900.)
+
+[289] _Ibid._, p. 89.
+
+[290] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 82.
+
+[291] _Ibid._, p. 82.
+
+[292] Scipio Sighele, _Psychologie des sectes_, p. 46. (Paris, 1898.)
+
+[293] W. E. H. Lecky, _History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit
+of Rationalism in Europe._ 2 vols. (Vol. I.) (New York, 1866.)
+
+[294] See Gabriel Tarde, _Laws of Imitation._
+
+[295] J. F. C. Hecker, _Die Tanzwuth, eine Volkskrankheit im
+Mittelalter._ (Berlin, 1832.) See Introduction of _The Black Death and
+the Dancing Mania_. Translated from the German by B. G. Babington.
+Cassell's National Library. (New York, 1888.)
+
+[296] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 26.
+
+[297] Vernon Lee [pseud.], _Vital Lies._ Studies of some varieties of
+recent obscurantism. (London, 1912.)
+
+[298] Taken from _Gentleman's Magazine_, March, 1787, p. 268.
+
+[299] Adapted from J. F. C. Hecker, _The Black Death, and the Dancing
+Mania_, pp. 106-11. (Cassell & Co., 1888.)
+
+[300] From Mary Austin, _The Flock_, pp. 110-29. (Houghton Mifflin Co.,
+1906.)
+
+[301] From W. H. Hudson, "The Strange Instincts of Cattle," in
+_Longman's Magazine_, XVIII (1891), 389-91.
+
+[302] From Ernest Thompson Seton, "The Habits of Wolves," in _The
+American Magazine_, LXIV (1907), 636.
+
+[303] Adapted from Gustave Le Bon, _The Crowd_, pp. 1-14. (T. Fisher
+Unwin, 1897.)
+
+[304] From Robert E. Park, _The Crowd and the Public_. (Unpublished
+manuscript.)
+
+[305] Moll, _Hypnotism_, pp. 134-36.
+
+[306] Sighele, _Psychologie des Auflaufs und der Massenverbrechen_
+(translated from the Italian), p. 79.
+
+[307] Durkheim, _The Elementary Forms of Religious Life_, pp. 432-37.
+
+[308] Adapted from T. C. Down, "The Rush to the Klondike," in the
+_Cornhill Magazine_, IV (1898), 33-43.
+
+[309] Adapted from Mrs. Annie Wittenmyer, _History of the Woman's
+Temperance Crusade_ (1878), pp. 34-62.
+
+[310] Adapted from Gustave Le Bon, _The Psychology of Revolution_, pp.
+147-70. (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1913.)
+
+[311] Adapted from John Spargo, _The Psychology of Bolshevism_, pp.
+1-120. (Harper & Brothers, 1919.)
+
+[312] Adapted from William E. H. Lecky, _A History of England in the
+Eighteenth Century_, III, 33-101. (D. Appleton & Co., 1892.)
+
+[313 1] _Supra_, pp. 652-53; 657-58.
+
+[314] Otto Stoll, _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Völkerpsychologie_.
+2d ed. (Leipzig, 1904.)
+
+[315] Robert E. Park, _Immigrant Press and Its Control_, chap. ii,
+"Background of the Immigrant Press." (New York, 1921. In press.)
+
+[316] _Ibid._
+
+[317] Anton H. Hollman, _Die dänische Volkshochschule und ihre Bedeutung
+für die Entwicklung einer völkischen Kultur in Dänemark_. (Berlin,
+1909.)
+
+[318] H. G. Wells, _The Salvaging of Civilization_, chaps. iv-v, "The
+Bible of Civilization," pp. 97-140. (New York, 1921.)
+
+[319] See _The Immigrant Press and Its Control_, chap. ii, for a
+translation of Dr. Kudirka's so-called "Confession."
+
+[320] Gabriel Tarde, _The Laws of Imitation_. Translated from the 2d
+French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons, p. 247. (New York, 1903.)
+
+[321] Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 200-201.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+PROGRESS
+
+
+I. INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. Popular Conceptions of Progress
+
+It seems incredible that there should have been a time when mankind had
+no conception of progress. Ever since men first consciously united their
+common efforts to improve and conserve their common life, it would seem
+there must have been some recognition that life had not always been as
+they found it and that it could not be in the future what it then was.
+Nevertheless, it has been said that the notion of progress was unknown
+in the oriental world, that the opposite conception of deterioration
+pervaded all ancient Asiatic thought. In India the prevailing notion was
+that of vast cycles of time "through which the universe and its
+inhabitants must pass from perfection to destruction, from strength and
+innocence to weakness and depravity until a new mahá-yuga begins."[322]
+
+The Greeks conceived the course of history in various ways, as progress
+and as deterioration, but in general they thought of it as a cycle. The
+first clear description of the history of mankind as a progression by
+various stages, from a condition of primitive savagery to civilization,
+is in Lucretius' great poem _De Rerum Natura_. But Lucretius does not
+conceive this progress will continue. On the contrary he recognizes that
+the world has grown old and already shows signs of decrepitude which
+foreshadow its ultimate destruction.
+
+It is only in comparatively recent times that the world has sought to
+define progress philosophically, as part of the cosmic process, and has
+thought of it abstractly as something to be desired for its own sake.
+Today the word progress is in everyone's mouth; still there is no
+general agreement as to what progress is, and particularly in recent
+years, with all the commonly accepted evidences of progress about them,
+skeptics have appeared, who, like the farmer who saw for the first time
+a camel with two humps, insisted "there's no such animal."
+
+The reason there is no general understanding in regard to the meaning of
+progress, as it has been defined by the philosophers, is not because
+there is no progress in detail, but because the conception of progress
+in general involves a balancing of the goods against the ills of life.
+It raises the question whether the gains which society makes as a whole
+are compensation for the individual defeats and losses which progress
+inevitably involves. One reason why we believe in progress, perhaps, is
+that history is invariably written by the survivors.
+
+In certain aspects and with people of a certain temperament, what we
+ordinarily call progress, considering what it costs, will always seem a
+very dubious matter. William Ralph Inge, Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral,
+London, seems to be the most eminent modern example of the skeptic.
+
+ Human nature has not been changed by civilization. It has
+ neither been leveled up nor leveled down, to an average
+ mediocrity. Beneath the dingy uniformity of international
+ fashions in dress, man remains what he has always been--a
+ splendid fighting animal, a self-sacrificing hero, and a
+ bloodthirsty savage. Human nature is at once sublime and
+ horrible, holy and satanic. Apart from the accumulation of
+ knowledge and experience, which are external and precarious
+ acquisitions, there is no proof that we have changed much since
+ the first stone age.[323]
+
+It must be remembered in this connection that progress, in so far as it
+makes the world more comfortable, makes it more complicated. Every new
+mechanical device, every advance in business organization or in science,
+which makes the world more tolerable for most of us, makes it impossible
+for others. Not all the world is able to keep pace with the general
+progress of the world. Most of the primitive races have been
+exterminated by the advance of civilization, and it is still uncertain
+where, and upon what terms, the civilized man will let the remnant of
+the primitive peoples live.
+
+It has been estimated that, in the complicated life of modern cities, at
+least one-tenth of the population is not competent to maintain an
+independent, economic existence, but requires an increasing amount of
+care and assistance from the other nine-tenths.[324] To the inferior,
+incompetent, and unfortunate, unable to keep pace with progress, the
+more rapid advance of the world means disease, despair, and death. In
+medicine and surgery alone does progress seem wholly beneficent, but the
+eugenists are even now warning us that our indiscriminate efforts to
+protect the weak and preserve the incompetent are increasing the burdens
+of the superior and competent, who are alone fit to live.
+
+On the other hand, every new invention is a response to some specific
+need. Every new form of social control is intended to correct some
+existing evil. So far as they are successful they represent progress.
+Progress in the concrete has reference to recognized social values.
+Values, as Cooley points out, have no meaning except with reference to
+an organism.
+
+ "The organism is necessary to give meaning to the idea [value];
+ there must be worth _to_ something. It need not be a person; a
+ group, an institution, a doctrine, any organized form of life
+ will do; and that it be conscious of the values that motivates
+ it is not at all essential."[325]
+
+ Any change or adaptation to an existing environment that makes
+ it easier for a person, group, institution, or other "organized
+ form of life" to live may be said to represent progress.
+ Whether the invention is a new plow or a new six-inch gun we
+ accept it as an evidence of progress if it does the work for
+ which it is intended more efficiently than any previous device.
+ In no region of human life have we made greater progress than
+ in the manufacture of weapons of destruction.
+
+ Not everyone would be willing to admit that progress in weapons
+ of warfare represents "real" progress. That is because some
+ people do not admit the necessity of war. Once admit that
+ necessity, then every improvement is an evidence of progress,
+ at least in that particular field. It is more easy to recognize
+ progress in those matters where there is no conflict in regard
+ to the social values. The following excerpt from Charles
+ Zueblin's preface to his book on American progress is a
+ concrete indication of what students of society usually
+ recognize as progress.
+
+ Already this century has witnessed the first municipalized
+ street railways and telephones in American cities; a national
+ epidemic of street paving and cleaning; the quadrupling of
+ electric lighting service and the national appropriation of
+ display lighting; a successful crusade against dirt of all
+ kinds--smoke, flies, germs,--and the diffusion of constructive
+ provisions for health like baths, laundries, comfort stations,
+ milk stations, school nurses and open air schools; fire
+ prevention; the humanizing of the police and the advent of the
+ policewomen; the transforming of some municipal courts into
+ institutions for the prevention of crime and the cure of
+ offenders; the elaboration of the school curriculum to give
+ every child a complete education from the kindergarten to the
+ vocational course in school or university or shop; municipal
+ reference libraries; the completion of park systems in most
+ large cities and the acceptance of the principle that the
+ smallest city without a park and playground is not quite
+ civilized; the modern playground movement giving organized and
+ directed play to young and old; the social center; the
+ democratic art museum; municipal theaters; the commission form
+ of government; the city manager; home rule for cities; direct
+ legislation--a greater advance than the whole nineteenth
+ century compassed.[326]
+
+
+2. The Problem of Progress
+
+Sociology inherited its conception of progress from the philosophy of
+history. That problem seems to have had its origin in the paradox that
+progress at retail does not insure progress at wholesale. The progress
+of the community as individuals or in specific directions may, for
+example, bring about conditions which mean the eventual destruction of
+the community as a whole. This is what we mean by saying that
+civilizations are born, grow, and decay. We may see the phenomenon in
+its simplest form in the plant community, where the very growth of the
+community creates a soil in which the community is no longer able to
+exist. But the decay and death of one community creates a soil in which
+another community will live and grow. This gives us the interesting
+phenomenon of what the ecologists call "succession." So individuals
+build their homes, communities are formed, and eventually there comes
+into existence a great city. But the very existence of a great city
+creates problems of health, of family life, and social control which did
+not exist when men lived in the open, or in villages. Just as the human
+body generates the poisons that eventually destroy it, so the communal
+life, in the very process of growth and as a result of its efforts to
+meet the changes that its growth involves, creates diseases and vices
+which tend to destroy the community. This raises the problem in another
+form. Communities may and do grow old and die, but new communities
+profiting by the experience of their predecessors are enabled to create
+social organizations, more adequate and better able to resist social
+diseases and corrupting vices. But in order to do this, succeeding
+communities have had to accumulate more experience, exercise more
+forethought, employ more special knowledge and a greater division of
+labor. In the meantime, life is becoming constantly more complex. In
+place of the simple spontaneous modes of behavior which enable the lower
+animals to live without education and without anxiety, men are compelled
+to supplement original nature with special training and with more and
+more elaborate machinery, until life, losing its spontaneity, seems in
+danger of losing all its joy.
+
+ Knowledge accumulates apace and its applications threaten the
+ very existence of civilized man. The production of the flying
+ machine represented a considerable advance in mechanical
+ knowledge; but I am unaware of any respect in which human
+ welfare has been increased by its existence; whereas it has not
+ only intensified enormously the horrors of war, and, by
+ furnishing criminal and other undesirable characters with a
+ convenient means of rapid and secret movement, markedly
+ diminished social security, but it threatens, by its inevitable
+ advance in construction, to make any future conflict virtually
+ equivalent to the extermination of civilized man. And the
+ maleficent change in the conditions of human life which the
+ flying machine has produced from the air, the submarine
+ parallels from the depths of the sea; indeed, the perception of
+ this truth has led to the very doubtfully practicable
+ suggestion that the building of submarines be made illegal....
+
+ Moreover if life itself is more secure, there is at the present
+ moment a distinct tendency towards a diminution of personal
+ liberty. The increasing control by the state over the conduct
+ and activities of the individual; the management of his
+ children, the details of his diet and the conduct of his
+ ordinary affairs; tend more and more to limit his personal
+ freedom. But the restriction of his liberty amounts to a
+ reduction of his available life just as complete loss of
+ liberty differs little from complete loss of life.[327]
+
+It is this condition which, in spite of progress in details, has raised
+in men's minds a question whether there is progress in general, and if
+there is, whether the mass of mankind is better or worse because of it.
+
+
+3. History of the Concept of Progress
+
+The great task of mankind has been to create an organization which would
+enable men to realize their wishes. This organization we call
+civilization. In achieving this result man has very slowly at first, but
+more rapidly in recent times, established his control over external
+nature and over himself. He has done this in order that he might remake
+the world as he found it more after his own heart.
+
+But the world which man has thus remade has in turn reacted back upon
+man and in doing so has made him human. Men build houses to protect them
+from the weather and as places of refuge. In the end these houses have
+become homes, and man has become a domesticated animal, endowed with the
+sentiments, virtues, and lasting affections that the home inevitably
+cultivates and maintains.
+
+Men made for themselves clothing for ornament and for comfort, and
+men's, and especially women's, clothes have become so much a part of
+their personalities that without them they cease to be persons and have
+no status in human society. Except under very exceptional circumstances
+a man who appeared without clothing would be treated as a madman, and
+hunted like a wild animal.
+
+Men have built cities for security and for trade, and cities have made
+necessary and possible a division of labor and an economic organization.
+This economic organization, on the other hand, has been the basis of a
+society and a social order which imposes standards of conduct and
+enforces minute regulations of the individual life. Out of the
+conditions of this common life there has grown a body of general and
+ruling ideas: liberty, equality, democracy, fate, providence, personal
+immortality, and progress.
+
+J. B. Bury, who has written a history of the idea of progress, says that
+progress is "the animating and controlling idea of western
+civilization." But in defining progress he makes a distinction between
+ideas like progress, providence, and fate and ideas like liberty,
+toleration, and socialism. The latter are approved or condemned because
+they are good or bad. The former are not approved or condemned. They are
+matters of fact, they are true or false. He says:
+
+ When we say that ideas rule the world, or exercise a decisive
+ power in history, we are generally thinking of those ideas
+ which express human aims and depend for their realisation on
+ the human will, such as liberty, toleration, equality of
+ opportunity, socialism. Some of these have been partly
+ realised, and there is no reason why any of them should not be
+ fully realised, in a society or in the world, if it were the
+ united purpose of a society or of the world to realise it. They
+ are approved or condemned because they are held to be good or
+ bad, not because they are true or false. But there is another
+ order of ideas that play a great part in determining and
+ directing the course of man's conduct but do not depend on his
+ will--ideas which bear upon the mystery of life, such as Fate,
+ Providence, or personal immortality. Such ideas may operate in
+ important ways on the forms of social action, but they involve
+ a question of fact and they are accepted or rejected not
+ because they are believed to be useful or injurious, but
+ because they are believed to be true or false.
+
+ The idea of the progress of humanity is an idea of this kind,
+ and it is important to be quite clear on the point.[328]
+
+All of the ideas mentioned are of such a general nature, embody so much
+of the hopes, the strivings, and the sentiments of the modern world,
+that they have, or did have until very recently, something of the
+sanctity and authority of religious dogmas. All are expressions of
+wishes, but there is this difference: ideas, like liberty, toleration,
+etc., reflect the will of the people who accept them; ideas like
+providence and progress, on the contrary, represent their hopes. The
+question of the progress of humanity like that of personal immortality
+is, as Bury points out, a question of fact. "It is true or false but it
+cannot be proved whether true or false. Belief in it is an act of
+faith." When we hypostatize our hopes and wishes and treat them as
+matters of fact, even though they cannot be proved to be either true or
+false, they assume a form which Sorel describes as myth. The progress of
+humanity, as Herbert Spencer and the other Victorians understood it, is
+such a myth. Dean Inge calls it a "superstition" and adds: "To become a
+popular religion, it is only necessary for a superstition to enslave a
+philosophy. The superstition of progress had the singular good fortune
+to enslave at least three philosophies--those of Hegel, of Comte, and of
+Darwin."[329]
+
+The conception of progress, if a superstition, is one of recent origin.
+It was not until the eighteenth century that it gained general
+acceptance and became part of what Inge describes as the popular
+religion. The conception which it replaced was that of providence. But
+the Greeks and Romans knew nothing of providence. They were under the
+influence of another idea of a different character, the idea, namely, of
+nemesis and fate. And before them there were more primitive peoples who
+had no conception of man's destiny at all. In a paper, not yet
+published, Ellsworth Faris has sketched the natural history of the idea
+of progress and its predecessors and of a new conception, control, that
+is perhaps destined to take its place.
+
+ The idea of progress which has been so influential in modern
+ times is not a very old conception. In its distinctive form it
+ came into existence in the rationalistic period which
+ accompanied the Renaissance. Progress, in this sense, means a
+ theory as to the way in which the whole cosmic process is
+ developing. It is the belief that the world as a whole is
+ growing better through definite stages, and is moving "to one
+ far-off divine event."
+
+ The stages preceding this idea may be thought of under several
+ heads. The first may be called "cosmic anarchy," in which we
+ find "primitive people" now living. It is a world of chaos,
+ without meaning, and without purpose. There is no direction in
+ which human life is thought of as developing. Death and
+ misfortune are for the most part due to witchcraft and the evil
+ designs of enemies; good luck and bad luck are the forces which
+ make a rational existence hopeless.
+
+ Another stage of thinking is that which was found among the
+ Greeks, the conception of the cosmic process as proceeding in
+ cycles. The golden age of the Greeks lay in the past, the
+ universe was considered to be following a set course, and the
+ whole round of human experience was governed and controlled by
+ an inexorable fate that was totally indifferent to human
+ wishes. The formula which finally arose to meet this situation
+ was "conformity to nature," a submission to the iron laws of
+ the world which it was vain to attempt to change.
+
+ This idea was succeeded in medieval Europe by the idea of
+ providence, in which the world was thought of as a theater on
+ which the drama of human redemption was enacted. God has
+ created man free, but man was corrupted by the fall, given an
+ opportunity to be redeemed by the gospel, and the world was
+ soon to know the final triumph and happiness of the saved. Most
+ of the early church fathers expected the end of the world very
+ soon, many of them in their own lifetime. This is distinctly
+ different from the preceding two ideas. All life had meaning to
+ them, for the evil in the world was but God's way to
+ accomplish his good purposes. It was man's duty to submit, but
+ submission was to take the form of faith in an all-wise
+ beneficent and perfect power, who was governing the world and
+ who would make everything for the best.
+
+ The idea of progress arose on the ruins of this concept of
+ providence. In the fourteenth century, progress did not mean
+ merely the satisfaction of all human desires either individual
+ or collective. The idea meant far more than that. It was the
+ conviction that the world as a whole was proceeding onward
+ indefinitely to greater and greater perfection. The atmosphere
+ of progress was congenial to the construction of utopias and
+ schemes of perfection which were believed to be in harmony with
+ the nature of the world itself. The atmosphere of progress
+ produced also optimists who were quite sure everything was in
+ the long run to be for the best, and that every temporary evil
+ was sure to be overcome by an ultimate good.
+
+ The difficulty in demonstrating the fact of progress has become
+ very real as the problem has been presented to modern minds. It
+ is possible to prove that the world has become more complex. It
+ is hardly possible to prove that it has become better, and
+ quite impossible to prove that it will continue to do so. From
+ the standpoint of the Mohammedan Turks, the last two hundred
+ years of the world's history have not been years of marked
+ progress; from the standpoint of their enemies, the reverse
+ statement is obviously true.
+
+ The conception which seems to be superseding the idea of
+ progress in our day is that of control. Each problem whether
+ personal or social is thought of as a separate enterprise.
+ Poverty, disease, crime, vice, intemperance, or war, these are
+ definite situations which challenge human effort and human
+ ingenuity. Many problems are unsolved; many failures are
+ recorded. The future is a challenge to creative intelligence
+ and collective heroism. The future is thought of as still to be
+ made. And there is no assurance that progress will take place.
+ On the contrary, there is every reason to believe that progress
+ will not take place unless men are able by their skill and
+ devotion to find solutions for their present problems, and for
+ the newer ones that shall arise.
+
+ The modern man finds this idea quite as stimulating to him as
+ the idea of progress was to his ancestor of the Renaissance or
+ the idea of providence to his medieval forebears. For while he
+ does not blindly believe nor feel optimistically certain things
+ will come about all right, yet he is nerved to square his
+ shoulders, to think, to contrive, and to exert himself to the
+ utmost in his effort to conquer the difficulties ahead, and to
+ control the forces of nature and man. The idea of providence
+ was not merely a generalization on life, it was a force that
+ inspired hope. The idea of progress was likewise not merely a
+ concept, it was also an energizing influence in a time of great
+ intellectual activity. The idea that the forces of nature can
+ be controlled in the service of man, differs from the others,
+ but is also a dynamic potency that seems to be equally well
+ adapted to the twentieth century.
+
+The conception that man's fate lies somehow in his own hands, if it
+gains general acceptance, will still be, so far as it inspires men to
+work and strive, an article of faith, and the image in which he pictures
+the future of mankind, toward which he directs his efforts, will still
+have the character of myth. That is the function of myths. It is this
+that lends an interest to those ideal states in which men at different
+times have sought to visualize the world of their hopes and dreams.
+
+
+4. Classification of the Materials
+
+The purpose of the materials in this chapter is to exhibit the variety
+and diversity of men's thought with reference to the concept of
+progress. What they show is that there is as yet no general agreement in
+regard to the meaning of the term. In all the special fields of social
+reform there are relatively definite conceptions of what is desirable
+and what is not desirable. In the matter of _progress in general_ there
+is no such definition. Except for philosophical speculation there is no
+such thing as "progress in general." In practice, progress turns out to
+be a number of special tasks.
+
+The "progress of civilization" is, to be sure, a concept in good
+standing in history. It is, however, a concept of appreciation rather
+than one of description. If history has to be rewritten for every new
+generation of men, it is due not merely to the discovery of new
+historical materials, but just to the fact that there is a new
+generation. Every generation has its own notion of the values of life,
+and every generation has to have its own interpretation of the facts of
+life.
+
+It is incredible that Strachey's _Life of Queen Victoria_ could have
+been written forty years ago. It is incredible that the mass of men
+should have been able to see the Victorian Age, as it is here presented,
+while they were living it.
+
+The materials in this chapter fall under three heads: (a) the concept
+of progress, (b) progress and science, (c) progress and human
+nature.
+
+a) _The concept of progress._--The first difficulty in the study of
+progress is one of definition. What are the signs and symptoms, the
+criteria of progress? Until we have framed some sort of a definition we
+cannot know. Herbert Spencer identified progress with evolution. The law
+of organic progress is the law of all progress. Intelligence, if we
+understand by that the mere accumulations of knowledge, does not
+represent progress. Rather it consists in "those internal modifications
+of which this larger knowledge is an expression." In so far, Spencer's
+conception is that of the eugenists. Real progress is in the breed--in
+the germ plasm. For men like Galton, Karl Pearson, and Madison
+Grant,[330] what we call civilization is merely the efflorescence of
+race. Civilizations may pass away, but if the racial stock is preserved,
+civilization will reproduce itself. In recent years, a school of
+political philosophy has sprung up in Europe and in the United States,
+which is seeking to define our social policy toward the "inner enemies,"
+the dependents, the defectives, and the delinquents, and a foreign
+policy toward immigrant races and foreign peoples, on the general
+conception that the chief aim of society and the state is to preserve
+the germ plasm of the Nordic race.[331] For Spencer, however, the
+conception that all values were in the organism was modified by the
+conviction that all life was involved in an irreversible process called
+evolution which would eventually purge the race and society of the weak,
+the wicked, and the unfit.
+
+In contrast, both with the views of Spencer and of the eugenists,
+Hobhouse, voicing a conviction that was first expressed by Huxley,[332]
+believes that man is bound to intervene in the beneficent law of natural
+selection. He insists, in fact, that social development is something
+quite distinct and relatively independent of the organic changes in the
+individual. It is, in other words, a sociological rather than a
+biological product. It is an effect of the interaction of individuals
+and is best represented by organized society and by the social tradition
+in which that organization is handed on from earlier to later
+generations.
+
+b) _Progress and science._--In contrast with other conceptions of
+progress is that of Dewey, who emphasizes science and social control,
+or, as he puts it, the "problem of discovering the needs and capacities
+of collective human nature as we find it aggregated in racial or
+national groups on the surface of the globe." The distinction between
+Hobhouse and Dewey is less in substance than in point of view. Hobhouse,
+looking backward, is interested in progress itself rather than in its
+methods and processes. Dewey, on the other hand, looking forward, is
+interested in a present program and in the application of scientific
+method to the problems of social welfare and world-organization.
+
+Arthur James Balfour, the most intellectual of the elder statesmen of
+England, looking at progress through the experience of a politician,
+speaks in a less prophetic and authoritative tone, but with a wisdom
+born of long experience with men. For him, as for many other thoughtful
+minds, the future of the race is "encompassed with darkness," and the
+wise man is he who is content to act in "a sober and a cautious spirit,"
+seeking to deal with problems as they arise.
+
+c) _Progress and human nature._--Progress, which is much a matter of
+interpretation, is also very largely a matter of temperament. The
+purpose of the material upon human nature and progress is to call
+attention to this fact. Progress is with most people an article of
+faith, and men's faiths, as to their content, at least, are matters of
+temperament. The conservative who perhaps takes a mild interest in
+progress is usually "a sober and cautious" person, fairly content with
+the present and not very sure about the future. The radical, on the
+other hand, is usually a naturally hopeful and enthusiastic individual,
+profoundly pessimistic about the present, but with a boundless
+confidence in even the most impossible future.
+
+Philosophy, like literature, is, in the final analysis, the expression
+of a temperament, more or less modified by experience. The selections
+from Schopenhauer and Bergson may be regarded, therefore, as the
+characteristic reactions of two strikingly different temperaments to the
+conception of progress and to life. The descriptions which they give of
+the cosmic process are, considered formally, not unlike. Their
+interpretations and the practical bearings of these interpretations are
+profoundly different.
+
+It is not necessary for the students of sociology to discuss the merits
+of these different doctrines. We may accept them as human documents.
+They throw light, at any rate, upon the idea of progress, and upon all
+the other fundamental ideas in which men have sought to formulate their
+common hopes and guide their common life.
+
+
+II. MATERIALS
+
+A. THE CONCEPT OF PROGRESS
+
+
+1. The Earliest Conception of Progress[333]
+
+The word "progress," like the word "humanity," is one of the most
+significant. It is a Latin word, not used in its current abstract sense
+until after the Roman incorporation of the Mediterranean world. The
+first writer who expounds the notion with sufficient breadth of view and
+sufficiently accurate and concrete observation to provide a preliminary
+sketch was the great Roman poet, Lucretius.
+
+He begins by describing a struggle for existence in which the less
+well-adapted creatures died off, those who wanted either the power to
+protect themselves or the means of adapting themselves to the purposes
+of man. In this stage, however, man was a hardier creature than he
+afterward became. He lived like the beasts of the field and was ignorant
+of tillage or fire or clothes or houses. He had no laws or government or
+marriage and, though he did not fear the dark, he feared the real danger
+of fiercer beasts. Men often died a miserable death, but not in
+multitudes on a single day as they do now by battle or shipwreck.
+
+The next stage sees huts and skins and fire which softened their bodies,
+and marriage and the ties of family which softened their tempers. And
+tribes began to make treaties of alliance with other tribes. Speech
+arose from the need which all creatures feel to exercise their natural
+powers, just as the calf will butt before his horns protrude. Men began
+to apply different sounds to denote different things, just as brute
+beasts will do to express different passions, as anyone must have
+noticed in the cases of dogs and horses and birds. No one man set out to
+invent speech.
+
+Fire was first learned from lightning and the friction of trees, and
+cooking from the softening and ripening of things by the sun. Then men
+of genius invented improved methods of life, the building of cities and
+private property in lands and cattle. But gold gave power to the wealthy
+and destroyed the sense of contentment in simple happiness. It must
+always be so whenever men allow themselves to become the slaves of
+things which should be their dependents and instruments.
+
+They began to believe in and worship gods, because they saw in dreams
+shapes of preterhuman strength and beauty and deemed them immortal; and
+as they noted the changes of the seasons and all the wonders of the
+heavens they placed their gods there and feared them when they spoke in
+the thunder.
+
+Metals were discovered through the burning of the woods, which caused
+the ores to run. Copper and brass came first and were rated above gold
+and silver. And then the metals took the place of hands, nails, teeth,
+and clubs, which had been men's earliest arms and tools. Weaving
+followed the discovery of the use of iron. Sowing, planting, and
+grafting were learned from nature herself, and gradually the cultivation
+of the soil was carried farther and farther up the hills.
+
+Men learned to sing from the birds, and to blow on pipes from the
+whistling of the zephyr through the reeds; and those simple tunes gave
+as much rustic jollity as our more elaborate tunes do now.
+
+Then, in a summary passage at the end, Lucretius enumerates all the
+chief discoveries which men have made in the age-long process--ships,
+agriculture, walled cities, laws, roads, clothes, songs, pictures,
+statues, and all the pleasures of life--and adds, "These things practice
+and the experience of the unresting mind have taught mankind gradually
+as they have progressed from point to point."
+
+It is the first definition and use of the word in literature.
+
+
+2. Progress and Organization[334]
+
+The current conception of progress is shifting and indefinite. Sometimes
+it comprehends little more than simple growth--as of a nation in the
+number of its members and the extent of territory over which it spreads.
+Sometimes it has reference to quantity of material products--as when the
+advance of agriculture and manufactures is the topic. Sometimes the
+superior quality of these products is contemplated; and sometimes the
+new or improved appliances by which they are produced. When, again, we
+speak of moral or intellectual progress, we refer to states of the
+individual or people exhibiting it; while, when the progress of science
+or art is commented upon, we have in view certain abstract results of
+human thought and action.
+
+Not only, however, is the current conception of progress more or less
+vague, but it is in great measure erroneous. It takes in not so much the
+reality of progress as its accompaniments--not so much the substance as
+the shadow. That progress in intelligence seen during the growth of the
+child into the man, or the savage into the philosopher, is commonly
+regarded as consisting in the greater number of facts known and laws
+understood; whereas the actual progress consists in those internal
+modifications of which this larger knowledge is the expression. Social
+progress is supposed to consist in the making of a greater quantity and
+variety of the articles required for satisfying men's wants; in the
+increasing security of person and property; in widening freedom of
+action; whereas, rightly understood, social progress consists in those
+changes of structure in the social organism which have entailed these
+consequences. The current conception is a ideological one. The phenomena
+are contemplated solely as bearing on human happiness. Only those
+changes are held to constitute progress which directly or indirectly
+tend to heighten human happiness; and they are thought to constitute
+progress simply because they tend to heighten human happiness. But
+rightly to understand progress, we must learn the nature of these
+changes, considered apart from our interests. Ceasing, for example, to
+regard the successive geological modifications that have taken place in
+the earth as modifications that have gradually fitted it for the
+habitation of man, and as therefore constituting geological progress, we
+must ascertain the character common to these modifications--the law to
+which they all conform. And similarly in every other case. Leaving out
+of sight concomitants and beneficial consequences, let us ask what
+progress is in itself.
+
+In respect to that progress which individual organisms display in the
+course of their evolution, this question has been answered by the
+Germans. The investigations of Wolff, Goethe, and von Baer have
+established the truth that the series of changes gone through during the
+development of a seed into a tree, or an ovum into an animal, constitute
+an advance from homogeneity of structure to heterogeneity of structure.
+In its primary stage, every germ consists of a substance that is
+uniform throughout, both in texture and chemical composition. The first
+step is the appearance of a difference between two parts of this
+substance; or, as the phenomenon is called in physiological language, a
+differentiation. Each of these differentiated divisions presently begins
+itself to exhibit some contrast of parts; and by and by these secondary
+differentiations become as definite as the original one. This process is
+continuously repeated--is simultaneously going on in all parts of the
+growing embryo; and by endless differentiations of this sort there is
+finally produced that complex combination of tissues and organs
+constituting the adult animal or plant. This is the history of all
+organisms whatever. It is settled beyond dispute that organic progress
+consists in a change from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous.
+
+Now, we propose to show that this law of organic progress is the law of
+all progress. Whether it be in the development of the earth, in the
+development of life upon its surface, in the development of society, of
+government, of manufactures, of commerce, of language, literature,
+science, art--this same evolution of the simple into the complex,
+through successive differentiations, holds throughout. From the earliest
+traceable cosmic changes down to the latest results of civilization, we
+shall find that the transformation of the homogeneous into the
+heterogeneous is that in which progress essentially consists.
+
+
+3. The Stages of Progress[335]
+
+If we regard the course of human development from the highest scientific
+point of view, we shall perceive that it consists in educing more and
+more the characteristic faculties of humanity, in comparison with those
+of animality; and especially with those which man has in common with the
+whole organic kingdom. It is in this philosophical sense that the most
+eminent civilization must be pronounced to be fully accordant with
+nature, since it is, in fact, only a more marked manifestation of the
+chief properties of our species, properties which, latent at first, can
+come into play only in that advanced state of social life for which they
+are exclusively destined. The whole system of biological philosophy
+indicates the natural progression. We have seen how, in the brute
+kingdom, the superiority of each race is determined by the degree of
+preponderance of the animal life over the organic. In like manner we see
+that our social evolution is only the final term of a progression which
+has continued from the simplest vegetables and most insignificant
+animals, up through the higher reptiles to the birds and the mammifers,
+and still on to the carnivorous animals and monkeys, the organic
+characteristics retiring and the animal prevailing more and more, till
+the intellectual and moral tend toward the ascendancy which can never be
+fully obtained, even in the highest state of human perfection that we
+can conceive of. This comparative estimate affords us the scientific
+view of human progression, connected, as we see it is, with the whole
+course of animal advancement, of which it is itself the highest degree.
+The analysis of our social progress proves indeed that, while the
+radical dispositions of our nature are necessarily invariable, the
+highest of them are in a continuous state of relative development, by
+which they rise to be preponderant powers of human existence, though the
+inversion of the primitive economy can never be absolutely complete. We
+have seen that this is the essential character of the social organism in
+a statical view; but it becomes much more marked when we study its
+variations in their gradual succession.
+
+
+4. Progress and the Historical Process[336]
+
+The conclusion which these reflections suggest is that the uncritical
+application of biological principles to social progress results in an
+insuperable contradiction. The factors which determine the survival of
+physical organism, if applied as rules for the furtherance of social
+progress, appear to conflict with all that social progress means. A
+sense of this conflict is no doubt responsible for the further
+reconstruction which the biological view has in recent years undergone.
+Biologists now begin to inquire seriously whether "natural" selection
+may not be replaced by a rational selection in which "fitness for
+survival" would at length achieve its legitimate meaning, and the
+development of the race might be guided by reasoned conceptions of
+social value. This is a fundamental change of attitude, and the new
+doctrine of eugenics to which it has given rise requires careful
+examination. Before proceeding to this examination, however, it will be
+well to inquire into the causes of the contrast on which we have
+insisted between biological evolution and social progress. Faced by this
+contradiction, we ask ourselves whether social development may not be
+something quite distinct from the organic changes known to biology, and
+whether the life of society may not depend upon forces which never
+appear in the individual when he is examined merely as an individual or
+merely as a member of a race.
+
+Take the latter point first. It is easily seen in the arguments of
+biologists that they conceive social progress as consisting essentially
+in an improvement of the stock to which individuals belong. This is a
+way of looking at the matter intelligible enough in itself. Society
+consists of so many thousand or so many million individuals, and if,
+comparing any given generation with its ancestors, we could establish an
+average improvement in physical, mental, or moral faculty, we should
+certainly have cause to rejoice. There is progress so far. But there is
+another point of view which we may take up. Society consists of
+individual persons and nothing but individual persons, just as the body
+consists of cells and the product of cells. But though the body may
+consist exclusively of cells, we should never understand its life by
+examining the lives of each of its cells as a separate unit. We must
+equally take into account that organic interconnection whereby the
+living processes of each separate cell co-operate together to maintain
+the health of the organism which contains them all. So, again, to
+understand the social order we have to take into account not only the
+individuals with their capabilities and achievements but the social
+organization in virtue of which these individuals act upon one another
+and jointly produce what we call social results; and whatever may be
+true of the physical organism, we can see that in society it is possible
+that individuals of the very same potentialities may, with good
+organization, produce good results, and, with bad organization, results
+which are greatly inferior.
+
+The social phenomenon, in short, is not something which occurs in one
+individual, or even in several individuals taken severally. It is
+essentially an interaction of individuals, and as the capabilities of
+any given individual are extraordinarily various and are only called
+out, each by appropriate circumstances, it will be readily seen that the
+nature of the interaction may itself bring forth new and perhaps
+unexpected capacities, and elicit from the individuals contributing to
+it forces which, but for this particular opportunity, might possibly
+remain forever dormant. If this is so, sociology as a science is not the
+same thing as either biology or psychology. It deals neither with the
+physical capacities of individuals as such nor with their psychological
+capacities as such. It deals rather with results produced by the play of
+these forces upon one another, by the interaction of individuals under
+the conditions imposed by their physical environment. The nature of the
+forces and the point of these distinctions may be made clear by a very
+simple instance.
+
+The interplay of human motives and the interaction of human beings is
+the fundamental fact of social life, and the permanent results which
+this interaction achieves and the influence which it exercises upon the
+individuals who take part in it constitute the fundamental fact of
+social evolution. These results are embodied in what may be called,
+generically, tradition. So understood, tradition--its growth and
+establishment, its reaction upon the very individuals who
+contribute to building it up, and its modifications by subsequent
+interactions--constitutes the main subject of sociological inquiry.
+
+Tradition is, in the development of society, what heredity is in the
+physical growth of the stock. It is the link between past and future, it
+is that in which the effects of the past are consolidated and on the
+basis of which subsequent modifications are built up. We might push the
+analogy a little further, for the ideas and customs which it maintains
+and furnishes to each new generation as guides for their behavior in
+life are analogous to the determinate methods of reaction, the inherited
+impulses, reflexes, and instincts with which heredity furnishes the
+individual. The tradition of the elders is, as it were, the instinct of
+society. It furnishes the prescribed rule for dealing with the ordinary
+occasions of life, which is for the most part accepted without inquiry
+and applied without reflection. It furnishes the appropriate institution
+for providing for each class of social needs, for meeting common
+dangers, for satisfying social wants, for regulating social relations.
+It constitutes, in short, the framework of society's life which to each
+new generation is a part of its hereditary outfit.
+
+But of course in speaking of tradition as a kind of inheritance we
+conceive of it as propagated by quite other than biological methods. In
+a sense its propagation is psychological, it is handed on from mind to
+mind, and even though social institutions may in a sense be actually
+incorporated in material things, in buildings, in books, in coronation
+robes, or in flags, still it need not be said that these things are
+nothing but for the continuity of thought which maintains and develops
+their significance. Yet the forces at work in tradition are not purely
+psychological; at least they are not to be understood in terms of
+individual psychology alone. What is handed on is not merely a set of
+ideas but the whole social environment; not merely certain ways of
+thinking or of acting but the conditions which prescribe to individuals
+the necessity for thinking or acting in certain specific ways if they
+are to achieve their own desires. The point is worth dwelling on,
+because some writers have thought to simplify the working of tradition
+by reducing it to some apparently simple psychological phenomenon like
+that of imitation. In this there is more than one element of fallacy.
+
+Now the growth of tradition will in a sense gravely modify the
+individual members of the society which maintains it. To any given set
+of institutions a certain assemblage of qualities, mental and physical,
+will be most appropriate, and these may differ as much as the qualities
+necessary for war differ from those of peaceful industry. Any tradition
+will obviously call forth from human beings the qualities appropriate to
+it, and it will in a sense select the individuals in which those
+qualities are the best developed and will tend to bring them to the top
+of the social fabric, but this is not to say that it will assert the
+same modification upon the stock that would be accomplished by the
+working of heredity. The hereditary qualities of the race may remain the
+same, though the traditions have changed and though by them one set of
+qualities are kept permanently in abeyance, while the other are
+continually brought by exercise to the highest point of efficiency.
+
+We are not to conclude that physical heredity is of no importance to the
+social order; it must be obvious that the better the qualities of the
+individuals constituting a race, the more easily they will fit
+themselves into good social traditions, the more readily they will
+advance those traditions to a still higher point of excellence, and the
+more stoutly they would resist deterioration. The qualities upon which
+the social fabric calls must be there, and the more readily they are
+forthcoming, the more easily the social machine will work. Hence social
+progress necessarily implies a certain level of racial development, and
+its advance may always be checked by the limitations of the racial type.
+Nevertheless, if we look at human history as a whole, we are impressed
+with the stability of the great fundamental characteristics of human
+nature and the relatively sweeping character and often rapid development
+of social change.
+
+In view of this contrast we must hesitate to attribute any substantial
+share in human development to biological factors, and our hesitation is
+increased when we consider the factors on which social change depends.
+It is in the department of knowledge and industry that advance is most
+rapid and certain, and the reason is perfectly clear. It is that on this
+side each generation can build on the work of its predecessors. A man of
+very moderate mathematical capacity today can solve problems which
+puzzled Newton, because he has available the work of Newton and of many
+another since Newton's time. In the department of ethics the case is
+different. Each man's character has to be formed anew, and though
+teaching goes for much, it is not everything. The individual in the end
+works out his own salvation. Where there is true ethical progress is in
+the advance of ethical conceptions and principles which can be handed
+on; of laws and institutions which can be built up, maintained, and
+improved. That is to say, there is progress just where the factor of
+social tradition comes into play and just so far as its influence
+extends. If the tradition is broken, the race begins again where it
+stood before the tradition was formed. We may infer that, while the race
+has been relatively stagnant, society has rapidly developed, and we must
+conclude that, whether for good or for evil, social changes are mainly
+determined, not by alterations of racial type, but by modifications of
+tradition due to the interactions of social causes. Progress is not
+racial but social.
+
+
+B. PROGRESS AND SCIENCE
+
+
+1. Progress and Happiness[337]
+
+Human progress may be properly defined as that which secures the
+_increase of human happiness_. Unless it do this, no matter how great a
+civilization may be, it is not progressive. If a nation rise, and
+extend its sway over a vast territory, astonishing the world with its
+power, its culture, and its wealth, this alone does not constitute
+progress. It must first be shown that its people are happier than they
+would otherwise have been. If a people be seized with a rage for art,
+and, in obedience to their impulses or to national decrees, the wealth
+of that people be laid out in the cultivation of the fine arts, the
+employment of master artists, the decoration of temples, public and
+private buildings, and the embellishment of streets and grounds, no
+matter to what degree of perfection this purpose be carried out, it is
+not to progress unless greater satisfaction be derived therefrom than
+was sacrificed in the deprivations which such a course must occasion. To
+be progressive in the true sense, it must work an increase in the sum
+total of human enjoyment. When we survey the history of civilization, we
+should keep this truth in view, and not allow ourselves to be dazzled by
+the splendor of pageantry, the glory of heraldry, or the beauty of art,
+literature, philosophy, or religion, but should assign to each its true
+place as measured by this standard.
+
+It cannot be denied that civilization, by the many false practices which
+it has introduced, by the facilities which its very complexity affords
+to the concealment of crime, and by the monstrous systems of corruption
+which fashion, caste, and conventionality are enabled to shelter, is the
+direct means of rendering many individuals miserable in the extreme; but
+these are the necessary incidents to its struggles to advance under the
+dominion of natural forces alone.
+
+It would involve a great fallacy to deduce from this the conclusion that
+civilization begets misery or reduces the happiness of mankind. Against
+this gross but popular mistake may be cited the principle before
+introduced, which is unanimously accepted by biologists, that an
+organism is perfect in proportion as its organs are numerous and varied.
+This is because, the more organs there are, the greater is the capacity
+for enjoyment. For this enjoyment is quantitative as well as
+qualitative, and the greater the number of faculties, the greater is the
+possible enjoyment derivable from their normal exercise. To say that
+primitive man is happier than enlightened man, is equivalent to saying
+that an oyster or a polyp enjoys more than an eagle or an antelope. This
+could be true only on the ground that the latter, in consequence of
+their sensitive organisms, suffer more than they enjoy; but if to be
+happy is to escape from all feeling, then it were better to be stones or
+clods, and destitute of conscious sensibility. If this be the happiness
+which men should seek, then is the Buddhist in the highest degree
+consistent when he prays for the promised _Nirvâna_, or annihilation.
+But this is not happiness--it is only the absence of it. For happiness
+can only be increased by increasing the capacity for feeling, or
+emotion, and, when this is increased, the capacity for suffering is
+likewise necessarily increased, and suffering must be endured unless
+sufficient sagacity accompanies it to prevent this consequence. And that
+is the truest progress which, while it indefinitely multiplies and
+increases the facilities for enjoyment, furnishes at the same time the
+most effective means of preventing discomfort, and, as nearly all
+suffering is occasioned by the violation of natural laws through
+ignorance of or error respecting those laws, therefore that is the
+truest progress which succeeds in overcoming ignorance and error.
+
+Therefore, we may enunciate the principle that progress is in proportion
+to the opportunities or facilities for exercising the faculties and
+satisfying desire.
+
+
+2. Progress and Prevision[338]
+
+We have confused rapidity of change with progress. We have confused the
+breaking down of barriers by which advance is made possible with advance
+itself.
+
+We had been told that the development of industry and commerce had
+brought about such an interdependence of peoples that war was henceforth
+out of the question--at least upon a vast scale. But it is now clear
+that commerce also creates jealousies and rivalries and suspicions which
+are potent for war. We were told that nations could not long finance a
+war under modern conditions; economists had demonstrated that to the
+satisfaction of themselves and others. We see now that they had
+underrated both the production of wealth and the extent to which it
+could be mobilized for destructive purposes. We were told that the
+advance of science had made war practically impossible. We now know that
+science has not only rendered the machinery of war more deadly but has
+also increased the powers of resistance and endurance when war comes.
+If all this does not demonstrate that the forces which have brought
+about complicated and extensive changes in the fabric of society do not
+of themselves generate progress, I do not know what a demonstration
+would be. Has man subjugated physical nature only to release forces
+beyond his control?
+
+The doctrine of evolution has been popularly used to give a kind of
+cosmic sanction to the notion of an automatic and wholesale progress in
+human affairs. Our part, the human part, was simply to enjoy the
+usufruct. Evolution inherited all the goods of divine Providence and had
+the advantage of being in fashion. Even a great and devastating war is
+not too great a price to pay for an awakening from such an infantile and
+selfish dream. Progress is not automatic; it depends upon human intent
+and aim and upon acceptance of responsibility for its production. It is
+not a wholesale matter, but a retail job, to be contracted for and
+executed in sections.
+
+Spite of the dogma which measures progress by increase in altruism,
+kindliness, peaceful feelings, there is no reason that I know of to
+suppose that the basic fund of these emotions has increased appreciably
+in thousands and thousands of years. Man is equipped with these feelings
+at birth, as well as with emotions of fear, anger, emulation, and
+resentment. What appears to be an increase in one set and a decrease in
+the other set is, in reality, a change in their social occasions and
+social channels. Civilized man has not a better endowment of ear and eye
+than savage man; but his social surroundings give him more important
+things to see and hear than the savage has, and he has the wit to devise
+instruments to reinforce his eye and ear--the telegraph and telephone,
+the microscope and telescope. But there is no reason for thinking that
+he has less natural aggressiveness or more natural altruism--or will
+ever have--than the barbarian. But he may live in social conditions that
+create a relatively greater demand for the display of kindliness and
+which turn his aggressive instincts into less destructive channels.
+
+There is at any time a sufficient amount of kindly impulses possessed by
+man to enable him to live in amicable peace with all his fellows; and
+there is at any time a sufficient equipment of bellicose impulses to
+keep him in trouble with his fellows. An intensification of the
+exhibition of one may accompany an intensification of the display of the
+other, the only difference being that social arrangements cause the
+kindly feelings to be displayed toward one set of fellows and the
+hostile impulses toward another set. Thus, as everybody knows, the
+hatred toward the foreigner characterizing peoples now at war is
+attended by an unusual manifestation of mutual affection and love within
+each warring group. So characteristic is this fact that that man was a
+good psychologist who said that he wished that this planet might get
+into war with another planet, as that was the only effective way he saw
+of developing a world-wide community of interest in this globe's
+population.
+
+The indispensable preliminary condition of progress has been supplied by
+the conversion of scientific discoveries into inventions which turn
+physical energy, the energy of sun, coal, and iron, to account. Neither
+the discoveries nor the inventions were the product of unconscious
+physical nature. They were the product of human devotion and
+application, of human desire, patience, ingenuity, and mother-wit. The
+problem which now confronts us, the problem of progress, is the same in
+kind, differing in subject-matter. It is a problem of discovering the
+needs and capacities of collective human nature as we find it aggregated
+in racial or national groups on the surface of the globe, and of
+inventing the social machinery which will set available powers operating
+for the satisfaction of those needs.
+
+We are living still under the dominion of a laissez faire philosophy. I
+do not mean by this an individualistic, as against a socialistic,
+philosophy. I mean by it a philosophy which trusts the direction of
+human affairs to nature, or Providence, or evolution, or manifest
+destiny--that is to say, to accident--rather than to a contriving and
+constructive intelligence. To put our faith in the collective state
+instead of in individual activity is quite as laissez faire a proceeding
+as to put it in the results of voluntary private enterprise. The only
+genuine opposite to a go-as-you-please, let-alone philosophy is a
+philosophy which studies specific social needs and evils with a view to
+constructing the special social machinery for which they call.
+
+
+3. Progress and the Limits of Scientific Prevision[339]
+
+Movement, whether of progress or of retrogression, can commonly be
+brought about only when the sentiments opposing it have been designedly
+weakened or have suffered a natural decay. In this destructive process,
+and in any constructive process by which it may be followed, reasoning,
+often very bad reasoning, bears, at least in western communities, a
+large share as cause, a still larger share as symptom; so that the
+clatter of contending argumentation is often the most striking
+accompaniment of interesting social changes. Its position, therefore,
+and its functions in the social organism are frequently misunderstood.
+People fall instinctively into the habit of supposing that, as it plays
+a conspicuous part in the improvement or deterioration of human
+institutions, it therefore supplies the very basis on which they may be
+made to rest, the very mold to which they ought to conform; and they
+naturally conclude that we have only got to reason more and to reason
+better in order speedily to perfect the whole machinery by which human
+felicity is to be secured.
+
+Surely this is a great delusion. A community founded upon argument would
+soon be a community no longer. It would dissolve into its constituent
+elements. Think of the thousand ties most subtly woven out of common
+sentiments, common tastes, common beliefs, nay, common prejudices, by
+which from our very earliest childhood we are all bound unconsciously
+but indissolubly together into a compacted whole. Imagine these to be
+suddenly loosed and their places taken by some judicious piece of
+reasoning on the balance of advantage, which, after taking all proper
+deductions, still remains to the credit of social life. These things we
+may indeed imagine if we please. Fortunately, we shall never see them.
+Society is founded--and from the nature of the human beings which
+constitute it, must, in the main, be always founded--not upon criticism
+but upon feelings and beliefs, and upon the customs and codes by which
+feelings and beliefs are, as it were, fixed and rendered stable. And
+even where these harmonize, so far as we can judge, with sound reason,
+they are in many cases not consciously based on reasoning; nor is their
+fate necessarily bound up with that of the extremely indifferent
+arguments by which, from time to time, philosophers, politicians, and, I
+will add, divines have thought fit to support them.
+
+We habitually talk as if a self-governing or free community was one
+which managed its own affairs. In strictness, no community manages its
+own affairs, or by any possibility could manage them. It manages but a
+narrow fringe of its affairs, and that in the main by deputy. It is only
+the thinnest surface layer of law and custom, belief and sentiment,
+which can either be successfully subjected to destructive treatment, or
+become the nucleus of any new growth--a fact which explains the apparent
+paradox that so many of our most famous advances in political wisdom are
+nothing more than the formal recognition of our political impotence.
+
+As our expectations of limitless progress for the race cannot depend
+upon the blind operation of the laws of heredity, so neither can they
+depend upon the deliberate action of national governments. Such
+examination as we can make of the changes which have taken place during
+the relatively minute fraction of history with respect to which we have
+fairly full information shows that they have been caused by a multitude
+of variations, often extremely small, made in their surroundings by
+individuals whose objects, though not necessarily selfish, have often
+had no intentional reference to the advancement of the community at
+large. But we have no scientific ground for suspecting that the stimulus
+to these individual efforts must necessarily continue; we know of no law
+by which, if they do continue, they must needs be co-ordinated for a
+common purpose or pressed into the service of a common good. We cannot
+estimate their remoter consequences; neither can we tell how they will
+act and react upon one another, nor how they will in the long run affect
+morality, religion, and other fundamental elements of human society. The
+future of the race is thus encompassed with darkness; no faculty of
+calculation that we possess, no instrument that we are likely to invent,
+will enable us to map out its course, or penetrate the secret of its
+destiny. It is easy, no doubt, to find in the clouds which obscure our
+paths what shapes we please: to see in them the promise of some
+millennial paradise, or the threat of endless and unmeaning travel
+through waste and perilous places. But in such visions the wise man will
+put but little confidence, content, in a sober and cautious spirit, with
+a full consciousness of his feeble powers of foresight and the narrow
+limits of his activity, to deal as they arise with the problems of his
+own generation.
+
+
+4. Eugenics as a Science of Progress[340]
+
+Eugenics is the science which deals with all influences that improve the
+inborn qualities of a race; also with those that develop them to the
+utmost advantage.
+
+What is meant by improvement? There is considerable difference between
+goodness in the several qualities and in that of the character as a
+whole. The character depends largely on the _proportion_ between
+qualities whose balance may be much influenced by education. We must
+therefore leave morals as far as possible out of the discussion, not
+entangling ourselves with the almost hopeless difficulties they raise as
+to whether a character as a whole is good or bad. Moreover, the goodness
+or badness of character is not absolute, but relative to the current
+form of civilisation. A fable will best explain what is meant. Let the
+scene be the Zoölogical Gardens in the quiet hours of the night, and
+suppose that, as in old fables, the animals are able to converse, and
+that some very wise creature who had easy access to all the cages, say a
+philosophic sparrow or rat, was engaged in collecting the opinions of
+all sorts of animals with a view of elaborating a system of absolute
+morality. It is needless to enlarge on the contrariety of ideals between
+the beasts that prey and those they prey upon, between those of the
+animals that have to work hard for their food and the sedentary
+parasites that cling to their bodies and suck their blood and so forth.
+A large number of suffrages in favour of maternal affection would be
+obtained, but most species of fish would repudiate it, while among the
+voices of birds would be heard the musical protest of the cuckoo. Though
+no agreement could be reached as to absolute morality, the essentials of
+Eugenics may be easily defined. All creatures would agree that it was
+better to be healthy than sick, vigorous than weak, well fitted than ill
+fitted for their part in life. In short, that it was better to be good
+rather than bad specimens of their kind, whatever that kind might be. So
+with men. There are a vast number of conflicting ideals of alternative
+characters, of incompatible civilisations; but all are wanted to give
+fulness and interest to life. Society would be very dull if every man
+resembled the highly estimable Marcus Aurelius or Adam Bede. The aim of
+Eugenics is to represent each class or sect by its best specimens; that
+done, to leave them to work out their common civilisation in their own
+way.
+
+The aim of Eugenics is to bring as many influences as can be reasonably
+employed, to cause the useful classes in the community to contribute
+_more_ than their proportion to the next generation.
+
+The course of procedure that lies within the functions of a learned and
+active Society such as the Sociological may become, would be somewhat as
+follows:
+
+1. Dissemination of a knowledge of the laws of heredity so far as they
+are surely known, and promotion of their further study. Few seem to be
+aware how greatly the knowledge of what may be termed the _actuarial_
+side of heredity has advanced in recent years. The average closeness of
+kinship in each degree now admits of exact definition and of being
+treated mathematically, like birth- and death-rates, and the other
+topics with which actuaries are concerned.
+
+2. Historical inquiry into the rates with which the various classes of
+society (classified according to civic usefulness) have contributed to
+the population at various times, in ancient and modern nations. There is
+strong reason for believing that national rise and decline is closely
+connected with this influence. It seems to be the tendency of high
+civilisation to check fertility in the upper classes, through numerous
+causes, some of which are well known, others are inferred, and others
+again are wholly obscure. The latter class are apparently analogous to
+those which bar the fertility of most species of wild animals in
+zoölogical gardens. Out of the hundreds and thousands of species that
+have been tamed, very few indeed are fertile when their liberty is
+restricted and their struggles for livelihood are abolished; those which
+are so and are otherwise useful to man becoming domesticated. There is
+perhaps some connection between this obscure action and the
+disappearance of most savage races when brought into contact with high
+civilisation, though there are other and well-known concomitant causes.
+But while most barbarous races disappear, some, like the Negro, do not.
+It may therefore be expected that types of our race will be found to
+exist which can be highly civilised without losing fertility; nay, they
+may become more fertile under artificial conditions, as is the case with
+many domestic animals.
+
+3. Systematic collection of facts showing the circumstances under which
+large and thriving families have most frequently originated; in other
+words, the _conditions_ of Eugenics. The names of the thriving families
+in England have yet to be learnt, and the conditions under which they
+have arisen. We cannot hope to make much advance in the science of
+Eugenics without a careful study of facts that are now accessible with
+difficulty, if at all. The definition of a thriving family, such as will
+pass muster for the moment at least, is one in which the children have
+gained distinctly superior positions to those who were their classmates
+in early life. Families may be considered "large" that contain not less
+than three adult male children. The point to be ascertained is the
+_status_ of the two parents at the time of their marriage, whence its
+more or less eugenic character might have been predicted, if the larger
+knowledge that we now hope to obtain had then existed. Some account
+would, of course, be wanted of their race, profession, and residence;
+also of their own respective parentages, and of their brothers and
+sisters. Finally, the reasons would be required why the children
+deserved to be entitled a "thriving" family, to distinguish worthy from
+unworthy success. This manuscript collection might hereafter develop
+into a "golden book" of thriving families. The Chinese, whose customs
+have often much sound sense, make their honours retrospective. We might
+learn from them to show that respect to the parents of noteworthy
+children, which the contributors of such valuable assets to the national
+wealth richly deserve.
+
+4. Influences affecting Marriage. The passion of love seems so
+overpowering that it may be thought folly to try to direct its course.
+But plain facts do not confirm this view. Social influences of all kinds
+have immense power in the end, and they are very various. If unsuitable
+marriages from the eugenic point of view were banned socially, or even
+regarded with the unreasonable disfavour which some attach to cousin
+marriages, very few would be made. The multitude of marriage
+restrictions that have proved prohibitive among uncivilised people would
+require a volume to describe.
+
+5. Persistence in setting forth the national importance of Eugenics.
+There are three stages to be passed through. _Firstly_, it must be made
+familiar as an academic question, until its exact importance has been
+understood and accepted as a fact; _secondly_, it must be recognised as
+a subject whose practical development deserves serious consideration;
+and _thirdly_, it must be introduced into the national conscience, like,
+a new religion. It has, indeed, strong claims to become an orthodox
+religious tenet of the future, for Eugenics cooperates with the workings
+of Nature by securing that humanity shall be represented by the fittest
+races. What Nature does blindly, slowly, and ruthlessly, man may do
+providently, quickly, and kindly. I see no impossibility in Eugenics
+becoming a religious dogma among mankind, but its details must first be
+worked out sedulously in the study. The first and main point is to
+secure the general intellectual acceptance of Eugenics as a hopeful and
+most important study. Then let its principles work into the heart of
+the nation, who will gradually give practical effect to them in ways
+that we may not wholly foresee.
+
+
+C. PROGRESS AND HUMAN NATURE
+
+
+1. The Nature of Man[341]
+
+Man is certainly an animal that, when he lives at all, lives for ideals.
+Something must be found to occupy his imagination, to raise pleasure and
+pain into love and hatred, and change the prosaic alternative between
+comfort and discomfort into the tragic one between happiness and sorrow.
+Now that the hue of daily adventure is so dull, when religion for the
+most part is so vague and accommodating, when even war is a vast
+impersonal business, nationality seems to have slipped into the place of
+honor. It has become the one eloquent, public, intrepid
+illusion--illusion, I mean, when it is taken for an ultimate good or a
+mystical essence, for of course nationality is a fact. It is natural for
+a man to like to live at home, and to live long elsewhere without a
+sense of exile is not good for his moral integrity. It is right to feel
+a greater kinship and affection for what lies nearest to one's self. But
+this necessary fact and even duty of nationality is accidental; like age
+or sex it is a physical fatality which can be made the basis of specific
+and comely virtues; but it is not an end to pursue or a flag to flaunt
+or a privilege not balanced by a thousand incapacities. Yet of this
+distinction our contemporaries tend to make an idol, perhaps because it
+is the only distinction they feel they have left.
+
+Everywhere in the nineteenth century we find a double preoccupation with
+the past and with the future, a longing to know what all experience
+might have been hitherto, and on the other hand to hasten to some wholly
+different experience, to be contrived immediately with a beating heart
+and with flying banners. The imagination of the age was intent on
+history; its conscience was intent on reform.
+
+
+2. Progress and the Mores[342]
+
+What now are some of the leading features in the mores of civilized
+society at the present time? Undoubtedly they are monogamy,
+anti-slavery, and democracy. All people now are more nervous than
+anybody used to be. Social ambition is great and is prevalent in all
+classes. The idea of class is unpopular and is not understood. There is
+a superstitious yearning for equality. There is a decided preference for
+city life, and a stream of population from the country into big cities.
+These are facts of the mores of the time. Our societies are almost
+unanimous in their response if there is any question raised on these
+matters.
+
+Medieval people conceived of society under forms of status as generally
+as we think of it under forms of individual liberty. The mores of the
+Orient and Occident differ from each other now, as they apparently
+always have differed. The Orient is a region where time, faith,
+tradition, and patience rule. The Occident forms ideals and plans, and
+spends energy and enterprise to make new things with thoughts of
+progress. All details of life follow the leading ways of thought of each
+group. We can compare and judge ours and theirs, but independent
+judgment of our own, without comparison with other times or other
+places, is possible only within narrow limits.
+
+Let us first take up the nervous desire and exertion which mark the men
+of our time in the western civilized societies. There is a wide popular
+belief in what is called progress. The masses in all civilized states
+strain toward success in some adopted line. Struggling and striving are
+passionate tendencies which take possession of groups from time to time.
+The newspapers, the popular literature, and the popular speakers show
+this current and popular tendency. This is what makes the mores.
+
+
+3. War and Progress[343]
+
+Let us see what progress means. It is a term which covers several quite
+different things.
+
+There is material progress, by which I understand an increase in wealth,
+that is, in the commodities useful to man, which give him health,
+strength, and longer life, and make his life easier, providing more
+comfort and more leisure, and thus enabling him to be more physically
+efficient, and to escape from that pressure of want which hampers the
+development of his whole nature.
+
+There is intellectual progress--an increase in knowledge, a greater
+abundance of ideas, the training to think, and to think correctly, the
+growth in capacity for dealing with practical problems, the cultivation
+of the power to enjoy the exercise of thought and the pleasures of
+letters and art.
+
+There is moral progress--a thing harder to define, but which includes
+the development of those emotions and habits which make for
+happiness--contentment and tranquility of mind; the absence of the more
+purely animal and therefore degrading vices (such as intemperance and
+sensuality in all its other forms); the control of the violent passions;
+good will and kindliness toward others--all the things which fall within
+the philosophical conception of a life guided by right reason. People
+have different ideas of what constitutes happiness and virtue, but these
+things are at any rate included in every such conception.
+
+A further preliminary question arises. Is human progress to be estimated
+in respect to the point to which it raises the few who have high mental
+gifts and the opportunity of obtaining an education fitting them for
+intellectual enjoyment and intellectual vocations, or is it to be
+measured by the amount of its extension to and diffusion through each
+nation, meaning the nation as a whole--the average man as well as the
+superior spirits? You may sacrifice either the many to the few--as was
+done by slavery--or the few to the many, or the advance may be general
+and proportionate in all classes.
+
+Again, when we think of progress, are we to think of the world as a
+whole, or only of the stronger and more capable races and states? If the
+stronger rise upon the prostrate bodies of the weaker, is this clear
+gain to the world, because the stronger will ultimately do more for the
+world, or is the loss and suffering of the weaker to be brought into the
+account? I do not attempt to discuss these questions; it is enough to
+note them as fit to be remembered; for perhaps all three kinds of
+progress ought to be differently judged if a few leading nations only
+are to be regarded, or if we are to think of all mankind.
+
+It is undeniable that war has often been accompanied by an advance in
+civilization. If we were to look for progress only in time of peace
+there would have been little progress to discover, for mankind has lived
+in a state of practically permanent warfare. The Egyptian and Assyrian
+monarchs were always fighting. The author of the Book of Kings speaks of
+spring as the time when kings go forth to war, much as we should speak
+of autumn as the time when men go forth to shoot deer. "War is the
+natural relation of states to one another," said Plato. The fact has
+been hardly less true since his day, though latterly men have become
+accustomed to think of peace as the normal, war as the abnormal or
+exceptional, relation of states to one another. In the ancient world, as
+late as the days of Roman conquest, a state of peace was the rare
+exception among civilized states as well as barbarous tribes. But
+Carthage, like her Phoenician mother-city, went on building up a mighty
+commerce till Rome smote her down, and the Hellenic people, in its many
+warring cities, went on producing noble poems and profound philosophical
+speculations, and rearing majestic temples and adorning them with
+incomparable works of sculpture, in the intervals of their fighting with
+their neighbors of the same or other races. The case of the Greeks
+proves that war and progress are compatible.
+
+The capital instance of the association of war with the growth and
+greatness of a state is found in Prussia. One may say that her history
+is the source of the whole thesis and the basis of the whole argument.
+It is a case of what, in the days when I learned logic at the University
+of Oxford, we used to call the induction from a single instance.
+Prussia, then a small state, began her upward march under the warlike
+and successful prince whom her people call the Great Elector. Her next
+long step to greatness was taken by Frederick II, again by favor of
+successful warfare, though doubtless also by means of a highly
+organized, and for those days very efficient, administration. Voltaire
+said of Frederick's Prussia that its trade was war. Another war added to
+her territory in 1814-15. Three successful wars--those of 1864, 1866,
+and 1870-71--made her the nucleus of a united German nation and the
+leading military power of the Old World.
+
+Ever since those victories her industrial production, her commerce, and
+her wealth have rapidly increased, while at the same time scientific
+research has been prosecuted with the greatest vigor and on a scale
+unprecedentedly large. These things were no doubt achieved during a
+peace of forty-three years. But it was what one may call a belligerent
+peace, full of thoughts of war and preparations for war. There is no
+denying that the national spirit has been carried to a high point of
+pride, energy, and self-confidence, which have stimulated effort in all
+directions and secured extraordinary efficiency in civil as well as in
+military administration. Here, then, is an instance in which a state has
+grown by war and a people has been energized by war.
+
+Next, let us take the cases which show that there have been in many
+countries long periods of incessant war with no corresponding progress
+in the things that make civilization. I will not speak of semi-barbarous
+tribes, among the more advanced of which may be placed the Albanians and
+the Pathans and the Turkomans, while among the more backward were the
+North American Indians and the Zulus. But one may cite the case of the
+civilized regions of Asia under the successors of Alexander, when
+civilized peoples, distracted by incessant strife, did little for the
+progress of arts or letters or government, from the death of the great
+conqueror till they were united under the dominion of Rome and received
+from her a time of comparative tranquillity.
+
+The Thirty Years' War is an example of long-continued fighting which,
+far from bringing progress in its train, inflicted injuries on Germany
+from which she did not recover for nearly two centuries. In recent times
+there has been more fighting in South and Central America, since the
+wars of independence, than in any other civilized countries. Yet can
+anyone say that anything has been gained by the unending civil wars and
+revolutions, or those scarcely less frequent wars between the several
+republics, like that terrible one thirty years ago in which Peru was
+overcome by Chile? Or look at Mexico. Except during the years when the
+stern dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz kept order and equipped the country
+with roads and railways, her people have made no perceptible advance and
+stand hardly higher today than when they were left to work out their own
+salvation a hundred years ago. Social and economic conditions have
+doubtless been against her. All that need be remembered is that warfare
+has not bettered those conditions or improved the national character.
+
+If this hasty historical survey has, as I frankly admit, given us few
+positive and definite results, the reason is plain. Human progress is
+affected by so many conditions besides the presence or absence of
+fighting that it is impossible in any given case to pronounce that it
+has been chiefly due either to war or to peace. Two conclusions,
+however, we may claim to have reached, though they are rather negative
+than positive. One is that war does not necessarily arrest progress.
+Peoples may advance in thought, literature, and art while they are
+fighting. The other is that war cannot be shown to have been a cause of
+progress in anything except the wealth or power of a state which extends
+its dominions by conquest or draws tribute from the vanquished.
+
+What, then, are the causes to which the progress of mankind is due? It
+is due partly, no doubt, if not to strife, to competition. But chiefly
+to thought, which is more often hindered than helped by war. It is the
+races that know how to think, rather than the far more numerous races
+that excel in fighting rather than in thinking, that have led the world.
+Thought, in the form of invention and inquiry, has given us those
+improvements in the arts of life and in the knowledge of nature by which
+material progress and comfort have been obtained. Thought has produced
+literature, philosophy, art, and (when intensified by emotion)
+religion--all the things that make life worth living. Now the thought of
+any people is most active when it is brought into contact with the
+thought of another, because each is apt to lose its variety and freedom
+of play when it has worked too long upon familiar lines and flowed too
+long in the channels it has deepened. Hence isolation retards progress,
+while intercourse quickens it.
+
+The great creative epochs have been those in which one people of natural
+vigor received an intellectual impulse from the ideas of another, as
+happened when Greek culture began to penetrate Italy, and thirteen
+centuries later, when the literature of the ancients began to work on
+the nations of the medieval world.
+
+Such contact, with the process of learning which follows from it, may
+happen in or through war, but it happens far oftener in peace; and it is
+in peace that men have the time and the taste to profit fully by it. A
+study of history will show that we may, with an easy conscience, dismiss
+the theory of Treitschke--that war is a health-giving tonic which
+Providence must be expected constantly to offer to the human race for
+its own good.
+
+The future progress of mankind is to be sought, not through the strifes
+and hatreds of the nations, but rather by their friendly co-operation in
+the healing and enlightening works of peace and in the growth of a
+spirit of friendship and mutual confidence which may remove the causes
+of war.
+
+
+4. Progress and the Cosmic Urge
+
+_a. The "Élan Vitale"_[344]
+
+All life, animal and vegetable, seems in its essence like an effort to
+accumulate energy and then to let it flow into flexible channels,
+changeable in shape, at the end of which it will accomplish infinitely
+varied kinds of work. That is what the _vital impetus_, passing through
+matter, would fain do all at once. It would succeed, no doubt, if its
+power were unlimited, or if some reinforcement could come to it from
+without. But the impetus is finite, and it has been given once for all.
+It cannot overcome all obstacles. The movement it starts is sometimes
+turned aside, sometimes divided, always opposed; and the evolution of
+the organized world is the unrolling of this conflict. The first great
+scission that had to be effected was that of the two kingdoms, vegetable
+and animal, which thus happen to be mutually complementary, without,
+however, any agreement having been made between them. To this scission
+there succeeded many others. Hence the diverging lines of evolution, at
+least what is essential in them. But we must take into account
+retrogressions, arrests, accidents of every kind. And we must remember,
+above all, that each species behaves as if the general movement of life
+stopped at it instead of passing through it. It thinks only of itself,
+it lives only for itself. Hence the numberless struggles that we behold
+in nature. Hence a discord, striking and terrible, but for which the
+original principle of life must not be held responsible.
+
+It is therefore conceivable that life might have assumed a totally
+different outward appearance and designed forms very different from
+those we know. With another chemical substratum, in other physical
+conditions, the impulsion would have remained the same, but it would
+have split up very differently in course of progress; and the whole
+would have traveled another road--whether shorter or longer who can
+tell? In any case, in the entire series of living beings no term would
+have been what it now is.
+
+There are numerous cases in which nature seems to hesitate between the
+two forms, and to ask herself if she shall make a society or an
+individual. The slightest push is enough, then, to make the balance
+weigh on one side or the other. If we take an infusorian sufficiently
+large, such as the Stentor, and cut it into two halves each containing a
+part of the nucleus, each of the two halves will generate an independent
+Stentor; but if we divide it incompletely, so that a protoplasmic
+communication is left between the two halves, we shall see them execute,
+each from its side, corresponding movements; so that in this case it is
+enough that a thread should be maintained or cut in order that life
+should affect the social or the individual form. Thus, in rudimentary
+organisms consisting of a single cell, we already find that the apparent
+individuality of the whole is the composition of an _undefined_ number
+of potential individualities potentially associated. But, from top to
+bottom of the series of living beings, the same law is manifested. And
+it is this that we express when we say that unity and multiplicity are
+categories of inert matter, that the vital impetus is neither pure unity
+nor pure multiplicity, and that if the matter to which it communicates
+itself compels it to choose one of the two, its choice will never be
+definitive: it will leap from one to the other indefinitely. The
+evolution of life in the double direction of individuality and
+association has therefore nothing accidental about it: it is due to the
+very nature of life.
+
+Essential also is the progress to reflexion. If our analysis is correct,
+it is consciousness, or rather supra-consciousness, that is at the
+origin of life. Consciousness, or supra-consciousness, is the name for
+the rocket whose extinguished fragments fall back as matter;
+consciousness, again, is the name for that which subsists of the rocket
+itself, passing through the fragments and lighting them up into
+organisms. But this consciousness, which is a _need of creation_, is
+made manifest to itself only where creation is possible. It lies dormant
+when life is condemned to automatism; it wakens as soon as the
+possibility of a choice is restored. That is why, in organisms
+unprovided with a nervous system, it varies according to the power of
+locomotion and of deformation of which the organism disposes. And in
+animals with a nervous system, it is proportional to the complexity of
+the switchboard on which the paths called sensory and the paths called
+motor intersect--that is, of the brain.
+
+Consciousness corresponds exactly to the living being's power of choice;
+it is coextensive with the fringe of possible action that surrounds the
+real action: consciousness is synonymous with invention and with
+freedom. Now, in the animal, invention is never anything but a variation
+on the theme of routine. Shut up in the habits of the species, it
+succeeds, no doubt, in enlarging them by its individual initiative; but
+it escapes automatism only for an instant, for just the time to create a
+new automatism. The gates of its prison close as soon as they are
+opened; by pulling at its chain it succeeds only in stretching it. With
+man, consciousness breaks the chain. In man, and in man alone, it sets
+itself free. The whole history of life until man has been that of the
+effort of consciousness to raise matter, and of the more or less
+complete overwhelming of consciousness by the matter which has fallen
+back on it. The enterprise was paradoxical, if, indeed, we may speak
+here otherwise than by metaphor of enterprise and of effort. It was to
+create with matter, which is necessity itself, an instrument of freedom,
+to make a machine which should triumph over mechanism, and to use
+determinism of nature to pass through the meshes of the net which this
+very determinism had spread. But, everywhere except in man,
+consciousness has let itself be caught in the net whose meshes it tried
+to pass through: it has remained the captive of the mechanisms it has
+set up. Automatism, which it tries to draw in the direction of freedom,
+winds about it and drags it down. It has not the power to escape,
+because the energy it has provided for acts is almost all employed in
+maintaining the infinitely subtle and essentially unstable equilibrium
+into which it has brought matter. But man not only maintains his
+machine, he succeeds in using it as he pleases. Doubtless he owes this
+to the superiority of his brain, which enables him to build an unlimited
+number of motor mechanisms, to oppose new habits to the old ones
+unceasingly, and, by dividing automatism against itself, to rule it. He
+owes it to his language, which furnishes consciousness with an
+immaterial body in which to incarnate itself and thus exempts it from
+dwelling exclusively on material bodies, whose flux would soon drag it
+along and finally swallow it up. He owes it to social life, which stores
+and preserves efforts as language stores thought, fixes thereby a mean
+level to which individuals must raise themselves at the outset, and by
+this initial stimulation prevents the average man from slumbering and
+drives the superior man to mount still higher. But our brain, our
+society, and our language are only the external and various signs of one
+and the same internal superiority. They tell, each after its manner, the
+unique, exceptional success which life has won at a given moment of its
+evolution. They express the difference of kind, and not only of degree,
+which separates man from the rest of the animal world. They let us guess
+that, while at the end of the vast springboard from which life has taken
+its leap, all the others have stepped down, finding the cord stretched
+too high, man alone has cleared the obstacle.
+
+It is in this quite special sense that man is the "term" and the "end"
+of evolution. Life, we have said, transcends finality as it transcends
+the other categories. It is essentially a current sent through matter,
+drawing from it what it can. There has not, therefore, properly
+speaking, been any project or plan. On the other hand, it is abundantly
+evident that the rest of nature is not for the sake of man: we struggle
+like the other species, we have struggled against other species.
+Moreover, if the evolution of life had encountered other accidents in
+its course, if, thereby, the current of life had been otherwise divided,
+we should have been, physically and morally, far different from what we
+are. For these various reasons it would be wrong to regard humanity,
+such as we have it before our eyes, as prefigured in the evolutionary
+movement. It cannot even be said to be the outcome of the whole of
+evolution, for evolution has been accomplished on several divergent
+lines, and while the human species is at the end of one of them, other
+lines have been followed with other species at their end. It is in a
+quite different sense that we hold humanity to be the ground of
+evolution.
+
+From our point of view, life appears in its entirety as an immense wave
+which, starting from a centre, spreads outwards, and which on almost the
+whole of its circumference is stopped and converted into oscillation: at
+one single point the obstacle has been forced, the impulsion has passed
+freely. It is this freedom that the human form registers. Everywhere but
+in man, consciousness has had to come to a stand; in man alone it has
+kept on its way. Man, then, continues the vital movement indefinitely,
+although he does not draw along with him all that life carries in
+itself. On other lines of evolution there have traveled other tendencies
+which life implied, and of which, since everything interpenetrates, man
+has, doubtless, kept something, but of which he has kept only very
+little. _It is as if a vague and formless being, whom we may call, as we
+will_, man _or_ superman, _had sought to realize himself, and had
+succeeded only by abandoning a part of himself on the way_. The losses
+are represented by the rest of the animal world, and even by the
+vegetable world, at least in what these have that is positive and above
+the accidents of evolution.
+
+From this point of view, the discordances of which nature offers us the
+spectacle are singularly weakened. The organized world as a whole
+becomes as the soil on which was to grow either man himself or a being
+who morally must resemble him. The animals, however distant they may be
+from our species, however hostile to it, have none the less been useful
+traveling companions, on whom consciousness has unloaded whatever
+encumbrances it was dragging along, and who have enabled it to rise, in
+man, to heights from which it sees an unlimited horizon open again
+before it.
+
+Consciousness is distinct from the organism it animates, although it
+must undergo its vicissitudes. As the possible actions which a state of
+consciousness indicates are at every instant beginning to be carried out
+in the nervous centres, the brain underlies at every instant the motor
+indications of the state of consciousness; but the interdependency of
+consciousness and brain is limited to this; the destiny of consciousness
+is not bound up on that account with the destiny of cerebral matter.
+Finally, consciousness is essentially free; it is freedom itself; but it
+cannot pass through matter without settling on it, without adapting
+itself to it: this adaptation is what we call intellectuality; and the
+intellect, turning itself back towards active, that is to say, free,
+consciousness, naturally makes it enter into the conceptual forms into
+which it is accustomed to see matter fit. It will therefore always
+perceive freedom in the form of necessity; it will always neglect the
+part of novelty or of creation inherent in the free act; it will always
+substitute for action itself an imitation artificial, approximative,
+obtained by compounding the old with the old and the same with the same.
+Thus, to the eyes of a philosophy that attempts to reabsorb intellect in
+intuition, many difficulties vanish or become light. But such a doctrine
+does not only facilitate speculation; it gives us also more power to act
+and to live. For, with it, we feel ourselves no longer isolated in
+humanity, humanity no longer seems isolated in the nature that it
+dominates. As the smallest grain of dust is bound up with our entire
+solar system, drawn along with it in that undivided movement of descent
+which is materiality itself, so all organized beings, from the humblest
+to the highest, from the first origins of life to the time in which we
+are, and in all places, as in all times, do but evidence a single
+impulsion, the inverse of the movement of matter, and in itself
+indivisible. All the living hold together, and all yield to the same
+tremendous push. The animal takes its stand on the plant, man bestrides
+animality, and the whole of humanity, in space and in time, is one
+immense army galloping beside and before and behind each of us in an
+overwhelming charge able to beat down every resistance and clear the
+most formidable obstacles, perhaps even death.
+
+
+_b. The "Dunkler Drang"_[345]
+
+Every glance at the world, to explain which is the task of the
+philosopher, confirms and proves that _will to live_, far from being an
+arbitrary hypostasis or an empty word, is the only true expression of
+its inmost nature. Everything presses and strives towards _existence_,
+if possible _organized existence_, i.e., _life_, and after that to the
+highest possible grade of it. In animal nature it then becomes apparent
+that _will to live_ is the keynote of its being, its one unchangeable
+and unconditioned quality. Let anyone consider this universal desire for
+life, let him see the infinite willingness, facility, and exuberance
+with which the will to live pressed impetuously into existence under a
+million forms everywhere and at every moment, by means of fructification
+and of germs, nay, when these are wanting, by means of _generatio
+aequivoca_, seizing every opportunity, eagerly grasping for itself every
+material capable of life: and then again let him cast a glance at its
+fearful alarm and wild rebellion when in any particular phenomenon it
+must pass out of existence; especially when this takes place with
+distinct consciousness. Then it is precisely the same as if in this
+single phenomenon the whole world would be annihilated forever, and the
+whole being of this threatened living thing is at once transformed into
+the most desperate struggle against death and resistance to it. Look,
+for example, at the incredible anxiety of a man in danger of his life,
+the rapid and serious participation in this of every witness of it, and
+the boundless rejoicing at his deliverance. Look at the rigid terror
+with which a sentence of death is heard, the profound awe with which we
+regard the preparations for carrying it out, and the heartrending
+compassion which seizes us at the execution itself. We would then
+suppose there was something quite different in question than a few less
+years of an empty, sad existence, embittered by troubles of every kind,
+and always uncertain: we would rather be amazed that it was a matter of
+any consequence whether one attained a few years earlier to the place
+where after an ephemeral existence he has billions of years to be. In
+such phenomena, then, it becomes visible that I am right in declaring
+that _the will to live_ is that which cannot be further explained, but
+lies at the foundation of all explanations, and that this, far from
+being an empty word, like the absolute, the infinite, the idea, and
+similar expressions, is the most real thing we know, nay, the kernel of
+reality itself.
+
+But if now, abstracting for a while from this interpretation drawn from
+our inner being, we place ourselves as strangers over against nature, in
+order to comprehend it objectively, we find that from the grade of
+organized life upwards it has only one intention--that of the
+_maintenance of the species_. To this end it works, through the immense
+superfluity of germs, through the urgent vehemence of the sexual
+instinct, through its willingness to adapt itself to all circumstances
+and opportunities, even to the production of bastards, and through the
+instinctive maternal affection, the strength of which is so great that
+in many kinds of animals it even outweighs self-love, so that the mother
+sacrifices her life in order to preserve that of the young. The
+individual, on the contrary, has for nature only an indirect value, only
+so far as it is the means of maintaining the species. Apart from this,
+its existence is to nature a matter of indifference; indeed nature even
+leads it to destruction as soon as it has ceased to be useful for this
+end. Why the individual exists would thus be clear; but why does the
+species itself exist? That is a question which nature when considered
+merely objectively cannot answer. For in vain do we seek by
+contemplating her for an end of this restless striving, this ceaseless
+pressing into existence, this anxious care for the maintenance of the
+species. The strength and the time of the individuals are consumed in
+the effort to procure sustenance for themselves and their young, and are
+only just sufficient, sometimes even not sufficient, for this. The whole
+thing, when regarded thus purely objectively, and indeed as extraneous
+to us, looks as if nature was only concerned that of all her (Platonic)
+_Ideas_, i.e., permanent forms, none should be lost. For the individuals
+are fleeting as the water in the brook; and Ideas, on the contrary, are
+permanent, like its eddies: but the exhaustion of the water would also
+do away with the eddies. We would have to stop at this unintelligible
+view if nature were known to us only from without, thus were given us
+merely _objectively_, and we accepted it as it is comprehended by
+knowledge, and also as sprung from knowledge, i.e., in the sphere of the
+idea, and were therefore obliged to confine ourselves to this province
+in solving it. But the case is otherwise, and a glance at any rate is
+afforded us into the _interior of nature_; inasmuch as this is nothing
+else than _our own inner being_, which is precisely where nature,
+arrived at the highest grade to which its striving could work itself up,
+is now by the light of knowledge found directly in self-consciousness.
+Thus the subjective here gives the key for the exposition of the
+objective. In order to recognize, as something original and
+unconditioned, that exceedingly strong tendency of all animals and men
+to retain life and carry it on as long as possible--a tendency which was
+set forth above as characteristic of the subjective, or of the will--it
+is necessary to make clear to ourselves that this is by no means the
+result of any objective _knowledge_ of the worth of life, but is
+independent of all knowledge; or, in other words, that those beings
+exhibit themselves, not as drawn from in front, but as impelled from
+behind.
+
+If with this intention we first of all review the interminable series of
+animals, consider the infinite variety of their forms, as they exhibit
+themselves always differently modified according to their element and
+manner of life, and also ponder the inimitable ingenuity of their
+structure and mechanism, which is carried out with equal perfection in
+every individual; and finally, if we take into consideration the
+incredible expenditure of strength, dexterity, prudence, and activity
+which every animal has ceaselessly to make through its whole life; if,
+approaching the matter more closely, we contemplate the untiring
+diligence of wretched little ants, the marvellous and ingenious
+industry of the bees, or observe how a single burying-beetle
+(_Necrophorus vespillo_) buries a mole of forty times its own size in
+two days in order to deposit its eggs in it and insure nourishment for
+the future brood (Gleditsch, _Physik. Bot. Oekon. Abhandl._, III, 220),
+at the same time calling to mind how the life of most insects is nothing
+but ceaseless labour to prepare food and an abode for the future brood
+which will arise from their eggs, and which then, after they have
+consumed the food and passed through the chrysalis state, enter upon
+life merely to begin again from the beginning the same labour; then also
+how, like this, the life of the birds is for the most part taken up with
+their distant and laborious migrations, then with the building of their
+nests and the collection of food for their brood, which itself has to
+play the same rôle the following year; and so all work constantly for
+the future, which afterwards makes bankrupt--then we cannot avoid
+looking round for the reward of all this skill and trouble, for the end
+which these animals have before their eyes, which strive so
+ceaselessly--in short, we are driven to ask: What is the result? What is
+attained by the animal existence which demands such infinite
+preparation? And there is nothing to point to but the satisfaction of
+hunger and the sexual instinct, or in any case a little momentary
+comfort, as it falls to the lot of each animal individual, now and then
+in the intervals of its endless need and struggle. Take, for example,
+the mole, that unwearied worker. To dig with all its might with its
+enormous shovel claws is the occupation of its whole life; constant
+night surrounds it; its embryo eyes only make it avoid the light. It
+alone is truly an _animal nocturnum_; not cats, owls, and bats, who see
+by night. But what, now, does it attain by this life, full of trouble
+and devoid of pleasure? Food and the begetting of its kind; thus only
+the means of carrying on and beginning anew the same doleful course in
+new individuals. In such examples it becomes clear that there is no
+proportion between the cares and troubles of life and the results or
+gain of it. The consciousness of the world of perception gives a certain
+appearance of objective worth of existence to the life of those animals
+which can see, although in their case this consciousness is entirely
+subjective and limited to the influence of motives upon them. But the
+_blind_ mole, with its perfect organization and ceaseless activity,
+limited to the alternation of insect larvae and hunger, makes the
+disproportion of the means to the end apparent.
+
+Let us now add the consideration of the human race. The matter indeed
+becomes more complicated, and assumes a certain seriousness of aspect;
+but the fundamental character remains unaltered. Here also life presents
+itself by no means as a gift for enjoyment, but as a task, a drudgery to
+be performed; and in accordance with this we see, in great and small,
+universal need, ceaseless cares, constant pressure, endless strife,
+compulsory activity, with extreme exertion of all the powers of body and
+mind. Many millions, united into nations, strive for the common good,
+each individual on account of his own; but many thousands fall as a
+sacrifice for it. Now senseless delusions, now intriguing politics,
+incite them to wars with each other; then the sweat and the blood of the
+great multitude must flow, to carry out the ideas of individuals, or to
+expiate their faults. In peace industry and trade are active, inventions
+work miracles, seas are navigated, delicacies are collected from all
+ends of the world, the waves engulf thousands. All strive, some
+planning, others acting; the tumult is indescribable. But the ultimate
+aim of it all, what is it? To sustain ephemeral and tormented
+individuals through a short span of time in the most fortunate ease with
+endurable want and comparative freedom from pain, which, however, is at
+once attended with ennui; then the reproduction of this race and its
+striving. In this evident disproportion between the trouble and the
+reward, the will to live appears to us from this point of view, if taken
+objectively, as a fool, or subjectively, as a delusion, seized by which
+everything living works with the utmost exertion of its strength for
+something that is of no value. But when we consider it more closely, we
+shall find here also that it is rather a blind pressure, a tendency
+entirely without ground or motive.
+
+The law of motivation only extends to the particular actions, not to
+willing _as a whole and in general_. It depends upon this, that if we
+conceive of the human race and its action _as a whole and universally_,
+it does not present itself to us, as when we contemplate the particular
+actions, as a play of puppets who are pulled after the ordinary manner
+by threads outside them; but from this point of view, as puppets that
+are set in motion by internal clockwork. For if, as we have done above,
+one compares the ceaseless, serious, and laborious striving of men with
+what they gain by it, nay, even with what they ever can gain, the
+disproportion we have pointed out becomes apparent, for one recognizes
+that that which is to be gained, taken as the motive power, is entirely
+insufficient for the explanation of that movement and that ceaseless
+striving. What, then, is a short postponement of death, a slight easing
+of misery or deferment of pain, a momentary stilling of desire, compared
+with such an abundant and certain victory over them all as death? What
+could such advantages accomplish taken as actual moving causes of a
+human race, innumerable because constantly renewed, which unceasingly
+moves, strives, struggles, grieves, writhes, and performs the whole
+tragi-comedy of the history of the world, nay, what says more than all,
+_perseveres_ in such a mock-existence as long as each one possibly can?
+Clearly this is all inexplicable if we seek the moving causes outside
+the figures and conceive the human race as striving, in consequence of
+rational reflection, or something analogous to this (as moving threads),
+after those good things held out to it, the attainment of which would be
+a sufficient reward for its ceaseless cares and troubles. The matter
+being taken thus, everyone would rather have long ago said, "Le jeu ne
+vaut pas la chandelle," and have gone out. But, on the contrary,
+everyone guards and defends his life, like a precious pledge entrusted
+to him under heavy responsibility, under infinite cares and abundant
+misery, even under which life is tolerable. The wherefore and the why,
+the reward for this, certainly he does not see; but he has accepted the
+worth of that pledge without seeing it, upon trust and faith, and does
+not know what it consists in. Hence I have said that these puppets are
+not pulled from without, but each bears in itself the clockwork from
+which its movements result. This is _the will to live_, manifesting
+itself as an untiring machine, an irrational tendency, which has not its
+sufficient reason in the external world. It holds the individuals firmly
+upon the scene, and is the _primum mobile_ of their movements; while the
+external objects, the motives, only determine their direction in the
+particular case; otherwise the cause would not be at all suitable to the
+effect. For, as every manifestation of a force of nature has a cause,
+but the force of nature itself none, so every particular act of will has
+a motive, but the will in general has none: indeed at bottom these two
+are one and the same. The will, as that which is metaphysical, is
+everywhere the boundary-stone of every investigation, beyond which it
+cannot go. We often see a miserable figure, deformed and shrunk with
+age, want, and disease, implore our help from the bottom of his heart
+for the prolongation of an existence, the end of which would necessarily
+appear altogether desirable if it were an objective judgment that
+determined here. Thus instead of this it is the blind will, appearing as
+the tendency to life, the love of life, and the sense of life; it is the
+same which makes the plants grow. This sense of life may be compared to
+a rope which is stretched above the puppet show of the world of men, and
+on which the puppets hang by invisible threads, while apparently they
+are supported only by the ground beneath them (the objective value of
+life). But if the rope becomes weak the puppet sinks; if it breaks the
+puppet must fall, for the ground beneath it only seemed to support it:
+i.e., the weakening of that love of life shows itself as hypochondria,
+spleen, melancholy: its entire exhaustion as the inclination to suicide.
+And as with the persistence in life, so is it also with its action and
+movement. This is not something freely chosen; but while everyone would
+really gladly rest, want and ennui are the whips that keep the top
+spinning. Therefore everything is in continual strain and forced
+movement, and the course of the world goes on, to use an expression of
+Aristotle's (_De coelo_ ii. 13), [Greek: "ou physei, alla bia"] (_motu,
+non naturali sed molento_). Men are only apparently drawn from in front;
+really they are pushed from behind; it is not life that tempts them on,
+but necessity that drives them forward. The law of motivation is, like
+all causality, merely the form of the phenomenon.
+
+In all these considerations, then, it becomes clear to us that the will
+to live is not a consequence of the knowledge of life, is in no way a
+_conclusio ex praemissis_, and in general is nothing secondary. Rather,
+it is that which is first and unconditioned, the premiss of all
+premisses, and just on that account that from which philosophy must
+_start_, for the will to live does not appear in consequence of the
+world, but the world in consequence of the will to live.
+
+
+III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
+
+
+1. Progress and Social Research
+
+The problem of progress comes back finally to the problem of the
+ultimate good. If the world is getting better, measured by this ultimate
+standard, then there is progress. If it is growing worse, then there is
+retrogression. But in regard to the ultimate good there is no agreement.
+What is temporary gain may be ultimate loss. What is one man's evil may
+be, and often seems to be, another man's good. In the final analysis
+what seems evil may turn out to be good and what seems good may be an
+eventual evil. But this is a problem in philosophy which sociology is
+not bound to solve before it undertakes to describe society. It does not
+even need to discuss it. Sociology, just as any other natural science,
+accepts the current values of the community. The physician, like the
+social worker, assumes that health is a social value. With this as a
+datum his studies are directed to the discovery of the nature and causes
+of diseases, and to the invention of devices for curing them. There is
+just as much, and no more, reason for a sociologist to formulate a
+doctrine of social progress as there is for the physician to do so. Both
+are concerned with specific problems for which they are seeking specific
+remedies.
+
+If there are social processes and predictable forms of change in
+society, then there are methods of human intervention in the processes
+of society, methods of controlling these processes in the interest of
+the ends of human life, methods of progress in other words. If there are
+no intelligible or describable social processes, then there may be
+progress, but there will be no sociology and no _methods of progress_.
+We can only hope and pray.
+
+It is not impossible to formulate a definition of progress which does
+not assume the perfectibility of mankind, which does not regard progress
+as a necessity, and which does not assume to say with finality what has
+happened or is likely to happen to humanity as a whole.[346]
+
+Progress may be considered as the addition to the sum of accumulated
+experience, tradition, and technical devices organized for social
+efficiency. This is at once a definition of progress and of
+civilization, in which civilization is the sum of social efficiencies
+and progress consists of the units (additions) of which it is composed.
+Defined in these terms, progress turns out to be a relative, local,
+temporal, and secular phenomenon. It is possible, theoretically at
+least, to compare one community with another with respect to their
+relative efficiency and their relative progress in efficiency, just as
+we can compare one institution with another in respect to its efficiency
+and progress. It is even possible to measure the progress of humanity in
+so far as humanity can be said to be organized for social action.
+
+This is in fact the point of view which sociologists have adopted as
+soon as progress ceased to be, for sociology, a matter of definition and
+became a matter of observation and research. Score cards for
+neighborhoods and for rural communities have already been devised.[347]
+
+
+2. Indices of Progress
+
+A few years ago, Walter F. Willcox, in an article "A Statistician's Idea
+of Progress," sought to define certain indices of social progress which
+would make it possible to measure progress statistically. "If progress
+be merely a subjective term," he admitted, "statistics can throw no
+light upon it because all such ends as happiness, or self-realization,
+or social service are incapable of statistical measurement." Statistics
+works with indices, characteristics which are accessible to measurement
+but are "correlated with some deeper immeasurable characteristic." Mr.
+Willcox took as his indices of progress:
+
+ 1. Increase in population.
+ 2. Length of life.
+ 3. Uniformity in population.
+ 4. Racial homogeneity.
+ 5. Literacy.
+ 6. Decrease of the divorce rate.
+
+Certainly these indices, like uniformity, are mere temporary measures of
+progress, since diversity in the population is not per se an evil. It
+becomes so only when the diversities in the community are so great as
+to endanger its solidarity. Applying his indices to the United States,
+Mr. Willcox sums up the result as follows:
+
+ The net result is to indicate for the United States a rapid
+ increase of population and probable increase in length of life,
+ and increase in racial uniformity and perhaps in uniformity of
+ other sorts connected with immigration, and at the same time a
+ decrease in uniformity in the stability and social
+ serviceability of family life. Some of these indications look
+ towards progress, others look towards retrogression. As they
+ cannot be reduced to any common denominator, the statistical
+ method is unable to answer the question with which we
+ started.[348]
+
+The securing of indices which will measure satisfactorily even such
+social values as are generally accepted is difficult. The problem of
+giving each index in the series a value or weight in proportion to the
+value of all the others is still more difficult. This statement, at any
+rate, illustrates the procedure and the method.
+
+The whole subject of numerical indices for the measurement of
+civilization and progress has recently been discussed in a little volume
+by Alfredo Niceforo,[349] professor in the School of Criminal Law at
+Rome. He proposes as indices of progress:
+
+1. The increase in wealth and in the consumption of goods, and the
+diminution of the mortality rate. These are evidences of material
+progress.
+
+2. The diffusion of culture, and "when it becomes possible to measure
+it," the productivity of men of genius. This is the measure of
+intellectual superiority.
+
+3. Moral progress he would measure in terms of crime.
+
+4. There remains the social and political organization, which he would
+measure in terms of the increase and decrease of individual liberty.
+
+In all these attempts to measure the progress of the community the
+indices have invariably shown progression in some direction,
+retrogression in others.
+
+From the point of view of social research the problem of progress is
+mainly one of getting devices that will measure all the different
+factors of progress and of estimating the relative value of different
+factors in the progress of the community.
+
+
+SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+1. THE DEFINITION OF PROGRESS
+
+(1) Dewey, John. "Progress," _International Journal of Ethics_, XXVI
+(1916), 311-22.
+
+(2) Bury, J. B. _The Idea of Progress_. An inquiry into its origin and
+growth. London, 1921.
+
+(3) Bryce, James. "What is Progress?" _Atlantic Monthly_, C (1907),
+145-56.
+
+(4) Todd, A. J. _Theories of Social Progress_. A critical attempt to
+formulate the conditions of human advance. New York, 1918.
+
+(5) Woods, E. B. "Progress as a Sociological Concept," _American Journal
+of Sociology_, XII (1906-7), 779-821.
+
+(6) Cooley, Charles H. _The Social Process_. Chap, xxvii, "The Sphere of
+Pecuniary Valuation," pp. 309-28. New York, 1918.
+
+(7) Mackenzie, J. S. "The Idea of Progress," _International Journal of
+Ethics_, IX (1899), 195-213.
+
+(8) Bergson, H. _Creative Evolution_. New York, 1911.
+
+(9) Frobenius, L. _Die Weltanschauung der Naturvölker_. Weimar, 1899.
+
+(10) Inge, W. R. _The Idea of Progress_. The Romanes Lecture, 1920.
+Oxford, 1920.
+
+(11) Balfour, Arthur J. _Arthur James Balfour, as Philosopher and
+Thinker_. A collection of the more important and interesting passages in
+his non-political writings, speeches, and addresses, 1879-1912. Selected
+and arranged by Wilfrid M. Short. "Progress," pp. 413-35. London and New
+York, 1912.
+
+(12) Carpenter, Edward. _Civilization, Its Cause and Cure_. And other
+essays. New and enlarged ed. London and New York, 1917.
+
+(13) Nordau, Max S. _The Interpretation of History_. Translated from the
+German by M. A. Hamilton. Chap viii, "The Question of Progress." New
+York, 1911.
+
+(14) Sorel, Georges. _Les Illusions du progrès_. 2d ed. Paris, 1911.
+
+(15) Allier, R. "Pessimisme et civilisation," _Revue Encyclopédique_, V
+(1895), 70-73.
+
+(16) Simmel, Georg. "Moral Deficiencies as Determining Intellectual
+Functions," _International Journal of Ethics_, III (1893), 490-507.
+
+(17) Delvaille, Jules. _Essai sur histoire de l'idée de progrès jusq'à
+la fin du 18ième siècle_. Paris, 1910.
+
+(18) Sergi, G. "Qualche idea sul progresso umano," _Rivista italiana di
+sociologia_, XVII (1893), 1-8.
+
+(19) Barth, Paul. "Die Frage des sittlichen Fortschritts der
+Menschheit," _Vierteljahrsschrift für wissenschaftliche Philosophie_,
+XXIII (1899), 75-116.
+
+(20) Lankester, E. Ray. _Degeneration_. A chapter in Darwinism, and
+parthenogenesis. Humboldt Library of Science. New York. 18--.
+
+(21) Lloyd, A.H. "The Case of Purpose against Fate in History,"
+_American Journal of Sociology_, XVII (1911-12), 491-511.
+
+(22) Case, Clarence M. "Religion and the Concept of Progress," _Journal
+of Religion_, I (1921), 160-73.
+
+(23) Reclus, E. "The Progress of Mankind," _Contemporary Review_, LXX
+(1896), 761-83.
+
+(24) Bushee, F. A. "Science and Social Progress," _Popular Science
+Monthly_, LXXIX (1911), 236-51.
+
+(25) Jankelevitch, S. "Du Rôle des idées dans l'évolution des sociétés,"
+_Revue philosophique_, LXVI (1908), 256-80.
+
+
+II. HISTORY, THE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY AND PROGRESS
+
+(1) Condorcet, Marquis de. _History of the Progress of the Human Mind_.
+London, 1795.
+
+(2) Comte, Auguste. _The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte_.
+(Translated from the French by Harriet Martineau) Book VI, chap, ii, vi.
+2d ed. 2 vols. London, 1875-90.
+
+(3) Caird, Edward. _The Social Philosophy and Religion of Comte_. 2d ed.
+Glasgow and New York, 1893.
+
+(4) Buckle, Henry Thomas. _History of Civilization in England_. 2 vols.
+From 2d London ed. New York, 1903.
+
+(5) Condorcet, Marie J.A.C. _Esquisse d'un tableau historique des
+progrès de l'esprit humain_. 2 vols in one. Paris, 1902.
+
+(6) Harris, George. _Civilization Considered as a Science_. In relation
+to its essence, its elements, and its end. London, 1861.
+
+(7) Lamprecht, Karl. _Alte und neue Richtungen in der
+Geschichtswissenschaft_. Berlin, 1896.
+
+(8) ----. "Individualität, Idee und sozialpsychische Kraft in der
+Geschichte," _Jahrbücher für National-Ökonomie und Statistik_, XIII
+(1897), 880-900.
+
+(9) Barth, Paul. _Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie_. Erster
+Teil, "Einleitung und kritische Übersicht." Leipzig, 1897.
+
+(10) Rickert, Heinrich. _Die Grenzen der Naturwissenschaftlichen
+Begriffsbildung_. Leipzig, 1902.
+
+(11) Simmel, Georg. _Die Problems der Geschichtsphilosophie_. Eine
+erkenntnistheoretische Studie. 2d ed. Leipzig, 1905.
+
+(12) Mill, John Stuart. _A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and
+Inductive_. Being a connected view of the principles of evidence and the
+methods of scientific investigation. 8th ed. New York and London, 1900.
+
+(13) Letelier, Valentin. _La Evoluçion de la historia_. 2d ed. 2 vols.
+Santiago de Chile, 1900.
+
+(14) Teggart, Frederick J. _The Processes of History._ New Haven, 1918.
+
+(15) Znaniecki, Florian. _Cultural Reality._ Chicago, 1919.
+
+(16) Hibben, J. G. "The Philosophical Aspects of Evolution,"
+_Philosophical Review_, XIX (1910), 113-36.
+
+(17) Bagehot, Walter. _Physics and Politics._ Or thoughts on the
+application of the principles of "natural selection" and "inheritance"
+to political society. Chap. vi, "Verifiable Progress Politically
+Considered," pp. 205-24. New York, 1906.
+
+(18) Crawley, A. E. "The Unconscious Reason in Social Evolution,"
+_Sociological Review_, VI (1913), 236-41.
+
+(19) Froude, James A. "Essay on Progress," _Short Studies on Great
+Subjects._ 2d Ser. II, 245-79, 4 vols. New York, 1888-91.
+
+(20) Morley, John. "Some Thoughts on Progress," _Educational Review_,
+XXIX (1905), 1-17.
+
+
+III. EVOLUTION AND PROGRESS
+
+(1) Spencer, Herbert. "Progress, Its Law and Cause," _Westminster
+Review_, LXVII (1857), 445-85. [Reprinted in Everyman's edition of his
+_Essays_, pp. 153-97. New York, 1866.]
+
+(2) Federici, Romolo. _Les Lois du Progrès._ II, 32-35, 44, 127, 136,
+146-47, 158 ff., 223, etc. 2 vols. Paris, 1888-91.
+
+(3) Baldwin, James Mark. _Development and Evolution._ Including
+psychophysical evolution, evolution by orthoplasy, and the theory of
+genetic modes. New York, 1902.
+
+(4) Adams, Brooks. _The Law of Civilization and Decay._ An essay on
+history. New York and London, 1903.
+
+(5) Kidd, Benjamin. _Principles of Western Civilization._ London, 1902.
+
+(6) ----. _Social Evolution._ New ed. New York and London, 1896.
+
+(7) Müller-Lyer, F. _Phasen der Kultur und Richtungslinien des
+Fortschritts._ Soziologische Überblicke. München, 1908.
+
+(8) McGee, W. J. "The Trend of Human Progress," _American
+Anthropologist_, N. S., I (1899), 401-47.
+
+(9) Carver, Thomas N. _Sociology and Social Progress._ A handbook for
+students of sociology. Boston, 1905.
+
+(10) Weber, L. _Le Rythme du progrès._ Étude sociologique. Paris, 1913.
+
+(11) Baldwin, J. Mark. _Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental
+Development._ Chap. xiv. "Social Progress," pp. 537-50. New York, 1906.
+
+(12) Kropotkin, P. _Mutual Aid._ A factor of evolution. London, 1902.
+
+(13) Wallace, Alfred R. _Social Environment and Moral Progress._ London
+and New York, 1913.
+
+(14) Freeman, R. Austin. _Social Decay and Regeneration._ With an
+introduction by Havelock Ellis. Boston, 1921.
+
+
+IV. EUGENICS AND PROGRESS
+
+(1) Galton, Francis, and others. "Eugenics, Its Scope and Aims,"
+_American Journal of Sociology_, X (1904-5), 1-25.
+
+(2) Saleeby, Caleb W. _The Progress of Eugenics._ London, 1914.
+
+(3) Ellis, Havelock. _The Problem of Race Regeneration._ New York, 1911.
+
+(4) Pearson, Karl. _National Life from the Standpoint of Science._ 2d
+ed. London, 1905.
+
+(5) Saleeby, Caleb W. _Methods of Race Regeneration._ New York, 1911.
+
+(6) Davenport, C. B. _Heredity in Relation to Eugenics._ New York, 1911.
+
+(7) Demoor, Massart, et Vandervelde. _L'Évolution régressive en biologie
+et en sociologie._ Paris, 1897.
+
+(8) Thomson, J. Arthur. "Eugenics and War," _Eugenics Review_, VII
+(1915-16), 1-14.
+
+(9) Southard, E. E. "Eugenics _vs._ Cacogenics," _Journal of Heredity_,
+V (1914), 408-14.
+
+(10) Conn, Herbert W. _Social Heredity and Social Evolution._ The other
+side of eugenics. Cincinnati, 1914.
+
+(11) Popenoe, Paul, and Johnson, R. H. _Applied Eugenics._ New York,
+1918.
+
+(12) Kelsey, Carl. "Influence of Heredity and Environment upon Race
+Improvement," _Annals of the American Academy_, XXXIV (1909) 3-8.
+
+(13) Ward, L. F. "Eugenics, Euthenics and Eudemics," _American Journal
+of Sociology_, XVIII (1912-13), 737-54.
+
+
+V. PROGRESS AND THE MORAL ORDER
+
+(1) Harrison, Frederic. _Order and Progress._ London, 1875.
+
+(2) Hobhouse, Leonard T. _Social Evolution and Political Theory._ Chaps,
+i, ii, vii, pp. 1-39; 149-65. New York, 1911.
+
+(3) ----. _Morals in Evolution._ A study in comparative ethics. 2 vols.
+New York, 1906.
+
+(4) Alexander, Samuel. _Moral Order and Progress._ An analysis of
+ethical conceptions. 2d ed. London, 1891.
+
+(5) Chapin, F. S. "Moral Progress," _Popular Science Monthly_, LXXXVI
+(1915), 467-71.
+
+(6) Keller, Albert G. _Societal Evolution._ New York, 1915.
+
+(7) Dellepiane, A. "Le Progrès et sa formule. La lutte pour le progrès,"
+_Revue Internationale de sociologie_, XX (1912), 1-30.
+
+(8) Burgess, Ernest W. _The Function of Socialization in Social
+Evolution._ Chicago, 1916.
+
+(9) Ellwood, C. A. "The Educational Theory of Social Progress,"
+_Scientific Monthly_, V (1917), 439-50.
+
+(10) Bosanquet, Helen. "The Psychology of Social Progress,"
+_International Journal of Ethics_, VII (1896-97), 265-81.
+
+(11) Perry, Ralph Barton. _The Moral Economy_. Chap, iv, "The Moral Test
+of Progress," pp. 123-70. New York, 1909.
+
+(12) Patten, S. N. "Theories of Progress," _American Economic Review_,
+II (1912), 61-68.
+
+(13) Alexander, H. B. "The Belief in God and Immortality as Factors in
+Race Progress." _Hibbert Journal_, IX (1910-11), 169-87.
+
+
+VI. UTOPIAS
+
+(1) Plato. _The Republic of Plato_. Translated into English by Benjamin
+Jowett. 2 vols. Oxford, 1908.
+
+(2) More, Thomas. _The "Utopia" of Sir Thomas More_. Ralph Robinson's
+translation, with Roper's "Life of More" and some of his letters.
+London, 1910.
+
+(3) _Ideal Commonwealths_. Comprising More's "Utopia," Bacon's "New
+Atlantis," Campanella's "City of the Sun," and Harrington's "Oceana,"
+with introductions by Henry Morley. Rev. ed. New York, 1901.
+
+(4) Kaufmann, Moritz. _Utopias, or Schemes of Social Improvement_. From
+Sir Thomas More to Karl Marx. London, 1879.
+
+(5) Bacon, Francis. _New Atlantis_. Oxford, 1915.
+
+(6) Campanella, Tommaso. _La città di sole e aforasmi politici_.
+Lanciana, Carabba, 19--.
+
+(7) Andreä, Johann V. _Christianopolis_. An ideal state of the
+seventeenth century. Translated from the Latin by T. E. Held. New York,
+1916.
+
+(8) Harrington, James. _The Oceana of James Harrington_. London, 1700.
+
+(9) Mandeville, Bernard de. _Fable of the Bees_. Or private vices,
+public benefits. Edinburgh, 1772. [First published in 1714.]
+
+(10) Cabet, Étienne. _Voyage en Icarie_. 5th ed. Paris, 1848.
+
+(11) Butler, Samuel. _Erewhon: or over the Range_. New York, 1917.
+[First published in 1872.]
+
+(12) ----. _Erewhon Revisited Twenty Years Later_. New York, 1901.
+
+(13) Lytton, Edward Bulwer. _The Coming Race_. London, 1871.
+
+(14) Bellamy, Edward. _Looking Backward, 2000-1887_. Boston, 1898.
+
+(15) Morris, William. _News from Nowhere_. Or an epoch of rest, being
+some chapters from a utopian romance. New York, 1910. [First published
+in 1891.]
+
+(16) Hertzka, Theodor. _Freeland_. A social anticipation. New York,
+1891.
+
+(17) Wells, H. G. _A Modern Utopia_. New York, 1905.
+
+(18) ----. _New Worlds for Old_. New York, 1908.
+
+
+VII. PROGRESS AND SOCIAL WELFARE
+
+(1) Crozier, John B. _Civilization and Progress_. 3d ed., pp. 366-440.
+London and New York, 1892.
+
+(2) Obolensky, L. E. ["Self-Consciousness of Classes in Social
+Progress"] _Voprosy filosofii i psichologuïi_, VII (1896), 521-51.
+[Short review in _Revue philosophique_, XLIV (1897), 106.]
+
+(3) Mallock, William H. _Aristocracy and Evolution_. A study of the
+rights, the origin, and the social functions of the wealthier classes.
+London, 1898.
+
+(4) Tenney, E. P. _Contrasts in Social Progress_. New York, 1907.
+
+(5) Hall, Arthur C. _Crime in Its Relations to Social Progress_. New
+York, 1902.
+
+(6) Hughes, Charles E. _Conditions of Progress in a Democratic
+Government_. New Haven, 1910.
+
+(7) Parmelee, Maurice. _Poverty and Social Progress_. Chaps. vi-vii. New
+York, 1916.
+
+(8) George, Henry. _Progress and Poverty_. Book X, chap. iii. New York,
+1899.
+
+(9) Nasmyth, George. _Social Progress and the Darwinian Theory_. New
+York, 1916.
+
+(10) Harris, George. _Inequality and Progress_. New York, 1897.
+
+(11) Irving, L. "The Drama as a Factor in Social Progress," _Fortnightly
+Review_, CII (1914), 268-74.
+
+(12) Salt, Henry S. _Animal Rights Considered in Relation to Social
+Progress_. New York, 1894.
+
+(13) Delabarre, Frank A. "Civilisation and Its Effects on Morbidity and
+Mortality," _Journal of Sociologic Medicine_, XIX (1918), 220-23.
+
+(14) Knopf, S. A. "The Effects of Civilisation on the Morbidity and
+Mortality of Tuberculosis," _Journal of Sociologic Medicine_, XX (1919),
+5-15.
+
+(15) Giddings, Franklin H. "The Ethics of Social Progress," in the
+collection _Philanthropy and Social Progress_. Seven essays ...
+delivered before the School of Applied Ethics at Plymouth, Mass., during
+the session of 1892. With introduction by Professor Henry C. Adams. New
+York and Boston, 1893.
+
+(16) Morgan, Alexander. _Education and Social Progress_. Chaps. vi,
+ix-xxi. London and New York, 1916.
+
+(17) Butterfield, K. L. _Chapters in Rural Progress._ Chicago, 1908.
+
+(18) Robertson, John M. _The Economics of Progress._ New York, 1918.
+
+(19) Willcox, Walter F. "A Statistician's Idea of Progress,"
+_International Journal of Ethics_, XXIII (1913), 275-98.
+
+(20) Zueblin, Charles. _American Municipal Progress._ Rev. ed. New York,
+1916.
+
+(21) Niceforo, Alfredo. _Les Indices numérique de la civilisation et du
+progrès_. Paris, 1921.
+
+(22) Todd, A. J. _Theories of Social Progress._ Chap, vii, "The Criteria
+of Progress," pp. 113-53. New York, 1918.
+
+
+TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES
+
+1. The History of the Concept of Progress
+
+2. Popular Notions of Progress
+
+3. The Natural History of Progress: Evolution of Physical and Mental
+Traits, Economic Progress, Moral Development, Intellectual Development,
+Social Evolution
+
+4. Stages of Progress: Determined by Type of Control over Nature, Type
+of Social Organization, Type of Communication, etc.
+
+5. Score Cards and Scales for Grading Communities and Neighborhoods
+
+6. Progress as Wish-Fulfilment: an Analysis of Utopias
+
+7. Criteria or Indices of Progress: Physical, Mental, Intellectual,
+Economic, Moral, Social, etc.
+
+8. Progress as an Incident of the Cosmic Process
+
+9. Providence versus Progress
+
+10. Happiness as the Goal of Progress
+
+11. Progress as Social Change
+
+12. Progress as Social Evolution
+
+13. Progress as Social Control
+
+14. Progress and the Science of Eugenics
+
+15. Progress and Socialization
+
+16. Control through Eugenics, Education, and Legislation
+
+
+QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
+
+1. What do you understand by progress?
+
+2. How do you explain the fact that the notion of progress originated?
+
+3. What is the relation of change to progress?
+
+4. What is Spencer's law of evolution? Is it an adequate generalization?
+What is its value?
+
+5. Why do we speak of "stages of progress"?
+
+6. To what extent has progress been a result (a) of eugenics, (b) of
+tradition?
+
+7. What do you understand by progress as (a) a historical process, and
+(b) increase in the content of civilization?
+
+8. What is the relation of progress to happiness?
+
+9. "We have confused rapidity of change with progress." Explain.
+
+10. "Progress is not automatic." Elaborate your position with reference
+to this statement.
+
+11. What is the relation of prevision to progress?
+
+12. Do you believe that mankind can control and determine progress?
+
+13. "Our expectations of limitless progress cannot depend upon the
+deliberate action of national governments." Contrast this statement of
+Balfour with the statement of Dewey.
+
+14. "A community founded on argument would dissolve into its constituent
+elements." Discuss this statement.
+
+15. What is Galton's conception of progress?
+
+16. What would you say to the possibility or the impossibility of the
+suggestion of eugenics becoming a religious dogma as suggested by
+Galton?
+
+17. What is the relation, as conceived by the eugenists, as between germ
+plasm and culture?
+
+18. Is progress dependent upon change in human nature?
+
+19. How are certain persistent traits of human nature related to
+progress?
+
+20. What is meant by the statement that progress is in the mores?
+
+21. What are the different types of progress analyzed by Bryce? Has
+advance in each of them been uniform in the last one thousand years?
+
+22. Does war make for or against progress?
+
+23. What is the relation of freedom to progress?
+
+24. What place has the myth in progress?
+
+25. To what extent is progress as a process of realizing values a matter
+of temperament, of optimism, and of pessimism?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[322] Robert Flint, _The Philosophy of History in Europe_, I, 29-30.
+(London, 1874.)
+
+[323] W. R. Inge, _Outspoken Essays_, i, "Our Present Discontents," p.
+2. (London, 1919.)
+
+[324] Charles Booth, _Labour and Life of the People_, I, 154-55, 598. 2d
+ed. (London, 1889.)
+
+[325] Charles Cooley, _The Social Process_, p. 284. (New York, 1918.)
+
+[326] Charles Zueblin, _American Municipal Progress_, pp. xi-xii. New
+and rev. ed. (New York, 1916.)
+
+[327] R. Austin Freeman, _Social Decay and Regeneration_. With an
+introduction by Havelock Ellis. Pp. 16-17. (Boston, 1921.)
+
+[328] J. B. Bury, _The Idea of Progress._ An inquiry into its origin and
+growth, p. 1. (London, 1921.)
+
+[329] W. R. Inge, _The Idea of Progress_, p. 9. The Romanes Lecture,
+1920. (Oxford, 1920.)
+
+[330] Author of _The Passing of a Great Race, or the Racial Basis of
+European History_. (New York, 1916.)
+
+[331] See Stoddard Lothrop, _The Rising Tide of Color against White
+World-Supremacy_ (New York, 1920); and William McDougall, _Is America
+Safe for Democracy?_ (New York, 1921.)
+
+[332] Thomas H. Huxley, _Evolution and Ethics and Other Lectures_,
+Lecture ii, pp. 46-116. (New York, 1894.)
+
+[333] Adapted from F. S. Marvin, _Progress and History_, pp. 8-10.
+(Oxford University Press, 1916.
+
+[334] Adapted from Herbert Spencer, _Essays_, I, 8-10. (D. Appleton &
+Co., 1899.)
+
+[335] Adapted from Auguste Comte, _Positive Philosophy_, II, 124.
+(Trübner & Co., 1875.)
+
+[336] Adapted from Leonard T. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political
+Theory_, pp. 29-39. (The Columbia University Press, 1911.)
+
+[337] From Lester F. Ward, _Dynamic Sociology_, II, 174-77. (D. Appleton
+& Co., 1893.)
+
+[338] Adapted from John Dewey, "Progress," in the _International Journal
+of Ethics_, XXVI (1916), 312-18.
+
+[339] From _The Mind of Arthur James Balfour_, by Wilfrid M. Short, pp.
+293-97. (Copyright 1918, George H. Doran Company, publishers.)
+
+[340] From Francis Galton, "Eugenics: Its Definition, Scope, and Aims,"
+in the _American Journal of Sociology_, X (1904-5), 1-6.
+
+[341] Adapted from G. Santayana, _Winds of Doctrine_, pp. 6-8. (Charles
+Scribner's Sons, 1913.)
+
+[342] Adapted from W. G. Sumner, "The Mores of the Present and the
+Future," in the _Yale Review_, XVIII (1909-10), 235-36. (Quoted by
+special permission of the _Yale Review_.)
+
+[343] Adapted from James Bryce, "War and Human Progress," in
+_International Conciliation_, CVIII (November, 1916), 13-27.
+
+[344] From Henri Bergson, _Creative Evolution_, translated by Arthur
+Mitchell, pp. 253-71. (Henry Holt & Co., 1913.)
+
+[345] From Arthur Schopenhauer, _The World as Will and Idea_, III,
+107-18. (Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1909.)
+
+[346] Scientific optimism was no doubt rampant before Darwin. For
+example, Herschel says: "Man's progress towards a higher state need
+never fear a check, but must continue till the very last existence of
+history." But Herbert Spencer asserts the perfectibility of man with an
+assurance which makes us gasp. "Progress is not an accident, but a
+necessity. What we call evil and immorality must disappear. It is
+certain that man must become perfect." "The ultimate development of the
+ideal man is certain--as certain as any conclusion in which we place the
+most implicit faith; for instance, that all men will die." "Always
+towards perfection is the mighty movement--towards a complete
+development and a more unmixed good."--W. R. Inge, _The Idea of
+Progress_, p. 9. (Oxford, 1920.)
+
+[347] "Scale for Grading Neighborhood Conditions," _Publications of the
+Whittier State School, Research Bulletin, No. 5_, Whittier, Cal., May,
+1917. "Guide to the Grading of Neighborhoods," _Publications of the
+Whittier State School, Research Bulletin, No. 8_, Whittier, Cal., April,
+1918. Dwight Sanderson, "Scale for Grading Social Conditions in Rural
+Communities," _New York State Agricultural College Bulletin_ [in press],
+Ithaca, N.Y., 1921.
+
+[348] "A Statistician's Idea of Progress," _International Journal of
+Ethics_, XVIII (1913), 296.
+
+[349] _Les indices numériques de la civilisation et du progrès_. (Paris,
+1921.)
+
+
+
+
+INDEX OF NAMES
+
+
+[Page numbers in italics refer to selections or short extracts.]
+
+Abbott, Edith, 223, 569.
+
+Abbott, Grace, 780.
+
+Abraham, Karl, 857.
+
+Abrahams, I., 943.
+
+Abrikossof, N. A., 649.
+
+Achelis, T., 937.
+
+Adams, Brewster, 643, 656.
+
+Adams, Brooks, 950, 1006.
+
+Adams, Charles C., 218, 554.
+
+Adams, Charles F., _760_.
+
+Adams, Franklin P., _834_.
+
+Adams, Henry, _5_, 14, _15_, 563.
+
+Addams, Jane, 329, 331, 335.
+
+Addison, Joseph, 66.
+
+Adler, Alfred, 144, 150, 497, 501, 638, 645, 646.
+
+Adler, H. M., 936.
+
+Alexander, H. B., 1008.
+
+Alexander, Samuel, 1007.
+
+Alexander the Great, 987.
+
+Alfred [_pseud._], _see_ Kydd, Samuel.
+
+Alher, R., 1004.
+
+Ambrosio, M. A. d', 566.
+
+Ames, Edward S., 426.
+
+Amiel, H., 151.
+
+Ammon, Dr. O., 535.
+
+Amsden, G. S., 152.
+
+Anderson, Wilbert L., 334.
+
+Andreä, Johann V., 1008.
+
+Andrews, Alexander, 860.
+
+Andrews, John B., 942.
+
+Anthony, Katharine S., 151, 942.
+
+Anthony, Susan B., 949.
+
+Antin, Mary, 774, 782, 783.
+
+Antony, Marc, 386.
+
+Archer, T. A., 941.
+
+Arcoleo, G., 649.
+
+Aria, E., 948.
+
+Aristotle, 11, 29, 30, 32, 61, 140, 144, 156, 223, 231, 261, 373, 640, 1000.
+
+Aronovici, Carol, 218, 782.
+
+Atkinson, Charles M., 949.
+
+Aubry, P., 937, 938.
+
+Audoux, Marguerite, 151.
+
+Auerbach, Bertrand, 275, 660, 778.
+
+Augustinus, Aurelius (Saint Augustine), 122, 144, 150.
+
+Austin, George L., 949.
+
+Austin, John, 106.
+
+Austin, Mary, _881-83_.
+
+Avebury, _Lord_, 649.
+
+
+Bab, Julius, 731.
+
+Babbitt, Eugene H., 275, _754-56_.
+
+Babinski, J. F., 648.
+
+Bachofen, J. J., 214, 220.
+
+Bacon, Lord Francis, 66, _233-34_, 1008.
+
+Baden-Powell, H., 219.
+
+Baer, Karl Ernst von, 967.
+
+Bagehot, Walter, 423, 429, _495-96_, 563, 564, 646.
+
+Bailey, Thomas P., 652, 728.
+
+Bailey, W. F., 778.
+
+Bailie, William, 565.
+
+Bakeless, John, 648.
+
+Baker, Ray Stannard, 643, 651, 658, 936.
+
+Balch, Emily G., 781.
+
+Baldwin, J. Mark, 41, 85, 149, 150, 390, 423, 425, 429, 646, 663, 719, 725,
+775, 1006.
+
+Balfour, Arthur James, 964, _977-79_, 1004.
+
+Ballagh, James C., 728.
+
+Bancroft, H. H., 942.
+
+Bang, J. P., 650.
+
+Barbellion, W. N. P. [_pseud._], _see_ Cummings, B. F.
+
+Barclay, Robert, 944.
+
+Baring Gould, S., 274.
+
+Barnes, Harry E., 659.
+
+Barr, Martin W., 935.
+
+Barrère, Albert, 428.
+
+Barrow, _Sir_ John, 275.
+
+Barrows, Samuel J., 781.
+
+Barth, Paul, _4_, 211, 1004, 1005.
+
+Bartlett, David W., 949.
+
+Bastian, A., 673, 787.
+
+Bastiat, Frederic, _505-6_, _552-53_, 563, 573.
+
+Bates, Jean V., 778.
+
+Bauer, Arthur, 729.
+
+Bauer, Otto, 777.
+
+Bax, Ernest B., 944.
+
+Beard, Charles A., 498, 658.
+
+Beaulieu, P. Leroy, _see_ Leroy-Beaulieu, P.
+
+Bechterew, W. v, _123-25_, 150, 157, 345, _408-12_, _415-20_,
+424, 430, 433, 434, 494, 501.
+
+Beck, von, 179.
+
+Beddoe, _Dr._ John, 536.
+
+Beecher, Franklin A., 940.
+
+Beer, M., 566.
+
+Beers, C. W., 152.
+
+Beethoven, Ludwig von, 228.
+
+Begbie, Harold, 727, 942.
+
+Behn, 366.
+
+Belisle, A., 946.
+
+Bell, Alexander G., 276.
+
+Bell, Sir Charles, 421.
+
+Bellamy, Edward, 1008.
+
+Bellet, Daniel, 947.
+
+Bennett, Arnold, 216.
+
+Bentham, Jeremy, 106, 500, 940, 949.
+
+Bentley, A. F., _458-61_, 501, 503.
+
+Bergson, Henri, 373, 374, 422, 426, 964, _989-94_, 1004.
+
+Bernard, Luther L., 854.
+
+Bernhard, L., 275, 770, 946.
+
+Bernheim, A., 430.
+
+Bertillon, Jacques, 265.
+
+Besant, Annie, 120, 121, 559, 949.
+
+Besant, Walter, 335.
+
+Best, Harry, 276, 567.
+
+Bevan, Edwyn R., 659.
+
+Beveridge, W. H., 567.
+
+Bhattacharya, Jogendra N., 728.
+
+Bigg, Ada H., 948.
+
+Binet, Alfred, _113-17_, 145, 150, 154, 424, 430, 496.
+
+Bing, Alexander M., 652.
+
+Bismarck, 238, 239, 789.
+
+Blackmar, F. W., 499, 779.
+
+Blair, R. H., 362, 366.
+
+Blanchard, Phyllis, 646.
+
+Bloch, Iwan, 221, 333.
+
+Blondel, H., 729.
+
+Blowitz, Henri de, 859.
+
+Blumenbach, J. F., 243.
+
+Bluntschli, Johann K., 658, 858.
+
+Blyden, Edward W., 651.
+
+Boas, Franz, 19, 154, 332, 660, 725, 730, 770, 777, 938.
+
+Bodenhafer, Walter B., 48.
+
+Böhme Margarete, 650.
+
+Bohannon, E. W., 273.
+
+Bois, Henri, 943.
+
+Bonger, W. A., 562, 569.
+
+Bonnaterre, J. P., 277.
+
+Boodin, J. E., 425.
+
+Booth, Charles, 44, _45_, 59, 212, 219, 335, 955.
+
+Booth, William, 942.
+
+Borght, R. van der, 427.
+
+Bosanquet, Helen, 215, 222, 1008.
+
+Bossuet, J. B., 906.
+
+Botsford, George W., 940.
+
+Bouglé, C., 728, 729.
+
+Bourde, Paul, 654.
+
+Bourgoing, P. de, 275, 945.
+
+Bourne, _Rev._ Ansel, 472, 473.
+
+Bourne, H. R. Fox, 564, 859.
+
+Boutmy, Émile, 940.
+
+Boutroux, Pierre 650.
+
+Bradford, Gamaliel, Jr., 731.
+
+Bradlaugh, Charles, 559.
+
+Bradley, F. H., 106.
+
+Bradley, Henry, 941.
+
+Braid, James, 424.
+
+Brailsford, H. N., 651.
+
+Braithwaite, W. C., 944.
+
+Brancoff, D. M., 946.
+
+Brandenburg, Broughton, 780.
+
+Brandes, Georg, 141, 498, 778.
+
+Braubach, Prof., 810.
+
+Breckinridge, Sophonisba P., 222, 223, 569, 782.
+
+Brehm, A. E., 810.
+
+Brent, Charles H., 855.
+
+Brentano, Lujo, 500, 658.
+
+Breuer, J., 838.
+
+Bridges, 368.
+
+Bridges, Horace, 782.
+
+Bridgman, Laura, 244, 366.
+
+Bright, John, 447.
+
+Brill, A. A., 273.
+
+Brinton, Daniel G., _666_, _671-74_, 725, 857.
+
+Brissenden, Paul Frederick, 566, 658.
+
+Bristol, Lucius M., 718, 725.
+
+Bronner, Augusta F., 152.
+
+Brönner, W., 941.
+
+Brooks, John Graham, 566, 658, 925, 935.
+
+Browne, Crichton, 366.
+
+Browne, Sir Thomas, 65, _128_.
+
+Bruhl, S. Levy, _see_ Levy Bruhl, S.
+
+Brunhes, Jean, 270, 274.
+
+Bryan, William J., 734.
+
+Bryce, James, 650, 652, 658, 726, 759, 779, 851, 852 n., 858, 861, 941,
+_984-89_, 1004.
+
+Brynmor-Jones, David, 149, 945.
+
+Buchanan, J. R., 731.
+
+Buck, Carl D., 660.
+
+Buck, S. J., 942.
+
+Buckle, Henry Thomas, 270, 493, 498, 912, 1005.
+
+Bücher, Karl, _385-89_, 427, _529-33_, 728.
+
+Bunyan, John, 122.
+
+Burckhard, M., 941.
+
+Burgess, Dr., 366, 367, 368.
+
+Burgess, Ernest W., 426, 1007.
+
+Burgess, John, 741.
+
+Burgess, Thomas, 781.
+
+Burke, Edmund, 449, 850.
+
+Burnell, A. C., 276.
+
+Burns, Allen T., 59, 335, 498, _773_, 782.
+
+Burns, J., 943.
+
+Burr, Anna R., 727.
+
+Bury, J. B., 333, _958-59_, 1004.
+
+Busch, 414.
+
+Bushee, F. A., 1005.
+
+Bussell, F. W., 904.
+
+Buswell, Leslie, 649.
+
+Butler, Joseph, 429.
+
+Butler, Ralph, 660.
+
+Butler, Samuel, 1008.
+
+Butterfield, K. L., 1010.
+
+
+Cabet, Étienne, 1008.
+
+Cabrol, F., 939.
+
+Cadière, L., 937.
+
+Caelius, 386.
+
+Caesar, 144, 238, 386, 387.
+
+Cahan, Abraham, 335, 782.
+
+Caird, Edward, 1005.
+
+Cairnes, J. E., _546_, _547_, _548_.
+
+Calhoun, Arthur W., 215, 222, 726.
+
+Cambarieu, J., 938.
+
+Campanella, Tommaso, 1008.
+
+Campbell, John C., 275, 654.
+
+Campeano, M., 941.
+
+Canat, René, 273.
+
+Cannon, Walter B., 422, 426.
+
+Cardan, Jerome, 144.
+
+Carlton, Frank T., 657.
+
+Carlyle, Thomas, 494.
+
+Carnegie, Andrew, 670.
+
+Carpenter, Edward, 1004.
+
+Carter, George R., 564.
+
+Cartwright, Peter, 944.
+
+Carver, Thomas N., 1006.
+
+Case, Clarence M., 1005.
+
+Case, S. J., 857.
+
+Castle, W. E., _128-33_, 147.
+
+Caxton, William, 237.
+
+Cellini, Benvenuto, 151.
+
+Chabaneix, Paul, 855.
+
+Chapin, F. Stuart, 59, 1007.
+
+Chapin, Robert C., 215, 222.
+
+Chapman, 298.
+
+Charcot, J. M., 144, 415, 424.
+
+Charlemagne, 238.
+
+Cherrington, Ernest H., 942.
+
+Chevillon, Andre, 650.
+
+Chevreul, M. E., 462.
+
+Cheysson, E., 729.
+
+Chirol, Valentine, 936.
+
+Chrestus, 386.
+
+Christensen, A., 940.
+
+Churchill, William, 275, 428.
+
+Cicero, 386, 387.
+
+Ciszewski, S., 775.
+
+Claghorn, Kate H., 782.
+
+Clarendon, Earl of, 65.
+
+Clark, H., 940.
+
+Clark, John B., _544-50_.
+
+Clark, Thomas A., 731.
+
+Claudius, Emperor, 752.
+
+Clayton, H. H., 947.
+
+Clayton, Joseph, 855.
+
+Clemens, Samuel L., (Mark Twain, _pseud._), 152.
+
+Clements, Frederic E., 217, _526-28_, 554, 571.
+
+Clerget, Pierre, 948.
+
+Cleveland, Catharine C., 944.
+
+Clibborne, 543.
+
+Clodd, Edward, 857.
+
+Clough, H. W., 947.
+
+Cobb, Irvin, _735_.
+
+Cobden, Richard, 447, 949.
+
+Coblenz, Felix, 150.
+
+Codrington, R. H., 857.
+
+Coe, George Albert, _235-37_, 726.
+
+Coffin, Ernest W., 779.
+
+Cohen, Rose, 336, 774, 782.
+
+Coicou, M., 729.
+
+Colcord, Joanna, 223.
+
+Coleman, Charles T., 940.
+
+Coleridge, Samuel T., 368.
+
+Collier, John, 732.
+
+Commons, John R., 644, 657, 658, 776, 780, 942.
+
+Comte, Auguste, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 12, 24, 25, 39, 43, 44, 57, 60, 61, 68, 140,
+210, 496, _716_, 959, _968-69_, 1005.
+
+Condorcet, Marie J. A. C., 3, 553, 1005.
+
+Conn, Herbert W., 1007.
+
+Connor, Dr. Bernard, 241.
+
+Constantin, A., 648.
+
+Conway, M., 940.
+
+Cook, Edward, 859.
+
+Cooley, Charles H., 56, 58, 67, _67-68_, 70, _71_, 147, 154, 156,
+157, 216, 285, 330, 421, 425, 430, 500, 646, _665_, _708-12_,
+_723_, 729, 855, 934, 955, 1004.
+
+Coolidge, Mary R., 781.
+
+Corelli, Marie, 936.
+
+Cornyn, John H., _751-54_.
+
+Corot, Jean Baptiste Camille, 126.
+
+Cory, H. E., 731.
+
+Coulter, J. M., 128-33, 147.
+
+Crafts, L. W., _254-57_.
+
+Crawley, A. Ernest, 221, _291-93_, 282, 330, 332, 651, 850, 856, 857,
+1006.
+
+Creighton, Louise, _779_.
+
+Crile, George W., _522-26_, 562, 571, 641, 563, 564, 783.
+
+Croly, Jane (Mrs.), 942.
+
+Crooke, William, 276, 728, 777, 943.
+
+Crosby, Arthur T., 648.
+
+Crothers, T. D., 940.
+
+Crowell, John F., 564.
+
+Crozier, John B., 1009.
+
+Culin, Stewart, 655, 656.
+
+Cummings, B. F., 151.
+
+Cunningham, William, 563.
+
+Cutler, James E., 654.
+
+Cutrera, A., 655.
+
+Cuvier, Georges, i.e., J. L. N. F., 809.
+
+
+D'Aeth, F. G., 729.
+
+Damiron, J. Ph., 647.
+
+Dana, Charles A., 859.
+
+Dana, Richard H., Jr., 276.
+
+Daniels, John, 781.
+
+Danielson, F. H., 147, 254.
+
+Dargun, L. von, 220.
+
+Darwin, Charles, 7, 143, 165, 214, 329, 342, _361-65_, _365-70_, 421,
+422, 426, 432, 512, 513, 514, _515-19_, _519-22_, 554, 557, 562, 563,
+570, 571, 641, 647, 663, 768, 810, 959, 1001.
+
+Daudet, Alphonse, 120.
+
+Daudet, Ernest, 649.
+
+Dauzat, Albert, 429.
+
+Davenport, C. B., 71, _128-33_, 147, 254, 568, 1007.
+
+Davenport, Frederick M., 943.
+
+Davids, T. W. Rhys, 943.
+
+Davis, H., 654.
+
+Davis, Katharine B., 570.
+
+Davis, Michael M., 781.
+
+Dawley, Almena, 569.
+
+Dealey, J. Q., 222.
+
+Deane, 238.
+
+DeGreef, Guillaume, 58.
+
+Delabarre, Frank A., 1009.
+
+Delbet, E., 729.
+
+Delbrück, A., 273, 777.
+
+Delesalle, Georges, 428.
+
+Dellepaine, A., 1007.
+
+Delvaille, Jules, 1004.
+
+De-Marchi, A, 856.
+
+Demolins, Edmond, 333.
+
+Demoor, Jean, 1007.
+
+Demosthenes, 638.
+
+Densmore, Frances, 938.
+
+Desagher, Maurice, 276.
+
+Descartes, René, 372, 463, 465.
+
+Despine, Prosper, 938, 940.
+
+Devine, Edward T., 333, _491_, 498, 567, 732.
+
+Devon, J., 569.
+
+Dewey, John, _36_, _37_, 38, 149, 164, _182-85_, 200, 225, 424,
+_426_, 430, 509, 964, _975-77_, 1004, 1010.
+
+Dibblee, G. Binney, 427.
+
+Dicey, A. V., _445-51_, 557, 793, 831, 851, 858.
+
+Dilich, Wilhelm, 241.
+
+Dinneen, P. S., 945.
+
+Disraeli, Benjamin, 721.
+
+Ditchfield, P. H., 334.
+
+Dixon, Roland B., 777, 854.
+
+Dixon, W. H., 945.
+
+Dobschütz, E. von, 333.
+
+Dodge, Raymond, _837-41_.
+
+Doll, E. A., _254-57_.
+
+Dominian, Leon, 275, 645, 945.
+
+Donovan, Frances, 569.
+
+Dorsey, J. Owen, 655, 711.
+
+Dostoévsky, F., 142, 273.
+
+Down, T. C., _895-98_, 942.
+
+Downey, June E., 146, 153.
+
+Drachsler, Julius, 774, 781.
+
+Draghicesco, D., 729.
+
+Draper, J. W., 641, 647.
+
+Dubois, L. Paul, 945.
+
+Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt, 152, 222, 781, 783.
+
+Dugas, L., _370-75_, 422, 426.
+
+Dugdale, Richard L., 143, 147, 254.
+
+Dugmore, H. H., 861.
+
+Duguit, Léon, 850.
+
+Dumas, Georges, 938.
+
+Dunbar, Paul Lawrence, 627.
+
+Duncan, Sara Jeannette, 652.
+
+Durand, E. Dana, 652.
+
+Durkheim, Émile, 18, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, _39_, 40, 58, 164,
+_193-96_, 217, 221, 222, _267_, _268_, 343, 671, _714-18_,
+723, 729, 854, 857, 894.
+
+Dushkin, Alexander M., 774, 781.
+
+Dutaillis, C. E. Petit-, _see_ Petit-Dutaillis, C. E.
+
+
+East, E. M., _128-33_, 147.
+
+Eastman, R. S., 732.
+
+Eaton, Isabel, 781.
+
+Eddy, Arthur J., 565.
+
+Edie, Lionel D., 498.
+
+Edman, Irwin, 148.
+
+Edwards, Bryan, _727_.
+
+Edwards, E., 943.
+
+Edwards, Milne, _519_.
+
+Effertz, Otto, 563.
+
+Egerton, Charles E., 652.
+
+Egli, Emil, 944.
+
+Ehrenfels, Chrn. v., 500.
+
+Elderton, Ethel M., 566, 568.
+
+Eliot, George, 142, 231.
+
+Elliott, A. M., 276.
+
+Ellis, Havelock, 148, 153, 215, 221, 223, 659, 726, 938, 957, 1007.
+
+Ellwood, Charles A., 41, 58, 566, _846-48_, 950.
+
+Elsing, W. T., 566.
+
+Elworthy, F. T., 332.
+
+Ely, Richard T., _444-45_, 502, _646_, 855.
+
+Empey, Arthur Guy, 429.
+
+Engel, Ernst, 215, 222.
+
+Engelgardt, A. N., 870.
+
+Engels, Frederick, 565.
+
+Espinas, Alfred, 163, _165-66_, 217, 224, 225, 407.
+
+Estabrook, A. H., 147, 254.
+
+Eubank, Earle E., 223.
+
+Evans, F. W., 944.
+
+Evans, Maurice S., 643, 651, _811-12_.
+
+
+Faber, Geoffrey, 660.
+
+Fadl, Said Memum Abul, 649.
+
+Fahlbeck, Pontus, 218.
+
+Fairfield, Henry P., 780, 781.
+
+Faria, Abbé, 424.
+
+Faris, Ellsworth, 147, _960-62_.
+
+Farmer, John S., 427, 428.
+
+Farnell, L. R., 856.
+
+Farnam, Henry W., 569.
+
+Farquhar, J. N., 944.
+
+Fauriel, M. C., 937.
+
+Faust, Albert B., 780.
+
+Fawkes, J. W., 939.
+
+Fay, Edward A., 276.
+
+Fedortchouk Y., 946.
+
+Féré, Ch., 405, 430.
+
+Ferguson, G. O., Jr., 154.
+
+Fernald, Mabel R., 569.
+
+Ferrari, G. O., 115.
+
+Ferrero, Guglielmo, 935, 936.
+
+Feuerbach, Paul J. A., von, 277.
+
+Field, J., 949.
+
+Field, James, A., 566.
+
+Fielding Hall, H., 649.
+
+Finck, Henry T., 221.
+
+Finlayson, Anna W., 148.
+
+Finney, C. J., 943.
+
+Finot, Jean, 651.
+
+Finsler, G., 937.
+
+Fischer, Eugen, 776.
+
+Fishberg, Maurice, 149, _271_, 274, 431, 778.
+
+Fisher, H. A., 639.
+
+Flaten, Nils, 276.
+
+Fleming, Daniel J., 780.
+
+Fleming, Walter L., 730, 731, 942.
+
+Fletcher, Alice C., 938.
+
+Flint, Robert, 565, 953.
+
+Florian, Eugenio, 333.
+
+Foerster, Robert F., 781.
+
+Foley, Caroline A., 948.
+
+Forel, A., 169, 170.
+
+Fornarsi di Verce, E., 569.
+
+Fosbroke, Thomas D., 274.
+
+Fosdick, H. E., 237.
+
+Foster, William Z., 653.
+
+Fouillée, Alfred, 149, 152, _461-64_, 499.
+
+Francke, Kuno, 493, 498, 660.
+
+Frazer, J. G., 149, 221, 330, 850, 855, 856.
+
+Frederici, Romolo, 1006.
+
+Frederick the Great, 628, 986.
+
+Freeman, Edward A., 3, 10, _23_.
+
+Freeman, R. Austin, 957, 1007.
+
+Freud, Sigmund, 41, 144, 236, 329, 475, 478, 479, 482, 486, 487, 497,
+501, 504, 638, 855, 858.
+
+Friedländer, L., 935.
+
+Friedmann, Max, 927, 937.
+
+Friesen, P. M., 657.
+
+Frobenius, Leo, 640, 648, 730, 776, 1004.
+
+Froebel, F. W. A., 82.
+
+Froment, J., 648.
+
+Froude, James A., 1006.
+
+Fuller, Bampfylde, 935.
+
+Fustel de Coulanges, 855, 860.
+
+
+Gall, F. J., 145.
+
+Galpin, Charles J., 212, 218, _247-49_, 275, 724, 731.
+
+Galton, Francis, 726, 963, _979-83_, 1007, 1011.
+
+Gardner, Charles S., 940.
+
+Garofalo, R., 649.
+
+Gavit, John P., 782.
+
+Geddes, P., 153.
+
+Gehring, Johannes, 657.
+
+Gennep, A. van, 857.
+
+George, Henry, 1009.
+
+Gerland, Georg, 270, 274, 856.
+
+Gesell, A. L., 148.
+
+Gibbon, Edward, 711.
+
+Gibson, Thomas, 947.
+
+Gibson, William, 943.
+
+Giddings, Franklin H., _32_, 33, 36, 40, 58, 544, _610-16_, 661, 735,
+740, 1009.
+
+Gilbert, William S., _65_.
+
+Gillen, F. J., 149, 220, 861.
+
+Gillin, J. L. 499, 567, 657.
+
+Ginsberg, M., 214, 220.
+
+Gladden, Washington, 491, 498.
+
+Glynn, A. W. Wiston-, _see_ Wiston-Glynn.
+
+Gobineau, Arthur de, 769.
+
+Goddard, Henry H., 131, 143, 147, 152, 254, 568.
+
+Godkin, Edwin L., 858.
+
+Godwin, William, 553.
+
+Godwin, William, 565.
+
+Goethe, Johann Wolfgang, 126, 909, 967.
+
+Goldenweiser, A. A., 777.
+
+Goltz, E. von der, 273.
+
+Goncourt, Edward de, and Jules de, 405.
+
+Goodhart, S. P., 468.
+
+Goodsell, Willystine, 222.
+
+Gordon, Anna A., 950.
+
+Gordon, Ernest, 942.
+
+Goring, Charles, 145, 153.
+
+Gould S. Baring-, _see_ Baring-Gould, S.
+
+Gowen, B. S., 937.
+
+Gowin, Enoch B., 855.
+
+Graebner, F., 777.
+
+Graetz, H., 944.
+
+Grant, 809.
+
+Grant, Madison, 963.
+
+Grass, K., 943.
+
+Grass, K. K., 657.
+
+Grasserie, R., de la, _see_ La Grasserie, R. de.
+
+Gratiolet, Pierre, 421.
+
+Gray, Thomas, 314.
+
+Gray, W., 856.
+
+Greco, Carlo Nardi-, _see_ Nardi-Greco, Carlo.
+
+Greeley, Horace, 949.
+
+Green, Alice S. A., 334.
+
+Green, Samuel S., 780.
+
+Gregoire, Abbé, 451.
+
+Gregory XV, 837.
+
+Grierson, Sir G., 687.
+
+Grierson, P. J. H., 564.
+
+Griffiths, Arthur, 274.
+
+Grinnell, G. B., 938.
+
+Groat, George G., 657.
+
+Groos, Karl, 426, 639, 640, 646.
+
+Grosse, Ernst, 221, _790_, 939.
+
+Grote, George, 233, _260-64_.
+
+Grotjahn, Alfred, 566.
+
+Groves. E. R., 941.
+
+Grundtvig, N. F. S., _Bishop_, 931.
+
+Gulick, Sidney L., 431, 782.
+
+Gummere, Amelia M., 274.
+
+Gummere, F. B., 939.
+
+Gumplowicz, Ludwig, 212, 341, _346-48_, 420, 425, 431, 642, 645, 649, 776.
+
+Guyot, Édouard, 565.
+
+
+Hadley, Arthur T., 658.
+
+Haeckel, Ernst, 912.
+
+Hagens, von, 169.
+
+Haines, Lynn, 659.
+
+Haldane, _Viscount_, _102-8_.
+
+Hall, Arthur C., 1009.
+
+Hall, Frederick S., 652.
+
+Hall, G. Stanley, 77, 150, 647, 648.
+
+Hall, H., Fielding-, _see_ Fielding-Hall, H.
+
+Hall, W. P., 563.
+
+Halpércine, Simon, 649.
+
+Hammer, von, 380.
+
+Hammond, Barbara, 334.
+
+Hammond, John L., 334.
+
+Haney, Levi H., 564.
+
+Hanford, Benjamin, 653.
+
+Hanna, Charles A., 780.
+
+Hanna, Rev. Thomas C., 468, 469.
+
+Hansen, F. C. C., 430, 535.
+
+Hansen, J., 937, 938.
+
+Hanson, William C., 568.
+
+Hapgood, Hutchins, 152, 731, 783.
+
+Harlan, Rolvix, 945.
+
+Harnack, Adolf, 942.
+
+Harper, Ida H., 949.
+
+Harrington, James, 1008.
+
+Harris, Benjamin, 834.
+
+Harris, George, 1005, 1009.
+
+Harrison, Frederic, 649, 1007.
+
+Harrison, James A., 276.
+
+Harrison, Jane E., 17, _18_, 856, 857.
+
+Harrison, Shelby M., 59, 219, 859.
+
+Hart, A. B., 499.
+
+Hart, Joseph K., 731.
+
+Hartenberg, P., 941.
+
+Hartmann, Berthold, 86.
+
+Harttung, Pflug-, _see_ Pflug-Harttung.
+
+Hasanovitz, Elizabeth, 335, 782.
+
+Hasbach, Wilhelm, 495.
+
+Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 237.
+
+Hayes. A. W., 731.
+
+Hayes, Edward C., 499.
+
+Hayes, Mary H., 569.
+
+Hayes, Samuel P., 943.
+
+Haynes, E. S. P., 647.
+
+Haynes, Frederick E., 658.
+
+Headlam, Cecil, 946.
+
+Healy, William, 59, 152, 273, 562, 645, 935.
+
+Hearn, Lafcadio, 938.
+
+Heaton, John L., 859.
+
+Hecker, J. F. C., 875, _879-81_, 936.
+
+Heckethorn, C. W., 274, 730.
+
+Hegel, G. W. F., 69, 156, 959.
+
+Heidenhain, 415.
+
+Heijningen, Hendrik M. K. van, 654.
+
+Helps, Sir Arthur, _66_, 727.
+
+Hempl, Georg, 276.
+
+Henderson, Charles R., 566.
+
+Henderson, Ernest L., 424, 429.
+
+Henry, R., 946.
+
+Hericourt, 115.
+
+Hermann, F. B. W. v., 499.
+
+Heron, David, 560, 566.
+
+Herschel, Sir J. F. W., 1001.
+
+Hertzka, Theodor, 1009.
+
+Hess, Grete Meisel, _see_ Meisel Hess.
+
+Hibben, J. G., 1006.
+
+Hichborn, Franklin, 659.
+
+Hicks, Mary L., 732.
+
+Higgs, Henry, _556_.
+
+Hill, Georgiana, 949.
+
+Hinde, Sidney L., _869_.
+
+Hinds, William A., 334.
+
+Hirn, Yrjö, 344, _401-7_, 426, 430, 433, 808, 869, 870, 938.
+
+Hirt, Eduard, 152.
+
+Hobbes, Thomas, _25_, 29, 30, 61, 106, 140, 156, 223, 512, 642.
+
+Hobhouse, Leonard T., 56, _190-93_, 214, 220, 225, 728, 795, _796_,
+_798_ n., 849, 854, 963, 964, _969-73_.
+
+Hobson, John A., 567.
+
+Hocart, A. M., 749.
+
+Hoch, A., 152, 273.
+
+Hocking, W. E., _95-97_, 148, _205-9_.
+
+Hodder, Edwin, 949.
+
+Hogarth, William, 402.
+
+Holdsworth, W. S., 861.
+
+Hollingworth, H. L., 149.
+
+Hollingworth, Leta S., 152, 153.
+
+Hollman, Anton H., 931.
+
+Holmes (Judge), 736, 853.
+
+Holmes, William H., 948.
+
+Holt, Edward B., _478-82_, 501, 503.
+
+Home, H., _Lord Kames_, 402.
+
+Homer, 264.
+
+Hooper, Charles E., 332.
+
+Horak, Jakub, 781.
+
+Horn, Paul, 429.
+
+Hotten, John C., 428.
+
+Howard, G. E., 214, 222.
+
+Howard, John, 949.
+
+Howells, William Dean, 627.
+
+Hoxie, Robert F., 644, 657.
+
+Hoyt, F. C., 656.
+
+Hubert, H., 856, 857.
+
+Hudson, Frederic, 859.
+
+Hudson, W. H., _245-47_, _604-5_, _883-86_.
+
+Hughes, Charles C., 1009.
+
+Hughes, Henry, 429.
+
+Humboldt, Alexander von, 673, 909.
+
+Hume, David, 3, 429, 553, 786, _829-30_.
+
+Hunter, Robert, 653.
+
+Huntington, Ellsworth, 328, 666, 726.
+
+Huot, Louis, 648.
+
+Hupka, S. von, 333.
+
+Hurry, Jamieson B., 947.
+
+Huxley, Thomas H., 963.
+
+Hyde, 749.
+
+Hyndman, Henry M., 950.
+
+
+Inge, William R., _954_, 959, _1001_, 1004.
+
+Ingersoll, Robert, 912.
+
+Ingram, John K., 563, 675.
+
+Ireland, W. W., 941.
+
+Irving, L., 1009.
+
+Irwin, Will, 859.
+
+Itard, Dr. Jean E. M. G., 242, 271, 277.
+
+Iyer, L. K. A. K., 728.
+
+
+Jacobowski, L., 221.
+
+Jakstas, A., 946.
+
+James, B. B., 945.
+
+James, E. O., 856.
+
+James, William, 77, _119-23_, 148, 150, 421, 426, 472, 473, 486, 598, 661,
+669, 726, 736, 932.
+
+Janes, George M., 652.
+
+Janet, Pierre, 144, 430, 935.
+
+Jankelevitch, S., 1005.
+
+Jannasch, R., 726.
+
+Jarau, G. Louis-, _see_ Louis-Jarau.
+
+Jarrett, Mary C., 568.
+
+Jastrow, J., 335.
+
+Jellinek, Georg, 725.
+
+Jenks, Albert, 211, 219, 775.
+
+Jenks, Edward, 861.
+
+Jenks, Jeremiah, 780.
+
+Jennings, Hargrave, 730.
+
+Jennings, H. S., 147, 285, 488.
+
+Jephson, Henry, 858.
+
+Jevons, William S., 500, 948.
+
+Jhering, Rudolph von, 861.
+
+Johnson, George E., 647.
+
+Johnson, James W., 152.
+
+Johnson, John H., 656.
+
+Johnson, R. H., 568, 1007.
+
+Johnson, Samuel, 451.
+
+Johnson, W., 777.
+
+Johnston, C., 654.
+
+Johnston, Harry H., 779.
+
+Johnston, R. M., 730.
+
+Jones, David Brynmor-, _see_ Brynmor Jones.
+
+Jones, Edward D., 947.
+
+Jones, Rufus M., 944.
+
+Jonson, Ben, 239.
+
+Jordanes, 941.
+
+Joseph II, of Austria, 934.
+
+Jost, M., 944.
+
+Jouffroy, T. S., 402.
+
+Judd, Charles H., _381-84_, _390-91_.
+
+Jung, Carl G., 144, 236, 497, 501, 857.
+
+Junius [_pseud._], 858.
+
+Juquelier, P., 411, 412, 937
+
+
+Kaindl, Raimund F., 770, 778.
+
+Kalb, Ernst, 657.
+
+Kallen, Horace M., 778, 782.
+
+Kammerer, Percy G., 223.
+
+Kan, J. van, 569.
+
+Kant, Immanuel, 82, 108, 420, 909.
+
+Kapp, Friedrich, 780.
+
+Kaufmann, Moritz, 1008.
+
+Kaupas, H., 946.
+
+Kautsky, Karl, 333.
+
+Kawabé, Kisaburo, 427.
+
+Keith, Arthur 659.
+
+Keller, Albert G., 72, _134-35_, 157, 648, 719, 726, 1007.
+
+Keller, Helen, 151, 231, _243-45_.
+
+Kellogg, Paul U., 59, 219.
+
+Kellogg, Walter G., 731.
+
+Kelly, J. Liddell, 778.
+
+Kelsey, Carl, 1007.
+
+Kelynack, T. N., 568.
+
+Kemble, Frances A., 728.
+
+Kenngott, G. F., 219.
+
+Kerlin, Robert T., 660.
+
+Kerner, R. J., 777.
+
+Kerr, Norman S., 568.
+
+Kerschensteiner, Georg, 87.
+
+Key, Ellen, 214, 221, 254.
+
+Khoras, P., 950.
+
+Kidd, Benjamin, 1006.
+
+Kidd, D., 149.
+
+Kilpatrick, James A., 649.
+
+King, Irving, 150, 950.
+
+Kingsbury, J. E., 427.
+
+Kingsford, C. L., 941.
+
+Kingsley, Charles, 274.
+
+Kingsley, Mary H., 779.
+
+Kipling, Rudyard, 67.
+
+Kirchhoff. G. R., 13.
+
+Kirkpatrick, E. A., 150.
+
+Kistiakowski, _Dr._ Th., 217.
+
+Kite, Elizabeth S., 147, 254.
+
+Klein, Henri F., 730.
+
+Kline, L. W., 221.
+
+Kluge, F., 428.
+
+Knapp, G. F., 217, 563, 729.
+
+Knopf, S. A., 1009.
+
+Knortz, Karl, 276.
+
+Knowles, L. C. A., 950.
+
+Knowlson, T. Sharper, _237-39_.
+
+Kober, George M., 568.
+
+Kobrin, Leon, 219.
+
+Kochanowski, J. K., 649.
+
+Kocourek, Albert, 854, 860.
+
+Kohler, Josef, 564, 854, 856.
+
+Kolthamer, F. W., 558.
+
+Koren, John, 569.
+
+Kostir, Mary S., 148, 254.
+
+Kostyleff, N., 501, 855.
+
+Kotik, _Dr._ Naum, 937.
+
+Kovalewsky, M., 220, 729.
+
+Kowalewski, A., 153.
+
+Kraepehn, E., 146, 153.
+
+Krauss, F. S., 149.
+
+Kreibig, Josef K., 500.
+
+Kroeber, A. L., 948.
+
+Kropotkin, P., 1006.
+
+Kudirka, _Dr._, 932.
+
+Kydd, Samuel (Alfred, _pseud._), 567.
+
+
+LaBruyère, Jean de, 144, 151.
+
+Lacombe, Paul, 498.
+
+Lafargue, G., 729.
+
+Lagorgette, Jean, 648.
+
+La Grasserie, R. de, 647, 649, 729.
+
+La Hodde, Lucien de, 731.
+
+Laidler, Harry W., 653.
+
+Lamarck, J. B., 143
+
+Lamprecht, Karl, 493, _494_, 498, 1005.
+
+Landauer, G., 950.
+
+Landry, A., 649.
+
+Lane, W. D., 656.
+
+Lane-Poole, S., 935.
+
+Lang, Andrew, 277.
+
+Lange, C. G., 421.
+
+Langenhove, Fernand van, _819-22_, 857.
+
+Lankester, E. Ray, 1005.
+
+Lapouge, V., 266.
+
+La Rochefoucauld, François, 371.
+
+La Rue, William, 945.
+
+Lasch, R., 221.
+
+Laski, Harold, 860.
+
+Laubach, Frank C., 333.
+
+Lauck, William J., 780.
+
+Law, John, 947.
+
+Lay, Wilfrid, 646.
+
+Lazarus, Moritz, 217, 427.
+
+Lea, Henry C., 655, 657.
+
+Le Bon, Gustave, 33, 34, 41, 58, 154, 164, 200, 201, 213, 218, 225, 659,
+858, 867, _868_, 869, _871_, 876, _887-93_, 894, _905-9_, 927, 939, 950,
+952.
+
+Lecky, W. E. H., 641, 647, 858, 875, _915-24_.
+
+Lee, James Melvin, 860.
+
+Lee, Vernon (_pseud._), 402, 878.
+
+Le Gouix, M., 729.
+
+Lehmann, A., 430.
+
+Leiserson, William M., 782.
+
+Leland, C. G., 428, 429.
+
+Leonard, O., 654.
+
+Leopold III, 797.
+
+Leopold, Lewis, _807-11_, 855.
+
+LePlay, P. G. Frédéric, 215, 221, 222.
+
+Leroy Beaulieu, P., 726.
+
+Lester, J. C., 730.
+
+Letcher, Valentin, 1005.
+
+Letourneau, Ch., 220, 640, 648, 727, 854.
+
+Letzner, Karl, 276.
+
+Levasseur, E. de, 649.
+
+Levine, Louis, 566, 658.
+
+Lévy-Bruhl, L., _24_, _332_.
+
+Levy, Hermann, 564.
+
+Lewis, George G., 858.
+
+Lewis, Matthew G., _677-81_.
+
+Lewis, Sinclair, 213, 219.
+
+Lhérisson, E., 939.
+
+Lhermitte, J., 648.
+
+L'Houet, A., 334.
+
+Lichtenberger, J. P., 223.
+
+Lilienfeld, Paul von, 28, 58, 566.
+
+Lillehei, Ingebrigt, 659.
+
+Limousin, Ch., 649, 729.
+
+Linnaeus, 516.
+
+Linton, E. L., 948.
+
+Lippert, Julius, 148.
+
+Lippmann, Walter, 148, _834-37_, 851, 859, 936, 949.
+
+Lloyd, A. H., 1005.
+
+Lock, C. L., 649.
+
+Lockwood, George B., 945.
+
+Loeb, Jacques, 79, _80_, 81, 147, 467, 494.
+
+Lowenfeld, L., 153, 410.
+
+Loisy, Alfred, 939.
+
+Lombroso, Cesare. 145, 153, 562, 951.
+
+Lord, Eliot, 781.
+
+Lord, Herbert Gardiner, 648.
+
+Loria, A., 498.
+
+Lotze, Hermann, 420, 425.
+
+Loughborough, J. N., 945.
+
+Louis-Jarau, G., 946.
+
+Loutschisky, I., 729.
+
+Love, Albert G., 568.
+
+Lowell, A. Lawrence, 658, 792, _826-29_, 851, 858, 864.
+
+Lowie, Robert H., 18, _19_, 220, 723, 730, 777.
+
+Lubbock, J., 180, 396.
+
+Lucretius, 953, 965, 966.
+
+Lummis, Charles F., 939.
+
+Lyall, Sir Alfred, 105.
+
+Lyell, Charles, 768.
+
+Lyer, F. Müller-, _see_ Müller-Lyer.
+
+Lytton, Edward Bulwer, 1008.
+
+
+Macauley, T. B. 139.
+
+McCormac, E. I., 728.
+
+M'Culloch, O. C., 143, 147.
+
+MacCurdy, J. T., 936.
+
+Macdonagh, Michael, 851, 859.
+
+McDougall, William, 58, 425, 441, _464-67_, 496, 501, 652, 721, 726, 963.
+
+McGee, W. J., 211, 219, 777, 860, 1006.
+
+Mach, Ernst, 13.
+
+Machiavelli, 97, 140.
+
+Maciver, R. M., 426.
+
+McIver, J., 569.
+
+Mackay, Charles, 947.
+
+Mackay, R. W., 647.
+
+MacKay, Thomas, 557, 565.
+
+McKenzie, F. A., 775.
+
+Mackenzie, J. S., 1004.
+
+McKenzie, R. D., 218.
+
+McLaren, A. D., 660.
+
+MacLean, J. P., 944.
+
+McLennan, J. F., 220.
+
+McMurtrie, Douglas C., 568.
+
+Macrosty, Henry W., 564.
+
+Maine, Sir Henry S., 219, 220, _555_, 564, 826, 852, _853_, 854, 860,
+862.
+
+Maitland, Frederic W., 861.
+
+Malinowski, Bronislaw, 220.
+
+Mallery, Garrick, 422, 427.
+
+Mallock, W. H., 729, 949, 1009.
+
+Maloney, E. F., 935.
+
+Malthus, T. R., 7, 516, 553, 554, 559, 561, 563.
+
+Mandeville, Bernard de, 1008.
+
+Marchi, A. De, _see_ De Marchi, A.
+
+Marot, Helen, 149, 657.
+
+Marpillero, G., 335.
+
+Marshall, Alfred, 500, 563.
+
+Marshall, Henry R., 425, _600-3_.
+
+Martin, E. D., 940.
+
+Martineau, Harriet, 1, 2, 57, 561.
+
+Marvin, Francis S., 778, _965-66_.
+
+Marx, Karl, 561, 565, 567, 912.
+
+Mason, Otis T., 302, 427, 941.
+
+Mason, William A., 427.
+
+Massart, J., 218, 1007.
+
+Mathiez, Albert, 657.
+
+Matthews, Brander, 949.
+
+Matthews, W., 938.
+
+Maublanc, René, 649.
+
+Mauss, M., 856, 857.
+
+Maxon, C. H., 943.
+
+Mayer, Émile, 650.
+
+Mayer, J. R., 768.
+
+Mayo Smith, Richmond, 741, 776, 778.
+
+Mead, G. H., 424, 425.
+
+Meader, John R., 943.
+
+Means, Philip A., 651.
+
+Mecklin, John M., 651, 652.
+
+Medlicott, H. B., _377_.
+
+Meillet, A., 275, 945.
+
+Meinong, Alexius, 500.
+
+Meisel Hess, Grete, 214, 221.
+
+Mendel, G., 71, 143, 157.
+
+Menger, Karl, 500.
+
+Mensch, Ella, 936.
+
+Mercier, C. A., 501.
+
+Meredith, George, 142.
+
+Merker, 240.
+
+Merriam, Charles E., 658, 792.
+
+Mesmer, F. A., 424.
+
+Metcalf, H. C., 149.
+
+Meumann, Ernst, 86.
+
+Meyer, Adolph, 285, 488.
+
+Meyer, J. L., 937.
+
+Miceli, V., 939.
+
+Michels, Robert 644, 659.
+
+Michiels, A., 373, 374.
+
+Miklosich, Franz, 654.
+
+Mill, James, 451.
+
+Mill, John Stuart, 546, 560, 850, 1005.
+
+Miller, Arthur H., 855.
+
+Miller, Edward, 944.
+
+Miller, Herbert A., 335, 655, 660, 781, 782, _786-87_, 870.
+
+Miller, J. D., 949.
+
+Miller, Kelly 137, _251_, 651.
+
+Millingen, J. G., 655.
+
+Milhoud, Maurice, 859.
+
+Millis, Harry A., 781.
+
+Milmine, Georgine, 657.
+
+Miner, Maude, 670.
+
+Minin, 415.
+
+Mirabeau, Octave, 151.
+
+Mitchell, P. Chalmers, _170-73_.
+
+Mitchell, Wesley C., 947.
+
+Moll, Albert, _85-89_, 332, _412-15_, 430.
+
+Moltke, Count von, 670, 793 n.
+
+Monin, H., 729.
+
+Montagu, 7.
+
+Montague, Helen, 153.
+
+Montesquieu, _3_, 270.
+
+Montgomery, K. L., 945.
+
+Moody, Dwight L., 943.
+
+Moody, W. R., 943.
+
+Mooney, James, 943.
+
+Moore, Edward C., 778.
+
+Moore, Henry L., 947.
+
+Moore, William H., 778.
+
+More, Hannah, 949.
+
+More, Thomas, 1008.
+
+Moreau de Tours, 938.
+
+Morel, E. D., 779, 797.
+
+Morgan, Alexander, 1009.
+
+Morgan, C. Lloyd, 147, 186, 187, 342, _375-79_, 494, 725.
+
+Morgan, E. L., 731.
+
+Morgan, Lewis H., 214, 749.
+
+Morgan, W. T., 658.
+
+Morley, John, 725, 949, 1006.
+
+Morris, Lloyd R., 659.
+
+Morris, William, 1008.
+
+Morrow, Prince A., 223.
+
+Morse, Josiah, 652.
+
+Morselli, Henry, 266, 272, 273.
+
+Mosiman, Eddison, 937.
+
+Mouromtzeff, Mme de, 729.
+
+Müller, F. Max, _379-81_, 395, 432.
+
+Müller, Fritz, 521.
+
+Müller-Lyer, F., 1006.
+
+Mumford, Eben, 855.
+
+Münsterberg, Hugo, 424, 427, 430, _668-92_, 726, 936.
+
+Murray, W. A., 939.
+
+Myers, C. S., _89-92_, 936.
+
+Myers, Gustavus, 659.
+
+Myerson, Abraham, 223, 936.
+
+
+Napoleon I, 238, 241, 419, 628, 789.
+
+Napoleon III, 793.
+
+Nardi-Greco, Carlo, 861.
+
+Nasmyth, George, 1009.
+
+Nassau, R. H., 856.
+
+Naumann, Friedrich, 650, 809.
+
+Neatby, W. Blair, 945.
+
+Neill, Charles P., 653.
+
+Neilson, George, 655.
+
+Nesbitt, Florence, 222.
+
+Nesfield, John C., 218, _681-84_.
+
+Neter, Eugen, 273.
+
+Nevinson, Margaret W., 567.
+
+Newell, W. W., 941.
+
+Newton, Sir Isaac, _13_.
+
+Niceforo, Alfredo, 567, 649, _1003_, 1010.
+
+Nicolai, G. F., 641.
+
+Nieboer, Dr H. J., _674-77_, 727, 733.
+
+Nims, Harry D., 564.
+
+Nitsch, C., 946.
+
+Noiré, L., 395.
+
+Nordau, Max, 1004.
+
+Nordhoff, Charles, 334, 656.
+
+Norhe, O. M., 775.
+
+Novicow, J., 212, 425, 642, 645, 649, 740, 741, 775, 854.
+
+
+Oakesmith, John, 645, 659.
+
+Oberholtzer, E. P., 859.
+
+Obolensky, L. E., 1008.
+
+O'Brien, Frank M., 859.
+
+O'Brien, Frederick, 656.
+
+Odin, Alfred, 855.
+
+Oertel, Hans, 22.
+
+Ogburn, W. F., 215.
+
+Oldenberg, H., 856.
+
+Older, Fremont, 659.
+
+Olgin, Moissaye J., 950.
+
+Oliver, Frederick S., 649.
+
+Oliver, Thomas, 568.
+
+Olmsted, F. L., 727.
+
+Oncken, August, 563.
+
+Oppenheimer, Franz, _50_, 644.
+
+Ordahl, George, 639, 646.
+
+Ormond, Alexander T., _340_, 420, 425.
+
+Orth, Samuel P., 659.
+
+Osborne, T. M., 562.
+
+Osten, 413, 414, 430.
+
+Osterhausen, Dr., 240.
+
+Ostrogorsku, Johann K., 658.
+
+Owen, Richard, 768.
+
+Owen, Robert Dale, 559.
+
+
+Paget, _Sir_ James, 366.
+
+Pagnier, Armand, 153, 333.
+
+Paine, Thomas, 912.
+
+Palanti, G., 940.
+
+Pandian, T. B., 333.
+
+Park, Robert E., _76-81_, _135-39_, 155, _185-89_, _198-200_, 218, 225,
+252, _311-15_, _315-17_, 335, 429, _467-78_, _616-23_, 623-31, 655,
+_712-14_, _756-62_, 775, 781, 782, 784, _786-87_, _829-33_, 859, 870,
+_893-95_, _930_, 934.
+
+Parker, Carleton H., 149, 494, 936.
+
+Parkman, Francis, 778, 779.
+
+Parmelee, Maurice, 217, 267, 569, 1009.
+
+Parsons, Elsie Clews, 220.
+
+Parton, James, 652.
+
+Partridge, G. E., 568, 727.
+
+Pascal, 463.
+
+Pascoe, C. F., 779.
+
+Pasteur, Louis, 44.
+
+Pater, Walter, 939.
+
+Patetta, F., 655.
+
+Paton, Stewart, 147.
+
+Patrick, G. T. W., _598-600_, 640, 641, 647, 935, 948.
+
+Patten, Simon N., 498, 1008.
+
+Patterson, R. J., 727.
+
+Paulhan, Fr., 332, 731.
+
+Pavlo, I. P., 494, 839.
+
+Payne, George Henry, 427.
+
+Pearson, Karl, 13, _14_, 949, 963, 1007.
+
+Pélissier, Jean, 932, 946.
+
+Pennington, Patience, 334.
+
+Percin, Alexandre, 648.
+
+Periander, 67.
+
+Perry, Bliss, _40_.
+
+Perry, Ralph B., 1008.
+
+Perty, M., 809.
+
+Peter the Great, 934.
+
+Peterson, J., 941.
+
+Petit-Dutaillis, C. E., 649.
+
+Petman, Charles, 276.
+
+Petrie, W. M. F., 950.
+
+Pfister, Ch., 275.
+
+Pfister, Oskar, 501, 857.
+
+Pfleiderer, Otto, 730.
+
+Pflug-Harttung, Julius von, 941.
+
+Pfungst, Oskar, 430.
+
+Philippe, L., 649, 729.
+
+Phillips, Ulrich B., 727.
+
+Phillips, W. Alison, _793-94_ n.
+
+Phillips, Wendell, 949.
+
+Picard, Edmond, 860.
+
+Piderit. T., 421, 426.
+
+Pillsbury, W. B., 645, 647, 651.
+
+Pinet, G., 729.
+
+Pintner, Rudolf, 568.
+
+Pitre, Giuseppe, 939.
+
+Place, Francis, 559.
+
+Plato, 96, 105, 238, 261, 607, 1008.
+
+Platt, Thomas G., 659.
+
+Ploss, H., 221.
+
+Plunkitt, G. W., 659.
+
+Pollock Frederick, 861.
+
+Pope, Alexander, 83 n.
+
+Popenoe, Paul, 568, 1007.
+
+Porter, W. T., 648.
+
+Post, Albert H., _851-52_.
+
+Powell, H. Baden-, _see_ Baden-Powell, H.
+
+Poynting, J. H., 13.
+
+Preuss, Hugo, 334.
+
+Preyer, W., 84.
+
+Price, Dr., 553.
+
+Price, G. F., 569.
+
+Prince, Morton, 70, _110-13_, 150, 474, 477, 645, 727, 777.
+
+Prince, Samuel H., 951.
+
+Probst, Ferdinand, 144, 151.
+
+Proudhon, P. J., 565.
+
+Puchta, G. F., 677.
+
+Puffer, J. Adams, 643, 656.
+
+
+Rainwater, Clarence E., 732.
+
+Ralph, Julian, 276.
+
+Rambosson, J., 938.
+
+Randall, E. O., 945.
+
+Rank, Otto, 858.
+
+Rastall, B. M., 653.
+
+Ratzel, Friedrich, 148, 270, 274, _298-301_, 728, 776.
+
+Ratzenhofer, Gustav, 36, 58, 212, 421, 496, 642, 645, 775.
+
+Rauber, August, 241, 242, 243, 277.
+
+Ravage, M. E., 336, 782, 783.
+
+Ray, P. O., 658.
+
+Reclus, E., 1005.
+
+Reed, V. Z., 939.
+
+Regnard, P., 937.
+
+Reich, Emil, 778.
+
+Reinheimer, H., 218.
+
+Reuter, E. B., 154, 770, 776.
+
+Rhodes, J. F., 656.
+
+Rhys, John, 149, 945.
+
+Ribot, Th. A., _108-10_, 124, 144, 150, 344, _394-97_, 426, 430, 433,
+496.
+
+Ribton-Turner, Charles J., 333.
+
+Ricardo, David, 544, 546, 558.
+
+Richard. T., 943.
+
+Richards, Caroline C., 305-11.
+
+Richet, Ch., 113, 115, 430.
+
+Richmond, Mary E., 59, 215, 491, 498.
+
+Rickert, Heinrich, 10, 1005.
+
+Rihbany, Abraham M., 336, 774, 782, 783.
+
+Riis, Jacob A. 336, 567, 782.
+
+Riley, I. W., 151.
+
+Riordan, William L., 659.
+
+Ripley, William Z., _264-68_, 275, _534-38_, 572, 725, 776.
+
+Risley, Herbert H., 681, _684-88_, 728.
+
+Ritchie, David G., 725.
+
+Rivarol, Antoine, 908.
+
+Rivers, W. H. R., 211, 219, 220, 723, 729, 738, _746-50_, 776, 857.
+
+Roberts, Peter, 219.
+
+Robertson, John M., 641, 646, 861, 1010.
+
+Roberty, E. de, 729.
+
+Robinson, Charles H., 779.
+
+Robinson, James Harvey, _5_, _6_, 498.
+
+Robinson, Louis, 82.
+
+Roepke, Dr. Fritz, 650.
+
+Rogers, Edward S., 565.
+
+Rogers, James B., 944.
+
+Rohde, Erwin, 657.
+
+Romanes, G. J., 379.
+
+Roosevelt, Theodore, 659, 776.
+
+Rosanoff, A. J., 132.
+
+Roscher, W., 726.
+
+Ross, Edward A., 58, 213, 499, 725, 780, 849, 854.
+
+Rossi, Pasquale, 557, 927, 938.
+
+Rothschild, Alonzo, 855.
+
+Rousiers, Paul de, 731.
+
+Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 107, 139, 223, 231, _234-35_, 241, 850.
+
+Roussy, G., 648.
+
+Routledge, Mrs. Scoresby, 275.
+
+Rowntree, B. Seebohm, 567, 569.
+
+Royce, Josiah, 150, 390, 425, 426, 429, 652.
+
+Rubinow, I. M., 568.
+
+Rudolph, Heinrich, 426.
+
+Rudolphi, K. A., 243.
+
+Russell, B. A. W., 565.
+
+Russell, J. H., 727.
+
+Ryckère, Raymond de, 569.
+
+
+Sabine, Lorenzo, 655.
+
+Sageret, J., 858.
+
+Sagher, Maurice de, 276.
+
+Saineanu, Lazar, 428, 429.
+
+Saint-Simon, C. H. comte de, 3, 4.
+
+Saleeby, Caleb W., 1007.
+
+Salt, Henry S., 1009.
+
+Salz, Arthur, 729.
+
+Samassa, P., 946.
+
+Sandburg, Carl, 654.
+
+Sanderson, Dwight, 1002.
+
+Sands, B., 946.
+
+Santayana, G., _983_.
+
+Sapper, Karl, 780.
+
+Sarbah, John M., 860.
+
+Sartorius von Walterhausen, August, 728.
+
+Scalinger, G. M., 941.
+
+Schaeffle, Albert, 28, 58.
+
+Schatz, Albert, 563.
+
+Schechter, S., 944.
+
+Schmidt, Caspar, 565, 830.
+
+Schmidt, N., 943.
+
+Schmoller, Gustav, 427, 729.
+
+Schmucker, Samuel M. (ed.), 334.
+
+Schopenhauer, Arthur, 964, _994-1000_.
+
+Schurtz, Heinrich, 723, 729, 948.
+
+Schwartz, 82.
+
+Schwittau, G., 652.
+
+Scott, Walter D., 859.
+
+Secrist, Frank K., 428.
+
+Seebohm, Frederic, 219, 861.
+
+Seguin, Edward, 277.
+
+Selbie, W. B., 944.
+
+Seligman, E. R. A., 563.
+
+Seligmann, H. J., 654.
+
+Séménoff, E., 729.
+
+Semple, Ellen C., _268-69_, 274, _289-91_, _301-5_.
+
+Sergi, G., 1004.
+
+Seton, Ernest Thompson, _886-87_.
+
+Seton-Watson, R. W., 946.
+
+Shaftesbury, _Seventh Earl of_, 949.
+
+Shakespeare, William, 238, 239.
+
+Shaler, N. S., 148, 233, _257-59_, 283, _294-98_, 330, 337, 651, 948.
+
+Shand, A. F., 150, 465, 477, 496, 497, 501.
+
+Sheldon, H. D., 656.
+
+Shepard, W. J., 858.
+
+Sherrington, C. S., 838.
+
+Shinn, Milicent W., _82-85_, 150.
+
+Short, Wilfrid M., _977-79_.
+
+Shuster, G., 730.
+
+Sicard, Abbé, 242.
+
+Sidis, Boris, _415-16_, 424, 430, 468.
+
+Sighele, Scipio, 41, 58, _200-205_, 213, 218, 644, 722, 867, _872_,
+894, 927, 939.
+
+Simkhovitch, (Mrs.) Mary K., 331.
+
+Simmel, Georg, 10, 36, 58, 151, 217, 218, 221, 286, _322-27_, 331, 332,
+341, 342, _348-56_, _356-61_, 421, 425, 432, 433, 500, 559, 563,
+_582-86_, _586-94_, 639, 645, 670, _695-97_, _697-703_,
+_703-6_, _706-8_, 720, 725, 726, 730, 733, 938, 947, 1004, 1005.
+
+Simon, Th., 145, 154.
+
+Simons, A. M., _443-44_, 502.
+
+Simons, Sarah E., _740-41_, 775.
+
+Simpson, Bertram L., 650.
+
+Sims, George R., 567.
+
+Sims, Newell L., 218, 334.
+
+Skeat, Walter W., 276.
+
+Small, Albion W., 36, 58, _196-98_, _288-89_, 332, 348, 425, 427,
+_451-54_, _454-58_, 496, 499, 503, 582, 586, 645, 660, 695, 697, 703,
+706, 726.
+
+Small, Maurice H., _239-43_.
+
+Smedes, Susan D., 334, 728.
+
+Smith, Adam, 344, _397-401_, 401, 429, 431, 433, 447, 449, 495, 505,
+_550-51_, 553, 554, 556, 558, 572.
+
+Smith, Henry C., 945.
+
+Smith, J. M. P., 854.
+
+Smith, _Lieut._ Joseph S., _800-805_.
+
+Smith, Lorenzo N., 429.
+
+Smith, Richmond Mayo-, _see_ Mayo-Smith, Richmond.
+
+Smith, W. Robertson, _16_, _813-16_, _822-26_, 857.
+
+Smyth, C., 654.
+
+Socrates, 105, 140, 646.
+
+Solenberger, Alice W., 274.
+
+Solon, 261.
+
+Sombart, Werner, _317-22_, 335, 567, 648, 948.
+
+Somló, F., 728.
+
+Sorel, Georges, 645, _816-19_, 857, 959, 1004.
+
+Southard, E. E., 1007.
+
+Spadoni, D., 731.
+
+Spargo, John, _909-15_, 950, 952.
+
+Speek, Peter A., 781.
+
+Speer, Robert E., 779.
+
+Spencer, Baldwin, 149, 220, 861.
+
+Spencer, Herbert, 24, _25_, _26_, _27_, 28, 43, 44, 58, 60, 61,
+141, 210, 217, 396, 402, 495, 557, 565, 787, _805-7_, 831, 849, 855, 889,
+947, 959, 963, _966-68_, 1001, 1006, 1010.
+
+Spiller, G. (ed.), _89-92_, 651.
+
+Spurzheim, J. F. K., 145.
+
+Squillace, Fausto, 948.
+
+Stalker, James, 943.
+
+Stanhope, Philip Henry (Fourth Earl), 240, 277.
+
+Stanley, L. L., 569.
+
+Stanton, Henry B., 949.
+
+Starbuck, Edwin D., 332, 726.
+
+Starcke, C. N., 220.
+
+Stchoukine, Ivan, 944.
+
+Stead, W. T., 782, 859.
+
+Steffens, Lincoln, 331.
+
+Stein, L., 565, 649.
+
+Steiner, Edward A., 780, 782.
+
+Steiner, Jesse F., 335, 616, 621, 622, 643, 651.
+
+Steinmetz, Andrew, 655.
+
+Steinmetz, S. R., 648, 654, 860.
+
+Steinthal, H., 217.
+
+Stephen, Sir Leslie, 647.
+
+Stephenson, Gilbert T., 651.
+
+Stern, B., 86, 87, 149, 150.
+
+Stern, Mrs. Elizabeth G., 774, 783.
+
+Stern, W., 152.
+
+Stevens, W. H. S., 565.
+
+Stewart, Dugald, 402, 429.
+
+Stillson, Henry L., 730.
+
+Stimson, Frederic J., _843-46_.
+
+Stirner, Max [_pseud._], _see_ Schmidt, Caspar.
+
+Stoddard, Lothrop, 963.
+
+Stoker, Bran, 731.
+
+Stoll, Otto, 221, 332, 430, 926 f, 937.
+
+Stone, Alfred H., _631-37_, 651.
+
+Stoughton, John, 949.
+
+Stout, G. F., 344, _391-94_, 424.
+
+Stow, John, 219.
+
+Strachey, Lytton, 721, 962.
+
+Straticò, A., 940.
+
+Stratz, Carl H., 948.
+
+Strausz, A., 149.
+
+Stromberg, A. von, 943.
+
+Strong, Anna L., 273.
+
+Stubbs, William, 353, 354.
+
+Stumpf, C., 413, 414.
+
+Sugenheim, S., 727.
+
+Sullivan, Anne, 243, 244.
+
+Sully, J., 150, 332, 422, 426.
+
+Sumner, Helen L., 942.
+
+Sumner, William G., 36, 37, 46, _97-100_, 143, 147, 283, _293-94_,
+333, 640, 648, 759, 779, 796, 797, 831, 841-43, 849, 854, _866_, 933, 948,
+_983-84_.
+
+Swift, Jonathan, 67.
+
+
+Tabbé, P., 946.
+
+Taft, Jessie, 942.
+
+Taine, H. A., 141, _493_, 498, 907, 935, 950.
+
+Talbot, Marion, 222.
+
+Talbot, Winthrop, 782.
+
+Tannenbaum, Frank, _49_, 936.
+
+Tarde, Gabriel, _21_, 22, 32, _33_, 36, 37, 41, 58, 201, 202, 213, 218,
+332, 390, 418, 423, 429, 562, 569, 729, 777, 794 n., 828, 858, 868, 875,
+927, _933_, 939, 947.
+
+Tardieu, É., 725.
+
+Taussig, F. W., 731.
+
+Tawney, G. A., 727, 940.
+
+Taylor, F. W., 149.
+
+Taylor, Graham R., 219.
+
+Taylor, Thomas, 939.
+
+Tead, Ordway, 149, 494.
+
+Teggart, Frederick J., 1006.
+
+Tenney, E. P., 1009.
+
+Terman, L. M., 855.
+
+Theophrastus, 144, 151.
+
+Thiers, Adolphe, 947.
+
+This, G., 275.
+
+Thomas, Edward, 935.
+
+Thomas, N. W., 220, 856.
+
+Thomas, William I., _47_, _52_, _57_, _59_, 144, 146, 148,
+151, 153, 215, 222, _249-52_, 285, 332, 335, 438, 442, _488-90_, 497,
+501, _579-82_, 640, 651, 652, 655, 718, 729, 730, 731, 774, 778, 935, 948,
+950.
+
+Thompson, Anstruther, 402.
+
+Thompson, Frank V., 781.
+
+Thompson, Helen B., 153.
+
+Thompson, M. S., 946.
+
+Thompson, Warren S., 566.
+
+Thompson, W. Gilman, 568.
+
+Thomson, J. Arthur, 13, 71, _126-28_, 147, 153, 218, _513-15_, 563,
+1007.
+
+Thorndike, Edward L., 68, 71, _73-76_, _78_, _92-94_, 147, 150,
+152, 155, 187, 424, 429, 494, 647, 721, 726.
+
+Thoreau, H. D., 229.
+
+Thurston, Henry W., 656.
+
+Thwing, Charles F., and Carrie F. B., 222.
+
+Tippenhauer, L. G., 939.
+
+Tocqueville Alexius de, 851, 858, _909_.
+
+Todd, Arthur J., 1004, 1010.
+
+Tolstoy, _Count_ Leon, 151, 789.
+
+Tönnies, Ferdinand, _100-102_, 649, 740.
+
+Toops, Herbert A., 568.
+
+Topinard, Paul, 537.
+
+Tosti, Gustavo, 425.
+
+Tower, W. L., _128-33_, 147.
+
+Towns, Charles B., 569.
+
+Toynbee, Arnold, 334, 950.
+
+Tracy, J., 943.
+
+Train, Arthur, 656.
+
+Train, J., 944.
+
+Tredgold, A. F., 152, 277.
+
+Treitschke, Heinrich von, 988.
+
+Trenor, John J. D., 781.
+
+Trent, William P., 859.
+
+Tridon, André, 501.
+
+Triplett, Norman, 646.
+
+Trotter, W., _31_, 647, _742-45_, 783, 784.
+
+Tuchmann, J., 856.
+
+Tufts, James H., 149.
+
+Tulp, Dr., 241.
+
+Turner, Charles J. Ribton-, _see_ Ribton-Turner, Charles J.
+
+Turner, Frederick J., 499.
+
+Twain, Mark [_pseud._] _see_ Clemens, Samuel L.
+
+Tylor, Edward B., 19, 148, 220, 674, 855.
+
+
+Urban, Wilbur M., 500.
+
+
+Vaccaro, M. A., 860.
+
+Vallaux, Camille, 274, 333.
+
+Vandervelde, É., 218, 333, 1007.
+
+Van Hise, Charles R., 564.
+
+Vavin, P., 729.
+
+Veblen, Thorstein, 71, 287, 501, 644, 721, 729, 936.
+
+Vellay, Charles, 946.
+
+Vierkandt, Alfred, 148, 333, 723, 729, 777, 854.
+
+Vigouroux, A., 411, 412, 937.
+
+Villatte, Césaire, 428.
+
+Villon, François, 428.
+
+Vincent, George E., 58, _605-10_, 646.
+
+Virchow, Rudolph, 537, 725.
+
+Vischer, F. T., 402.
+
+Voivenel, Paul, 648.
+
+Voltaire, 986.
+
+Von Kolb, 240.
+
+Vries, Hugo de, 143.
+
+
+Wace, A. J. B., 946.
+
+Wagner, 243.
+
+Wagner, Adolf, 563.
+
+Waitz, Theodor, 856.
+
+Wald, Lilian, 331.
+
+Walford, Cornelius, 564.
+
+Walker, Francis A., 499, _508_, _539-44_, 564, 572.
+
+Wallace, 553.
+
+Wallace, Alfred R., 562, 554, 725, 1006.
+
+Wallace, Donald M., 333.
+
+Wallas, Graham, 148, 162, 335, 422, 431, 494, 925, 929, 935.
+
+Wallaschek, Richard, 938.
+
+Walling, W. E., 653.
+
+Wallon, H., 727.
+
+Walter, F., 854.
+
+Ward, E. J., 331, 732.
+
+Ward, James, 775.
+
+Ward, Lester F., 58, 497, 499, 513, 649, 718, _973-75_, 1007.
+
+Ward, Robert de C., 726.
+
+Ware, J. Redding, 428.
+
+Warming, Eugenius, _173-80_, 218, 554.
+
+Warne, Frank J., 653.
+
+Warneck, Gustav, 779.
+
+Warren, H. C., 777.
+
+Warren, Josiah, 565.
+
+Washburn, Margaret F., 147.
+
+Washington, Booker T., 152, 607, 629, 782.
+
+Wasmann, Eric, 169.
+
+Watson, Elkanah, 540, 543.
+
+Watson, John B., 81, 147, 285, _482-88_, 488, 494.
+
+Watson, R. W. Seton-, _see_ Seton-Watson, R. W.
+
+Waxweiler, E., 218.
+
+Weatherly, U. G., 776.
+
+Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, 564, 644, 657.
+
+Weber, Adna P., 334.
+
+Weber, John L., 727.
+
+Weber, L., 1006.
+
+Webster, Hutton, 274, 730.
+
+Wechsler, Alfred, 948.
+
+Weeks, Arland D., 646.
+
+Wehrhan, K., 650.
+
+Weidensall, C. J., 153.
+
+Weigall, A., 332.
+
+Weismann, August, 143, 515, 563.
+
+Weller, Charles F., 732.
+
+Wells, H. G., 151, 496, 498, 932, 935, 1009.
+
+Wendland, Walter, 650.
+
+Wermert, George, 654.
+
+Wesley, Charles, 916.
+
+Wesley, John, 151, 916 ff.
+
+Wesnitsch, Milenko R., 654.
+
+West, Arthur Graeme, 650.
+
+Westermarck, Edward, 16, _17_, 60, 147, 214, 215, 220, 640, 778, 849, 854.
+
+Weygandt, W., 937.
+
+Whately, Archbishop, 735.
+
+Wheeler, G. C., 220.
+
+Wheeler, William M., _167-70_, _180-82_, 214, 217, 554.
+
+White, Andrew D., 647.
+
+White, F. M., 655.
+
+White, W. A., 500, 594-98.
+
+Whitefield, George, 916 ff.
+
+Whiting, Lilian, 949.
+
+Whitley, W. T., 943.
+
+Wigmore, John H., 854, 860, 861.
+
+Wilberforce, William, 949.
+
+Wilbert, Martin I., 569.
+
+Wilde, Oscar, 151.
+
+Willard, Frances E., 942, 950.
+
+Willard, Josiah Flynt, 151.
+
+Willcox, Walter F., 223, _1002-3_, 1010.
+
+Williams, Daniel J., 781.
+
+Williams, J. M., 212, 219, 223.
+
+Williams, Whiting, 149.
+
+Willoughby, W.W., 565.
+
+Wilmanns, Karl, 153.
+
+Wilson, D. L., 730.
+
+Wilson, _Captain_ H. A., 637.
+
+Wilson, Warren H., 219.
+
+Windelband, Wilhelm, _8-10_, 286-646.
+
+Windisch, H., 775.
+
+Winship, A. E., 147.
+
+Winston, L. G., _117-19_.
+
+Wirth, M., 947.
+
+Wishart, Alfred W., 274.
+
+Wiston-Glynn, A. W., 947.
+
+Witte, H., 946.
+
+Wittenmyer, _Mrs._ Annie, _898-905_, 942.
+
+Wolff, C. F., 967.
+
+Wolman, Leo, 653.
+
+Wood, Walter, 649, (ed).
+
+Woodbury, Margaret, 859.
+
+Woodhead, 179.
+
+Woods, A., 655.
+
+Woods, E. B., 1004.
+
+Woods, Frederick A., 499, 854.
+
+Woods, Robert A., 219, 331, 335, 566, 656 (ed.), 943.
+
+Woodson, Carter G., 941.
+
+Woodworth, R. S., 154.
+
+Woolbert, C. H., 941.
+
+Woolman, John, 151.
+
+Wordsworth, William, _66_.
+
+Worms, Émile, 649.
+
+Worms, René, 28, _29_, 58, 61, 425, 649 (ed.), 729.
+
+Wright, Arnold, 653.
+
+Wright, Gordon, 886.
+
+Wuensch, R., 939.
+
+Wundt, Wilhelm, 21, 421, 422, 426, 427, 775, 777.
+
+Wuttke, Heinrich, 427.
+
+
+Xénopol, A. P., 649.
+
+
+Yule, Henry, 276.
+
+
+Zangwill, Israel, 734.
+
+Zeeb, Frieda B., 942.
+
+Zenker, E. V., 565.
+
+Ziegler, T., 942.
+
+Zimand, Savel, 943.
+
+Zimmermann, Johann G., 271, 273.
+
+Zimmern, Alfred E., 660, 729, 730.
+
+Znaniecki, Florian, _47_, _52_, _57_, _59_, 144, 151, 222,
+335, 501, 774, 935, 1006.
+
+Zola, Émile, 141, _142_, 266, 334.
+
+Zueblin, Charles, _955-56_, 1010.
+
+
+
+
+GENERAL INDEX
+
+
+ACCLIMATIZATION:
+ _bibliography_, 725-26;
+ as a form of accommodation, 666, 671-74, 719.
+
+ACCOMMODATION:
+ _chap. x_, 663-733;
+ _bibliography_, 725-32;
+ and adaptation, 663-65;
+ and assimilation, 735-36;
+ and competition, 664-65;
+ and compromise, 706-8;
+ and conflict, 631-37, 669-70, 703-8;
+ creates social organization, 511;
+ defined, 663-64;
+ distinguished from assimilation, 511;
+ facilitated by secondary contacts, 736-37;
+ in the form of domination and submission, 440-41;
+ in the form of slavery, 674-77, 677-81;
+ forms of, 666-67, 671-88, 718-20;
+ and historic forms of the organization of society, 667;
+ investigations and problems, 718-25;
+ natural issue of conflict, 665;
+ and the origin of caste in India, 681-84, 684-88;
+ and peace, 703-63;
+ in relation to competition, 510-11;
+ in relation to conflict, 511;
+ as subordination and superordination, 667-69.
+ _See_ Subordination and superordination.
+
+ACCOMMODATION GROUPS, classified, 50, 721-23.
+
+ACCULTURATION:
+ _bibliography_, 776-77;
+ defined, 135;
+ problems of, 771-72;
+ and tradition, 172;
+ transmission of cultural elements, 737.
+
+ADAPTATION, and accommodation, 663-65.
+
+ADVERTISING. _See_ Publicity.
+
+AGGREGATES, SOCIAL:
+ composed of spacially separated units, 26;
+ and organic aggregates, 25.
+
+AMALGAMATION:
+ _bibliography_, 776;
+ and assimilation, 740-41, 769-71;
+ fusion of races by intermarriage, 737-38;
+ result of contacts of races, 770.
+ _See_ Miscegenation.
+
+AMERICANIZATION:
+ _bibliography_, 781-83;
+ as assimilation, 762-63;
+ and immigration, 772-75;
+ as participation, 762-63;
+ as a problem of assimilation, 739-40, 762-69;
+ Study of Methods of, 736, 773-74;
+ surveys and studies of, 772-75.
+ _See_ Immigration.
+
+ANARCHISM:
+ _bibliography_, 565-66;
+ economic doctrine of, 558.
+
+ANARCHY, of political opinion and parties, 2.
+
+ANIMAL CROWD. _See_ Crowd, animal.
+
+ANIMAL SOCIETY:
+ bee and ant community, 742;
+ prestige in, 809-10.
+
+ANTHROPOLOGY, 10.
+
+APPRECIATION:
+ in relation to imitation, 344, 401-7;
+ and sense impressions, 356-57.
+
+ARCHAEOLOGY, as a new social science, 5.
+
+ARGOT, _bibliography_, 427-29.
+
+ART:
+ as expressive behavior, 787-88;
+ origin in the choral dance, 871.
+
+ASSIMILATION:
+ _chap. xi_, 734-84;
+ _bibliography_, 775-83;
+ and accommodation, 735-36;
+ and amalgamation, 740-41, 769-71;
+ Americanization as, 762-63;
+ based on differences, 724;
+ biological aspects of, 737-38, 740-45;
+ conceived as a "Melting Pot," 734;
+ defined, 756, 761;
+ and democracy, 734;
+ distinguished from accommodation, 511;
+ facilitated by primary contacts, 736-37, 739, 761-62;
+ final product of social contact, 736-37;
+ in the formation of nationalities, 756-58;
+ fusion of cultures, 737;
+ of the Germans in the Carpathian lands, 770;
+ instinctive basis of, 742-45;
+ investigations and problems, 769-75;
+ as like-mindedness, 735, 741;
+ and mediation of individual differences, 766-69;
+ natural history of, 774;
+ in personal development, 511;
+ popular conceptions of, 724-35;
+ a problem of secondary groups, 761;
+ a process of prolonged contact, 741;
+ of races, 756-62;
+ and racial differences, 769-70;
+ sociology of, 735-37.
+ _See_ Amalgamation, Americanization, Cultures, conflict and fusion of,
+ Denationalization.
+
+ATTENTION, in relation to imitation, 344, 391-94.
+
+ATTITUDES:
+ _bibliography_, 501;
+ as behavior patterns, 439-42;
+ complexes of, 57;
+ polar conception of, 441-42;
+ as the social element, 438-39;
+ as social forces, 467-78;
+ in subordination and superordination, 692-95;
+ and wishes, 442-43;
+ wishes as components of, 439.
+
+
+BALKED DISPOSITION, a result of secondary contacts, 287.
+
+BEHAVIOR:
+ defined, 185-86;
+ expressive and positive, 787-88.
+
+BEHAVIOR, COLLECTIVE. _See_ Collective behavior.
+
+BEHAVIOR PATTERNS, and culture, 72.
+
+BLUSHING, communication by, 365-70.
+
+BOLSHEVISM, 909-15.
+
+BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, of New York City, 46, 315.
+
+
+CARNEGIE REPORT UPON MEDICAL EDUCATION, 315.
+
+CASTE:
+ _bibliography_, 728;
+ as an accommodation of conflict, 584;
+ defined, 203-4;
+ a form of accommodation group, 50;
+ interpreted by superordination and subordination, 684-88;
+ its origin in India, 681-84;
+ and the limitation of free competition, 620-22;
+ study of, 722-23.
+
+CATEGORIC CONTACTS. _See_ Sympathetic contacts.
+
+CEREMONY:
+ _bibliography_, 855-56;
+ as expressive behavior, 787-88;
+ fundamental form of social control, 787.
+
+CHARACTER:
+ defined, 81;
+ inherited or acquired, 127-28;
+ and instinct, 190-93;
+ as the organization of the wishes of the person, 490;
+ related to custom, 192-93.
+
+CIRCLE, VICIOUS. _See_ Vicious circle.
+
+CIRCULAR REACTION. _See_ Reaction, circular.
+
+CITY:
+ an area of secondary contacts, 285-87;
+ aversion, a protection of the person in the, 584-85;
+ and the evolution of individual types, 712-14;
+ growth of, 534-35;
+ physical human type of, 535-38;
+ planning, studies of, 328-29;
+ studies of, 331.
+
+CIVILIZATION:
+ and historical continuity, 298-301;
+ life of, 956-57;
+ and mobility, 303-5;
+ a part of nature, 3;
+ an organization to realize wishes, 958;
+ and permanent settlement, 529-30.
+
+CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS, 40.
+
+CLASSES, SOCIAL:
+ _bibliography_, 728-29;
+ defined, 204-5;
+ as a form of accommodation groups, 50;
+ patterns of life of, 46;
+ separated by isolation, 230;
+ study of, 722.
+
+CLEVER HANS, case of, 412-15.
+
+COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR:
+ _chap. xiii_, 865-952;
+ _bibliography_, 934-51;
+ defined, 865;
+ investigations and problems, 924-34;
+ and the origin of concerted activity, 32;
+ and social control, 785-86;
+ and social unrest, 866-67.
+ _See_ Crowd, Herd, Mass movements, Public.
+
+COLLECTIVE CONSCIOUSNESS:
+ defined, 195;
+ of society, 28.
+
+COLLECTIVE FEELING, and collective thinking, 17.
+
+COLLECTIVE MIND, and social control, 36-43.
+
+COLLECTIVE REPRESENTATION:
+ application of Durkheim's conception of, 18;
+ contrasted with sensation, 193;
+ in the crowd, 894-95;
+ defined, 164-65, 195-96;
+ and intellectual life, 193-96;
+ and public opinion, 38.
+
+COLLECTIVISM:
+ and the division of labor, 718.
+
+COLONIZATION:
+ _bibliography_, 725-26;
+ a form of accommodation, 719;
+ and mobility, 302.
+
+COMMON PURPOSE, as ideal, wish, and obligation, 33.
+
+COMMUNISM, economic doctrine of, 558.
+
+COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION:
+ _bibliography_, 731-32;
+ study of, 724-25.
+
+COMMUNICATION:
+ _bibliography_, 275-76; 426-29;
+ and art, 37;
+ basis of participation in community life, 763-66;
+ basis of society, 183-85;
+ basis of world-society, 343;
+ by blushing, 365-70;
+ concept, the medium of, 379-81;
+ extension of, by human invention, 343, 385-89;
+ a form of social interaction, 36;
+ and inter-stimulation, 37;
+ by laughing, 370-75;
+ in the lower animals, 375-79;
+ as the medium of social interaction, 341-43;
+ natural forms of, 356-75;
+ newspaper as medium of, 316-17;
+ rôle of the book in, 343;
+ study of, 421-23;
+ through the expression of the emotions, 342, 361-75;
+ through language and ideas, 375-89;
+ through the senses, 342, 356-61;
+ writing as a form of, 381-84.
+ _See_ Language, Newspaper, Publicity.
+
+COMMUNITIES:
+ _bibliography_, 59, 219;
+ animal, 26;
+ defined, 161;
+ local and territorial, 50;
+ plant, _bibliography_, 217-18;
+ plant, organization of, 26, 173-80; 526-28;
+ plant, unity of, 198-99;
+ rural and urban, 56;
+ scale for grading, 1002 n.;
+ studies of, 211-12, 327-29.
+
+COMMUNITY, as a constellation of social forces, 436, 493.
+
+COMPETITION:
+ _chap, viii_, 505-65;
+ _bibliography_, 552-70;
+ and accommodation, 510-11, 664-65;
+ biological, 553-54;
+ changing forms of, 545-50;
+ conscious, as conflict, 574, 576, 579-94;
+ and control, 509-10;
+ of cultural languages, 754-56, 771;
+ and the defectives, the dependents, and the delinquents, 559-62;
+ destroys isolation, 232;
+ economic, 544-54, 554-558;
+ and the economic equilibrium, 505-6, 511;
+ the elementary process of interaction, 507-11;
+ elimination of, and caste, 620-22;
+ and freedom, 506-7, 509, 513, 551-52;
+ history of theories of, 556-58;
+ and human ecology, 558;
+ and the "inner enemies," 559-62;
+ investigations and problems 553-62;
+ and laissez faire, 554-58;
+ the "life of trade," 505;
+ makes for progress, 988;
+ makes for specialization and organization, 519-22;
+ and man as an adaptive mechanism, 522-26;
+ and mobility, 513;
+ most severe between members of the same species, 517;
+ and the natural harmony of individual interests, 550-51;
+ natural history of, 555-56;
+ and natural selection, 515-19;
+ opposed to sentiment, 509;
+ personal, as conflict, 574, 575-76;
+ personal, and the evolution of individual types, 712-14;
+ personal, and social selection, 708-12;
+ and plant migration, 526-28;
+ popular conception of, 504-7;
+ and race suicide, 539-44;
+ restricted by custom, tradition, and law, 513;
+ and segregation, 526-44;
+ and social contact, 280-81;
+ and social control, 561-62;
+ and social solidarity, 670-71, 708-18;
+ and the standard of living, 543-44;
+ and status, 541-43, 670-71, 708-18;
+ and the struggle for existence, 505, 512, 513-15, 515-19, 522-26, 545-50;
+ unfair, 506.
+ _See_ Competitive co-operation.
+
+COMPETITIVE CO-OPERATION:
+ Adam Smith's conception of an "invisible hand," 504, 551;
+ in the ant community, 512-13;
+ and competition, 508;
+ complementary association, 179-80;
+ and human ecology, 558;
+ and participation, 767-78;
+ in the plant community, 163.
+
+COMPREHENSION, and sense impressions, 357-61.
+
+COMPROMISE, a form of accommodation, 706-8.
+
+CONCEPTS:
+ as collective representations, 193-96;
+ as medium of communication, 379-81.
+
+CONDUCT:
+ as self-conscious behavior, 188-89.
+
+CONFLICT:
+ _chap. ix_, 574-662;
+ _bibliography_, 645-60;
+ accommodation, 511, 631-37, 665, 669-70, 703-8;
+ of beliefs, and the origin of sects, 611-12;
+ concept of, 574-76;
+ as conscious competition, 281, 574, 576, 579-94;
+ cultural, and the organization of sects, 610-16;
+ cultural, and sex differences, 615-16;
+ cultural, and social organization, 577-78;
+ determines the status of the person in society, 574-75, 576;
+ emotional, 475-76;
+ and fusion of cultures, 738-39, 746-62, 740-45;
+ and fusion of cultures and social unity, 200;
+ of impersonal ideals, 592-94;
+ instinctive interest in, 579-82;
+ investigations and problems, 639-45;
+ natural history of, 579-82;
+ and origin of law, 850-52;
+ as personal competition, 575-76;
+ and the political order, 551;
+ psychology and sociology of, 638-39;
+ race, and social contact, 615-23;
+ and race consciousness, 623-31;
+ racial, 616-37;
+ and the rise of nationalities, 628-31;
+ and repression, 601-2;
+ and social control, 607-8;
+ as a struggle for status, 574, 578-79;
+ as a type of social interaction, 582-86;
+ types of, 239-41, 586-94;
+ and the unification of personality, 583-84.
+ _See_ Feud, Litigation, Mental conflict, Race conflicts, Rivalry, War.
+
+CONFLICT GROUPS, classified, 50.
+
+CONSCIENCE:
+ as an inward feeling, 103;
+ a manifestation of the collective mind, 33;
+ a peculiar possession of the gregarious animals, 31.
+
+CONSCIOUS, 41.
+
+CONSCIOUSNESS:
+ national and racial, 40-41;
+ and progress, 990-94.
+
+CONSCIOUSNESS, SOCIAL:
+ _bibliography_, 425-26;
+ of the community, 48;
+ existence of, 28;
+ as mind of the group, 41;
+ in the person, 29;
+ and the social organism, 39.
+
+CONSENSUS:
+ defined, 164;
+ social, and solidarity, 24;
+ social, closer than the vital, 25;
+ as society, 161;
+ versus co-operation, 184.
+
+CONTACT, maritime, and geographical, 260-64.
+
+CONTACTS, PRIMARY:
+ _bibliography_, 333-34;
+ and absolute standards, 285-86;
+ defined, 284, 311;
+ distinguished from secondary contacts, 284-87, 305-27;
+ facilitate assimilation, 736-37, 739;
+ of intimacy and acquaintanceship, 284-85;
+ related to concrete experience, 286;
+ and sentimental attitudes, 319-20;
+ studies of, 329-31;
+ in village life in America, 305-11.
+
+CONTACTS, SECONDARY:
+ _bibliography_, 334-36;
+ and abstract relations, 325;
+ accommodation, facilitated by, 736-37;
+ and capitalism, 317-22;
+ a cause of the balked disposition, 287;
+ characteristic of city life, 285-87, 311-15;
+ conventional, formal, and impersonal, 56;
+ defined, 284;
+ distinguished from primary contacts, 284-87, 305-27;
+ laissez faire in, 758;
+ modern society based on, 286-87;
+ publicity as a form of, 315-17;
+ and the problems of social work, 287;
+ and rational attitudes, 317-22;
+ sociological significance of the stranger, 286, 322-27;
+ studies of, 331.
+
+CONTACTS, SOCIAL:
+ _chap. v_, 280-338;
+ _bibliography_, 332-36;
+ in assimilation, 736-37;
+ avoidance of, 292-93, 330;
+ defined, 329;
+ desire for, 291-92;
+ distinguished from physical contacts, 282;
+ economic conception of, 280-81;
+ extension through the devices of communication, 280-81;
+ as the first stage of social interaction, 280, 282;
+ frontiers of, 288-89;
+ intensity of, 282-83;
+ investigations and problems of, 327-31;
+ land as a basis for, 282, 289-91;
+ preliminary notions of, 280-81;
+ and progress, 988-89;
+ and race conflict, 615-23;
+ and racial intermixture, 770;
+ and social forces, 36;
+ sociological concept of, 281-82;
+ spatial conception of, 282;
+ sympathetic versus categoric, 294-98;
+ in the transmission of cultural objects, 746.
+ _See_ Communication; Contacts, primary; Contacts, secondary; Continuity;
+ Interaction, social; Mobility; Touch; We-group and others-group.
+
+CONTAGION, SOCIAL:
+ _bibliography_, 936-38;
+ and collective behavior, 874-86, 878-81;
+ in fashion, 874-75;
+ and psychic epidemics, 926-27.
+
+CONTINUITY:
+ through blood-relationship, 351-52;
+ by continuance of locality, 350;
+ through group honor, 355-56;
+ through the hereditary principle, 353-54;
+ historical, 283-84, 298-301;
+ through leadership, 353-54;
+ through material symbols, 354-55;
+ through membership in the group, 352-53;
+ through specialized organs, 356.
+
+CONTROL:
+ aim of sociology, 339;
+ defined, 182;
+ the fundamental social fact, 34;
+ loss of, and unrest, 766-67.
+ _See_ Control, social.
+
+CONTROL, SOCIAL:
+ _chap. xii_, 785-864;
+ _bibliography_, 854-61;
+ absolute in primary groups, 285-86, 305-11;
+ through advertising, 830;
+ in the animal "crowd," 788-90;
+ as an artefact, 29;
+ central problem of society, 42;
+ and collective behavior, 785-86;
+ and the collective mind, 36-43;
+ and competition, 509-10, 561-62;
+ and conflict, 607-8;
+ and corporate action, 27;
+ in the crowd, 790-91;
+ in the crowd and the public, 800-805;
+ defined, 785-87;
+ and definitions of the situation, 764-65;
+ elementary forms of, 788-91, 800-816, 849-50;
+ and human nature, 785-87, 848-49;
+ and the individual, 52;
+ investigations and problems, 848-53;
+ through laughter, 373-75;
+ mechanisms of, 29;
+ through news, 834-37;
+ through opinion, 191-92;
+ organization of, 29;
+ through prestige, 807-11, 811-12;
+ through propaganda, 837-41;
+ in the public, 791-96, 800-805;
+ through public opinion in cities, 316-17;
+ resting on consent, 29;
+ with the savage, 90;
+ and schools of thought, 27-35;
+ and social problems, 785;
+ as taming, 163.
+ _See_ Ceremonial, Law, Leadership, Institutions, Mores, Myth, Taboo.
+
+CONVERSION:
+ _bibliography_, 726-27;
+ as the mutation of attitudes and wishes, 669;
+ religious, and the social group, 48.
+
+CO-OPERATION:
+ of the machine type, 184.
+ _See_ Collective behavior, Corporate action.
+
+CORPORATE ACTION:
+ problem of, 30;
+ and social consciousness, 41-42;
+ and social control, 27;
+ as society, 163.
+ _See_ Collective behavior.
+
+CRIME, from the point of view of the primary group, 48, 49.
+ _See_ Defectives, dependents, and delinquents.
+
+CRISES, ECONOMIC:
+ _bibliography_, 947.
+
+CRISIS, and public opinion, 793, 794.
+
+CROWD:
+ _bibliography_, 939-40;
+ animal, 788-89, 876, 881-87;
+ characteristics of, 890-93;
+ classified, 200-201;
+ control in the, 790-91, 800-805;
+ defined, 868, 893-95;
+ excitement of, in mass movements, 895-98;
+ homogeneous and heterogeneous, 200-201;
+ "in being," 33;
+ milling in, 869;
+ organized, 33, 34;
+ "psychological," 34, 876-77, 887-93;
+ psychology of, 5;
+ and the public, 867-70;
+ and unreflective action, 798-99.
+
+CULTURAL DIFFERENCES, as caused by isolation, 229.
+
+CULTURAL PROCESS:
+ the function of, 52-54;
+ and isolation, 233.
+
+CULTURAL RESEMBLANCES, interpretation of, 19.
+
+CULTURAL TRAITS:
+ independently created, 20;
+ transmission of, 21.
+
+CULTURE: and behavior patterns, 72;
+ materials, why diffused, 20;
+ Roman, extension of in Gaul, 751-54.
+
+CULTURES, CONFLICT AND FUSION OF:
+ _bibliography_, 776-80;
+ analysis of blended, 746-50;
+ comparative study of, 18;
+ conflict and fusion of, 738-39, 746-62, 771-72;
+ fusions of, nature of the process, 20.
+
+CUSTOM: as the general will, 102;
+ and law, 799.
+ _See_ Mores.
+
+
+DANCE: _bibliography_, 938-39;
+ and corporate action, 870-71.
+
+DANCING MANIA OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 875, 879-81.
+
+DEFECTIVES, DEPENDENTS, AND DELINQUENTS:
+ _bibliography_, 147-48, 566-70;
+ and competition, 559-62;
+ isolated groups, 232-33, 254-57, 271;
+ and progress, 954-55;
+ solution of problems of, 562.
+
+DEFINITION OF THE SITUATION, 764-65.
+
+DENATIONALIZATION:
+ _bibliography_, 777-78;
+ implies coercion, 740-41;
+ as negative assimilation, 724;
+ in the Roman conquest of Gaul, 751-54.
+
+DENOMINATIONS:
+ as accommodation groups, 50;
+ distinguished from sects, 873.
+
+DESIRES:
+ in relation to interests, 456;
+ as social forces, 437-38, 453-54, 455, 497.
+
+DIALECTS:
+ _bibliography_, 275, 427-29;
+ caused by isolation, 271;
+ of isolated groups, 423;
+ _lingua franca_, 752-54.
+
+DISCOURSE, UNIVERSES OF. _See_ Universes of discourse.
+
+DISCUSSION, _bibliography_, 646-47.
+
+DISORGANIZATION, SOCIAL:
+ _bibliography_, 934-35;
+ and change, 55;
+ disintegrating influences of city life, 312-13;
+ and emancipation of the individual, 867.
+
+DIVISION OF LABOR:
+ and collectivism, 718;
+ and co-operation, 42;
+ and individualism, 718;
+ and the moral code, 717-18;
+ physiological, 26;
+ in slavery, 677;
+ and social solidarity, 714-18;
+ and social types, 713-14.
+
+DOGMA, as based upon ritual and myth, 822-26.
+
+DOMESDAY SURVEY, 436.
+
+DOMESTICATION:
+ defined, 163;
+ of animals, 171-73.
+
+DOMINATION. _See_ Subordination and superordination.
+
+DUEL:
+ _bibliography_, 655.
+
+
+ECESIS, defined, 526.
+
+ECONOMIC COMPETITION. _See_ Competition.
+
+ECONOMIC CONFLICT GROUPS:
+ _bibliography_, 657-58.
+
+ECONOMIC CRISES. _See_ Crises, economic.
+
+ECONOMIC MAN, as an abstraction to explain behavior, 495-96.
+
+ECONOMIC PROCESS, and personal values, 53-54.
+
+ECONOMICS:
+ conception of society of, 280-81;
+ and the economic process, 53-54;
+ use of social forces in, 494-96.
+ _See_ Competition.
+
+EDUCATION:
+ device of social control, 339;
+ purpose of, 833.
+
+EMOTIONS, expressions of:
+ _bibliography_, 426-27;
+ study of, 421-22.
+
+EPIDEMICS, PSYCHIC OR SOCIAL. _See_ Contagion, social.
+
+EQUILIBRIUM, a form of accommodation, 667-719.
+
+ESPRIT DE CORPS: as affective morale, 209;
+ defined, 164;
+ in relation to isolation, 229-30.
+
+ETHNOLOGY:
+ and history, 18;
+ as a social science, 5.
+
+EUGENICS:
+ _bibliography_, 1007;
+ and biological inheritance, 133;
+ as human domestication, 163;
+ and progress, 969-73, 979-83;
+ research in, 143.
+
+EVOLUTION, SOCIAL: and progress, _bibliography_, 1006-7.
+
+
+FAMILY:
+ _bibliography_, 220-23, 947-48;
+ government of, 46;
+ outline for sociological study, 216;
+ a primary group, 56;
+ as a social group, 50;
+ study of, 213-16.
+
+FASHION:
+ a form of imitation, 390;
+ as social contagion, 874-75;
+ and social control, 831-32;
+ study of, 933-34.
+
+FEEBLE-MINDEDNESS. _See_ Defectives, dependents, and delinquents.
+
+FERAL MEN:
+ _bibliography_, 277;
+ result of isolation, 71-72, 239-43.
+
+FERMENTATION, SOCIAL, 34.
+
+FEUD:
+ _bibliography_, 654-55;
+ as a form of conflict, 588-90;
+ as the personal settlement of disputes, 581.
+
+FLOCK, 881-83.
+
+FOLK PSYCHOLOGY:
+ aim of, 21;
+ its origin, 20;
+ and sociology, 5.
+
+FOLKLORE, as a social science, 5.
+
+FOLKWAYS:
+ not creations of human purpose, 98.
+ _See_ Customs, Mores.
+
+FORCES, SOCIAL:
+ _chap. vii_, 435-504;
+ _bibliography_, 498-501;
+ in American history, 443-44;
+ attitudes as, 437-42, 457-78;
+ desires as, 437-38, 453-54, 497;
+ gossip as, 452;
+ in history, 436-37, 493-94;
+ history of the concept of, 436-37;
+ idea-forces as, 461-64;
+ and interaction, 451-54;
+ interests, as, 454-58, 458-62, 494-96;
+ investigations and problems of, 491-97;
+ organized in public opinion, 35;
+ popular notions of, 491-93;
+ in public opinion in England, 445-51;
+ social pressures as, 458-61;
+ and the social survey, 436;
+ in social work, 435-37, 491-93;
+ sources of the notion of, 435-36;
+ tendencies as, 444-45;
+ trends as, 436-37.
+ _See_ Attitudes, Desires, Interests, Sentiments, and Wishes.
+
+FREEDOM:
+ _bibliography_, 563;
+ and competition, 506-7, 509, 551-52;
+ and laissez faire, 560-61;
+ as the liberty to move, 323;
+ of thought and speech, 640-41.
+
+FRENCH REVOLUTION, 905-9.
+
+
+GALTON LABORATORY FOR NATIONAL EUGENICS, 143, 560.
+
+GAMES AND GAMBLING:
+ _bibliography_, 655;
+ study of, 640.
+
+GANGS:
+ _bibliography_, 656;
+ as a form of conflict groups, 50, 870;
+ permanent form of crowd that acts, 872.
+
+GENERAL EDUCATION BOARD, 315.
+
+GENIUS, among civilized peoples, 92.
+
+GEOGRAPHY:
+ and history, 8;
+ as a science, 7.
+
+GOVERNMENT:
+ a technical science, 1.
+ _See_ Politics.
+
+GREGARIOUSNESS, regarded as an instinct, 30, 742-45.
+
+GROUP, PRIMARY, defined, 50, 56.
+
+GROUP SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS, 51.
+
+GROUPS, SECONDARY:
+ in relation to conflict and accommodation, 50.
+ _See_ Contacts, secondary.
+
+GROUPS, SOCIAL:
+ _bibliography_, 218-23, 274, 333-36;
+ accommodation type of, 721-23;
+ centers of new ideas, 21;
+ and character, 57;
+ classification of, 50, 200-205;
+ concept of, 47;
+ co-operation in, 22;
+ defined, 45, 196-98;
+ determines types of personality, 606-7;
+ investigations of, 210-16, 270-71;
+ natural, 30;
+ organization and structure of, 51;
+ persistence of, 349-56;
+ a real corporate existence, 33;
+ rivalry of, 605-10;
+ and social problems, 50;
+ study of, 643-45;
+ subordination to, 609-702;
+ types of, 47-51;
+ unit of classification, 161-62;
+ unit of investigation, 212-13;
+ unity of, 198-200.
+ _See_ Groups, primary, Groups, secondary, Contacts, primary, Contacts,
+ secondary, also the names of specific groups.
+
+GROWTH, SOCIAL, 26.
+
+
+HABIT, as the individual will, 100-102.
+
+HERD:
+ behavior of, 30;
+ contagion in, 885-86;
+ homogeneity of, 31;
+ instinct of the, 32, 724-45, 884-86;
+ milling in the, 788-90;
+ simplest type of social group, 30.
+
+HEREDITY AND EUGENICS:
+ _bibliography_, 147-48.
+
+HERITAGES, SOCIAL:
+ complex of stimuli, 72;
+ of the immigrant, 765;
+ investigation of, 51;
+ transmission of, 72.
+
+HISTORICAL FACT, 7.
+
+HISTORICAL PROCESS, and progress, 969-73.
+
+HISTORICAL RACES:
+ as products of isolation, 257-60.
+
+HISTORY:
+ a catalogue of facts, 14;
+ defined by Karl Pearson, 14;
+ and geography, 15;
+ as group memory, 51-52;
+ mother science of all the social sciences, 42, 43;
+ as a natural science, 23;
+ and the natural sciences, 6;
+ scientific, 4, 14;
+ and sociology, 5, 1-12, 16-24.
+
+HOMOGENEITY:
+ and common purpose, 32;
+ and like-mindedness, 32.
+
+HOUSING, and zoning studies, 328-29.
+
+HUMAN BEINGS, as artificial products, 95.
+
+HUMAN ECOLOGY, and competition, 558.
+
+HUMAN NATURE:
+ _chap. ii_, 64-158;
+ _bibliography_, 147-54;
+ adaptability of, 95-97;
+ Aristotle's conception of, 140;
+ defined, 65-67;
+ described in literature, 141-43;
+ description and explanation of, 79;
+ founded on instincts, 77-78;
+ and the four wishes, 442-43;
+ Hobbes' conception, 140;
+ human interest in, 64-65;
+ investigations and problems, 139-46;
+ and law, 12-16;
+ Machiavelli's conception, 140;
+ and the mores, 97-100;
+ political conceptions, 140-41;
+ problems of, 47;
+ product of group life, 67;
+ product of social intercourse, 47;
+ product of society, 159;
+ and progress, 954, 957-58, 964-65, 983-1000;
+ religious conceptions of, 139;
+ and social control, 785-87; 848-49;
+ and social life, 69;
+ Spencer's conception, 141;
+ and war, 594-98.
+
+HUMAN NATURE AND INDUSTRY:
+ _bibliography_, 149.
+
+HUMAN SOCIETY:
+ contrasted with animal societies, 199-200;
+ and social life, 182-85.
+
+HYPNOTISM:
+ a form of dissociation of memory, 472;
+ post-hypnotic suggestion, 477.
+ _See_ Suggestion.
+
+
+IDEA-FORCES, 461-64.
+ _See_ Sentiment, Wishes.
+
+IMITATION:
+ _bibliography_, 429-30;
+ active side of sympathy, 394-95;
+ and appropriation of knowledge, 403-4;
+ and art, 401-8;
+ circular reaction, 390-91;
+ communication by, 72;
+ defined, 344, 390-91, 391-94;
+ in emotional communication, 404-7;
+ and fashion, 390;
+ and the imitative process, 292-93;
+ internal, 404-5;
+ and like-mindedness, 33;
+ as a process of learning, 344, 393-94;
+ and rapport, 344;
+ in relation to attention and interest, 344, 391-94;
+ in relation to trial and error, 344-45;
+ and the social inheritance, 390-91;
+ as the social process, 21;
+ study of, 423-24;
+ and suggestion, differentiated, 346;
+ and suggestion, inner relation between, 688-889;
+ and the transmission of tradition, 391-92.
+
+IMMIGRATION:
+ _bibliography_, 780-81;
+ and Americanization, 772-75;
+ involves accommodation, 719.
+ _See_ Migration.
+
+IMMIGRATION COMMISSION, REPORT OF, 772-73.
+
+INBORN CAPACITIES, defined, 73-74.
+
+INDIVIDUAL:
+ _bibliography_, 149-50, 152-53;
+ an abstraction, 24;
+ isolated, 55;
+ and person 55;
+ subordination to, 698-99.
+
+INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES:
+ _bibliography_, 152-54, 276;
+ assimilation and the mediation of, 766-69;
+ cause of isolation, 228-29;
+ described, 92-94;
+ developed by city life, 313-15;
+ measurement of, 145-46;
+ in primitive and civilized man, 90;
+ and sex differences, 87.
+
+INDIVIDUAL REPRESENTATION, 37, 193.
+
+INDIVIDUALISM, and the division of labor, 718.
+
+INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION:
+ _bibliography_, 564-65;
+ impersonality of, 287.
+
+INHERITANCE, BIOLOGICAL:
+ _bibliography_, 147.
+
+INHERITANCE, SOCIAL:
+ through imitation, 390-91.
+ _See_ Heritages, social.
+
+"INNER ENEMIES." _See_ Defectives, dependents, and delinquents.
+
+INSPIRATION, and public sentiment, 34, 35.
+
+INSTINCTS:
+ _bibliography_, 147-48, 152-54;
+ and character, 190-93;
+ in conflict, 576-77; 579-82;
+ defined, 73-74;
+ gregarious, 742-45;
+ in the human baby, 82-84;
+ instinctive movements as race movements, 82;
+ physiological bases of assimilation, 742-45.
+ _See_ Human nature, Original nature.
+
+INSTITUTIONS: defined, 796-97, 841;
+ investigations of, 51;
+ and law, 797-99;
+ and mass movements, 915-24;
+ and mores, 841-43;
+ natural history of, 16;
+ and sects, 872-74;
+ and social control, 796-99, 841-48, 851-53.
+
+INTERACTION, SOCIAL:
+ _chap. vi_, 339-434;
+ _bibliography_, 425-31;
+ in communication, 341-43, 344-46, 356-89, 408-42;
+ concept of, 339-41;
+ in conflict, 582-86;
+ defines the group in time and space, 341, 348-56;
+ history of the concept, 420-21;
+ imitation as a mechanistic form of, 344, 390-407;
+ investigations and problems, 420-24;
+ language, science, religion, public opinion, and law products of, 37;
+ and mobility, 341;
+ Ormond's analysis, 340;
+ as a principal fundamental to all the natural sciences, 341-42, 346-48;
+ in secondary contacts in the large city, 360-61;
+ and social forces, 451-54;
+ and social process, 36, 421;
+ visual, 356-61.
+ _See_ Communication, Imitation, Process, social, Suggestion, and
+ Sympathy.
+
+INTEREST:
+ in relation to imitation, 344, 391-94.
+
+INTERESTS:
+ _bibliography_, 499-500;
+ classification of, 456-57;
+ defined, 456;
+ and desires, 456;
+ instincts and sentiments, 30;
+ natural harmony of, 550-51;
+ as social forces, 454-58, 458-62.
+
+INTIMACY:
+ _bibliography_, 332;
+ and the desire for response, 329-30;
+ form of primary contact, 294-85.
+
+INVERSION, of impulses and sentiments, 283, 292, 329.
+
+INVESTIGATION, and research, 45.
+
+ISOLATION:
+ _chap. iv_, 226-79;
+ _bibliography_, 273-77;
+ in anthropogeography, 226, 269-70;
+ barrier to invasion in plant communities, 527-28;
+ in biology, 227-28, 270;
+ cause of cultural differences, 229;
+ cause of dialects, 271;
+ cause of mental retardation, 231, 239-52;
+ cause of national individuality, 233, 257-69;
+ cause of originality, 237-39;
+ cause of personal individuality, 233-39, 271-73;
+ cause of race prejudice, 250-52;
+ cause of the rural mind, 247-49;
+ circle of, 232;
+ destroyed by competition, 232;
+ disappearance of, 866-67;
+ effect upon social groups, 270-71;
+ feral men, 239-43;
+ geographical, and maritime contact, 260-64;
+ investigations and problems of, 269-73;
+ isolated groups, 270-71;
+ mental effects of, 245-47;
+ and prayer, 235-37;
+ and the processes of competition, selection and segregation, 232-33;
+ product of physical and mental differences, 228-29;
+ result of segregation, 254-57;
+ and secrecy, 230;
+ and segregation, 228-30;
+ and solidarity, 625-26;
+ solitude and society, 243-45;
+ subtler effects of, 249-52.
+
+
+JEW:
+ product of isolation, 271;
+ racial temperament, 136-37;
+ as the sociological stranger, 318-19, 323.
+
+
+KLONDIKE RUSH, 895-98.
+
+
+LABOR ORGANIZATIONS:
+ as conflict groups, 50.
+
+LABORING CLASS, psychology of, 40.
+
+LAISSEZ FAIRE:
+ _bibliography_, 563;
+ and competition, 554-58;
+ and individual freedom, 560-61;
+ in secondary contacts, 758.
+
+LANGUAGE:
+ _bibliography_, 427-29;
+ as condition of Americanization, 765-66;
+ gesture, 362-64;
+ and participation, 763-66.
+ _See_ Communication, Speech community.
+
+LANGUAGE GROUPS AND NATIONALITIES, 50-51.
+
+LANGUAGE REVIVALS AND NATIONALISM:
+ _bibliography_, 945-46;
+ study of 930-32.
+
+LANGUAGES:
+ comparative study of, and sociology, 5, 22;
+ cultural, competition of, 754-56, 771.
+
+LAUGHTER:
+ communication by, 370-75;
+ essays upon, 422;
+ in social control, 373-75;
+ and sympathy, 370-73, 401.
+
+LAW:
+ _bibliography_, 860-62;
+ based on custom and mores, 799, 843-46;
+ common and statute, 842-46;
+ comparative study of, 5;
+ and conscience, 102-8;
+ and creation of law-making opinion, 451;
+ formation of, 16;
+ and the general will, 102-8;
+ and human nature, 12-16;
+ as influenced by public opinion, 446-51;
+ and institutions, 797-99;
+ and legal institutions, 851-53;
+ moral, 13;
+ municipal, 13;
+ natural, defined, 11;
+ natural, distinguished from other forms, 12;
+ and public opinion, 446-51;
+ and religion, 853;
+ result of like-mindedness, 717;
+ social, as an hypothesis, 12;
+ "unwritten," 640.
+
+LAWS OF NATURE, 13.
+
+LAWS OF PROGRESS, 15.
+
+LAWS OF SOCIAL EVOLUTION, 18.
+
+LEADERSHIP:
+ _bibliography_, 854-55;
+ in the flock, 881-83;
+ and group continuity, 353-54;
+ interpreted by subordination and superordination, 695-97, 697-98;
+ in Methodism, 916-17;
+ study of, 721, 849-50.
+ _See_ Collective behavior, Social control, Suggestion, Subordination
+ and superordination.
+
+LEGEND:
+ as a form of social control, 819-22;
+ growth of, 819-22;
+ in the growth of Methodism, 922-23.
+ _See_ Myth.
+
+LEGISLATION. _See_ Law.
+
+LIKE-MINDEDNESS: and corporate action, 42;
+ as an explanation of social behavior, 32-33;
+ formal, in assimilation, 757-60;
+ in a panic, 33-34.
+
+LINGUA FRANCA, 752-54.
+
+LITERATURE, and the science of human nature, 141-43.
+
+LITIGATION, as a form of conflict, 590-92.
+
+LYNCHING:
+ _bibliography_, 653-54.
+
+
+MAN:
+ an adaptive mechanism, 522-26; economic, 495-96;
+ the fighting animal, 600-603;
+ the natural, 82-85;
+ as a person, 10;
+ a political animal, 10, 32;
+ primitive and civilized, sensory discrimination in, 90.
+ _See_ Human nature, Individual, Person, Personality.
+
+MARKETS:
+ _bibliography_, 564;
+ and the origin of competition, 555-56.
+
+MASS MOVEMENTS:
+ _bibliography_, 941-43;
+ crowd excitements and, 895-98;
+ and institutions, 915-24;
+ and mores, 898-905;
+ and progress, 54;
+ and revolution, 905-15;
+ study of, 927-32;
+ types of, 895-924.
+
+MEMORY:
+ associative, Loeb's definition, 467;
+ rôle of, in the control of original nature, 468-71.
+
+MENTAL CONFLICT:
+ _bibliography_, 645-46;
+ and the disorganization of personality, 638;
+ its function in individual and group action, 578;
+ and sublimation, 669.
+
+MENTAL DIFFERENCES. _See_ Individual differences.
+
+METHODISM, 915-24.
+
+MIGRATION:
+ classified into internal and foreign, 531-33;
+ and mobility, 301-5;
+ in the plant community, 526-28;
+ and segregation, 529-33.
+ _See_ Immigration, mobility.
+
+MILLING, in the herd, 788-90.
+
+MIND, COLLECTIVE, 887, 889-90.
+
+MISCEGENATION:
+ and the mores, 53.
+ _See_ Amalgamation.
+
+MISSIONS:
+ _bibliography_, 778-80;
+ and the conflict and fusion of cultures, 771;
+ and social transmission, 200.
+
+MOBILITY:
+ _bibliography_, 333;
+ and communication, 284;
+ and competition, 513;
+ contrasted with continuity, 286;
+ defined, 283-84;
+ facilitated by city life, 313-14;
+ and instability of natural races, 300-301;
+ of the migratory worker, 912-13;
+ and the movement of the peoples, 301-5;
+ and news, 284;
+ and social interaction, 341;
+ and the stranger, 323-24.
+ _See_ Communication, Contacts, social, Migration.
+
+MOBILIZATION, of the individual man, 313.
+
+MORALE:
+ defined, 164;
+ and isolation, 229-30;
+ of social groups, 205-9.
+ _See Esprit de corps_, Collective representation, Consciousness, social.
+
+MORES:
+ _bibliography_, 148-49;
+ as the basis of social control, 786-87;
+ and conduct, 189;
+ and human nature, 97-100;
+ influence of, 30;
+ and institutions, 841-43;
+ and mass movements, 898-905;
+ and miscegenation, 53;
+ not subject of discussion, 52-53;
+ and progress, 983-84;
+ and public opinion, differentiated, 832.
+
+MOVEMENTS. _See_ Mass movements.
+
+MUSIC:
+ _bibliography_, 938-39.
+
+MYTHOLOGY, comparative study of, 5.
+
+MYTHS:
+ _bibliography_, 857-58;
+ as a form of social control, 816-19;
+ progress as a, 958-62;
+ relation to ritual and dogma, 822-26;
+ revolutionary, 817-19, 909, 911;
+ and socialism, 818-19.
+ _See_ Legend.
+
+
+NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, as affected by natural or vicinal location,
+268-69.
+
+NATIONAL DIFFERENCES, explained by isolation, 264-68.
+
+NATIONALITIES:
+ _bibliography_, 275, 659-60;
+ assimilation in the formation of, 756-58;
+ conflict groups, 50, 628-31;
+ defined, 645;
+ and nations, 723;
+ and patterns of life, 46;
+ and racial temperament, 135-39.
+ _See_ Denationalization, Nationalization, Language revivals.
+
+NATIONALIZATION:
+ _bibliography_, 777-78.
+
+NATURAL HISTORY:
+ and natural science, 16;
+ of a social institution, 16.
+
+NATURAL SCIENCE:
+ defined 12;
+ and history, 8.
+
+NATURALIZATION, SOCIAL:
+ as a form of accommodation, 666-67, 719.
+
+NATURE:
+ defined, 11;
+ laws of, 13;
+ and nurture, 126-28.
+
+NATURE, HUMAN. _See_ Human nature.
+
+NEGRO:
+ accommodation of, in slavery and freedom, 631-37;
+ assimilation of, 960-62;
+ race consciousness of, 623-31;
+ racial temperament of, 136-37, 762.
+
+NEIGHBORHOOD:
+ deterioration of, 252-54;
+ as a local community, 50;
+ as a natural area of primary contacts, 285;
+ as a primary group, 56;
+ scale for grading, 1002 n.
+
+NEO-MALTHUSIAN MOVEMENT, 559-60.
+
+NEWS:
+ and social control, 834-37.
+ _See_ Newspaper, Publicity.
+
+NEWSPAPER:
+ _bibliography_, 427, 859-60;
+ historical development of, 385-89;
+ as medium of communication, 316-17.
+ _See_ Public opinion, Publicity.
+
+NOMINALISM, and social psychology, 41.
+
+NOMINALISTS, and realists in sociology, 36.
+
+
+OPINION. _See_ Public opinion.
+
+ORDEAL OF BATTLE:
+ _bibliography_, 655.
+
+ORGANISM, SOCIAL:
+ and biological, 28;
+ Comte's conception of, 24-25, 39;
+ humanity or Leviathan? 24-27;
+ and the separate organs, 27;
+ Spencer's definition of, 25;
+ Spencer's essay on, 28.
+
+ORGANIZATION, SOCIAL:
+ _bibliography_, 729-30;
+ of groups, 51;
+ and progress, 966-68;
+ and rivalry, 604-16;
+ study of, 723-25.
+
+ORGANIZATIONS, sociological and biological, 26.
+
+ORIGINAL NATURE:
+ an abstraction, 68;
+ control over, 81;
+ controlled through memory, 468-71;
+ defined, 56, 73-74;
+ and environment, 73;
+ inheritance of, 128-33;
+ of man, 68-69;
+ research in, 143.
+ _See_ Individual, Individual differences, Instincts.
+
+ORIGINAL TENDENCIES:
+ inventory of, 75-76;
+ range of, 74.
+
+ORIGINALITY:
+ accumulated commonplaces, 21;
+ in relation to isolation, 237-39.
+
+
+PACK, 886-87.
+
+PARTICIPATION:
+ Americanization as, 762-63;
+ and competitive co-operation, 767-68;
+ language as a means and a product of, 763-66.
+ _See_ Americanization, Assimilation, Collective behavior, Social
+ control.
+
+PARTIES:
+ _bibliography_, 658-59;
+ as conflict groups, 50.
+
+PATTERNS OF LIFE, in nationalities, 46;
+ in social classes, 46.
+
+PEACE, as a type of accommodation, 703-6.
+
+PERIODICALS, SOCIOLOGICAL: _bibliography_, 59-60.
+
+PERSON:
+ _bibliography_, 150-52, 273-74;
+ effect of city upon, 329;
+ and his wishes, 388-90;
+ as an individual with status, 55.
+ _See_ Personality, Status.
+
+PERSONALITY:
+ _bibliography_, 149-52;
+ alterations of, 113-17;
+ classified, 146;
+ as a complex, 69, 110-13;
+ conscious, 490;
+ defined, 70, 112-13;
+ defined in terms of attitudes, 490;
+ disorganization of, and mental conflict, 628;
+ dissociation of, 472-75;
+ effect of isolation upon, 233-39, 271-73;
+ and the four wishes, 442-43;
+ and group membership, 609;
+ harmonization of conflict, 583-84;
+ of individuals and peoples, 123-25;
+ investigation of, 143-45;
+ as the organism, 108-10;
+ shut-in type of, 272;
+ and the social group, 48;
+ study of, 271-73;
+ and suggestion, 419-20;
+ types of, determined by the group, 606-7.
+ _See_ Individual, Person, Self, Status.
+
+PERSONS, defined, 55;
+ as "parts" of society, 36;
+ product of society, 159.
+
+PHILOSOPHY, and natural science, 4.
+
+PITTSBURGH SURVEY, 315, 724.
+
+PLANT COMMUNITIES. _See_ Communities.
+
+PLAY: as expressive behavior, 787-88.
+
+POLITICS:
+ _bibliography_, 940;
+ comparative, Freeman's lectures on, 23;
+ as expressive behavior, 787-88;
+ among the natural sciences, 3;
+ as a positive science, 3;
+ shams in, 826-82.
+
+POVERTY. _See_ Defectives, dependents, and delinquents.
+
+PRESTIGE:
+ with animals, 809-10;
+ defined, 807;
+ and prejudice, 808-9;
+ in primitive society, 810-11, 811-12;
+ in social control, 807-11, 811-12;
+ and status in South East Africa, 811-12.
+ _See_ Leadership, Status.
+
+PRIMARY CONTACTS. _See_ Contacts, primary.
+
+PRINTING-PRESS, _bibliography_, 427.
+
+PRIVACY:
+ defined, 231;
+ values of, 231.
+
+PROBLEMS, ADMINISTRATIVE:
+ practical and technical, 46.
+
+PROBLEMS, HISTORICAL:
+ become psychological and sociological, 19.
+
+PROBLEMS OF POLICY:
+ political and legislative, 46.
+
+PROBLEMS, SOCIAL:
+ classification of, 45, 46;
+ of the group, 47.
+
+PROCESS, historical, 51;
+ political, as distinguished from the cultural, 52-54.
+
+PROCESS, SOCIAL:
+ defined, 51;
+ and interaction, 36, 346;
+ natural, 346-48, 420-21;
+ and social progress, 51-55.
+
+PROGRESS:
+ _chap. xiv_, 952-1011;
+ _bibliography_, 57-58, 1004-10;
+ as the addition to the sum of accumulated experience, 1001-2;
+ concept of, 962-63, 965-73;
+ and consciousness, 990-94;
+ and the cosmic urge, 989-1000;
+ criteria of, 985-86;
+ and the defectives, the dependents, and the delinquents, 954-55;
+ and the _dunkler drang_, 954-1000;
+ earliest conception of, 965-66;
+ and the _élan vitale_, 989-94;
+ and eugenics, 969-73;
+ and happiness, 967, 973-75;
+ and the historical process, 969-73;
+ history of the concept of, 958-62;
+ as a hope or myth, 958-62;
+ and human nature, 954, 957-58, 964-65, 983-1000;
+ indices of, 1002-3;
+ investigations and problems, 1000-3;
+ laws of, 15;
+ and the limits of scientific prevision, 978-79;
+ and mass movements, 54;
+ a modern conception, 960-62;
+ and the mores, 983-84;
+ and the nature of man, 983;
+ and organization, 966-68;
+ popular conceptions of, 953-56;
+ and prevision, 975-77;
+ problem of, 956-58;
+ and providence, in contrast, 960-62;
+ and religion, 846-48;
+ a result of competition, 988;
+ a result of contact, 988-89;
+ and science, 973-83;
+ and social control, 786;
+ and social process, 51-58;
+ and social research, 1000-12;
+ and social values, 955;
+ stages of, 968-69;
+ types of, 985-96;
+ and war, 984-89.
+
+PROPAGANDA:
+ in modern nations, 772;
+ psychology of, 837-41.
+
+PROVIDENCE:
+ in contrast with progress, 960-62.
+
+PSYCHOLOGY, COLLECTIVE, _bibliography_, 940-41.
+
+PUBLIC:
+ and the crowd, 867-70;
+ control in, 800-805;
+ a discussion group, 798-99, 870.
+
+PUBLIC OPINION:
+ _bibliography_, 858-60;
+ changes in intensity and direction of, 792-93;
+ and collective representations, 38;
+ combined and sublimated
+ judgments of individuals, 795-96;
+ continuity in its development, 450-51;
+ and crises, 793-94;
+ cross currents in, 450-51, 791-93;
+ defined, 38;
+ and legislation in England, 445-51;
+ and mores, 829-33;
+ nature of, 826-29;
+ opinion of individuals plus their differences, 832-33;
+ organization of, 51;
+ organization of social forces, 35;
+ and schools of thought, 446-49;
+ and social control, 786, 816-41, 850-51;
+ as social weather, 791-93;
+ as a source of social control in cities, 316-17;
+ supported by sentiment, 478.
+
+PUBLICITY:
+ as a form of social contact, 315-17;
+ as a form of social control, 830;
+ historical evolution of the newspaper, 385-89;
+ and publication, 38.
+
+
+RACE CONFLICT:
+ _bibliography_, 650-52;
+ and race prejudice, 578-79;
+ study of, 642-43.
+
+RACE CONSCIOUSNESS:
+ and conflict, 623-31;
+ in relation to literature and art, 626-29.
+
+RACE PREJUDICE:
+ and competition of peoples with different standards of living, 620-23;
+ as a defense-reaction, 620;
+ a form of isolation, 250-52;
+ and inter-racial competition, 539-44;
+ a phenomenon of social distance, 440;
+ and prestige, 808-9;
+ and primary contacts, 330;
+ and race conflicts, 578-79.
+
+RACES:
+ assimilation of, 756-62;
+ defined, 631-33.
+
+RACIAL DIFFERENCES:
+ _bibliography_, 154;
+ and assimilation, 769-70;
+ basis of race prejudice and conflict, 631-33;
+ in primitive and civilized man, 89-92.
+
+RAPPORT:
+ in the crowd, 893-94;
+ in hypnotism, 345;
+ in imitation, 344;
+ in suggestion, 345.
+
+REACTION, CIRCULAR:
+ in collective behavior and social control, 788-92;
+ in imitation, 390-91;
+ in social unrest, 866.
+
+REALISTS, and nominalists in sociology, 43.
+
+REALISM, and collective psychology, 41.
+
+REFLEX:
+ defined, 73;
+ as response toward an object, 479-82;
+ Watson's definition of, 81.
+
+REFORM:
+ _bibliography_, 948-50;
+ method of effecting, 47;
+ study of, 934.
+
+RESEARCH, SOCIAL:
+ and progress, 1000-1002;
+ and sociology, 43-57.
+
+RESEARCH, sociological, defined, 44.
+
+RELIGION:
+ as an agency of social control, 846-48;
+ comparative study of, 5;
+ as expressive behavior, 787-88;
+ as the guardian of mores, 847;
+ and law, 853;
+ Methodism, 915-24;
+ origin in the choral dance, 871;
+ and revolutionary and reform movements, 873-74, 908-9.
+
+RELIGIOUS REVIVALS, AND THE ORIGIN OF SECTS:
+ _bibliography_, 933-45;
+ study of, 932-33.
+
+RESPONSE, MULTIPLE, and multiple causation, 75.
+
+REVIVALS. _See_ Language revivals, Religious revivals.
+
+REVOLUTION:
+ _bibliography_, 950-51;
+ bolshevism, 909-15;
+ French, 905-9;
+ and mass movements, 905-15;
+ moral, and Methodism, 923-24;
+ and religion, 873-74; 908-9;
+ study of, 934.
+
+RITES. _See_ Ritual.
+
+RITUAL:
+ _bibliography_, 855-56, 938-39;
+ as a basis of myth and dogma, 822-26.
+
+RIVALRY:
+ _bibliography_, 646;
+ animal, 604-5;
+ and national welfare, 609-10;
+ of social groups, 605-10;
+ and social organization, 577-78, 604-16;
+ sublimated form of conflict, 577-78.
+
+ROCKEFELLER MEDICAL FOUNDATION, 670.
+
+RURAL COMMUNITIES: as local groups, 50.
+ _See_ Communities.
+
+RURAL MIND, as a product of isolation, 247-49.
+
+RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION, social surveys, 46, 315, 724.
+
+
+SALVATION ARMY, 873.
+
+SCIENCE: and concrete experience, 15;
+ and description, 13;
+ and progress, 973-83.
+
+SCIENCES, ABSTRACT, instrumental character of, 15.
+
+SCIENTIFIC EXPLANATION, and common sense, 80.
+
+SECONDARY CONTACTs. _See_ Contacts, secondary.
+
+SECRET SOCIETIES, _bibliography_, 730-32.
+
+SECTS:
+ _bibliography_, 656-57;
+ as conflict groups, 50;
+ defined, 202-3;
+ distinguished from denomination, 873;
+ and institutions, 872-74;
+ origin in conflict of beliefs, 611-12;
+ origin in the crowd, 870-72;
+ permanent form of expressive crowd, 872.
+ _See_ Religious revivals.
+
+SEGREGATION:
+ and competition, 526-44;
+ and isolation, 228-30, 254-57;
+ and migration, 529-33;
+ in the plant community, 526-28;
+ as a process, 252-54;
+ and social selection, 534-38.
+
+SELECTION, SOCIAL:
+ and demographic segregation, 534-38;
+ personal competition and status, 708-12.
+
+SELF:
+ conventional, versus natural person, 117-19;
+ divided, and moral consciousness, 119-23;
+ as the individual's conception of his rôle, 113-17;
+ "looking-glass," 70-71.
+ _See_ Individual, Person, Personality.
+
+SENSES, SOCIOLOGY OF, _bibliography_, 332.
+
+SENSORIUM, SOCIAL, 27, 28.
+
+SENTIMENTS:
+ _bibliography_, 501;
+ of caste, 684-88;
+ and competition, 508;
+ classification of, 466-67;
+ and idea-forces, 463-64;
+ of loyalty, as basis of social solidarity, 759;
+ McDougall's definition, 441, 465;
+ mutation of, 441-42;
+ related to opinion, 478;
+ as social forces, 464-67.
+
+SEX DIFFERENCES:
+ _bibliography_, 153-54;
+ and cultural conflicts, 615-16;
+ described, 85-89.
+
+SITTLICHKEIT:
+ defined, 102-4.
+
+SITUATION:
+ definition of, 764-65;
+ and response, 73.
+
+SLANG, _bibliography_, 427-29.
+
+SLAVERY:
+ _bibliography_, 727-28;
+ defined, 674-77;
+ and the division of labor, 677;
+ interpreted by subordination and superordination, 676, 677-81.
+
+SOCIAL ADVERTISING. _See_ Publicity.
+
+SOCIAL AGGREGATES. _See_ Aggregates, social.
+
+SOCIAL CHANGES, and disorganization, 55.
+
+SOCIAL CLASSES. _See_ Classes, social.
+
+SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS. _See_ Consciousness, social.
+
+SOCIAL CONTACT. _See_ Contact, social.
+
+SOCIAL CONTROL. _See_ Control, social.
+
+SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION. _See_ Disorganization, social.
+
+SOCIAL DISTANCE:
+ graphic representation of, 282;
+ maintained by isolation, 230;
+ as psychic separation, 162;
+ and race prejudice, 440.
+
+SOCIAL FACT:
+ classification of, 51;
+ imitative, 21.
+
+SOCIAL FORCES. _See_ Forces, social.
+
+SOCIAL GROUPS. _See_ Groups, social.
+
+SOCIAL HERITAGES. _See_ Heritages, social.
+
+SOCIAL INTERACTION. _See_ Interaction, social.
+
+SOCIAL LIFE:
+ defined, 183-85;
+ and human nature, 182-85.
+
+SOCIAL MOVEMENTS. _See_ Mass movements.
+
+SOCIAL ORGANISM. _See_ Organism, social.
+
+SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. _See_ Organization, social.
+
+SOCIAL PHENOMENA:
+ causes of, 17;
+ as susceptible of prevision, 1.
+
+SOCIAL PRESSURES, as social forces, 458-61.
+
+SOCIAL PROBLEMS. _See_ Problems, social.
+
+SOCIAL PROCESS. _See_ Process, social.
+
+SOCIAL REFORM. _See_ Problem, social, Reform.
+
+SOCIAL SENSORIUM. _See_ Sensorium, social.
+
+SOCIAL SOLIDARITY. _See_ Solidarity, social.
+
+SOCIAL SURVEYS. _See_ Surveys, social.
+
+SOCIAL TYPES. _See_ Types, social.
+
+SOCIAL UNIT PLAN, 724.
+
+SOCIAL UNITY, as a product of isolation, 229-30.
+
+SOCIAL UNREST. _See_ Unrest, social.
+
+SOCIALISM:
+ _bibliography_, 565-66;
+ economic doctrines of, 558;
+ function of myth in, 818-19.
+
+SOCIALIZATION:
+ the goal of social effort, 496;
+ as the unity of society, 348-49.
+
+SOCIETY:
+ _bibliography_, 217-23;
+ animal, _bibliography_, 217-18;
+ in the animal colony, 24;
+ ant, 180-82;
+ an artefact, 30;
+ based on communication, 183-84;
+ collection of persons, 158;
+ collective consciousness of, 28;
+ "collective organism," 24;
+ as consensus, 161;
+ defined, 159-62, 165-66, 348-49;
+ differentiated from community and social group, 161-62;
+ as distinct from individuals, 27;
+ exists in communication, 36;
+ an extension of the individual organism, 159-60;
+ and the group, _chap. iii_, 159-225;
+ _bibliography_, 217-23;
+ from an individualistic and collectivistic point of view, 41, 42;
+ investigations and problems of, 210-16;
+ mechanistic interpretation of, 346-48;
+ metaphysical science of, 2;
+ as part of nature, 29;
+ product of nature and of design, 30;
+ scientific study of, 210-11;
+ and social distance, 162;
+ as social interaction, 341, 348;
+ and the social process, 211;
+ and solitude, 233-34, 234-45;
+ as the sum total of institutions, 159;
+ and symbiosis, 165-73.
+
+SOCIOLOGY: aims at prediction and control, 339-40;
+ in the classification of the sciences, 6;
+ as collective psychology, 342;
+ Comte's program, 1;
+ a description and explanation of the cultural process, 35;
+ an experimental science, 6;
+ a fundamental science, 6;
+ and history, 1-12, 16-24;
+ as an independent science, 1;
+ origin in history, 23;
+ origin of, 5, 6;
+ and the philosophy of history, 44;
+ positive science of society, 3;
+ representative works in, _bibliography_, 57-59;
+ rural and urban, 40;
+ schools of, 28;
+ a science of collective behavior, 24;
+ a science of humanity, 5;
+ and social research, 43-57;
+ and the social sciences, _chap. i._, 1-63.
+
+SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION: methods of, _bibliography_, 58-59.
+
+SOCIOLOGICAL METHOD, 23.
+
+SOCIOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEW, 16.
+
+SOLIDARITY, SOCIAL:
+ and the division of labor, 714-18;
+ and loyalty, 759;
+ and status and competition, 670-71, 708-18.
+
+SOLITUDE. _See_ Isolation.
+
+SPEECH COMMUNITY, changes in, 22.
+ _See_ Language.
+
+STATE, sociological definition of, 50.
+
+STATISTICS, as a method of investigation, 51.
+
+STATUS:
+ and competition, 541-43, 670-71, 708-18;
+ determined by conflict, 574-75, 576;
+ determined by members of a group, 36;
+ of the person in the city, 313;
+ and personal competition and social selection, 708-12;
+ and prestige in South East Africa, 811-12;
+ and social solidarity, 670-71, 708-18.
+ _See_ Prestige.
+
+STRANGER, sociology of, 317-22, 322-27.
+
+STRIKES, _bibliography_, 652-53.
+
+STRUCTURE, SOCIAL, permanence of, 746-50.
+
+STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE:
+ and competition, 505, 512, 513-15, 522-26;
+ and natural selection, 515-19.
+ _See_ Competition.
+
+STRUGGLE: for struggle's sake, 585-86.
+
+SUBLIMATION: the accommodation of mental conflict, 669.
+
+SUBMISSION. _See_ Subordination and superordination.
+
+SUBORDINATION AND SUPERORDINATION, _bibliography_, 726;
+ in accommodation, 667-68;
+ in animal rivalry, 604-5;
+ in caste, 684-88;
+ in leadership, 695-97;
+ literature of, 721;
+ psychology of, 688-92;
+ reciprocal character of, 695-97;
+ in slavery, 676, 677-81;
+ social attitudes in, 692-95;
+ three types of, 697-703.
+
+SUGGESTION:
+ _bibliography_, 430-31;
+ basis of social change, 22;
+ case of Clever Hans, 412-15;
+ and contra-suggestion, 419;
+ in the crowd, 415-16;
+ defined, 408;
+ distinguished from imitation, 345-46;
+ in hypnotism, 345, 412, 424, 471-72;
+ and idea-forces, 461-64;
+ and imitation, inner relation between, 688-89;
+ and leadership, 419-20;
+ and mass or corporate action, 415-20;
+ as a mechanistic form of interaction, 344-46, 408-20;
+ and perception, active and passive, 345, 408-12;
+ personal and general consciousness, 409-12;
+ and personality, 419-20;
+ as psychic infection, 410-12;
+ in social life, 345-46, 408-20, 424;
+ study of, 424;
+ subtler forms of, 413-15.
+ _See_ Hypnotism.
+
+SUPERORDINATION. _See_ Subordination and superordination.
+
+SURVEY, SOCIAL:
+ as a type of community study, 436;
+ types of, 46.
+
+SYMBIOSIS:
+ in the ant community, 167-70;
+ in the plant community, 175-80
+
+SYMPATHETIC CONTACTS, versus categoric contacts, 294-98.
+
+SYMPATHY:
+ and imagination, 397-98;
+ imitation its most rudimentary form, 394-95;
+ intellectual or rational, 396-97, 397-401;
+ the "law of laughter," 370-73, 401;
+ psychological unison, 395;
+ Ribot's three levels of, 394-97.
+
+
+TABOO:
+ _bibliography_, 856-58;
+ and religion, 847;
+ and rules of holiness and uncleanness, 813-16;
+ as social control, 813-16;
+ and touch, 291-93.
+ _See_ Touch.
+
+TAMING, of animals, 170-73.
+
+TEMPERAMENT:
+ _bibliography_, 152-53;
+ divergencies in, 91;
+ of Negro, 762;
+ racial and national, 135-39.
+
+TOUCH:
+ as most intimate kind of contact, 280;
+ and social contact, 282-83, 291-93;
+ study of, 329-30;
+ and taboo, 291-93.
+
+TRADITION:
+ and inheritance of acquired nature, 134-35;
+ and temperament, 135-39;
+ versus acculturation, 72.
+ _See_ Heritages, social.
+
+TRANSMISSION:
+ by imitation and inculcation, 72, 135;
+ and society, 183;
+ Tarde's theory of, 21.
+
+TYPES, SOCIAL:
+ _bibliography_, 731;
+ in the city, 313-15;
+ and the division of labor, 713-14;
+ result of personal competition, 712-14.
+
+
+UNIVERSES OF DISCOURSE:
+ _bibliography_, 427-29;
+ and assimilation, 735, 764;
+ "every group has its own language," 423.
+ _See_ Communication, Language, Publicity.
+
+UNREST, MORAL, 57.
+
+UNREST, SOCIAL:
+ _bibliography_, 935-36;
+ and circular reaction, 866;
+ and collective behavior, 866-67;
+ increase of Bohemianism, 57;
+ in the I.W.W., 911-15;
+ like milling in the herd, 788;
+ manifest in discontent and mental anarchy, 907-8;
+ product of the artificial conditions of city life, 287, 329;
+ result of mobility, 320-21;
+ sign of lack of participation, 766-67;
+ and social contagion, 875-76;
+ studies of, 924-26;
+ and unrealized wishes, 442-43.
+
+URBAN COMMUNITIES:
+ as local groups, 50.
+ _See_ Communities.
+
+UTOPIAS, _bibliography_, 1008-9.
+
+
+VALUES:
+ _bibliography_, 500;
+ object of the wish, 442;
+ personal and impersonal, 54;
+ positive and negative, 488;
+ and progress, 955.
+
+VICIOUS CIRCLE, 788-89.
+
+VOCATIONAL GROUPS, as a type of accommodation groups, 50.
+
+
+WANTS AND VALUES, _bibliography_, 499-500.
+
+WAR:
+ _bibliography_, 648-50;
+ as an exciting game, 580;
+ as a form of conflict, 575-76, 576-77, 586-88, 703-6;
+ and the "Great Society," 600-601;
+ and human nature, 594-98;
+ literature of, 641-42;
+ and man as the fighting animal, 600-603;
+ and possibility of its sublimation, 598;
+ the preliminary process of rejuvenescence, 596-97;
+ and progress, 984-89;
+ in relation to instincts and ideals, 576-77, 594-603;
+ as relaxation, 598-603;
+ and social utopia, 599.
+
+WE-GROUP:
+ and collective egotism, 606;
+ and others-group defined, 283, 293-94;
+ ethnocentrism, 294.
+
+WILL:
+ common, 106;
+ general, 107-8;
+ general, in relation to law and conscience, 102-8;
+ individual, 101;
+ social, 102.
+
+WISH, the Freudian, 438, 442, 478-80, 482-88, 497.
+
+WISHES:
+ _bibliography_, 501;
+ and attitudes, 442-43;
+ civilization organized to realize, 958;
+ as components of attitudes, 439;
+ and growth of human nature and personality, 442-43;
+ as libido, 442;
+ organized into character, 90;
+ of the person, 388-90;
+ as psychological unit, 479;
+ and the psychic censor, 484-88;
+ and the reflex, 479-82;
+ repressed, 482-83;
+ as the social atoms, 478-82;
+ Thomas' classification of, 438, 442, 488-90, 497;
+ and values, 442, 488.
+
+WOMAN'S TEMPERANCE CRUSADE, 898-905.
+
+WRITING:
+ as form of communication, 381-84;
+ pictographic forms, 381;
+ by symbols, 382-83.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Introduction to the Science of
+Sociology, by Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess
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