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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Against Apion, by Flavius Josephus
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Against Apion
+
+Author: Flavius Josephus
+
+Translator: William Whiston
+
+Posting Date: December 6, 2008 [EBook #2849]
+Release Date: October, 2001
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AGAINST APION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Reed
+
+
+
+
+
+AGAINST APION.
+
+[1]
+
+By Flavius Josephus
+
+
+Translated by William Whiston
+
+
+
+
+BOOK 1.
+
+1. I Suppose that by my books of the Antiquity of the Jews, most
+excellent Epaphroditus, [2] have made it evident to those who peruse
+them, that our Jewish nation is of very great antiquity, and had a
+distinct subsistence of its own originally; as also, I have therein
+declared how we came to inhabit this country wherein we now live. Those
+Antiquities contain the history of five thousand years, and are taken
+out of our sacred books, but are translated by me into the Greek tongue.
+However, since I observe a considerable number of people giving ear to
+the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill-will to
+us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of
+our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a
+late date, because they are not so much as vouchsafed a bare mention by
+the most famous historiographers among the Grecians. I therefore have
+thought myself under an obligation to write somewhat briefly about
+these subjects, in order to convict those that reproach us of spite and
+voluntary falsehood, and to correct the ignorance of others, and withal
+to instruct all those who are desirous of knowing the truth of what
+great antiquity we really are. As for the witnesses whom I shall produce
+for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be
+of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skillful in the
+knowledge of all antiquity by the Greeks themselves. I will also show,
+that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us are
+to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary.
+I shall also endeavor to give an account of the reasons why it hath so
+happened, that there have not been a great number of Greeks who have
+made mention of our nation in their histories. I will, however, bring
+those Grecians to light who have not omitted such our history, for the
+sake of those that either do not know them, or pretend not to know them
+already.
+
+2. And now, in the first place, I cannot but greatly wonder at those
+men, who suppose that we must attend to none but Grecians, when we are
+inquiring about the most ancient facts, and must inform ourselves of
+their truth from them only, while we must not believe ourselves nor
+other men; for I am convinced that the very reverse is the truth of the
+case. I mean this,--if we will not be led by vain opinions, but will
+make inquiry after truth from facts themselves; for they will find that
+almost all which concerns the Greeks happened not long ago; nay, one may
+say, is of yesterday only. I speak of the building of their cities, the
+inventions of their arts, and the description of their laws; and as for
+their care about the writing down of their histories, it is very near
+the last thing they set about. However, they acknowledge themselves so
+far, that they were the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians
+(for I will not now reckon ourselves among them) that have preserved the
+memorials of the most ancient and most lasting traditions of mankind;
+for almost all these nations inhabit such countries as are least subject
+to destruction from the world about them; and these also have taken
+especial care to have nothing omitted of what was [remarkably] done
+among them; but their history was esteemed sacred, and put into public
+tables, as written by men of the greatest wisdom they had among
+them. But as for the place where the Grecians inhabit, ten thousand
+destructions have overtaken it, and blotted out the memory of former
+actions; so that they were ever beginning a new way of living, and
+supposed that every one of them was the origin of their new state. It
+was also late, and with difficulty, that they came to know the letters
+they now use; for those who would advance their use of these letters
+to the greatest antiquity pretend that they learned them from the
+Phoenicians and from Cadmus; yet is nobody able to demonstrate that they
+have any writing preserved from that time, neither in their temples, nor
+in any other public monuments. This appears, because the time when those
+lived who went to the Trojan war, so many years afterward, is in great
+doubt, and great inquiry is made, whether the Greeks used their letters
+at that time; and the most prevailing opinion, and that nearest the
+truth, is, that their present way of using those letters was unknown at
+that time. However, there is not any writing which the Greeks agree to
+be genuine among them ancienter than Homer's Poems, who must plainly he
+confessed later than the siege of Troy; nay, the report goes, that
+even he did not leave his poems in writing, but that their memory was
+preserved in songs, and they were put together afterward, and that this
+is the reason of such a number of variations as are found in them. [3]
+As for those who set themselves about writing their histories, I mean
+such as Cadmus of Miletus, and Acusilaus of Argos, and any others that
+may be mentioned as succeeding Acusilaus, they lived but a little while
+before the Persian expedition into Greece. But then for those that first
+introduced philosophy, and the consideration of things celestial and
+divine among them, such as Pherceydes the Syrian, and Pythagoras, and
+Thales, all with one consent agree, that they learned what they knew
+of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and wrote but little And these are the
+things which are supposed to be the oldest of all among the Greeks; and
+they have much ado to believe that the writings ascribed to those men
+are genuine.
+
+3. How can it then be other than an absurd thing, for the Greeks to
+be so proud, and to vaunt themselves to be the only people that are
+acquainted with antiquity, and that have delivered the true accounts
+of those early times after an accurate manner? Nay, who is there that
+cannot easily gather from the Greek writers themselves, that they knew
+but little on any good foundation when they set to write, but rather
+wrote their histories from their own conjectures? Accordingly, they
+confute one another in their own books to purpose, and are not ashamed.
+to give us the most contradictory accounts of the same things; and I
+should spend my time to little purpose, if I should pretend to teach
+the Greeks that which they know better than I already, what a great
+disagreement there is between Hellanicus and Acusilaus about their
+genealogies; in how many eases Acusilaus corrects Hesiod: or after what
+manner Ephorus demonstrates Hellanicus to have told lies in the greatest
+part of his history; as does Timeus in like manner as to Ephorus, and
+the succeeding writers do to Timeus, and all the later writers do to
+Herodotus nor could Timeus agree with Antiochus and Philistius, or
+with Callias, about the Sicilian History, no more than do the several
+writers of the Athide follow one another about the Athenian affairs; nor
+do the historians the like, that wrote the Argolics, about the affairs
+of the Argives. And now what need I say any more about particular cities
+and smaller places, while in the most approved writers of the expedition
+of the Persians, and of the actions which were therein performed, there
+are so great differences? Nay, Thucydides himself is accused of some as
+writing what is false, although he seems to have given us the exactest
+history of the affairs of his own time. [4]
+
+4. As for the occasions of so great disagreement of theirs, there may
+be assigned many that are very probable, if any have a mind to make an
+inquiry about them; but I ascribe these contradictions chiefly to two
+causes, which I will now mention, and still think what I shall mention
+in the first place to be the principal of all. For if we remember that
+in the beginning the Greeks had taken no care to have public records
+of their several transactions preserved, this must for certain
+have afforded those that would afterward write about those ancient
+transactions the opportunity of making mistakes, and the power of making
+lies also; for this original recording of such ancient transactions hath
+not only been neglected by the other states of Greece, but even among
+the Athenians themselves also, who pretend to be Aborigines, and to have
+applied themselves to learning, there are no such records extant; nay,
+they say themselves that the laws of Draco concerning murders, which
+are now extant in writing, are the most ancient of their public records;
+which Draco yet lived but a little before the tyrant Pisistratus. [5]
+For as to the Arcadians, who make such boasts of their antiquity, what
+need I speak of them in particular, since it was still later before they
+got their letters, and learned them, and that with difficulty also. [6]
+
+5. There must therefore naturally arise great differences among writers,
+when they had no original records to lay for their foundation, which
+might at once inform those who had an inclination to learn, and
+contradict those that would tell lies. However, we are to suppose a
+second occasion besides the former of these contradictions; it is
+this: That those who were the most zealous to write history were not
+solicitous for the discovery of truth, although it was very easy
+for them always to make such a profession; but their business was to
+demonstrate that they could write well, and make an impression upon
+mankind thereby; and in what manner of writing they thought they were
+able to exceed others, to that did they apply themselves, Some of them
+betook themselves to the writing of fabulous narrations; some of them
+endeavored to please the cities or the kings, by writing in their
+commendation; others of them fell to finding faults with transactions,
+or with the writers of such transactions, and thought to make a great
+figure by so doing. And indeed these do what is of all things the most
+contrary to true history; for it is the great character of true history
+that all concerned therein both speak and write the same things; while
+these men, by writing differently about the same things, think they
+shall be believed to write with the greatest regard to truth. We
+therefore [who are Jews] must yield to the Grecian writers as to
+language and eloquence of composition; but then we shall give them no
+such preference as to the verity of ancient history, and least of all as
+to that part which concerns the affairs of our own several countries.
+
+6. As to the care of writing down the records from the earliest
+antiquity among the Egyptians and Babylonians; that the priests were
+intrusted therewith, and employed a philosophical concern about it; that
+they were the Chaldean priests that did so among the Babylonians; and
+that the Phoenicians, who were mingled among the Greeks, did especially
+make use of their letters, both for the common affairs of life, and for
+the delivering down the history of common transactions, I think I may
+omit any proof, because all men allow it so to be. But now as to our
+forefathers, that they took no less care about writing such records,
+[for I will not say they took greater care than the others I spoke of,]
+and that they committed that matter to their high priests and to their
+prophets, and that these records have been written all along down to our
+own times with the utmost accuracy; nay, if it be not too bold for me
+to say it, our history will be so written hereafter;--I shall endeavor
+briefly to inform you.
+
+7. For our forefathers did not only appoint the best of these priests,
+and those that attended upon the Divine worship, for that design from
+the beginning, but made provision that the stock of the priests should
+continue unmixed and pure; for he who is partaker of the priesthood must
+propagate of a wife of the same nation, without having any regard to
+money, or any other dignities; but he is to make a scrutiny, and take
+his wife's genealogy from the ancient tables, and procure many witnesses
+to it. [7] And this is our practice not only in Judea, but wheresoever
+any body of men of our nation do live; and even there an exact catalogue
+of our priests' marriages is kept; I mean at Egypt and at Babylon, or
+in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our
+priests are scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the ancient names of
+their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors,
+and signify who are the witnesses also. But if any war falls out,
+such as have fallen out a great many of them already, when Antiochus
+Epiphanes made an invasion upon our country, as also when Pompey the
+Great and Quintilius Varus did so also, and principally in the wars that
+have happened in our own times, those priests that survive them
+compose new tables of genealogy out of the old records, and examine the
+circumstances of the women that remain; for still they do not admit of
+those that have been captives, as suspecting that they had conversation
+with some foreigners. But what is the strongest argument of our exact
+management in this matter is what I am now going to say, that we have
+the names of our high priests from father to son set down in our records
+for the interval of two thousand years; and if any of these have been
+transgressors of these rules, they are prohibited to present themselves
+at the altar, or to be partakers of any other of our purifications; and
+this is justly, or rather necessarily done, because every one is
+not permitted of his own accord to be a writer, nor is there any
+disagreement in what is written; they being only prophets that have
+written the original and earliest accounts of things as they learned
+them of God himself by inspiration; and others have written what hath
+happened in their own times, and that in a very distinct manner also.
+
+8. For we have not an innumerable multitude of books among us,
+disagreeing from and contradicting one another, [as the Greeks have,]
+but only twenty-two books, [8] which contain the records of all the past
+times; which are justly believed to be divine; and of them five belong
+to Moses, which contain his laws and the traditions of the origin of
+mankind till his death. This interval of time was little short of three
+thousand years; but as to the time from the death of Moses till the
+reign of Artaxerxes king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the
+prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times
+in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and
+precepts for the conduct of human life. It is true, our history hath
+been written since Artaxerxes very particularly, but hath not been
+esteemed of the like authority with the former by our forefathers,
+because there hath not been an exact succession of prophets since that
+time; and how firmly we have given credit to these books of our own
+nation is evident by what we do; for during so many ages as have already
+passed, no one has been so bold as either to add any thing to them,
+to take any thing from them, or to make any change in them; but it is
+become natural to all Jews immediately, and from their very birth, to
+esteem these books to contain Divine doctrines, and to persist in them,
+and, if occasion be willingly to die for them. For it is no new thing
+for our captives, many of them in number, and frequently in time, to
+be seen to endure racks and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that
+they may not be obliged to say one word against our laws and the records
+that contain them; whereas there are none at all among the Greeks who
+would undergo the least harm on that account, no, nor in case all the
+writings that are among them were to be destroyed; for they take them to
+be such discourses as are framed agreeably to the inclinations of those
+that write them; and they have justly the same opinion of the ancient
+writers, since they see some of the present generation bold enough to
+write about such affairs, wherein they were not present, nor had concern
+enough to inform themselves about them from those that knew them;
+examples of which may be had in this late war of ours, where some
+persons have written histories, and published them, without having been
+in the places concerned, or having been near them when the actions were
+done; but these men put a few things together by hearsay, and insolently
+abuse the world, and call these writings by the name of Histories.
+
+9. As for myself, I have composed a true history of that whole war, and
+of all the particulars that occurred therein, as having been concerned
+in all its transactions; for I acted as general of those among us that
+are named Galileans, as long as it was possible for us to make any
+opposition. I was then seized on by the Romans, and became a captive.
+Vespasian also and Titus had me kept under a guard, and forced me to
+attend them continually. At the first I was put into bonds, but was
+set at liberty afterward, and sent to accompany Titus when he came
+from Alexandria to the siege of Jerusalem; during which time there was
+nothing done which escaped my knowledge; for what happened in the
+Roman camp I saw, and wrote down carefully; and what informations the
+deserters brought [out of the city], I was the only man that understood
+them. Afterward I got leisure at Rome; and when all my materials were
+prepared for that work, I made use of some persons to assist me in
+learning the Greek tongue, and by these means I composed the history
+of those transactions. And I was so well assured of the truth of what
+I related, that I first of all appealed to those that had the supreme
+command in that war, Vespasian and Titus, as witnesses for me, for to
+them I presented those books first of all, and after them to many of the
+Romans who had been in the war. I also sold them to many of our own men
+who understood the Greek philosophy; among whom were Julius Archelaus,
+Herod [king of Chalcis], a person of great gravity, and king Agrippa
+himself, a person that deserved the greatest admiration. Now all these
+men bore their testimony to me, that I had the strictest regard to
+truth; who yet would not have dissembled the matter, nor been silent, if
+I, out of ignorance, or out of favor to any side, either had given false
+colors to actions, or omitted any of them.
+
+10. There have been indeed some bad men, who have attempted to
+calumniate my history, and took it to be a kind of scholastic
+performance for the exercise of young men. A strange sort of accusation
+and calumny this! since every one that undertakes to deliver the history
+of actions truly ought to know them accurately himself in the first
+place, as either having been concerned in them himself, or been informed
+of them by such as knew them. Now both these methods of knowledge I may
+very properly pretend to in the composition of both my works; for, as I
+said, I have translated the Antiquities out of our sacred books; which I
+easily could do, since I was a priest by my birth, and have studied that
+philosophy which is contained in those writings: and for the History
+of the War, I wrote it as having been an actor myself in many of its
+transactions, an eye-witness in the greatest part of the rest, and was
+not unacquainted with any thing whatsoever that was either said or
+done in it. How impudent then must those deserve to be esteemed that
+undertake to contradict me about the true state of those affairs!
+who, although they pretend to have made use of both the emperors' own
+memoirs, yet could not they he acquainted with our affairs who fought
+against them.
+
+11. This digression I have been obliged to make out of necessity, as
+being desirous to expose the vanity of those that profess to write
+histories; and I suppose I have sufficiently declared that this custom
+of transmitting down the histories of ancient times hath been better
+preserved by those nations which are called Barbarians, than by the
+Greeks themselves. I am now willing, in the next place, to say a few
+things to those that endeavor to prove that our constitution is but of
+late time, for this reason, as they pretend, that the Greek writers have
+said nothing about us; after which I shall produce testimonies for our
+antiquity out of the writings of foreigners; I shall also demonstrate
+that such as cast reproaches upon our nation do it very unjustly.
+
+12. As for ourselves, therefore, we neither inhabit a maritime country,
+nor do we delight in merchandise, nor in such a mixture with other men
+as arises from it; but the cities we dwell in are remote from the sea,
+and having a fruitful country for our habitation, we take pains in
+cultivating that only. Our principal care of all is this, to educate our
+children well; and we think it to be the most necessary business of
+our whole life to observe the laws that have been given us, and to
+keep those rules of piety that have been delivered down to us. Since,
+therefore, besides what we have already taken notice of, we have had a
+peculiar way of living of our own, there was no occasion offered us in
+ancient ages for intermixing among the Greeks, as they had for mixing
+among the Egyptians, by their intercourse of exporting and importing
+their several goods; as they also mixed with the Phoenicians, who
+lived by the sea-side, by means of their love of lucre in trade and
+merchandise. Nor did our forefathers betake themselves, as did some
+others, to robbery; nor did they, in order to gain more wealth, fall
+into foreign wars, although our country contained many ten thousands of
+men of courage sufficient for that purpose. For this reason it was that
+the Phoenicians themselves came soon by trading and navigation to be
+known to the Grecians, and by their means the Egyptians became known
+to the Grecians also, as did all those people whence the Phoenicians in
+long voyages over the seas carried wares to the Grecians. The Medes also
+and the Persians, when they were lords of Asia, became well known to
+them; and this was especially true of the Persians, who led their armies
+as far as the other continent [Europe]. The Thracians were also known to
+them by the nearness of their countries, and the Scythians by the
+means of those that sailed to Pontus; for it was so in general that all
+maritime nations, and those that inhabited near the eastern or western
+seas, became most known to those that were desirous to be writers; but
+such as had their habitations further from the sea were for the most
+part unknown to them which things appear to have happened as to Europe
+also, where the city of Rome, that hath this long time been possessed
+of so much power, and hath performed such great actions in war, is yet
+never mentioned by Herodotus, nor by Thucydides, nor by any one of their
+contemporaries; and it was very late, and with great difficulty, that
+the Romans became known to the Greeks. Nay, those that were reckoned the
+most exact historians [and Ephorus for one] were so very ignorant of the
+Gauls and the Spaniards, that he supposed the Spaniards, who inhabit so
+great a part of the western regions of the earth, to be no more than one
+city. Those historians also have ventured to describe such customs as
+were made use of by them, which they never had either done or said; and
+the reason why these writers did not know the truth of their affairs was
+this, that they had not any commerce together; but the reason why they
+wrote such falsities was this, that they had a mind to appear to know
+things which others had not known. How can it then be any wonder, if our
+nation was no more known to many of the Greeks, nor had given them any
+occasion to mention them in their writings, while they were so remote
+from the sea, and had a conduct of life so peculiar to themselves?
+
+13. Let us now put the case, therefore, that we made use of this
+argument concerning the Grecians, in order to prove that their nation
+was not ancient, because nothing is said of them in our records: would
+not they laugh at us all, and probably give the same reasons for our
+silence that I have now alleged, and would produce their neighbor
+nations as witnesses to their own antiquity? Now the very same
+thing will I endeavor to do; for I will bring the Egyptians and the
+Phoenicians as my principal witnesses, because nobody can complain Of
+their testimony as false, on account that they are known to have borne
+the greatest ill-will towards us; I mean this as to the Egyptians in
+general all of them, while of the Phoenicians it is known the Tyrians
+have been most of all in the same ill disposition towards us: yet do
+I confess that I cannot say the same of the Chaldeans, since our first
+leaders and ancestors were derived from them; and they do make mention
+of us Jews in their records, on account of the kindred there is between
+us. Now when I shall have made my assertions good, so far as concerns
+the others, I will demonstrate that some of the Greek writers have made
+mention of us Jews also, that those who envy us may not have even this
+pretense for contradicting what I have said about our nation.
+
+14. I shall begin with the writings of the Egyptians; not indeed of
+those that have written in the Egyptian language, which it is impossible
+for me to do. But Manetho was a man who was by birth an Egyptian, yet
+had he made himself master of the Greek learning, as is very evident;
+for he wrote the history of his own country in the Greek tongue, by
+translating it, as he saith himself, out of their sacred records;
+he also finds great fault with Herodotus for his ignorance and false
+relations of Egyptian affairs. Now this Manetho, in the second book of
+his Egyptian History, writes concerning us in the following manner. I
+will set down his very words, as if I were to bring the very man himself
+into a court for a witness: "There was a king of ours whose name was
+Timaus. Under him it came to pass, I know not how, that God was averse
+to us, and there came, after a surprising manner, men of ignoble birth
+out of the eastern parts, and had boldness enough to make an expedition
+into our country, and with ease subdued it by force, yet without
+our hazarding a battle with them. So when they had gotten those that
+governed us under their power, they afterwards burnt down our cities,
+and demolished the temples of the gods, and used all the inhabitants
+after a most barbarous manner; nay, some they slew, and led their
+children and their wives into slavery. At length they made one of
+themselves king, whose name was Salatis; he also lived at Memphis, and
+made both the upper and lower regions pay tribute, and left garrisons
+in places that were the most proper for them. He chiefly aimed to secure
+the eastern parts, as fore-seeing that the Assyrians, who had then the
+greatest power, would be desirous of that kingdom, and invade them; and
+as he found in the Saite Nomos, [Sethroite,] a city very proper for this
+purpose, and which lay upon the Bubastic channel, but with regard to a
+certain theologic notion was called Avaris, this he rebuilt, and made
+very strong by the walls he built about it, and by a most numerous
+garrison of two hundred and forty thousand armed men whom he put into
+it to keep it. Thither Salatis came in summer time, partly to gather his
+corn, and pay his soldiers their wages, and partly to exercise his
+armed men, and thereby to terrify foreigners. When this man had reigned
+thirteen years, after him reigned another, whose name was Beon, for
+forty-four years; after him reigned another, called Apachnas, thirty-six
+years and seven months; after him Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and
+then Janins fifty years and one month; after all these reigned Assis
+forty-nine years and two months. And these six were the first rulers
+among them, who were all along making war with the Egyptians, and were
+very desirous gradually to destroy them to the very roots. This whole
+nation was styled Hycsos, that is, Shepherd-kings: for the first
+syllable Hyc, according to the sacred dialect, denotes a king, as is Sos
+a shepherd; but this according to the ordinary dialect; and of these is
+compounded Hycsos: but some say that these people were Arabians." Now
+in another copy it is said that this word does not denote Kings, but,
+on the contrary, denotes Captive Shepherds, and this on account of the
+particle Hyc; for that Hyc, with the aspiration, in the Egyptian tongue
+again denotes Shepherds, and that expressly also; and this to me seems
+the more probable opinion, and more agreeable to ancient history. [But
+Manetho goes on]: "These people, whom we have before named kings,
+and called shepherds also, and their descendants," as he says, "kept
+possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven years." After these, he
+says, "That the kings of Thebais and the other parts of Egypt made an
+insurrection against the shepherds, and that there a terrible and long
+war was made between them." He says further, "That under a king, whose
+name was Alisphragmuthosis, the shepherds were subdued by him, and were
+indeed driven out of other parts of Egypt, but were shut up in a place
+that contained ten thousand acres; this place was named Avaris." Manetho
+says, "That the shepherds built a wall round all this place, which was a
+large and a strong wall, and this in order to keep all their possessions
+and their prey within a place of strength, but that Thummosis the son
+of Alisphragmuthosis made an attempt to take them by force and by siege,
+with four hundred and eighty thousand men to lie rotund about them, but
+that, upon his despair of taking the place by that siege, they came to a
+composition with them, that they should leave Egypt, and go, without any
+harm to be done to them, whithersoever they would; and that, after
+this composition was made, they went away with their whole families and
+effects, not fewer in number than two hundred and forty thousand, and
+took their journey from Egypt, through the wilderness, for Syria; but
+that as they were in fear of the Assyrians, who had then the dominion
+over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called Judea,
+and that large enough to contain this great number of men, and called
+it Jerusalem." [9] Now Manetho, in another book of his, says, "That
+this nation, thus called Shepherds, were also called Captives, in their
+sacred books." And this account of his is the truth; for feeding of
+sheep was the employment of our forefathers in the most ancient ages
+[10] and as they led such a wandering life in feeding sheep, they
+were called Shepherds. Nor was it without reason that they were called
+Captives by the Egyptians, since one of our ancestors, Joseph, told the
+king of Egypt that he was a captive, and afterward sent for his brethren
+into Egypt by the king's permission. But as for these matters, I shall
+make a more exact inquiry about them elsewhere. [11]
+
+15. But now I shall produce the Egyptians as witnesses to the antiquity
+of our nation. I shall therefore here bring in Manetho again, and what
+he writes as to the order of the times in this case; and thus he speaks:
+"When this people or shepherds were gone out of Egypt to Jerusalem,
+Tethtoosis the king of Egypt, who drove them out, reigned afterward
+twenty-five years and four months, and then died; after him his son
+Chebron took the kingdom for thirteen years; after whom came Amenophis,
+for twenty years and seven months; then came his sister Amesses, for
+twenty-one years and nine months; after her came Mephres, for twelve
+years and nine months; after him was Mephramuthosis, for twenty-five
+years and ten months; after him was Thmosis, for nine years and eight
+months; after him came Amenophis, for thirty years and ten months;
+after him came Orus, for thirty-six years and five months; then came his
+daughter Acenchres, for twelve years and one month; then was her brother
+Rathotis, for nine years; then was Acencheres, for twelve years and five
+months; then came another Acencheres, for twelve years and three months;
+after him Armais, for four years and one month; after him was Ramesses,
+for one year and four months; after him came Armesses Miammoun, for
+sixty-six years and two months; after him Amenophis, for nineteen years
+and six months; after him came Sethosis, and Ramesses, who had an army
+of horse, and a naval force. This king appointed his brother, Armais,
+to be his deputy over Egypt." [In another copy it stood thus: "After
+him came Sethosis, and Ramesses, two brethren, the former of whom had a
+naval force, and in a hostile manner destroyed those that met him
+upon the sea; but as he slew Ramesses in no long time afterward, so he
+appointed another of his brethren to be his deputy over Egypt.] He
+also gave him all the other authority of a king, but with these only
+injunctions, that he should not wear the diadem, nor be injurious to the
+queen, the mother of his children, and that he should not meddle with
+the other concubines of the king; while he made an expedition against
+Cyprus, and Phoenicia, and besides against the Assyrians and the Medes.
+He then subdued them all, some by his arms, some without fighting, and
+some by the terror of his great army; and being puffed up by the great
+successes he had had, he went on still the more boldly, and overthrew
+the cities and countries that lay in the eastern parts. But after some
+considerable time, Armais, who was left in Egypt, did all those very
+things, by way of opposition, which his brother had forbid him to do,
+without fear; for he used violence to the queen, and continued to make
+use of the rest of the concubines, without sparing any of them; nay, at
+the persuasion of his friends he put on the diadem, and set up to oppose
+his brother. But then he who was set over the priests of Egypt wrote
+letters to Sethosis, and informed him of all that had happened, and
+how his brother had set up to oppose him: he therefore returned back to
+Pelusium immediately, and recovered his kingdom again. The country also
+was called from his name Egypt; for Manetho says, that Sethosis was
+himself called Egyptus, as was his brother Armais called Danaus."
+
+16. This is Manetho's account. And evident it is from the number of
+years by him set down belonging to this interval, if they be summed up
+together, that these shepherds, as they are here called, who were
+no other than our forefathers, were delivered out of Egypt, and came
+thence, and inhabited this country, three hundred and ninety-three years
+before Danaus came to Argos; although the Argives look upon him [12] as
+their most ancient king Manetho, therefore, hears this testimony to two
+points of the greatest consequence to our purpose, and those from the
+Egyptian records themselves. In the first place, that we came out of
+another country into Egypt; and that withal our deliverance out of it
+was so ancient in time as to have preceded the siege of Troy almost a
+thousand years; but then, as to those things which Manetbo adds, not
+from the Egyptian records, but, as he confesses himself, from some
+stories of an uncertain original, I will disprove them hereafter
+particularly, and shall demonstrate that they are no better than
+incredible fables.
+
+17. I will now, therefore, pass from these records, and come to those
+that belong to the Phoenicians, and concern our nation, and shall
+produce attestations to what I have said out of them. There are then
+records among the Tyrians that take in the history of many years,
+and these are public writings, and are kept with great exactness, and
+include accounts of the facts done among them, and such as concern their
+transactions with other nations also, those I mean which were worth
+remembering. Therein it was recorded that the temple was built by king
+Solomon at Jerusalem, one hundred forty-three years and eight months
+before the Tyrians built Carthage; and in their annals the building of
+our temple is related; for Hirom, the king of Tyre, was the friend of
+Solomon our king, and had such friendship transmitted down to him
+from his forefathers. He thereupon was ambitious to contribute to the
+splendor of this edifice of Solomon, and made him a present of one
+hundred and twenty talents of gold. He also cut down the most excellent
+timber out of that mountain which is called Libanus, and sent it to
+him for adorning its roof. Solomon also not only made him many other
+presents, by way of requital, but gave him a country in Galilee
+also, that was called Chabulon. [13] But there was another passion, a
+philosophic inclination of theirs, which cemented the friendship that
+was betwixt them; for they sent mutual problems to one another, with
+a desire to have them unriddled by each other; wherein Solomon was
+superior to Hirom, as he was wiser than he in other respects: and many
+of the epistles that passed between them are still preserved among the
+Tyrians. Now, that this may not depend on my bare word, I will produce
+for a witness Dius, one that is believed to have written the Phoenician
+History after an accurate manner. This Dius, therefore, writes thus, in
+his Histories of the Phoenicians: "Upon the death of Abibalus, his son
+Hirom took the kingdom. This king raised banks at the eastern parts
+of the city, and enlarged it; he also joined the temple of Jupiter
+Olympius, which stood before in an island by itself, to the city, by
+raising a causeway between them, and adorned that temple with donations
+of gold. He moreover went up to Libanus, and had timber cut down for the
+building of temples. They say further, that Solomon, when he was king
+of Jerusalem, sent problems to Hirom to be solved, and desired he would
+send others back for him to solve, and that he who could not solve the
+problems proposed to him should pay money to him that solved them. And
+when Hirom had agreed to the proposals, but was not able to solve the
+problems, he was obliged to pay a great deal of money, as a penalty
+for the same. As also they relate, that one OEabdemon, a man of Tyre, did
+solve the problems, and propose others which Solomon could not solve,
+upon which he was obliged to repay a great deal of money to Hirom."
+These things are attested to by Dius, and confirm what we have said upon
+the same subjects before.
+
+18. And now I shall add Menander the Ephesian, as an additional witness.
+This Menander wrote the Acts that were done both by the Greeks and
+Barbarians, under every one of the Tyrian kings, and had taken much
+pains to learn their history out of their own records. Now when he was
+writing about those kings that had reigned at Tyre, he came to Hirom,
+and says thus: "Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the
+kingdom; he lived fifty-three years, and reigned thirty-four. He raised
+a bank on that called the Broad Place, and dedicated that golden pillar
+which is in Jupiter's temple; he also went and cut down timber from the
+mountain called Libanus, and got timber Of cedar for the roofs of
+the temples. He also pulled down the old temples, and built new ones;
+besides this, he consecrated the temples of Hercules and of Astarte. He
+first built Hercules's temple in the month Peritus, and that of Astarte
+when he made his expedition against the Tityans, who would not pay him
+their tribute; and when he had subdued them to himself, he returned
+home. Under this king there was a younger son of Abdemon, who mastered
+the problems which Solomon king of Jerusalem had recommended to be
+solved." Now the time from this king to the building of Carthage is
+thus calculated: "Upon the death of Hirom, Baleazarus his son took the
+kingdom; he lived forty-three years, and reigned seven years: after him
+succeeded his son Abdastartus; he lived twenty-nine years, and reigned
+nine years. Now four sons of his nurse plotted against him and slew him,
+the eldest of whom reigned twelve years: after them came Astartus,
+the son of Deleastartus; he lived fifty-four years, and reigned twelve
+years: after him came his brother Aserymus; he lived fifty-four years,
+and reigned nine years: he was slain by his brother Pheles, who took the
+kingdom and reigned but eight months, though he lived fifty years: he
+was slain by Ithobalus, the priest of Astarte, who reigned thirty-two
+years, and lived sixty-eight years: he was succeeded by his son
+Badezorus, who lived forty-five years, and reigned six years: he was
+succeeded by Matgenus his son; he lived thirty-two years, and reigned
+nine years: Pygmalion succeeded him; he lived fifty-six years, and
+reigned forty-seven years. Now in the seventh year of his reign, his
+sister fled away from him, and built the city Carthage in Libya." So
+the whole time from the reign of Hirom, till the building of Carthage,
+amounts to the sum of one hundred fifty-five years and eight months.
+Since then the temple was built at Jerusalem in the twelfth year of the
+reign of Hirom, there were from the building of the temple, until the
+building of Carthage, one hundred forty-three years and eight months.
+Wherefore, what occasion is there for alleging any more testimonies out
+of the Phoenician histories [on the behalf of our nation], since what
+I have said is so thoroughly confirmed already? and to be sure our
+ancestors came into this country long before the building of the temple;
+for it was not till we had gotten possession of the whole land by war
+that we built our temple. And this is the point that I have clearly
+proved out of our sacred writings in my Antiquities.
+
+19. I will now relate what hath been written concerning us in the
+Chaldean histories, which records have a great agreement with our books
+in oilier things also. Berosus shall be witness to what I say: he was
+by birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned, on account of his
+publication of the Chaldean books of astronomy and philosophy among the
+Greeks. This Berosus, therefore, following the most ancient records
+of that nation, gives us a history of the deluge of waters that then
+happened, and of the destruction of mankind thereby, and agrees with
+Moses's narration thereof. He also gives us an account of that ark
+wherein Noah, the origin of our race, was preserved, when it was brought
+to the highest part of the Armenian mountains; after which he gives us
+a catalogue of the posterity of Noah, and adds the years of their
+chronology, and at length comes down to Nabolassar, who was king of
+Babylon, and of the Chaldeans. And when he was relating the acts of
+this king, he describes to us how he sent his son Nabuchodonosor against
+Egypt, and against our land, with a great army, upon his being informed
+that they had revolted from him; and how, by that means, he subdued them
+all, and set our temple that was at Jerusalem on fire; nay, and removed
+our people entirely out of their own country, and transferred them
+to Babylon; when it so happened that our city was desolate during the
+interval of seventy years, until the days of Cyrus king of Persia. He
+then says, "That this Babylonian king conquered Egypt, and Syria, and
+Phoenicia, and Arabia, and exceeded in his exploits all that had
+reigned before him in Babylon and Chaldea." A little after which Berosus
+subjoins what follows in his History of Ancient Times. I will set down
+Berosus's own accounts, which are these: "When Nabolassar, father of
+Nabuchodonosor, heard that the governor whom he had set over Egypt, and
+over the parts of Celesyria and Phoenicia, had revolted from him, he was
+not able to bear it any longer; but committing certain parts of his army
+to his son Nabuchodonosor, who was then but young, he sent him against
+the rebel: Nabuchodonosor joined battle with him, and conquered him, and
+reduced the country under his dominion again. Now it so fell out that
+his father Nabolassar fell into a distemper at this time, and died in
+the city of Babylon, after he had reigned twenty-nine years. But as he
+understood, in a little time, that his father Nabolassar was dead, he
+set the affairs of Egypt and the other countries in order, and committed
+the captives he had taken from the Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians,
+and of the nations belonging to Egypt, to some of his friends, that they
+might conduct that part of the forces that had on heavy armor, with the
+rest of his baggage, to Babylonia; while he went in haste, having but a
+few with him, over the desert to Babylon; whither, when he was come, he
+found the public affairs had been managed by the Chaldeans, and that
+the principal person among them had preserved the kingdom for him.
+Accordingly, he now entirely obtained all his father's dominions. He
+then came, and ordered the captives to be placed as colonies in the most
+proper places of Babylonia; but for himself, he adorned the temple of
+Belus, and the other temples, after an elegant manner, out of the
+spoils he had taken in this war. He also rebuilt the old city, and added
+another to it on the outside, and so far restored Babylon, that none who
+should besiege it afterwards might have it in their power to divert
+the river, so as to facilitate an entrance into it; and this he did by
+building three walls about the inner city, and three about the outer.
+Some of these walls he built of burnt brick and bitumen, and some of
+brick only. So when he had thus fortified the city with walls, after an
+excellent manner, and had adorned the gates magnificently, he added a
+new palace to that which his father had dwelt in, and this close by it
+also, and that more eminent in its height, and in its great splendor. It
+would perhaps require too long a narration, if any one were to describe
+it. However, as prodigiously large and as magnificent as it was, it was
+finished in fifteen days. Now in this palace he erected very high walks,
+supported by stone pillars, and by planting what was called a pensile
+paradise, and replenishing it with all sorts of trees, he rendered the
+prospect an exact resemblance of a mountainous country. This he did to
+please his queen, because she had been brought up in Media, and was fond
+of a mountainous situation."
+
+20. This is what Berosus relates concerning the forementioned king, as
+he relates many other things about him also in the third book of his
+Chaldean History; wherein he complains of the Grecian writers for
+supposing, without any foundation, that Babylon was built by Semiramis,
+[14] queen of Assyria, and for her false pretense to those wonderful
+edifices thereto buildings at Babylon, do no way contradict those
+ancient and relating, as if they were her own workmanship; as indeed
+in these affairs the Chaldean History cannot but be the most credible.
+Moreover, we meet with a confirmation of what Berosus says in the
+archives of the Phoenicians, concerning this king Nabuchodonosor, that
+he conquered all Syria and Phoenicia; in which case Philostratus agrees
+with the others in that history which he composed, where he mentions
+the siege of Tyre; as does Megasthenes also, in the fourth book of his
+Indian History, wherein he pretends to prove that the forementioned
+king of the Babylonians was superior to Hercules in strength and the
+greatness of his exploits; for he says that he conquered a great part
+of Libya, and conquered Iberia also. Now as to what I have said before
+about the temple at Jerusalem, that it was fought against by the
+Babylonians, and burnt by them, but was opened again when Cyrus had
+taken the kingdom of Asia, shall now be demonstrated from what Berosus
+adds further upon that head; for thus he says in his third book:
+"Nabuchodonosor, after he had begun to build the forementioned wall,
+fell sick, and departed this life, when he had reigned forty-three
+years; whereupon his son Evilmerodach obtained the kingdom. He governed
+public affairs after an illegal and impure manner, and had a plot laid
+against him by Neriglissoor, his sister's husband, and was slain by him
+when he had reigned but two years. After he was slain, Neriglissoor,
+the person who plotted against him, succeeded him in the kingdom, and
+reigned four years; his son Laborosoarchod obtained the kingdom, though
+he was but a child, and kept it nine mouths; but by reason of the very
+ill temper and ill practices he exhibited to the world, a plot was laid
+against him also by his friends, and he was tormented to death. After
+his death, the conspirators got together, and by common consent put
+the crown upon the head of Nabonnedus, a man of Babylon, and one who
+belonged to that insurrection. In his reign it was that the walls of the
+city of Babylon were curiously built with burnt brick and bitumen; but
+when he was come to the seventeenth year of his reign, Cyrus came out of
+Persia with a great army; and having already conquered all the rest of
+Asia, he came hastily to Babylonia. When Nabonnedus perceived he was
+coming to attack him, he met him with his forces, and joining battle
+with him was beaten, and fled away with a few of his troops with him,
+and was shut up within the city Borsippus. Hereupon Cyrus took Babylon,
+and gave order that the outer walls of the city should be demolished,
+because the city had proved very troublesome to him, and cost him a
+great deal of pains to take it. He then marched away to Borsippus, to
+besiege Nabonnedus; but as Nabonnedus did not sustain the siege, but
+delivered himself into his hands, he was at first kindly used by Cyrus,
+who gave him Carmania, as a place for him to inhabit in, but sent him
+out of Babylonia. Accordingly Nabonnedus spent the rest of his time in
+that country, and there died."
+
+21. These accounts agree with the true histories in our books; for in
+them it is written that Nebuchadnezzar, in the eighteenth year of
+his reign, laid our temple desolate, and so it lay in that state of
+obscurity for fifty years; but that in the second year of the reign of
+Cyrus its foundations were laid, and it was finished again in the second
+year of Darius. I will now add the records of the Phoenicians; for it
+will not be superfluous to give the reader demonstrations more than
+enough on this occasion. In them we have this enumeration of the times
+of their several kings: "Nabuchodonosor besieged Tyre for thirteen years
+in the days of Ithobal, their king; after him reigned Baal, ten years;
+after him were judges appointed, who judged the people: Ecnibalus, the
+son of Baslacus, two months; Chelbes, the son of Abdeus, ten months;
+Abbar, the high priest, three months; Mitgonus and Gerastratus, the sons
+of Abdelemus, were judges six years; after whom Balatorus reigned one
+year; after his death they sent and fetched Merbalus from Babylon, who
+reigned four years; after his death they sent for his brother Hirom, who
+reigned twenty years. Under his reign Cyrus became king of Persia." So
+that the whole interval is fifty-four years besides three months; for
+in the seventh year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar he began to besiege
+Tyre, and Cyrus the Persian took the kingdom in the fourteenth year of
+Hirom. So that the records of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree with our
+writings about this temple; and the testimonies here produced are an
+indisputable and undeniable attestation to the antiquity of our nation.
+And I suppose that what I have already said may be sufficient to such as
+are not very contentious.
+
+22. But now it is proper to satisfy the inquiry of those that disbelieve
+the records of barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be worthy of
+credit, and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted
+with our nation, and to set before them such as upon occasion have made
+mention of us in their own writings. Pythagoras, therefore, of Samos,
+lived in very ancient times, and was esteemed a person superior to all
+philosophers in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it is plain that
+he did not only know our doctrines, but was in very great measure a
+follower and admirer of them. There is not indeed extant any writing
+that is owned for his [15] but many there are who have written his
+history, of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated, who was a person very
+inquisitive into all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus, in his first
+book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus: "That Pythagoras, upon the
+death of one of his associates, whose name was Calliphon, a Crotonlate
+by birth, affirmed that this man's soul conversed with him both night
+and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had
+fallen down; as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again;
+and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches." After which he adds thus:
+"This he did and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and
+Thracians, which he transferred into his own philosophy." For it is very
+truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws
+of the Jews into his own philosophy. Nor was our nation unknown of
+old to several of the Grecian cities, and indeed was thought worthy
+of imitation by some of them. This is declared by Theophrastus, in his
+writings concerning laws; for he says that "the laws of the Tyrians
+forbid men to swear foreign oaths." Among which he enumerates some
+others, and particularly that called Corban: which oath can only be
+found among the Jews, and declares what a man may call "A thing devoted
+to God." Nor indeed was Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our
+nation, but mentions it after a way of his own, when he saith thus, in
+the second book concerning the Colchians. His words are these: "The only
+people who were circumcised in their privy members originally, were the
+Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and
+those Syrians that are in Palestine confess that they learned it from
+the Egyptians. And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon
+and Parthenius, and their neighbors the Macrones, they say they have
+lately learned it from the Colchians; for these are the only people that
+are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same
+thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians
+themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the
+other." This therefore is what Herodotus says, that "the Syrians that
+are in Palestine are circumcised." But there are no inhabitants of
+Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews; and therefore it must
+be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning
+them. Cherilus also, a still ancienter writer, and a poet, [16] makes
+mention of our nation, and informs us that it came to the assistance of
+king Xerxes, in his expedition against Greece. For in his enumeration of
+all those nations, he last of all inserts ours among the rest, when he
+says, "At the last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld;
+for they spake the Phoenician tongue with their mouths; they dwelt in
+the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake: their heads were sooty;
+they had round rasures on them; their heads and faces were like nasty
+horse-heads also, that had been hardened in the smoke." I think,
+therefore, that it is evident to every body that Cherilus means us,
+because the Solymean mountains are in our country, wherein we inhabit,
+as is also the lake called Asphaltitis; for this is a broader and
+larger lake than any other that is in Syria: and thus does Cherilus make
+mention of us. But now that not only the lowest sort of the Grecians,
+but those that are had in the greatest admiration for their philosophic
+improvements among them, did not only know the Jews, but when they
+lighted upon any of them, admired them also, it is easy for any one to
+know. For Clearchus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and inferior
+to no one of the Peripatetics whomsoever, in his first book concerning
+sleep, says that "Aristotle his master related what follows of a Jew,"
+and sets down Aristotle's own discourse with him. The account is this,
+as written down by him: "Now, for a great part of what this Jew said, it
+would be too long to recite it; but what includes in it both wonder and
+philosophy it may not be amiss to discourse of. Now, that I may be plain
+with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seem to thee to relate wonders,
+and what will resemble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hyperochides answered
+modestly, and said, For that very reason it is that all of us are very
+desirous of hearing what thou art going to say. Then replied Aristotle,
+For this cause it will be the best way to imitate that rule of the
+Rhetoricians, which requires us first to give an account of the man,
+and of what nation he was, that so we may not contradict our master's
+directions. Then said Hyperochides, Go on, if it so pleases thee.
+This man then, [answered Aristotle,] was by birth a Jew, and came from
+Celesyria; these Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers; they are
+named by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians Judaei, and took their
+name from the country they inhabit, which is called Judea; but for
+the name of their city, it is a very awkward one, for they call it
+Jerusalem. Now this man, when he was hospitably treated by a great many,
+came down from the upper country to the places near the sea, and became
+a Grecian, not only in his language, but in his soul also; insomuch that
+when we ourselves happened to be in Asia about the same places whither
+he came, he conversed with us, and with other philosophical persons, and
+made a trial of our skill in philosophy; and as he had lived with many
+learned men, he communicated to us more information than he received
+from us." This is Aristotle's account of the matter, as given us by
+Clearchus; which Aristotle discoursed also particularly of the great
+and wonderful fortitude of this Jew in his diet, and continent way of
+living, as those that please may learn more about him from Clearchus's
+book itself; for I avoid setting down any more than is sufficient for
+my purpose. Now Clearchus said this by way of digression, for his main
+design was of another nature. But for Hecateus of Abdera, who was both a
+philosopher, and one very useful ill an active life, he was contemporary
+with king Alexander in his youth, and afterward was with Ptolemy, the
+son of Lagus; he did not write about the Jewish affairs by the by only,
+but composed an entire book concerning the Jews themselves; out of
+which book I am willing to run over a few things, of which I have been
+treating by way of epitome. And, in the first place, I will demonstrate
+the time when this Hecateus lived; for he mentions the fight that
+was between Ptolemy and Demetrius about Gaza, which was fought in the
+eleventh year after the death of Alexander, and in the hundred and
+seventeenth olympiad, as Castor says in his history. For when he had set
+down this olympiad, he says further, that "in this olympiad Ptolemy, the
+son of Lagus, beat in battle Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who was
+named Poliorcetes, at Gaza." Now, it is agreed by all, that Alexander
+died in the hundred and fourteenth olympiad; it is therefore evident
+that our nation flourished in his time, and in the time of Alexander.
+Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows: "Ptolemy got
+possession of the places in Syria after that battle at Gaza; and many,
+when they heard of Ptolemy's moderation and humanity, went along with
+him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; one of whom
+[Hecateus says] was Hezekiah [17] the high priest of the Jews; a man of
+about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people.
+He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very
+skillful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so;
+although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the
+products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number
+not above fifteen hundred at the most." Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah
+a second time, and says, that "as he was possessed of so great a
+dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of
+those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances
+of their people; for he had all their habitations and polity down in
+writing." Moreover, Hecateus declares again, "what regard we have for
+our laws, and that we resolve to endure any thing rather than transgress
+them, because we think it right for us to do so." Whereupon he adds,
+that "although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbors,
+and among all those that come to them, and have been often treated
+injuriously by the kings and governors of Persia, yet can they not
+be dissuaded from acting what they think best; but that when they are
+stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and
+they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them
+after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people, and will not
+renounce the religion of their forefathers." Hecateus also produces
+demonstrations not a few of this their resolute tenaciousness of their
+laws, when he speaks thus: "Alexander was once at Babylon, and had an
+intention to rebuild the temple of Belus that was fallen to decay, and
+in order thereto, he commanded all his soldiers in general to bring
+earth thither. But the Jews, and they only, would not comply with that
+command; nay, they underwent stripes and great losses of what they had
+on this account, till the king forgave them, and permitted them to live
+in quiet." He adds further, that "when the Macedonians came to them
+into that country, and demolished the [old] temples and the altars, they
+assisted them in demolishing them all [18] but [for not assisting them
+in rebuilding them] they either underwent losses, or sometimes obtained
+forgiveness." He adds further, that "these men deserve to be admired on
+that account." He also speaks of the mighty populousness of our nation,
+and says that "the Persians formerly carried away many ten thousands of
+our people to Babylon, as also that not a few ten thousands were removed
+after Alexander's death into Egypt and Phoenicia, by reason of the
+sedition that was arisen in Syria." The same person takes notice in his
+history, how large the country is which we inhabit, as well as of its
+excellent character, and says, that "the land in which the Jews inhabit
+contains three millions of arourae, [19] and is generally of a most
+excellent and most fruitful soil; nor is Judea of lesser dimensions."
+The same man describe our city Jerusalem also itself as of a most
+excellent structure, and very large, and inhabited from the most ancient
+times. He also discourses of the multitude of men in it, and of the
+construction of our temple, after the following manner: "There are many
+strong places and villages [says he] in the country of Judea; but one
+strong city there is, about fifty furlongs in circumference, which is
+inhabited by a hundred and twenty thousand men, or thereabouts; they
+call it Jerusalem. There is about the middle of the city a wall of
+stone, whose length is five hundred feet, and the breadth a hundred
+cubits, with double cloisters; wherein there is a square altar, not made
+of hewn stone, but composed of white stones gathered together, having
+each side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten cubits. Hard by it
+is a large edifice, wherein there is an altar and a candlestick, both
+of gold, and in weight two talents: upon these there is a light that is
+never extinguished, either by night or by day. There is no image, nor
+any thing, nor any donations therein; nothing at all is there planted,
+neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein
+both nights and days, performing certain purifications, and drinking
+not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple." Moreover, he
+attests that we Jews went as auxiliaries along with king Alexander,
+and after him with his successors. I will add further what he says he
+learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions
+of a man that was a Jew. His words are these: "As I was myself going to
+the Red Sea, there followed us a man, whose name was Mosollam; he was
+one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us; he was a person of great
+courage, of a strong body, and by all allowed to be the most skillful
+archer that was either among the Greeks or barbarians. Now this man, as
+people were in great numbers passing along the road, and a certain
+augur was observing an augury by a bird, and requiring them all to stand
+still, inquired what they staid for. Hereupon the augur showed him the
+bird from whence he took his augury, and told him that if the bird staid
+where he was, they ought all to stand still; but that if he got up, and
+flew onward, they must go forward; but that if he flew backward, they
+must retire again. Mosollam made no reply, but drew his bow, and shot at
+the bird, and hit him, and killed him; and as the augur and some others
+were very angry, and wished imprecations upon him, he answered them
+thus: Why are you so mad as to take this most unhappy bird into your
+hands? for how can this bird give us any true information concerning our
+march, who could not foresee how to save himself? for had he been able
+to foreknow what was future, he would not have come to this place, but
+would have been afraid lest Mosollam the Jew should shoot at him, and
+kill him." But of Hecateus's testimonies we have said enough; for as to
+such as desire to know more of them, they may easily obtain them from
+his book itself. However, I shall not think it too much for me to name
+Agatharchides, as having made mention of us Jews, though in way of
+derision at our simplicity, as he supposes it to be; for when he was
+discoursing of the affairs of Stratonice, "how she came out of Macedonia
+into Syria, and left her husband Demetrius, while yet Seleueus would not
+marry her as she expected, but during the time of his raising an army at
+Babylon, stirred up a sedition about Antioch; and how, after that, the
+king came back, and upon his taking of Antioch, she fled to Seleucia,
+and had it in her power to sail away immediately yet did she comply with
+a dream which forbade her so to do, and so was caught and put to
+death." When Agatharehides had premised this story, and had jested upon
+Stratonice for her superstition, he gives a like example of what was
+reported concerning us, and writes thus: "There are a people called
+Jews, and dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the
+inhabitants call Jerusalem, and are accustomed to rest on every seventh
+day [20] on which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with
+husbandry, nor take care of any affairs of life, but spread out their
+hands in their holy places, and pray till the evening. Now it came to
+pass, that when Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, came into this city with his
+army, that these men, in observing this mad custom of theirs, instead of
+guarding the city, suffered their country to submit itself to a bitter
+lord; and their law was openly proved to have commanded a foolish
+practice. [21] This accident taught all other men but the Jews to
+disregard such dreams as these were, and not to follow the like idle
+suggestions delivered as a law, when, in such uncertainty of human
+reasonings, they are at a loss what they should do." Now this our
+procedure seems a ridiculous thing to Agatharehides, but will appear to
+such as consider it without prejudice a great thing, and what deserved
+a great many encomiums; I mean, when certain men constantly prefer the
+observation of their laws, and their religion towards God, before the
+preservation of themselves and their country.
+
+23. Now that some writers have omitted to mention our nation, not
+because they knew nothing of us, but because they envied us, or for some
+other unjustifiable reasons, I think I can demonstrate by particular
+instances; for Hieronymus, who wrote the History of Alexander's
+Successors, lived at the same time with Hecateus, and was a friend of
+king Antigonus, and president of Syria. Now it is plain that Hecateus
+wrote an entire book concerning us, while Hieronymus never mentions us
+in his history, although he was bred up very near to the places where we
+live. Thus different from one another are the inclinations of men;
+while the one thought we deserved to be carefully remembered, as some
+ill-disposed passion blinded the other's mind so entirely, that he could
+not discern the truth. And now certainly the foregoing records of the
+Egyptians, and Chaldeans, and Phoenicians, together with so many of
+the Greek writers, will be sufficient for the demonstration of our
+antiquity. Moreover, besides those forementioned, Theophilus, and
+Theodotus, and Mnaseas, and Aristophanes, and Hermogenes, Euhemerus
+also, and Conon, and Zopyrion, and perhaps many others, [for I have not
+lighted upon all the Greek books,] have made distinct mention of us. It
+is true, many of the men before mentioned have made great mistakes about
+the true accounts of our nation in the earliest times, because they had
+not perused our sacred books; yet have they all of them afforded their
+testimony to our antiquity, concerning which I am now treating. However,
+Demetrius Phalereus, and the elder Philo, with Eupolemus, have not
+greatly missed the truth about our affairs; whose lesser mistakes
+ought therefore to be forgiven them; for it was not in their power to
+understand our writings with the utmost accuracy.
+
+24. One particular there is still remaining behind of what I at first
+proposed to speak to, and that is, to demonstrate that those calumnies
+and reproaches which some have thrown upon our nation, are lies, and to
+make use of those writers' own testimonies against themselves; and that
+in general this self-contradiction hath happened to many other authors
+by reason of their ill-will to some people, I conclude, is not unknown
+to such as have read histories with sufficient care; for some of them
+have endeavored to disgrace the nobility of certain nations, and of some
+of the most glorious cities, and have cast reproaches upon certain
+forms of government. Thus hath Theopompus abused the city of Athens,
+Polycrates that of Lacedemon, as hath he hat wrote the Tripoliticus
+[for he is not Theopompus, as is supposed by some] done by the city of
+Thebes. Timeils also hath greatly abused the foregoing people and others
+also; and this ill-treatment they use chiefly when they have a contest
+with men of the greatest reputation; some out of envy and malice, and
+others as supposing that by this foolish talking of theirs they may be
+thought worthy of being remembered themselves; and indeed they do by no
+means fail of their hopes, with regard to the foolish part of mankind,
+but men of sober judgment still condemn them of great malignity.
+
+25. Now the Egyptians were the first that cast reproaches upon us;
+in order to please which nation, some others undertook to pervert the
+truth, while they would neither own that our forefathers came into Egypt
+from another country, as the fact was, nor give a true account of our
+departure thence. And indeed the Egyptians took many occasions to hate
+us and envy us: in the first place, because our ancestors had had the
+dominion over their country? and when they were delivered from them, and
+gone to their own country again, they lived there in prosperity. In the
+next place, the difference of our religion from theirs hath occasioned
+great enmity between us, while our way of Divine worship did as much
+exceed that which their laws appointed, as does the nature of God
+exceed that of brute beasts; for so far they all agree through the whole
+country, to esteem such animals as gods, although they differ one
+from another in the peculiar worship they severally pay to them. And
+certainly men they are entirely of vain and foolish minds, who have
+thus accustomed themselves from the beginning to have such bad notions
+concerning their gods, and could not think of imitating that decent
+form of Divine worship which we made use of, though, when they saw our
+institutions approved of by many others, they could not but envy us on
+that account; for some of them have proceeded to that degree of folly
+and meanness in their conduct, as not to scruple to contradict their own
+ancient records, nay, to contradict themselves also in their writings,
+and yet were so blinded by their passions as not to discern it.
+
+26. And now I will turn my discourse to one of their principal writers,
+whom I have a little before made use of as a witness to our antiquity; I
+mean Manetho. [22] He promised to interpret the Egyptian history out of
+their sacred writings, and premised this: that "our people had come into
+Egypt, many ten thousands in number, and subdued its inhabitants;"
+and when he had further confessed that "we went out of that country
+afterward, and settled in that country which is now called Judea, and
+there built Jerusalem and its temple." Now thus far he followed his
+ancient records; but after this he permits himself, in order to appear
+to have written what rumors and reports passed abroad about the Jews,
+and introduces incredible narrations, as if he would have the Egyptian
+multitude, that had the leprosy and other distempers, to have been mixed
+with us, as he says they were, and that they were condemned to fly out
+of Egypt together; for he mentions Amenophis, a fictitious king's name,
+though on that account he durst not set down the number of years of
+his reign, which yet he had accurately done as to the other kings he
+mentions; he then ascribes certain fabulous stories to this king,
+as having in a manner forgotten how he had already related that the
+departure of the shepherds for Jerusalem had been five hundred and
+eighteen years before; for Tethmosis was king when they went away.
+Now, from his days, the reigns of the intermediate kings, according to
+Manethe, amounted to three hundred and ninety-three years, as he says
+himself, till the two brothers Sethos and Hermeus; the one of whom,
+Sethos, was called by that other name of Egyptus, and the other,
+Hermeus, by that of Danaus. He also says that Sethos east the other out
+of Egypt, and reigned fifty-nine years, as did his eldest son Rhampses
+reign after him sixty-six years. When Manethe therefore had acknowledged
+that our forefathers were gone out of Egypt so many years ago, he
+introduces his fictitious king Amenophis, and says thus: "This king
+was desirous to become a spectator of the gods, as had Orus, one of
+his predecessors in that kingdom, desired the same before him; he also
+communicated that his desire to his namesake Amenophis, who was the son
+of Papis, and one that seemed to partake of a divine nature, both as
+to wisdom and the knowledge of futurities." Manethe adds, "how this
+namesake of his told him that he might see the gods, if he would clear
+the whole country of the lepers and of the other impure people; that the
+king was pleased with this injunction, and got together all that had any
+defect in their bodies out of Egypt; and that their number was eighty
+thousand; whom he sent to those quarries which are on the east side of
+the Nile, that they might work in them, and might be separated from the
+rest of the Egyptians." He says further, that "there were some of the
+learned priests that were polluted with the leprosy; but that still this
+Amenophis, the wise man and the prophet, was afraid that the gods would
+be angry at him and at the king, if there should appear to have been
+violence offered them; who also added this further, [out of his sagacity
+about futurities,] that certain people would come to the assistance of
+these polluted wretches, and would conquer Egypt, and keep it in their
+possession thirteen years; that, however, he durst not tell the king
+of these things, but that he left a writing behind him about all those
+matters, and then slew himself, which made the king disconsolate." After
+which he writes thus verbatim: "After those that were sent to work in
+the quarries had continued in that miserable state for a long while, the
+king was desired that he would set apart the city Avaris, which was then
+left desolate of the shepherds, for their habitation and protection;
+which desire he granted them. Now this city, according to the ancient
+theology, was Typho's city. But when these men were gotten into it, and
+found the place fit for a revolt, they appointed themselves a ruler out
+of the priests of Hellopolis, whose name was Osarsiph, and they took
+their oaths that they would be obedient to him in all things. He then,
+in the first place, made this law for them, That they should neither
+worship the Egyptian gods, nor should abstain from any one of those
+sacred animals which they have in the highest esteem, but kill and
+destroy them all; that they should join themselves to nobody but to
+those that were of this confederacy. When he had made such laws as
+these, and many more such as were mainly opposite to the customs of the
+Egyptians, [23] he gave order that they should use the multitude of the
+hands they had in building walls about their City, and make themselves
+ready for a war with king Amenophis, while he did himself take into his
+friendship the other priests, and those that were polluted with them,
+and sent ambassadors to those shepherds who had been driven out of the
+land by Tefilmosis to the city called Jerusalem; whereby he informed
+them of his own affairs, and of the state of those others that had been
+treated after such an ignominious manner, and desired that they would
+come with one consent to his assistance in this war against Egypt. He
+also promised that he would, in the first place, bring them back
+to their ancient city and country Avaris, and provide a plentiful
+maintenance for their multitude; that he would protect them and fight
+for them as occasion should require, and would easily reduce the
+country under their dominion. These shepherds were all very glad of this
+message, and came away with alacrity all together, being in number two
+hundred thousand men; and in a little time they came to Avaris. And now
+Amenophis the king of Egypt, upon his being informed of their invasion,
+was in great confusion, as calling to mind what Amenophis, the son
+of Papis, had foretold him; and, in the first place, he assembled the
+multitude of the Egyptians, and took counsel with their leaders, and
+sent for their sacred animals to him, especially for those that were
+principally worshipped in their temples, and gave a particular charge to
+the priests distinctly, that they should hide the images of their gods
+with the utmost care he also sent his son Sethos, who was also named
+Ramesses, from his father Rhampses, being but five years old, to a
+friend of his. He then passed on with the rest of the Egyptians, being
+three hundred thousand of the most warlike of them, against the enemy,
+who met them. Yet did he not join battle with them; but thinking
+that would be to fight against the gods, he returned back and came to
+Memphis, where he took Apis and the other sacred animals which he had
+sent for to him, and presently marched into Ethiopia, together with
+his whole army and multitude of Egyptians; for the king of Ethiopia was
+under an obligation to him, on which account he received him, and took
+care of all the multitude that was with him, while the country supplied
+all that was necessary for the food of the men. He also allotted cities
+and villages for this exile, that was to be from its beginning during
+those fatally determined thirteen years. Moreover, he pitched a camp for
+his Ethiopian army, as a guard to king Amenophis, upon the borders of
+Egypt. And this was the state of things in Ethiopia. But for the people
+of Jerusalem, when they came down together with the polluted Egyptians,
+they treated the men in such a barbarous manner, that those who saw how
+they subdued the forementioned country, and the horrid wickedness they
+were guilty of, thought it a most dreadful thing; for they did not only
+set the cities and villages on fire but were not satisfied till they had
+been guilty of sacrilege, and destroyed the images of the gods, and used
+them in roasting those sacred animals that used to be worshipped, and
+forced the priests and prophets to be the executioners and murderers of
+those animals, and then ejected them naked out of the country. It was
+also reported that the priest, who ordained their polity and their laws,
+was by birth of Hellopolls, and his name Osarsiph, from Osyris, who was
+the god of Hellopolls; but that when he was gone over to these people,
+his name was changed, and he was called Moses."
+
+27. This is what the Egyptians relate about the Jews, with much more,
+which I omit for the sake of brevity. But still Manetho goes on, that
+"after this, Amenophis returned back from Ethiopia with a great army,
+as did his son Ahampses with another army also, and that both of them
+joined battle with the shepherds and the polluted people, and beat them,
+and slew a great many of them, and pursued them to the bounds of
+Syria." These and the like accounts are written by Manetho. But I will
+demonstrate that he trifles, and tells arrant lies, after I have made a
+distinction which will relate to what I am going to say about him;
+for this Manetho had granted and confessed that this nation was not
+originally Egyptian, but that they had come from another country, and
+subdued Egypt, and then went away again out of it. But that those
+Egyptians who were thus diseased in their bodies were not mingled with
+us afterward, and that Moses who brought the people out was not one of
+that company, but lived many generations earlier, I shall endeavor to
+demonstrate from Manetho's own accounts themselves.
+
+28. Now, for the first occasion of this fiction, Manetho supposes what
+is no better than a ridiculous thing; for he says that, "King Amenophis
+desired to see the gods." What gods, I pray, did he desire to see? If
+he meant the gods whom their laws ordained to be worshipped, the ox, the
+goat, the crocodile, and the baboon, he saw them already; but for the
+heavenly gods, how could he see them, and what should occasion this his
+desire? To be sure? it was because another king before him had already
+seen them. He had then been informed what sort of gods they were, and
+after what manner they had been seen, insomuch that he did not stand in
+need of any new artifice for obtaining this sight. However, the prophet
+by whose means the king thought to compass his design was a wise man.
+If so, how came he not to know that such his desire was impossible to
+be accomplished? for the event did not succeed. And what pretense could
+there be to suppose that the gods would not be seen by reason of the
+people's maims in their bodies, or leprosy? for the gods are not angry
+at the imperfection of bodies, but at wicked practices; and as to eighty
+thousand lepers, and those in an ill state also, how is it possible to
+have them gathered together in one day? nay, how came the king not to
+comply with the prophet? for his injunction was, that those that were
+maimed should be expelled out of Egypt, while the king only sent them
+to work in the quarries, as if he were rather in want of laborers, than
+intended to purge his country. He says further, that, "this prophet slew
+himself, as foreseeing the anger of the gods, and those events which
+were to come upon Egypt afterward; and that he left this prediction for
+the king in writing." Besides, how came it to pass that this prophet
+did not foreknow his own death at the first? nay, how came he not to
+contradict the king in his desire to see the gods immediately? how came
+that unreasonable dread upon him of judgments that were not to happen
+in his lifetime? or what worse thing could he suffer, out of the fear
+of which he made haste to kill himself? But now let us see the silliest
+thing of all:--The king, although he had been informed of these things,
+and terrified with the fear of what was to come, yet did not he even
+then eject these maimed people out of his country, when it had been
+foretold him that he was to clear Egypt of them; but, as Manetho says,
+"he then, upon their request, gave them that city to inhabit, which had
+formerly belonged to the shepherds, and was called Avaris; whither when
+they were gone in crowds," he says, "they chose one that had formerly
+been priest of Hellopolls; and that this priest first ordained that they
+should neither worship the gods, nor abstain from those animals that
+were worshipped by the Egyptians, but should kill and eat them all, and
+should associate with nobody but those that had conspired with them;
+and that he bound the multitude by oaths to be sure to continue in
+those laws; and that when he had built a wall about Avaris, he made
+war against the king." Manetho adds also, that "this priest sent to
+Jerusalem to invite that people to come to his assistance, and promised
+to give them Avaris; for that it had belonged to the forefathers of
+those that were coming from Jerusalem, and that when they were come,
+they made a war immediately against the king, and got possession of
+all Egypt." He says also that "the Egyptians came with an army of
+two hundred thousand men, and that Amenophis, the king of Egypt, not
+thinking that he ought to fight against the gods, ran away presently
+into Ethiopia, and committed Apis and certain other of their sacred
+animals to the priests, and commanded them to take care of preserving
+them." He says further, that, "the people of Jerusalem came accordingly
+upon the Egyptians, and overthrew their cities, and burnt their temples,
+and slew their horsemen, and, in short, abstained from no sort of
+wickedness nor barbarity; and for that priest who settled their polity
+and their laws," he says, "he was by birth of Hellopolis, and his name
+was Osarsiph, from Osyris the god of Hellopolis, but that he changed his
+name, and called himself Moses." He then says that "on the thirteenth
+year afterward, Amenophis, according to the fatal time of the duration
+of his misfortunes, came upon them out of Ethiopia with a great army,
+and joining battle with the shepherds and with the polluted people,
+overcame them in battle, and slew a great many of them, and pursued them
+as far as the bounds of Syria."
+
+29. Now Manetho does not reflect upon the improbability of his lie; for
+the leprous people, and the multitude that was with them, although
+they might formerly have been angry at the king, and at those that had
+treated them so coarsely, and this according to the prediction of the
+prophet; yet certainly, when they were come out of the mines, and had
+received of the king a city, and a country, they would have grown milder
+towards him. However, had they ever so much hated him in particular,
+they might have laid a private plot against himself, but would hardly
+have made war against all the Egyptians; I mean this on the account of
+the great kindred they who were so numerous must have had among them.
+Nay still, if they had resolved to fight with the men, they would not
+have had impudence enough to fight with their gods; nor would they have
+ordained laws quite contrary to those of their own country, and to
+those in which they had been bred up themselves. Yet are we beholden
+to Manethe, that he does not lay the principal charge of this horrid
+transgression upon those that came from Jerusalem, but says that the
+Egyptians themselves were the most guilty, and that they were their
+priests that contrived these things, and made the multitude take their
+oaths for doing so. But still how absurd is it to suppose that none
+of these people's own relations or friends should be prevailed with
+to revolt, nor to undergo the hazards of war with them, while these
+polluted people were forced to send to Jerusalem, and bring their
+auxiliaries from thence! What friendship, I pray, or what relation
+was there formerly between them that required this assistance? On the
+contrary, these people were enemies, and greatly differed from them in
+their customs. He says, indeed, that they complied immediately, upon
+their praising them that they should conquer Egypt; as if they did not
+themselves very well know that country out of which they had been driven
+by force. Now had these men been in want, or lived miserably, perhaps
+they might have undertaken so hazardous an enterprise; but as they dwelt
+in a happy city, and had a large country, and one better than Egypt
+itself, how came it about that, for the sake of those that had of old
+been their enemies, of those that were maimed in their bodies, and of
+those whom none of their own relations would endure, they should run
+such hazards in assisting them? For they could not foresee that the
+king would run away from them: on the contrary, he saith himself that
+"Amenophis's son had three hundred thousand men with him, and met them
+at Pelusium." Now, to be sure, those that came could not be ignorant of
+this; but for the king's repentance and flight, how could they possibly
+guess at it? He then says, that "those who came from Jerusalem, and made
+this invasion, got the granaries of Egypt into their possession, and
+perpetrated many of the most horrid actions there." And thence he
+reproaches them, as though he had not himself introduced them as
+enemies, or as though he might accuse such as were invited from another
+place for so doing, when the natural Egyptians themselves had done the
+same things before their coming, and had taken oaths so to do. However,
+"Amenophis, some time afterward, came upon them, and conquered them
+in battle, and slew his enemies, and drove them before him as far as
+Syria." As if Egypt were so easily taken by people that came from any
+place whatsoever, and as if those that had conquered it by war, when
+they were informed that Amenophis was alive, did neither fortify the
+avenues out of Ethiopia into it, although they had great advantages for
+doing it, nor did get their other forces ready for their defense! but
+that he followed them over the sandy desert, and slew them as far as
+Syria; while yet it is rot an easy thing for an army to pass over that
+country, even without fighting.
+
+30. Our nation, therefore, according to Manetho, was not derived from
+Egypt, nor were any of the Egyptians mingled with us. For it is to be
+supposed that many of the leprous and distempered people were dead
+in the mines, since they had been there a long time, and in so ill
+a condition; many others must be dead in the battles that happened
+afterward, and more still in the last battle and flight after it.
+
+31. It now remains that I debate with Manetho about Moses. Now the
+Egyptians acknowledge him to have been a wonderful and a divine person;
+nay, they would willingly lay claim to him themselves, though after
+a most abusive and incredible manner, and pretend that he was of
+Heliopolis, and one of the priests of that place, and was ejected out
+of it among the rest, on account of his leprosy; although it had
+been demonstrated out of their records that he lived five hundred and
+eighteen years earlier, and then brought our forefathers out of Egypt
+into the country that is now inhabited by us. But now that he was
+not subject in his body to any such calamity, is evident from what he
+himself tells us; for he forbade those that had the leprosy either to
+continue in a city, or to inhabit in a village, but commanded that they
+should go about by themselves with their clothes rent; and declares that
+such as either touch them, or live under the same roof with them, should
+be esteemed unclean; nay, more, if any one of their disease be healed,
+and he recover his natural constitution again, he appointed them certain
+purifications, and washings with spring water, and the shaving off all
+their hair, and enjoins that they shall offer many sacrifices, and those
+of several kinds, and then at length to be admitted into the holy city;
+although it were to be expected that, on the contrary, if he had been
+under the same calamity, he should have taken care of such persons
+beforehand, and have had them treated after a kinder manner, as affected
+with a concern for those that were to be under the like misfortunes with
+himself. Nor was it only those leprous people for whose sake he made
+these laws, but also for such as should be maimed in the smallest part
+of their body, who yet are not permitted by him to officiate as priests;
+nay, although any priest, already initiated, should have such a calamity
+fall upon him afterward, he ordered him to be deprived of his honor of
+officiating. How can it then be supposed that Moses should ordain such
+laws against himself, to his own reproach and damage who so ordained
+them? Nor indeed is that other notion of Manetho at all probable,
+wherein he relates the change of his name, and says that "he was
+formerly called Osarsiph;" and this a name no way agreeable to the
+other, while his true name was Mosses, and signifies a person who is
+preserved out of the water, for the Egyptians call water Moil. I think,
+therefore, I have made it sufficiently evident that Manetho, while he
+followed his ancient records, did not much mistake the truth of the
+history; but that when he had recourse to fabulous stories, without any
+certain author, he either forged them himself, without any probability,
+or else gave credit to some men who spake so out of their ill-will to
+us.
+
+32. And now I have done with Manetho, I will inquire into what Cheremon
+says. For he also, when he pretended to write the Egyptian history, sets
+down the same name for this king that Manetho did, Amenophis, as also of
+his son Ramesses, and then goes on thus: "The goddess Isis appeared
+to Amenophis in his sleep, and blamed him that her temple had been
+demolished in the war. But that Phritiphantes, the sacred scribe, said
+to him, that in case he would purge Egypt of the men that had pollutions
+upon them, he should be no longer troubled with such frightful
+apparitions. That Amenophis accordingly chose out two hundred and fifty
+thousand of those that were thus diseased, and cast them out of the
+country: that Moses and Joseph were scribes, and Joseph was a sacred
+scribe; that their names were Egyptian originally; that of Moses had
+been Tisithen, and that of Joseph, Peteseph: that these two came to
+Pelusium, and lighted upon three hundred and eighty thousand that had
+been left there by Amenophis, he not being willing to carry them into
+Egypt; that these scribes made a league of friendship with them, and
+made with them an expedition against Egypt: that Amenophis could not
+sustain their attacks, but fled into Ethiopia, and left his wife with
+child behind him, who lay concealed in certain caverns, and there
+brought forth a son, whose name was Messene, and who, when he was grown
+up to man's estate, pursued the Jews into Syria, being about two hundred
+thousand, and then received his father Amenophis out of Ethiopia."
+
+33. This is the account Cheremon gives us. Now I take it for granted
+that what I have said already hath plainly proved the falsity of both
+these narrations; for had there been any real truth at the bottom, it
+was impossible they should so greatly disagree about the particulars.
+But for those that invent lies, what they write will easily give us very
+different accounts, while they forge what they please out of their own
+heads. Now Manetho says that the king's desire of seeing the gods was
+the origin of the ejection of the polluted people; but Cheremon feigns
+that it was a dream of his own, sent upon him by Isis, that was the
+occasion of it. Manetho says that the person who foreshowed this
+purgation of Egypt to the king was Amenophis; but this man says it was
+Phritiphantes. As to the numbers of the multitude that were expelled,
+they agree exceedingly well [24] the former reckoning them eighty
+thousand, and the latter about two hundred and fifty thousand! Now, for
+Manetho, he describes those polluted persons as sent first to work in
+the quarries, and says that the city Avaris was given them for their
+habitation. As also he relates that it was not till after they had made
+war with the rest of the Egyptians, that they invited the people of
+Jerusalem to come to their assistance; while Cheremon says only that
+they were gone out of Egypt, and lighted upon three hundred and eighty
+thousand men about Pelusium, who had been left there by Amenophis, and
+so they invaded Egypt with them again; that thereupon Amenophis fled
+into Ethiopia. But then this Cheremon commits a most ridiculous blunder
+in not informing us who this army of so many ten thousands were, or
+whence they came; whether they were native Egyptians, or whether they
+came from a foreign country. Nor indeed has this man, who forged a dream
+from Isis about the leprous people, assigned the reason why the king
+would not bring them into Egypt. Moreover, Cheremon sets down Joseph as
+driven away at the same time with Moses, who yet died four generations
+[25] before Moses, which four generations make almost one hundred and
+seventy years. Besides all this, Ramesses, the son of Amenophis, by
+Manetho's account, was a young man, and assisted his father in his war,
+and left the country at the same time with him, and fled into Ethiopia.
+But Cheremon makes him to have been born in a certain cave, after his
+father was dead, and that he then overcame the Jews in battle, and
+drove them into Syria, being in number about two hundred thousand. O the
+levity of the man! for he had neither told us who these three hundred
+and eighty thousand were, nor how the four hundred and thirty thousand
+perished; whether they fell in war, or went over to Ramesses. And, what
+is the strangest of all, it is not possible to learn out of him who they
+were whom he calls Jews, or to which of these two parties he applies
+that denomination, whether to the two hundred and fifty thousand leprous
+people, or to the three hundred and eighty thousand that were about
+Pelusium. But perhaps it will be looked upon as a silly thing in me
+to make any larger confutation of such writers as sufficiently confute
+themselves; for had they been only confuted by other men, it had been
+more tolerable.
+
+34. I shall now add to these accounts about Manethoand Cheremon somewhat
+about Lysimachus, who hath taken the same topic of falsehood with those
+forementioned, but hath gone far beyond them in the incredible nature of
+his forgeries; which plainly demonstrates that he contrived them out of
+his virulent hatred of our nation. His words are these: "The people of
+the Jews being leprous and scabby, and subject to certain other kinds
+of distempers, in the days of Bocchoris, king of Egypt, they fled to the
+temples, and got their food there by begging: and as the numbers were
+very great that were fallen under these diseases, there arose a scarcity
+in Egypt. Hereupon Bocehoris, the king of Egypt, sent some to consult
+the oracle of [Jupiter] Hammon about his scarcity. The god's answer
+was this, that he must purge his temples of impure and impious men, by
+expelling them out of those temples into desert places; but as to the
+scabby and leprous people, he must drown them, and purge his temples,
+the sun having an indignation at these men being suffered to live; and
+by this means the land will bring forth its fruits. Upon Bocchoris's
+having received these oracles, he called for their priests, and the
+attendants upon their altars, and ordered them to make a collection of
+the impure people, and to deliver them to the soldiers, to carry them
+away into the desert; but to take the leprous people, and wrap them in
+sheets of lead, and let them down into the sea. Hereupon the scabby and
+leprous people were drowned, and the rest were gotten together, and sent
+into desert places, in order to be exposed to destruction. In this case
+they assembled themselves together, and took counsel what they should
+do, and determined that, as the night was coming on, they should kindle
+fires and lamps, and keep watch; that they also should fast the next
+night, and propitiate the gods, in order to obtain deliverance from
+them. That on the next day there was one Moses, who advised them that
+they should venture upon a journey, and go along one road till they
+should come to places fit for habitation: that he charged them to have
+no kind regards for any man, nor give good counsel to any, but always to
+advise them for the worst; and to overturn all those temples and altars
+of the gods they should meet with: that the rest commended what he
+had said with one consent, and did what they had resolved on, and so
+traveled over the desert. But that the difficulties of the journey being
+over, they came to a country inhabited, and that there they abused the
+men, and plundered and burnt their temples; and then came into that land
+which is called Judea, and there they built a city, and dwelt therein,
+and that their city was named Hierosyla, from this their robbing of the
+temples; but that still, upon the success they had afterwards, they in
+time changed its denomination, that it might not be a reproach to them,
+and called the city Hierosolyma, and themselves Hierosolymites."
+
+35. Now this man did not discover and mention the same king with the
+others, but feigned a newer name, and passing by the dream and the
+Egyptian prophet, he brings him to [Jupiter] Hammon, in order to gain
+oracles about the scabby and leprous people; for he says that the
+multitude of Jews were gathered together at the temples. Now it is
+uncertain whether he ascribes this name to these lepers, or to those
+that were subject to such diseases among the Jews only; for he describes
+them as a people of the Jews. What people does he mean? foreigners, or
+those of that country? Why then' dost thou call them Jews, if they were
+Egyptians? But if they were foreigners, why dost thou not tell us whence
+they came? And how could it be that, after the king had drowned many of
+them in the sea, and ejected the rest into desert places, there should
+be still so great a multitude remaining? Or after what manner did they
+pass over the desert, and get the land which we now dwell in, and build
+our city, and that temple which hath been so famous among all mankind?
+And besides, he ought to have spoken more about our legislator than by
+giving us his bare name; and to have informed us of what nation he was,
+and what parents he was derived from; and to have assigned the reasons
+why he undertook to make such laws concerning the gods, and concerning
+matters of injustice with regard to men during that journey. For in case
+the people were by birth Egyptians, they would not on the sudden have so
+easily changed the customs of their country; and in case they had been
+foreigners, they had for certain some laws or other which had been kept
+by them from long custom. It is true, that with regard to those who had
+ejected them, they might have sworn never to bear good-will to them,
+and might have had a plausible reason for so doing. But if these men
+resolved to wage an implacable war against all men, in case they had
+acted as wickedly as he relates of them, and this while they wanted the
+assistance of all men, this demonstrates a kind of mad conduct indeed;
+but not of the men themselves, but very greatly so of him that tells
+such lies about them. He hath also impudence enough to say that a name,
+implying "Robbers of the temples," [26] was given to their city, and
+that this name was afterward changed. The reason of which is plain, that
+the former name brought reproach and hatred upon them in the times of
+their posterity, while, it seems, those that built the city thought they
+did honor to the city by giving it such a name. So we see that this fine
+fellow had such an unbounded inclination to reproach us, that he did not
+understand that robbery of temples is not expressed By the same word and
+name among the Jews as it is among the Greeks. But why should a man say
+any more to a person who tells such impudent lies? However, since this
+book is arisen to a competent length, I will make another beginning, and
+endeavor to add what still remains to perfect my design in the following
+book.
+
+
+
+
+APION BOOK 1 FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] This first book has a wrong title. It is not written against Apion,
+as is the first part of the second book, but against those Greeks in
+general who would not believe Josephus's former accounts of the very
+ancient state of the Jewish nation, in his 20 books of Antiquities; and
+particularly against Agatharelddes, Manetho, Cheremon, and Lysimachus.
+it is one of the most learned, excellent, and useful books of all
+antiquity; and upon Jerome's perusal of this and the following book,
+he declares that it seems to him a miraculous thing "how one that was
+a Hebrew, who had been from his infancy instructed in sacred learning,
+should be able to pronounce such a number of testimonies out of profane
+authors, as if he had read over all the Grecian libraries," Epist. 8.
+ad Magnum; and the learned Jew, Manasseh-Ben-Israel, esteemed these two
+books so excellent, as to translate them into the Hebrew; this we learn
+from his own catalogue of his works, which I have seen. As to the time
+and place when and where these two books were written, the learned have
+not hitherto been able to determine them any further than that they were
+written some time after his Antiquities, or some time after A.D. 93;
+which indeed is too obvious at their entrance to be overlooked by even a
+careless peruser, they being directly intended against those that would
+not believe what he had advanced in those books con-the great of the
+Jewish nation As to the place, they all imagine that these two books
+were written where the former were, I mean at Rome; and I confess that
+I myself believed both those determinations, till I came to finish my
+notes upon these books, when I met with plain indications that they were
+written not at Rome, but in Judea, and this after the third of Trajan,
+or A.D. 100.
+
+[2] Take Dr. Hudson's note here, which as it justly contradicts the
+common opinion that Josephus either died under Domitian, or at least
+wrote nothing later than his days, so does it perfectly agree to my own
+determination, from Justus of Tiberias, that he wrote or finished his
+own Life after the third of Trajan, or A.D. 100. To which Noldius also
+agrees, de Herod, No. 383 [Epaphroditus]. "Since Florius Josephus,"
+says Dr. Hudson, "wrote [or finished] his books of Antiquities on the
+thirteenth of Domitian, [A.D. 93,] and after that wrote the Memoirs of
+his own Life, as an appendix to the books of Antiquities, and at last
+his two books against Apion, and yet dedicated all those writings
+to Epaphroditus; he can hardly be that Epaphroditus who was formerly
+secretary to Nero, and was slain on the fourteenth [or fifteenth] of
+Domitian, after he had been for a good while in banishment; but another
+Epaphroditas, a freed-man, and procurator of Trajan, as says Grotius on
+Luke 1:3."
+
+[3] The preservation of Homer's Poems by memory, and not by his own
+writing them down, and that thence they were styled Rhapsodies, as sung
+by him, like ballads, by parts, and not composed and connected
+together in complete works, are opinions well known from the ancient
+commentators; though such supposal seems to myself, as well as to
+Fabricius Biblioth. Grace. I. p. 269, and to others, highly improbable.
+Nor does Josephus say there were no ancienter writings among the Greeks
+than Homer's Poems, but that they did not fully own any ancienter
+writings pretending to such antiquity, which is trite.
+
+[4] It well deserves to be considered, that Josephus here says how all
+the following Greek historians looked on Herodotus as a fabulous author;
+and presently, sect. 14, how Manetho, the most authentic writer of the
+Egyptian history, greatly complains of his mistakes in the Egyptian
+affairs; as also that Strabo, B. XI. p. 507, the most accurate
+geographer and historian, esteemed him such; that Xenophon, the
+much more accurate historian in the affairs of Cyrus, implies that
+Herodotus's account of that great man is almost entirely romantic. See
+the notes on Antiq. B. XI. ch. 2. sect. 1, and Hutchinson's Prolegomena
+to his edition of Xenophon's, that we have already seen in the note on
+Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 10. sect. 3, how very little Herodotus knew about
+the Jewish affairs and country, and that he greatly affected what we
+call the marvelous, as Monsieur Rollin has lately and justly determined;
+whence we are not always to depend on the authority of Herodotus, where
+it is unsupported by other evidence, but ought to compare the other
+evidence with his, and if it preponderate, to prefer it before his. I do
+not mean by this that Herodotus willfully related what he believed to
+be false, [as Cteeias seems to have done,] but that he often wanted
+evidence, and sometimes preferred what was marvelous to what was best
+attested as really true.
+
+[5]About the days of Cyrus and Daniel.
+
+[6] It is here well worth our observation, what the reasons are that
+such ancient authors as Herodotus, Josephus, and others have been read
+to so little purpose by many learned critics; viz. that their main aim
+has not been chronology or history, but philology, to know words, and
+not things, they not much entering oftentimes into the real contents of
+their authors, and judging which were the most accurate discoverers of
+truth, and most to be depended on in the several histories, but rather
+inquiring who wrote the finest style, and had the greatest elegance in
+their expressions; which are things of small consequence in comparison
+of the other. Thus you will sometimes find great debates among the
+learned, whether Herodotus or Thucydides were the finest historian in
+the Ionic and Attic ways of writing; which signify little as to the real
+value of each of their histories; while it would be of much more moment
+to let the reader know, that as the consequence of Herodotus's history,
+which begins so much earlier, and reaches so much wider, than that
+of Thucydides, is therefore vastly greater; so is the most part of
+Thucydides, which belongs to his own times, and fell under his own
+observation, much the most certain.
+
+[7] Of this accuracy of the Jews before and in our Savior's time, in
+carefully preserving their genealogies all along, particularly those of
+the priests, see Josephus's Life, sect. 1. This accuracy. seems to have
+ended at the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, or, however, at that by
+Adrian.
+
+[8] Which were these twenty-two sacred books of the Old Testament, see
+the Supplement to the Essay of the Old Testament, p. 25-29, viz. those
+we call canonical, all excepting the Canticles; but still with this
+further exception, that the book of apocryphal Esdras be taken into that
+number instead of our canonical Ezra, which seems to be no more than a
+later epitome of the other; which two books of Canticles and Ezra it no
+way appears that our Josephus ever saw.
+
+[9] Here we have an account of the first building of the city of
+Jerusalem, according to Manetho, when the Phoenician shepherds were
+expelled out of Egypt about thirty-seven years before Abraham came out
+of Harsh.
+
+[10] Genesis 46;32, 34; 47:3, 4.
+
+[11] In our copies of the book of Genesis and of Joseph, this Joseph
+never calls himself "a captive," when he was with the king of Egypt,
+though he does call himself "a servant," "a slave," or "captive," many
+times in the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, under Joseph, sect. 1,
+11, 13-16.
+
+[12] Of this Egyptian chronology of Manetho, as mistaken by Josephus,
+and of these Phoenician shepherds, as falsely supposed by him, and
+others after him, to have been the Israelites in Egypt, see Essay on the
+Old Testament, Appendix, p. 182-188. And note here, that when Josephus
+tells us that the Greeks or Argives looked on this Danaus as "a most
+ancient," or "the most ancient," king of Argos, he need not be supposed
+to mean, in the strictest sense, that they had no one king so ancient as
+he; for it is certain that they owned nine kings before him, and Inachus
+at the head of them. See Authentic Records, Part II. p. 983, as Josephus
+could not but know very well; but that he was esteemed as very ancient
+by them, and that they knew they had been first of all denominated
+"Danai" from this very ancient king Danaus. Nor does this superlative
+degree always imply the "most ancient" of all without exception, but is
+sometimes to be rendered "very ancient" only, as is the case in the like
+superlative degrees of other words also.
+
+[13] Authentic Records, Part II. p. 983, as Josephus could not but know
+very well; but that he was esteemed as very ancient by them, and that
+they knew they had been first of all denominated "Danai" from this very
+ancient king Danaus. Nor does this superlative degree always imply the
+"most ancient" of all without exception, but is sometimes to be rendered
+"very ancient" only, as is the case in the like superlative degrees of
+other words also.
+
+[14] This number in Josephus, that Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the temple
+in the eighteenth year of his reign, is a mistake in the nicety of
+chronology; for it was in the nineteenth. The true number here for the
+year of Darius, in which the second temple was finished, whether the
+second with our present copies, or the sixth with that of Syncellus,
+or the tenth with that of Eusebius, is very uncertain; so we had best
+follow Josephus's own account elsewhere, Antiq.;B. XI. ch. 3. sect. 4,
+which shows us that according to his copy of the Old Testament, after
+the second of Cyrus, that work was interrupted till the second of
+Darius, when in seven years it was finished in the ninth of Darius.
+
+[15] This is a thing well known by the learned, that we are not secure
+that we have any genuine writings of Pythagoras; those Golden Verses,
+which are his best remains, being generally supposed to have been
+written not by himself, but by some of his scholars only, in agreement
+with what Josephus here affirms of him.
+
+[16] Whether these verses of Cherilus, the heathen poet, in the days of
+Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in Pisidia, that were near a small lake, or
+to the Jews that dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near the
+great and broad lake Asphaltitis, that were a strange people, and
+spake the Phoenician tongue, is not agreed on by the learned. If is yet
+certain that Josephus here, and Eusebius, Prep. IX. 9. p. 412, took them
+to be Jews; and I confess I cannot but very much incline to the same
+opinion. The other Solymi were not a strange people, but heathen
+idolaters, like the other parts of Xerxes's army; and that these spake
+the Phoenician tongue is next to impossible, as the Jews certainly
+did; nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor was the
+lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solvmi at all large or broad,
+in comparison of the Jewish lake Asphaltitis; nor indeed were these so
+considerable a people as the Jews, nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes
+for his army as the Jews, to whom he was always very favorable. As for
+the rest of Cherilus's description, that "their heads were sooty; that
+they had round rasures on their heads; that their heads and faces were
+like nasty horse-heads, which had been hardened in the smoke;" these
+awkward characters probably fitted the Solymi of Pisidi no better than
+they did the Jews in Judea. And indeed this reproachful language, here
+given these people, is to me a strong indication that they were the poor
+despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi celebrated in Homer, whom
+Cherilus here describes; nor are we to expect that either Cherilus or
+Hecateus, or any other pagan writers cited by Josephus and Eusebius,
+made no mistakes in the Jewish history. If by comparing their
+testimonies with the more authentic records of that nation we find them
+for the main to confirm the same, as we almost always do, we ought to be
+satisfied, and not expect that they ever had an exact knowledge of all
+the circumstances of the Jewish affairs, which indeed it was almost
+always impossible for them to have. See sect. 23.
+
+[17] This Hezekiah, who is here called a high priest, is not named in
+Josephus's catalogue; the real high priest at that time being rather
+Onias, as Archbishop Usher supposes. However, Josephus often uses the
+word high priests in the plural number, as living many at the same time.
+See the note on Antiq. B. XX. ch. 8. sect. 8.
+
+[18] So I read the text with Havercamp, though the place be difficult.
+
+[19] This number of arourae or Egyptian acres, 3,000,000, each aroura
+containing a square of 100 Egyptian cubits, [being about three quarters
+of an English acre, and just twice the area of the court of the Jewish
+tabernacle,] as contained in the country of Judea, will be about one
+third of the entire number of arourae in the whole land of Judea,
+supposing it 160 measured miles long and 70 such miles broad; which
+estimation, for the fruitful parts of it, as perhaps here in Hecateus,
+is not therefore very wide from the truth. The fifty furlongs in compass
+for the city Jerusalem presently are not very wide from the truth also,
+as Josephus himself describes it, who, Of the War, B. V. ch. 4. sect. 3.
+makes its wall thirty-three furlongs, besides the suburbs and gardens;
+nay, he says, B. V. ch. 12. sect. 2, that Titus's wall about it at some
+small distance, after the gardens and suburbs were destroyed, was
+not less than thirty-nine furlongs. Nor perhaps were its constant
+inhabitants, in the days of Hecateus, many more than these 120,000,
+because room was always to be left for vastly greater numbers which came
+up at the three great festivals; to say nothing of the probable increase
+in their number between the days of Hecateus and Josephus, which was at
+least three hundred years. But see a more authentic account of some of
+these measures in my Description of the Jewish Temples. However, we are
+not to expect that such heathens as Cherilus or Hecateus, or the
+rest that are cited by Josephus and Eusebius, could avoid making many
+mistakes in the Jewish history, while yet they strongly confirm the same
+history in the general, and are most valuable attestations to those more
+authentic accounts we have in the Scriptures and Josephus concerning
+them.
+
+[20] A glorious testimony this of the observation of the sabbath by the
+Jews. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 2. sect. 4, and ch. 6. sect. 2; the Life,
+sect. 54; and War, B. IV. ch. 9. sect. 12.
+
+[21] Not their law, but the superstitious interpretation of their
+leaders which neither the Maccabees nor our blessed Savior did ever
+approve of.
+
+[22] In reading this and the remaining sections of this book, and some
+parts of the next, one may easily perceive that our usually cool and
+candid author, Josephus, was too highly offended with the impudent
+calumnies of Manethe, and the other bitter enemies of the Jews, with
+whom he had now to deal, and was thereby betrayed into a greater heat
+and passion than ordinary, and that by consequence he does not hear
+reason with his usual fairness and impartiality; he seems to depart
+sometimes from the brevity and sincerity of a faithful historian, which
+is his grand character, and indulges the prolixity and colors of a
+pleader and a disputant: accordingly, I confess, I always read these
+sections with less pleasure than I do the rest of his writings, though
+I fully believe the reproaches cast on the Jews, which he here endeavors
+to confute and expose, were wholly groundless and unreasonable.
+
+[23] This is a very valuable testimony of Manetho, that the laws of
+Osarsiph, or Moses, were not made in compliance with, but in opposition
+to, the customs of the Egyptians. See the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8.
+sect. 9.
+
+[24] By way of irony, I suppose.
+
+[25] Here we see that Josephus esteemed a generation between Joseph
+and Moses to be about forty-two or forty-three years; which, if taken
+between the earlier children, well agrees with the duration of human
+life in those ages. See Antheat. Rec. Part II. pages 966, 1019, 1020.
+
+[26] That is the meaning of Hierosyla in Greek, not in Hebrew.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+
+1. In the former book, most honored Epaphroditus, I have demonstrated
+our antiquity, and confirmed the truth of what I have said, from the
+writings of the Phoenicians, and Chaldeans, and Egyptians. I have,
+moreover, produced many of the Grecian writers as witnesses thereto.
+I have also made a refutation of Manetho and Cheremon, and of certain
+others of our enemies. I shall now [1] therefore begin a confutation of
+the remaining authors who have written any thing against us; although
+I confess I have had a doubt upon me about Apion [2] the grammarian,
+whether I ought to take the trouble of confuting him or not; for some
+of his writings contain much the same accusations which the others have
+laid against us, some things that he hath added are very frigid and
+contemptible, and for the greatest part of what he says, it is very
+scurrilous, and, to speak no more than the plain truth, it shows him
+to be a very unlearned person, and what he lays together looks like the
+work of a man of very bad morals, and of one no better in his whole
+life than a mountebank. Yet, because there are a great many men so very
+foolish, that they are rather caught by such orations than by what
+is written with care, and take pleasure in reproaching other men, and
+cannot abide to hear them commended, I thought it to be necessary not
+to let this man go off without examination, who had written such an
+accusation against us, as if he would bring us to make an answer in open
+court. For I also have observed, that many men are very much delighted
+when they see a man who first began to reproach another, to be himself
+exposed to contempt on account of the vices he hath himself been
+guilty of. However, it is not a very easy thing to go over this man's
+discourse, nor to know plainly what he means; yet does he seem, amidst a
+great confusion and disorder in his falsehoods, to produce, in the first
+place, such things as resemble what we have examined already, and relate
+to the departure of our forefathers out of Egypt; and, in the second
+place, he accuses those Jews that are inhabitants of Alexandria; as, in
+the third place, he mixes with those things such accusations as concern
+the sacred purifications, with the other legal rites used in the temple.
+
+2. Now although I cannot but think that I have already demonstrated,
+and that abundantly more than was necessary, that our fathers were not
+originally Egyptians, nor were thence expelled, either on account
+of bodily diseases, or any other calamities of that sort; yet will I
+briefly take notice of what Apion adds upon that subject; for in his
+third book, which relates to the affairs of Egypt, he speaks thus: "I
+have heard of the ancient men of Egypt, that Moses was of Heliopolis,
+and that he thought himself obliged to follow the customs of his
+forefathers, and offered his prayers in the open air, towards the city
+walls; but that he reduced them all to be directed towards sun-rising,
+which was agreeable to the situation of Heliopolis; that he also set
+up pillars instead of gnomons, [3] under which was represented a cavity
+like that of a boat, and the shadow that fell from their tops fell down
+upon that cavity, that it might go round about the like course as the
+sun itself goes round in the other." This is that wonderful relation
+which we have given us by this grammarian. But that it is a false one
+is so plain, that it stands in need of few words to prove it, but
+is manifest from the works of Moses; for when he erected the first
+tabernacle to God, he did himself neither give order for any such kind
+of representation to be made at it, nor ordain that those that came
+after him should make such a one. Moreover, when in a future age Solomon
+built his temple in Jerusalem, he avoided all such needless decorations
+as Apion hath here devised. He says further, how he had "heard of the
+ancient men, that Moses was of Hellopolis." To be sure that was, because
+being a younger man himself, he believed those that by their elder age
+were acquainted and conversed with him. Now this grammarian, as he was,
+could not certainly tell which was the poet Homer's country, no
+more than he could which was the country of Pythagoras, who lived
+comparatively but a little while ago; yet does he thus easily determine
+the age of Moses, who preceded them such a vast number of years, as
+depending on his ancient men's relation, which shows how notorious a
+liar he was. But then as to this chronological determination of the time
+when he says he brought the leprous people, the blind, and the lame out
+of Egypt, see how well this most accurate grammarian of ours agrees with
+those that have written before him! Manetho says that the Jews departed
+out of Egypt, in the reign of Tethmosis, three hundred ninety-three
+years before Danaus fled to Argos; Lysimaehus says it was under king
+Bocchoris, that is, one thousand seven hundred years ago; Molo and some
+others determined it as every one pleased: but this Apion of ours, as
+deserving to be believed before them, hath determined it exactly to have
+been in the seventh olympiad, and the first year of that olympiad;
+the very same year in which he says that Carthage was built by the
+Phoenicians. The reason why he added this building of Carthage was,
+to be sure, in order, as he thought, to strengthen his assertion by
+so evident a character of chronology. But he was not aware that this
+character confutes his assertion; for if we may give credit to the
+Phoenician records as to the time of the first coming of their colony
+to Carthage, they relate that Hirom their king was above a hundred and
+fifty years earlier than the building of Carthage; concerning whom I
+have formerly produced testimonials out of those Phoenician records, as
+also that this Hirom was a friend of Solomon when he was building the
+temple of Jerusalem, and gave him great assistance in his building that
+temple; while still Solomon himself built that temple six hundred and
+twelve years after the Jews came out of Egypt. As for the number of
+those that were expelled out of Egypt, he hath contrived to have the
+very same number with Lysimaehus, and says they were a hundred and ten
+thousand. He then assigns a certain wonderful and plausible occasion for
+the name of Sabbath; for he says that "when the Jews had traveled a six
+days' journey, they had buboes in their groins; and that on this account
+it was that they rested on the seventh day, as having got safely to that
+country which is now called Judea; that then they preserved the language
+of the Egyptians, and called that day the Sabbath, for that malady of
+buboes on their groin was named Sabbatosis by the Egyptians." And
+would not a man now laugh at this fellow's trifling, or rather hate his
+impudence in writing thus? We must, it seems, fake it for granted that
+all these hundred and ten thousand men must have these buboes. But,
+for certain, if those men had been blind and lame, and had all sorts of
+distempers upon them, as Apion says they had, they could not have gone
+one single day's journey; but if they had been all able to travel over a
+large desert, and, besides that, to fight and conquer those that opposed
+them, they had not all of them had buboes on their groins after the
+sixth day was over; for no such distemper comes naturally and of
+necessity upon those that travel; but still, when there are many ten
+thousands in a camp together, they constantly march a settled space [in
+a day]. Nor is it at all probable that such a thing should happen by
+chance; this would be prodigiously absurd to be supposed. However, our
+admirable author Apion hath before told us that "they came to Judea in
+six days' time;" and again, that "Moses went up to a mountain that lay
+between Egypt and Arabia, which was called Sinai, and was concealed
+there forty days, and that when he came down from thence he gave laws to
+the Jews." But, then, how was it possible for them to tarry forty days
+in a desert place where there was no water, and at the same time to pass
+all over the country between that and Judea in the six days? And as for
+this grammatical translation of the word Sabbath, it either contains an
+instance of his great impudence or gross ignorance; for the words Sabbo
+and Sabbath are widely different from one another; for the word Sabbath
+in the Jewish language denotes rest from all sorts of work; but the word
+Sabbo, as he affirms, denotes among the Egyptians the malady of a bubo
+in the groin.
+
+3. This is that novel account which the Egyptian Apion gives us
+concerning the Jews' departure out of Egypt, and is no better than a
+contrivance of his own. But why should we wonder at the lies he tells
+about our forefathers, when he affirms them to be of Egyptian original,
+when he lies also about himself? for although he was born at Oasis
+in Egypt, he pretends to be, as a man may say, the top man of all the
+Egyptians; yet does he forswear his real country and progenitors, and by
+falsely pretending to be born at Alexandria, cannot deny the [4] pravity
+of his family; for you see how justly he calls those Egyptians whom he
+hates, and endeavors to reproach; for had he not deemed Egyptians to
+be a name of great reproach, he would not have avoided the name of an
+Egyptian himself; as we know that those who brag of their own countries
+value themselves upon the denomination they acquire thereby, and reprove
+such as unjustly lay claim thereto. As for the Egyptians' claim to be of
+our kindred, they do it on one of the following accounts; I mean, either
+as they value themselves upon it, and pretend to bear that relation
+to us; or else as they would draw us in to be partakers of their own
+infamy. But this fine fellow Apion seems to broach this reproachful
+appellation against us, [that we were originally Egyptians,] in order
+to bestow it on the Alexandrians, as a reward for the privilege they had
+given him of being a fellow citizen with them: he also is apprized of
+the ill-will the Alexandrians bear to those Jews who are their fellow
+citizens, and so proposes to himself to reproach them, although he must
+thereby include all the other Egyptians also; while in both cases he is
+no better than an impudent liar.
+
+4. But let us now see what those heavy and wicked crimes are which Apion
+charges upon the Alexandrian Jews. "They came [says he] out of Syria,
+and inhabited near the tempestuous sea, and were in the neighborhood of
+the dashing of the waves." Now if the place of habitation includes any
+thing that is reproached, this man reproaches not his own real country,
+[Egypt,] but what he pretends to be his own country, Alexandria; for all
+are agreed in this, that the part of that city which is near the sea is
+the best part of all for habitation. Now if the Jews gained that part of
+the city by force, and have kept it hitherto without impeachment, this
+is a mark of their valor; but in reality it was Alexander himself that
+gave them that place for their habitation, when they obtained equal
+privileges there with the Macedonians. Nor call I devise what Apion
+would have said, had their habitation been at Necropolis? and not been
+fixed hard by the royal palace [as it is]; nor had their nation had
+the denomination of Macedonians given them till this very day [as they
+have]. Had this man now read the epistles of king Alexander, or those
+of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the succeeding
+kings, or that pillar which is still standing at Alexandria, and
+contains the privileges which the great [Julius] Caesar bestowed upon
+the Jews; had this man, I say, known these records, and yet hath the
+impudence to write in contradiction to them, he hath shown himself to
+be a wicked man; but if he knew nothing of these records, he hath shown
+himself to be a man very ignorant: nay, when lie appears to wonder how
+Jews could be called Alexandrians, this is another like instance of his
+ignorance; for all such as are called out to be colonies, although they
+be ever so far remote from one another in their original, receive their
+names from those that bring them to their new habitations. And what
+occasion is there to speak of others, when those of us Jews that dwell
+at Antioch are named Antiochians, because Seleucns the founder of that
+city gave them the privileges belonging thereto? After the like manner
+do those Jews that inhabit Ephesus, and the other cities of Ionia, enjoy
+the same name with those that were originally born there, by the grant
+of the succeeding princes; nay, the kindness and humanity of the Romans
+hath been so great, that it hath granted leave to almost all others to
+take the same name of Romans upon them; I mean not particular men only,
+but entire and large nations themselves also; for those anciently named
+Iberi, and Tyrrheni, and Sabini, are now called Romani. And if Apion
+reject this way of obtaining the privilege of a citizen of Alexandria,
+let him abstain from calling himself an Alexandrian hereafter; for
+otherwise, how can he who was born in the very heart of Egypt be an
+Alexandrian, if this way of accepting such a privilege, of which he
+would have us deprived, be once abrogated? although indeed these
+Romans, who are now the lords of the habitable earth, have forbidden the
+Egyptians to have the privileges of any city whatsoever; while this fine
+fellow, who is willing to partake of such a privilege himself as he is
+forbidden to make use of, endeavors by calumnies to deprive those of it
+that have justly received it; for Alexander did not therefore get some
+of our nation to Alexandria, because he wanted inhabitants for this
+his city, on whose building he had bestowed so much pains; but this was
+given to our people as a reward, because he had, upon a careful trial,
+found them all to have been men of virtue and fidelity to him; for, as
+Hecateus says concerning us, "Alexander honored our nation to such a
+degree, that, for the equity and the fidelity which the Jews exhibited
+to him, he permitted them to hold the country of Samaria free from
+tribute. Of the same mind also was Ptolemy the son of Lagus, as to those
+Jews who dwelt at Alexandria." For he intrusted the fortresses of Egypt
+into their hands, as believing they would keep them faithfully and
+valiantly for him; and when he was desirous to secure the government of
+Cyrene, and the other cities of Libya, to himself, he sent a party of
+Jews to inhabit in them. And for his successor Ptolemy, who was called
+Philadelphus, he did not only set all those of our nation free who were
+captives under him, but did frequently give money [for their ransom];
+and, what was his greatest work of all, he had a great desire of
+knowing our laws, and of obtaining the books of our sacred Scriptures;
+accordingly, he desired that such men might be sent him as might
+interpret our law to him; and, in order to have them well compiled, he
+committed that care to no ordinary persons, but ordained that Demetrius
+Phalereus, and Andreas, and Aristeas; the first, Demetrius, the most
+learned person of his age, and the others, such as were intrusted with
+the guard of his body; should take care of this matter: nor would he
+certainly have been so desirous of learning our law, and the philosophy
+of our nation, had he despised the men that made use of it, or had he
+not indeed had them in great admiration.
+
+5. Now this Apion was unacquainted with almost all the kings of those
+Macedonians whom he pretends to have been his progenitors, who were yet
+very well affected towards us; for the third of those Ptolemies, who was
+called Euergetes, when he had gotten possession of all Syria by force,
+did not offer his thank-offerings to the Egyptian gods for his victory,
+but came to Jerusalem, and according to our own laws offered many
+sacrifices to God, and dedicated to him such gifts as were suitable to
+such a victory: and as for Ptolemy Philometer and his wife Cleopatra,
+they committed their whole kingdom to the Jews, when Onias and
+Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the
+generals of their whole army. But certainly, instead of reproaching
+them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for
+saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pretends to be; for when these
+Alexandrians were making war with Cleopatra the queen, and were in
+danger of being utterly ruined, these Jews brought them to terms of
+agreement, and freed them from the miseries of a civil war. "But then
+[says Apion] Onias brought a small army afterward upon the city at the
+time when Thorruns the Roman ambassador was there present." Yes, do I
+venture to say, and that he did rightly and very justly in so doing;
+for that Ptolemy who was called Physco, upon the death of his brother
+Philometer, came from Cyrene, and would have ejected Cleopatra as well
+as her sons out of their kingdom, that he might obtain it for himself
+unjustly. [5] For this cause then it was that Onias undertook a war
+against him on Cleopatra's account; nor would he desert that trust the
+royal family had reposed in him in their distress. Accordingly, God gave
+a remarkable attestation to his righteous procedure; for when Ptolemy
+Physco [6] had the presumption to fight against Onias's army, and had
+caught all the Jews that were in the city [Alexandria], with their
+children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his
+elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when
+he had made those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved
+contrary to his preparations; for these elephants left the Jews who were
+exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physco's friends, and slew
+a great number of them; nay, after this Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost,
+which prohibited his hurting those men; his very concubine, whom
+he loved so well, [some call her Ithaca, and others Irene,] making
+supplication to him, that he would not perpetrate so great a wickedness.
+So he complied with her request, and repented of what he either had
+already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the
+Alexandrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account
+that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from
+God. However, Apion, the common calumniator of men, hath the presumption
+to accuse the Jews for making this war against Physco, when he ought
+to have commended them for the same. This man also makes mention of
+Cleopatra, the last queen of Alexandria, and abuses us, because she was
+ungrateful to us; whereas he ought to have reproved her, who indulged
+herself in all kinds of injustice and wicked practices, both with regard
+to her nearest relations and husbands who had loved her, and, indeed, in
+general with regard to all the Romans, and those emperors that were her
+benefactors; who also had her sister Arsinoe slain in a temple, when
+she had done her no harm: moreover, she had her brother slain by private
+treachery, and she destroyed the gods of her country and the sepulchers
+of her progenitors; and while she had received her kingdom from the
+first Caesar, she had the impudence to rebel against his son: [7] and
+successor; nay, she corrupted Antony with her love-tricks, and rendered
+him an enemy to his country, and made him treacherous to his friends,
+and [by his means] despoiled some of their royal authority, and forced
+others in her madness to act wickedly. But what need I enlarge upon this
+head any further, when she left Antony in his fight at sea, though he
+were her husband, and the father of their common children, and compelled
+him to resign up his government, with the army, and to follow her [into
+Egypt]? nay, when last of all Caesar had taken Alexandria, she came to
+that pitch of cruelty, that she declared she had some hope of preserving
+her affairs still, in case she could kill the Jews, though it were with
+her own hand; to such a degree of barbarity and perfidiousness had she
+arrived. And doth any one think that we cannot boast ourselves of
+any thing, if, as Apion says, this queen did not at a time of famine
+distribute wheat among us? However, she at length met with the
+punishment she deserved. As for us Jews, we appeal to the great Caesar
+what assistance we brought him, and what fidelity we showed to him
+against the Egyptians; as also to the senate and its decrees, and the
+epistles of Augustus Caesar, whereby our merits [to the Romans] are
+justified. Apion ought to have looked upon those epistles, and in
+particular to have examined the testimonies given on our behalf, under
+Alexander and all the Ptolemies, and the decrees of the senate and of
+the greatest Roman emperors. And if Germanicus was not able to make a
+distribution of corn to all the inhabitants of Alexandria, that only
+shows what a barren time it was, and how great a want there was then of
+corn, but tends nothing to the accusation of the Jews; for what all the
+emperors have thought of the Alexandrian Jews is well known, for this
+distribution of wheat was no otherwise omitted with regard to the Jews,
+than it was with regard to the other inhabitants of Alexandria. But they
+still were desirous to preserve what the kings had formerly intrusted to
+their care, I mean the custody of the river; nor did those kings think
+them unworthy of having the entire custody thereof, upon all occasions.
+
+6. But besides this, Apion objects to us thus: "If the Jews [says he] be
+citizens of Alexandria, why do they not worship the same gods with the
+Alexandrians?" To which I give this answer: Since you are yourselves
+Egyptians, why do you fight it out one against another, and have
+implacable wars about your religion? At this rate we must not call you
+all Egyptians, nor indeed in general men, because you breed up with
+great care beasts of a nature quite contrary to that of men, although
+the nature of all men seems to be one and the same. Now if there be such
+differences in opinion among you Egyptians, why are you surprised that
+those who came to Alexandria from another country, and had original laws
+of their own before, should persevere in the observance of those laws?
+But still he charges us with being the authors of sedition; which
+accusation, if it be a just one, why is it not laid against us all,
+since we are known to be all of one mind. Moreover, those that search
+into such matters will soon discover that the authors of sedition have
+been such citizens of Alexandria as Apion is; for while they were the
+Grecians and Macedonians who were ill possession of this city, there
+was no sedition raised against us, and we were permitted to observe our
+ancient solemnities; but when the number of the Egyptians therein came
+to be considerable, the times grew confused, and then these seditions
+brake out still more and more, while our people continued uncorrupted.
+These Egyptians, therefore, were the authors of these troubles, who
+having not the constancy of Macedonians, nor the prudence of Grecians,
+indulged all of them the evil manners of the Egyptians, and continued
+their ancient hatred against us; for what is here so presumptuously
+charged upon us, is owing to the differences that are amongst
+themselves; while many of them have not obtained the privileges of
+citizens in proper times, but style those who are well known to have
+had that privilege extended to them all no other than foreigners: for it
+does not appear that any of the kings have ever formerly bestowed those
+privileges of citizens upon Egyptians, no more than have the emperors
+done it more lately; while it was Alexander who introduced us into
+this city at first, the kings augmented our privileges therein, and the
+Romans have been pleased to preserve them always inviolable. Moreover,
+Apion would lay a blot upon us, because we do not erect images for our
+emperors; as if those emperors did not know this before, or stood in
+need of Apion as their defender; whereas he ought rather to have admired
+the magnanimity and modesty of the Romans, whereby they do not
+compel those that are subject to them to transgress the laws of their
+countries, but are willing to receive the honors due to them after such
+a manner as those who are to pay them esteem consistent with piety and
+with their own laws; for they do not thank people for conferring honors
+upon them, When they are compelled by violence so to do. Accordingly,
+since the Grecians and some other nations think it a right thing to make
+images, nay, when they have painted the pictures of their parents, and
+wives, and children, they exult for joy; and some there are who take
+pictures for themselves of such persons as were no way related to them;
+nay, some take the pictures of such servants as they were fond of;
+what wonder is it then if such as these appear willing to pay the
+same respect to their princes and lords? But then our legislator hath
+forbidden us to make images, not by way of denunciation beforehand, that
+the Roman authority was not to be honored, but as despising a thing that
+was neither necessary nor useful for either God or man; and he forbade
+them, as we shall prove hereafter, to make these images for any part of
+the animal creation, and much less for God himself, who is no part of
+such animal creation. Yet hath our legislator no where forbidden us to
+pay honors to worthy men, provided they be of another kind, and inferior
+to those we pay to God; with which honors we willingly testify our
+respect to our emperors, and to the people of Rome; we also offer
+perpetual sacrifices for them; nor do we only offer them every day at
+the common expenses of all the Jews, but although we offer no other such
+sacrifices out of our common expenses, no, not for our own children, yet
+do we this as a peculiar honor to the emperors, and to them alone, while
+we do the same to no other person whomsoever. And let this suffice for
+an answer in general to Apion, as to what he says with relation to the
+Alexandrian Jews.
+
+7. However, I cannot but admire those other authors who furnished this
+man with such his materials; I mean Possidonius and Apollonius [the son
+of] Molo, [8] who, while they accuse us for not worshipping the same
+gods whom others worship, they think themselves not guilty of impiety
+when they tell lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful stories
+about our temple; whereas it is a most shameful thing for freemen to
+forge lies on any occasion, and much more so to forge them about our
+temple, which was so famous over all the world, and was preserved so
+sacred by us; for Apion hath the impudence to pretend that, "the Jews
+placed an ass's head in their holy place;" and he affirms that this was
+discovered when Antiochus Epiphanes spoiled our temple, and found that
+ass's head there made of gold, and worth a great deal of money. To this
+my first answer shall be this, that had there been any such thing among
+us, an Egyptian ought by no means to have thrown it in our teeth, since
+an ass is not a more contemptible animal than [9] and goats, and other
+such creatures, which among them are gods. But besides this answer, I
+say further, how comes it about that Apion does not understand this to
+be no other than a palpable lie, and to be confuted by the thing itself
+as utterly incredible? For we Jews are always governed by the same laws,
+in which we constantly persevere; and although many misfortunes have
+befallen our city, as the like have befallen others, and although Theos
+[Epiphanes], and Pompey the Great, and Licinius Crassus, and last of
+all Titus Caesar, have conquered us in war, and gotten possession of
+our temple; yet have they none of them found any such thing there, nor
+indeed any thing but what was agreeable to the strictest piety; although
+what they found we are not at liberty to reveal to other nations. But
+for Antiochus [Epiphanes], he had no just cause for that ravage in our
+temple that he made; he only came to it when he wanted money, without
+declaring himself our enemy, and attacked us while we were his
+associates and his friends; nor did he find any thing there that
+was ridiculous. This is attested by many worthy writers; Polybius of
+Megalopolis, Strabo of Cappadocia, Nicolaus of Damascus, Timagenes,
+Castor the chronotoger, and Apollodorus; [10] who all say that it was
+out of Antiochus's want of money that he broke his league with the Jews,
+and despoiled their temple when it was full of gold and silver. Apion
+ought to have had a regard to these facts, unless he had himself had
+either an ass's heart or a dog's impudence; of such a dog I mean as they
+worship; for he had no other external reason for the lies he tells of
+us. As for us Jews, we ascribe no honor or power to asses, as do the
+Egyptians to crocodiles and asps, when they esteem such as are seized
+upon by the former, or bitten by the latter, to be happy persons, and
+persons worthy of God. Asses are the same with us which they are with
+other wise men, viz. creatures that bear the burdens that we lay upon
+them; but if they come to our thrashing-floors and eat our corn, or do
+not perform what we impose upon them, we beat them with a great many
+stripes, because it is their business to minister to us in our husbandry
+affairs. But this Apion of ours was either perfectly unskillful in the
+composition of such fallacious discourses, or however, when he
+begun [somewhat better], he was not able to persevere in what he had
+undertaken, since he hath no manner of success in those reproaches he
+casts upon us.
+
+8. He adds another Grecian fable, in order to reproach us. In reply to
+which, it would be enough to say, that they who presume to speak about
+Divine worship ought not to be ignorant of this plain truth, that it is
+a degree of less impurity to pass through temples, than to forge wicked
+calumnies of its priests. Now such men as he are more zealous to justify
+a sacrilegious king, than to write what is just and what is true about
+us, and about our temple; for when they are desirous of gratifying
+Antiochus, and of concealing that perfidiousness and sacrilege which
+he was guilty of, with regard to our nation, when he wanted money, they
+endeavor to disgrace us, and tell lies even relating to futurities.
+Apion becomes other men's prophet upon this occasion, and says that
+"Antiochus found in our temple a bed, and a man lying upon it, with a
+small table before him, full of dainties, from the [fishes of the]
+sea, and the fowls of the dry land; that this man was amazed at these
+dainties thus set before him; that he immediately adored the king,
+upon his coming in, as hoping that he would afford him all possible
+assistance; that he fell down upon his knees, and stretched out to him
+his right hand, and begged to be released; and that when the king bid
+him sit down, and tell him who he was, and why he dwelt there, and what
+was the meaning of those various sorts of food that were set before him
+the man made a lamentable complaint, and with sighs, and tears in his
+eyes, gave him this account of the distress he was in; and said that he
+was a Greek and that as he went over this province, in order to get his
+living, he was seized upon by foreigners, on a sudden, and brought
+to this temple, and shut up therein, and was seen by nobody, but was
+fattened by these curious provisions thus set before him; and that truly
+at the first such unexpected advantages seemed to him matter of great
+joy; that after a while, they brought a suspicion him, and at length
+astonishment, what their meaning should be; that at last he inquired of
+the servants that came to him and was by them informed that it was in
+order to the fulfilling a law of the Jews, which they must not tell him,
+that he was thus fed; and that they did the same at a set time every
+year: that they used to catch a Greek foreigner, and fat him thus up
+every year, and then lead him to a certain wood, and kill him, and
+sacrifice with their accustomed solemnities, and taste of his entrails,
+and take an oath upon this sacrificing a Greek, that they would ever be
+at enmity with the Greeks; and that then they threw the remaining parts
+of the miserable wretch into a certain pit." Apion adds further, that,
+"the man said there were but a few days to come ere he was to be slain,
+and implored of Antiochus that, out of the reverence he bore to the
+Grecian gods, he would disappoint the snares the Jews laid for his
+blood, and would deliver him from the miseries with which he was
+encompassed." Now this is such a most tragical fable as is full of
+nothing but cruelty and impudence; yet does it not excuse Antiochus of
+his sacrilegious attempt, as those who write it in his vindication are
+willing to suppose; for he could not presume beforehand that he should
+meet with any such thing in coming to the temple, but must have found it
+unexpectedly. He was therefore still an impious person, that was given
+to unlawful pleasures, and had no regard to God in his actions. But [as
+for Apion], he hath done whatever his extravagant love of lying hath
+dictated to him, as it is most easy to discover by a consideration of
+his writings; for the difference of our laws is known not to regard the
+Grecians only, but they are principally opposite to the Egyptians, and
+to some other nations also for while it so falls out that men of all
+countries come sometimes and sojourn among us, how comes it about that
+we take an oath, and conspire only against the Grecians, and that by the
+effusion of their blood also? Or how is it possible that all the Jews
+should get together to these sacrifices, and the entrails of one man
+should be sufficient for so many thousands to taste of them, as Apion
+pretends? Or why did not the king carry this man, whosoever he was, and
+whatsoever was his name, [which is not set down in Apion's book,] with
+great pomp back into his own country? when he might thereby have been
+esteemed a religious person himself, and a mighty lover of the Greeks,
+and might thereby have procured himself great assistance from all men
+against that hatred the Jews bore to him. But I leave this matter;
+for the proper way of confuting fools is not to use bare words, but to
+appeal to the things themselves that make against them. Now, then, all
+such as ever saw the construction of our temple, of what nature it was,
+know well enough how the purity of it was never to be profaned; for it
+had four several courts [12] encompassed with cloisters round about,
+every one of which had by our law a peculiar degree of separation
+from the rest. Into the first court every body was allowed to go, even
+foreigners, and none but women, during their courses, were prohibited
+to pass through it; all the Jews went into the second court, as well as
+their wives, when they were free from all uncleanness; into the third
+court went in the Jewish men, when they were clean and purified; into
+the fourth went the priests, having on their sacerdotal garments; but
+for the most sacred place, none went in but the high priests, clothed in
+their peculiar garments. Now there is so great caution used about these
+offices of religion, that the priests are appointed to go into the
+temple but at certain hours; for in the morning, at the opening of the
+inner temple, those that are to officiate receive the sacrifices, as
+they do again at noon, till the doors are shut. Lastly, it is not so
+much as lawful to carry any vessel into the holy house; nor is there any
+thing therein, but the altar [of incense], the table [of shew-bread],
+the censer, and the candlestick, which are all written in the law; for
+there is nothing further there, nor are there any mysteries performed
+that may not be spoken of; nor is there any feasting within the place.
+For what I have now said is publicly known, and supported by the
+testimony of the whole people, and their operations are very manifest;
+for although there be four courses of the priests, and every one of them
+have above five thousand men in them, yet do they officiate on certain
+days only; and when those days are over, other priests succeed in the
+performance of their sacrifices, and assemble together at mid-day, and
+receive the keys of the temple, and the vessels by tale, without any
+thing relating to food or drink being carried into the temple; nay, we
+are not allowed to offer such things at the altar, excepting what is
+prepared for the sacrifices.
+
+9. What then can we say of Apion, but that he examined nothing that
+concerned these things, while still he uttered incredible words about
+them? but it is a great shame for a grammarian not to be able to write
+true history. Now if he knew the purity of our temple, he hath entirely
+omitted to take notice of it; but he forges a story about the seizing of
+a Grecian, about ineffable food, and the most delicious preparation of
+dainties; and pretends that strangers could go into a place whereinto
+the noblest men among the Jews are not allowed to enter, unless they
+be priests. This, therefore, is the utmost degree of impiety, and a
+voluntary lie, in order to the delusion of those who will not examine
+into the truth of matters; whereas such unspeakable mischiefs as are
+above related have been occasioned by such calumnies that are raised
+upon us.
+
+10. Nay, this miracle or piety derides us further, and adds the
+following pretended facts to his former fable; for he says that this man
+related how, "while the Jews were once in a long war with the Idumeans,
+there came a man out of one of the cities of the Idumeans, who there had
+worshipped Apollo. This man, whose name is said to have been Zabidus,
+came to the Jews, and promised that he would deliver Apollo, the god of
+Dora, into their hands, and that he would come to our temple, if they
+would all come up with him, and bring the whole multitude of the Jews
+with them; that Zabidus made him a certain wooden instrument, and put it
+round about him, and set three rows of lamps therein, and walked after
+such a manner, that he appeared to those that stood a great way off
+him to be a kind of star, walking upon the earth; that the Jews were
+terribly affrighted at so surprising an appearance, and stood very quiet
+at a distance; and that Zabidus, while they continued so very quiet,
+went into the holy house, and carried off that golden head of an ass,
+[for so facetiously does he write,] and then went his way back again
+to Dora in great haste." And say you so, sir! as I may reply; then
+does Apion load the ass, that is, himself, and lays on him a burden of
+fooleries and lies; for he writes of places that have no being, and not
+knowing the cities he speaks of, he changes their situation; for Idumea
+borders upon our country, and is near to Gaza, in which there is no
+such city as Dora; although there be, it is true, a city named Dora in
+Phoenicia, near Mount Carmel, but it is four days' journey from Idumea.
+[12] Now, then, why does this man accuse us, because we have not gods in
+common with other nations, if our fathers were so easily prevailed upon
+to have Apollo come to them, and thought they saw him walking upon the
+earth, and the stars with him? for certainly those who have so many
+festivals, wherein they light lamps, must yet, at this rate, have never
+seen a candlestick! But still it seems that while Zabidus took his
+journey over the country, where were so many ten thousands of people,
+nobody met him. He also, it seems, even in a time of war, found the
+walls of Jerusalem destitute of guards. I omit the rest. Now the doors
+of the holy house were seventy [13] cubits high, and twenty cubits
+broad; they were all plated over with gold, and almost of solid gold
+itself, and there were no fewer than twenty [14] men required to shut
+them every day; nor was it lawful ever to leave them open, though it
+seems this lamp-bearer of ours opened them easily, or thought he
+opened them, as he thought he had the ass's head in his hand. Whether,
+therefore, he returned it to us again, or whether Apion took it, and
+brought it into the temple again, that Antiochus might find it, and
+afford a handle for a second fable of Apion's, is uncertain.
+
+11. Apion also tells a false story, when he mentions an oath of ours,
+as if we "swore by God, the Maker of the heaven, and earth, and sea,
+to bear no good will to any foreigner, and particularly to none of the
+Greeks." Now this liar ought to have said directly that, "we would
+bear no good-will to any foreigner, and particularly to none of the
+Egyptians." For then his story about the oath would have squared with
+the rest of his original forgeries, in case our forefathers had been
+driven away by their kinsmen, the Egyptians, not on account of any
+wickedness they had been guilty of, but on account of the calamities
+they were under; for as to the Grecians, we were rather remote from them
+in place, than different from them in our institutions, insomuch that we
+have no enmity with them, nor any jealousy of them. On the contrary, it
+hath so happened that many of them have come over to our laws, and some
+of them have continued in their observation, although others of them had
+not courage enough to persevere, and so departed from them again; nor
+did any body ever hear this oath sworn by us: Apion, it seems, was the
+only person that heard it, for he indeed was the first composer of it.
+
+12. However, Apion deserves to be admired for his great prudence, as to
+what I am going to say, which is this, "That there is a plain mark among
+us, that we neither have just laws, nor worship God as we ought to do,
+because we are not governors, but are rather in subjection to Gentiles,
+sometimes to one nation, and sometimes to another; and that our city
+hath been liable to several calamities, while their city [Alexandria]
+hath been of old time an imperial city, and not used to be in subjection
+to the Romans." But now this man had better leave off this bragging,
+for every body but himself would think that Apion said what he hath said
+against himself; for there are very few nations that have had the good
+fortune to continue many generations in the principality, but still the
+mutations in human affairs have put them into subjection under others;
+and most nations have been often subdued, and brought into subjection
+by others. Now for the Egyptians, perhaps they are the only nation that
+have had this extraordinary privilege, to have never served any of
+those monarchs who subdued Asia and Europe, and this on account, as they
+pretend, that the gods fled into their country, and saved themselves by
+being changed into the shapes of wild beasts! Whereas these Egyptians
+[15] are the very people that appear to have never, in all the past
+ages, had one day of freedom, no, not so much as from their own lords.
+For I will not reproach them with relating the manner how the Persians
+used them, and this not once only, but many times, when they laid their
+cities waste, demolished their temples, and cut the throats of those
+animals whom they esteemed to be gods; for it is not reasonable to
+imitate the clownish ignorance of Apion, who hath no regard to the
+misfortunes of the Athenians, or of the Lacedemonians, the latter of
+whom were styled by all men the most courageous, and the former the
+most religious of the Grecians. I say nothing of such kings as have been
+famous for piety, particularly of one of them, whose name was Cresus,
+nor what calamities he met with in his life; I say nothing of the
+citadel of Athens, of the temple at Ephesus, of that at Delphi, nor
+of ten thousand others which have been burnt down, while nobody cast
+reproaches on those that were the sufferers, but on those that were
+the actors therein. But now we have met with Apion, an accuser of our
+nation, though one that still forgets the miseries of his own people,
+the Egyptians; but it is that Sesostris who was once so celebrated a king
+of Egypt that hath blinded him. Now we will not brag of our kings, David
+and Solomon, though they conquered many nations; accordingly we will let
+them alone. However, Apion is ignorant of what every body knows, that
+the Egyptians were servants to the Persians, and afterwards to the
+Macedonians, when they were lords of Asia, and were no better than
+slaves, while we have enjoyed liberty formerly; nay, more than that,
+have had the dominion of the cities that lie round about us, and this
+nearly for a hundred and twenty years together, until Pompeius Magnus.
+And when all the kings every where were conquered by the Romans, our
+ancestors were the only people who continued to be esteemed their
+confederates and friends, on account of their fidelity to them.[16]
+
+13. "But," says Apion, "we Jews have not had any wonderful men amongst
+us, not any inventors of arts, nor any eminent for wisdom." He then
+enumerates Socrates, and Zeno, and Cleanthes, and some others of the
+same sort; and, after all, he adds himself to them, which is the most
+wonderful thing of all that he says, and pronounces Alexandria to be
+happy, because it hath such a citizen as he is in it; for he was
+the fittest man to be a witness to his own deserts, although he hath
+appeared to all others no better than a wicked mountebank, of a
+corrupt life and ill discourses; on which account one may justly pity
+Alexandria, if it should value itself upon such a citizen as he is.
+But as to our own men, we have had those who have been as deserving
+of commendation as any other whosoever, and such as have perused our
+Antiquities cannot be ignorant of them.
+
+14. As to the other things which he sets down as blameworthy, it may
+perhaps be the best way to let them pass without apology, that he may
+be allowed to be his own accuser, and the accuser of the rest of the
+Egyptians. However, he accuses us for sacrificing animals, and for
+abstaining from swine's flesh, and laughs at us for the circumcision
+of our privy members. Now as for our slaughter of tame animals for
+sacrifices, it is common to us and to all other men; but this Apion,
+by making it a crime to sacrifice them, demonstrates himself to be
+an Egyptian; for had he been either a Grecian or a Macedonian, [as he
+pretends to be,] he had not shown any uneasiness at it; for those people
+glory in sacrificing whole hecatombs to the gods, and make use of those
+sacrifices for feasting; and yet is not the world thereby rendered
+destitute of cattle, as Apion was afraid would come to pass. Yet if all
+men had followed the manners of the Egyptians, the world had certainly
+been made desolate as to mankind, but had been filled full of the
+wildest sort of brute beasts, which, because they suppose them to be
+gods, they carefully nourish. However, if any one should ask Apion which
+of the Egyptians he thinks to be the most wise and most pious of them
+all, he would certainly acknowledge the priests to be so; for the
+histories say that two things were originally committed to their care
+by their kings' injunctions, the worship of the gods, and the support of
+wisdom and philosophy. Accordingly, these priests are all circumcised,
+and abstain from swine's flesh; nor does any one of the other Egyptians
+assist them in slaying those sacrifices they offer to the gods. Apion
+was therefore quite blinded in his mind, when, for the sake of the
+Egyptians, he contrived to reproach us, and to accuse such others as not
+only make use of that conduct of life which he so much abuses, but have
+also taught other men to be circumcised, as says Herodotus; which makes
+me think that Apion is hereby justly punished for his casting such
+reproaches on the laws of his own country; for he was circumcised
+himself of necessity, on account of an ulcer in his privy member; and
+when he received no benefit by such circumcision, but his member became
+putrid, he died in great torment. Now men of good tempers ought to
+observe their own laws concerning religion accurately, and to persevere
+therein, but not presently to abuse the laws of other nations, while
+this Apion deserted his own laws, and told lies about ours. And this
+was the end of Apion's life, and this shall be the conclusion of our
+discourse about him.
+
+15. But now, since Apollonius Molo, and Lysimachus, and some others,
+write treatises about our lawgiver Moses, and about our laws, which are
+neither just nor true, and this partly out of ignorance, but chiefly
+out of ill-will to us, while they calumniate Moses as an impostor and
+deceiver, and pretend that our laws teach us wickedness, but nothing
+that is virtuous, I have a mind to discourse briefly, according to
+my ability, about our whole constitution of government, and about the
+particular branches of it. For I suppose it will thence become evident,
+that the laws we have given us are disposed after the best manner for
+the advancement of piety, for mutual communion with one another, for a
+general love of mankind, as also for justice, and for sustaining labors
+with fortitude, and for a contempt of death. And I beg of those that
+shall peruse this writing of mine, to read it without partiality; for
+it is not my purpose to write an encomium upon ourselves, but I shall
+esteem this as a most just apology for us, and taken from those our
+laws, according to which we lead our lives, against the many and the
+lying objections that have been made against us. Moreover, since this
+Apollonius does not do like Apion, and lay a continued accusation
+against us, but does it only by starts, and up and clown his discourse,
+while he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and man-haters, and
+sometimes hits us in the teeth with our want of courage, and yet
+sometimes, on the contrary, accuses us of too great boldness and
+madness in our conduct; nay, he says that we are the weakest of all the
+barbarians, and that this is the reason why we are the only people who
+have made no improvements in human life; now I think I shall have then
+sufficiently disproved all these his allegations, when it shall appear
+that our laws enjoin the very reverse of what he says, and that we very
+carefully observe those laws ourselves. And if I he compelled to make
+mention of the laws of other nations, that are contrary to ours, those
+ought deservedly to thank themselves for it, who have pretended to
+depreciate our laws in comparison of their own; nor will there, I think,
+be any room after that for them to pretend either that we have no such
+laws ourselves, an epitome of which I will present to the reader, or
+that we do not, above all men, continue in the observation of them.
+
+16. To begin then a good way backward, I would advance this, in the
+first place, that those who have been admirers of good order, and of
+living under common laws, and who began to introduce them, may well have
+this testimony that they are better than other men, both for moderation
+and such virtue as is agreeable to nature. Indeed their endeavor was to
+have every thing they ordained believed to be very ancient, that
+they might not be thought to imitate others, but might appear to have
+delivered a regular way of living to others after them. Since then this
+is the case, the excellency of a legislator is seen in providing for the
+people's living after the best manner, and in prevailing with those that
+are to use the laws he ordains for them, to have a good opinion of
+them, and in obliging the multitude to persevere in them, and to make no
+changes in them, neither in prosperity nor adversity. Now I venture to
+say, that our legislator is the most ancient of all the legislators whom
+we have ally where heard of; for as for the Lycurguses, and Solons, and
+Zaleucus Locrensis, and all those legislators who are so admired by the
+Greeks, they seem to be of yesterday, if compared with our legislator,
+insomuch as the very name of a law was not so much as known in old times
+among the Grecians. Homer is a witness to the truth of this observation,
+who never uses that term in all his poems; for indeed there was then no
+such thing among them, but the multitude was governed by wise maxims,
+and by the injunctions of their king. It was also a long time that they
+continued in the use of these unwritten customs, although they were
+always changing them upon several occasions. But for our legislator,
+who was of so much greater antiquity than the rest, [as even those that
+speak against us upon all occasions do always confess,] he exhibited
+himself to the people as their best governor and counselor, and included
+in his legislation the entire conduct of their lives, and prevailed with
+them to receive it, and brought it so to pass, that those that were made
+acquainted with his laws did most carefully observe them.
+
+17. But let us consider his first and greatest work; for when it was
+resolved on by our forefathers to leave Egypt, and return to their
+own country, this Moses took the many tell thousands that were of the
+people, and saved them out of many desperate distresses, and brought
+them home in safety. And certainly it was here necessary to travel over
+a country without water, and full of sand, to overcome their enemies,
+and, during these battles, to preserve their children, and their wives,
+and their prey; on all which occasions he became an excellent general of
+an army, and a most prudent counselor, and one that took the truest
+care of them all; he also so brought it about, that the whole multitude
+depended upon him. And while he had them always obedient to what he
+enjoined, he made no manner of use of his authority for his own private
+advantage, which is the usual time when governors gain great powers to
+themselves, and pave the way for tyranny, and accustom the multitude
+to live very dissolutely; whereas, when our legislator was in so great
+authority, he, on the contrary, thought he ought to have regard to
+piety, and to show his great good-will to the people; and by this means
+he thought he might show the great degree of virtue that was in him, and
+might procure the most lasting security to those who had made him their
+governor. When he had therefore come to such a good resolution, and
+had performed such wonderful exploits, we had just reason to look upon
+ourselves as having him for a divine governor and counselor. And when
+he had first persuaded himself [17] that his actions and designs were
+agreeable to God's will, he thought it his duty to impress, above all
+things, that notion upon the multitude; for those who have once believed
+that God is the inspector of their lives, will not permit themselves
+in any sin. And this is the character of our legislator: he was no
+impostor, no deceiver, as his revilers say, though unjustly, but such
+a one as they brag Minos [18] to have been among the Greeks, and other
+legislators after him; for some of them suppose that they had their laws
+from Jupiter, while Minos said that the revelation of his laws was to
+be referred to Apollo, and his oracle at Delphi, whether they really
+thought they were so derived, or supposed, however, that they could
+persuade the people easily that so it was. But which of these it was who
+made the best laws, and which had the greatest reason to believe
+that God was their author, it will be easy, upon comparing those laws
+themselves together, to determine; for it is time that we come to that
+point. [19] Now there are innumerable differences in the particular
+customs and laws that are among all mankind, which a man may briefly
+reduce under the following heads: Some legislators have permitted their
+governments to be under monarchies, others put them under oligarchies,
+and others under a republican form; but our legislator had no regard
+to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a
+strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, [20] by ascribing the
+authority and the power to God, and by persuading all the people to have
+a regard to him, as the author of all the good things that were enjoyed
+either in common by all mankind, or by each one in particular, and of
+all that they themselves obtained by praying to him in their greatest
+difficulties. He informed them that it was impossible to escape God's
+observation, even in any of our outward actions, or in any of our
+inward thoughts. Moreover, he represented God as unbegotten, [21] and
+immutable, through all eternity, superior to all mortal conceptions in
+pulchritude; and, though known to us by his power, yet unknown to us as
+to his essence. I do not now explain how these notions of God are the
+sentiments of the wisest among the Grecians, and how they were taught
+them upon the principles that he afforded them. However, they testify,
+with great assurance, that these notions are just, and agreeable to the
+nature of God, and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and Anaxagoras, and
+Plato, and the Stoic philosophers that succeeded them, and almost all
+the rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the same notions of the
+nature of God; yet durst not these men disclose those true notions to
+more than a few, because the body of the people were prejudiced with
+other opinions beforehand. But our legislator, who made his actions
+agree to his laws, did not only prevail with those that were his
+contemporaries to agree with these his notions, but so firmly imprinted
+this faith in God upon all their posterity, that it never could be
+removed. The reason why the constitution of this legislation was ever
+better directed to the utility of all than other legislations were, is
+this, that Moses did not make religion a part of virtue, but he saw and
+he ordained other virtues to be parts of religion; I mean justice, and
+fortitude, and temperance, and a universal agreement of the members of
+the community with one another; for all our actions and studies, and all
+our words, [in Moses's settlement,] have a reference to piety towards
+God; for he hath left none of these in suspense, or undetermined.
+For there are two ways of coming at any sort of learning and a moral
+conduct of life; the one is by instruction in words, the other by
+practical exercises. Now other lawgivers have separated these two ways
+in their opinions, and choosing one of those ways of instruction, or
+that which best pleased every one of them, neglected the other. Thus did
+the Lacedemonians and the Cretians teach by practical exercises, but not
+by words; while the Athenians, and almost all the other Grecians, made
+laws about what was to be done, or left undone, but had no regard to the
+exercising them thereto in practice.
+
+18. But for our legislator, he very carefully joined these two methods
+of instruction together; for he neither left these practical exercises
+to go on without verbal instruction, nor did he permit the hearing of
+the law to proceed without the exercises for practice; but beginning
+immediately from the earliest infancy, and the appointment of every
+one's diet, he left nothing of the very smallest consequence to be done
+at the pleasure and disposal of the person himself. Accordingly, he made
+a fixed rule of law what sorts of food they should abstain from, and
+what sorts they should make use of; as also, what communion they
+should have with others what great diligence they should use in their
+occupations, and what times of rest should be interposed, that, by
+living under that law as under a father and a master, we might be guilty
+of no sin, neither voluntary nor out of ignorance; for he did not suffer
+the guilt of ignorance to go on without punishment, but demonstrated
+the law to be the best and the most necessary instruction of all others,
+permitting the people to leave off their other employments, and to
+assemble together for the hearing of the law, and learning it exactly,
+and this not once or twice, or oftener, but every week; which thing all
+the other legislators seem to have neglected.
+
+19. And indeed the greatest part of mankind are so far from living
+according to their own laws, that they hardly know them; but when they
+have sinned, they learn from others that they have transgressed the law.
+Those also who are in the highest and principal posts of the government,
+confess they are not acquainted with those laws, and are obliged to take
+such persons for their assessors in public administrations as profess to
+have skill in those laws; but for our people, if any body do but ask any
+one of them about our laws, he will more readily tell them all than he
+will tell his own name, and this in consequence of our having learned
+them immediately as soon as ever we became sensible of any thing, and of
+our having them as it were engraven on our souls. Our transgressors of
+them are but few, and it is impossible, when any do offend, to escape
+punishment.
+
+20. And this very thing it is that principally creates such a wonderful
+agreement of minds amongst us all; for this entire agreement of ours
+in all our notions concerning God, and our having no difference in our
+course of life and manners, procures among us the most excellent concord
+of these our manners that is any where among mankind; for no other
+people but the Jews have avoided all discourses about God that any way
+contradict one another, which yet are frequent among other nations; and
+this is true not only among ordinary persons, according as every one
+is affected, but some of the philosophers have been insolent enough to
+indulge such contradictions, while some of them have undertaken to use
+such words as entirely take away the nature of God, as others of them
+have taken away his providence over mankind. Nor can any one perceive
+amongst us any difference in the conduct of our lives, but all our works
+are common to us all. We have one sort of discourse concerning God,
+which is conformable to our law, and affirms that he sees all things;
+as also we have but one way of speaking concerning the conduct of our
+lives, that all other things ought to have piety for their end; and this
+any body may hear from our women, and servants themselves.
+
+21. And, indeed, hence hath arisen that accusation which some make
+against us, that we have not produced men that have been the inventors
+of new operations, or of new ways of speaking; for others think it a
+fine thing to persevere in nothing that has been delivered down from
+their forefathers, and these testify it to be an instance of the
+sharpest wisdom when these men venture to transgress those traditions;
+whereas we, on the contrary, suppose it to be our only wisdom and virtue
+to admit no actions nor supposals that are contrary to our original
+laws; which procedure of ours is a just and sure sign that our law
+is admirably constituted; for such laws as are not thus well made are
+convicted upon trial to want amendment.
+
+22. But while we are ourselves persuaded that our law was made agreeably
+to the will of God, it would be impious for us not to observe the same;
+for what is there in it that any body would change? and what can be
+invented that is better? or what can we take out of other people's laws
+that will exceed it? Perhaps some would have the entire settlement
+of our government altered. And where shall we find a better or more
+righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be
+the Governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be
+the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the
+government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself?
+which priests our legislator, at their first appointment, did not
+advance to that dignity for their riches, or any abundance of other
+possessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of fortune; but he
+intrusted the principal management of Divine worship to those that
+exceeded others in an ability to persuade men, and in prudence of
+conduct. These men had the main care of the law and of the other parts
+of the people's conduct committed to them; for they were the priests who
+were ordained to be the inspectors of all, and the judges in doubtful
+cases, and the punishers of those that were condemned to suffer
+punishment.
+
+23. What form of government then can be more holy than this? what more
+worthy kind of worship can be paid to God than we pay, where the entire
+body of the people are prepared for religion, where an extraordinary
+degree of care is required in the priests, and where the whole polity is
+so ordered as if it were a certain religious solemnity? For what things
+foreigners, when they solemnize such festivals, are not able to observe
+for a few days' time, and call them Mysteries and Sacred Ceremonies, we
+observe with great pleasure and an unshaken resolution during our whole
+lives. What are the things then that we are commanded or forbidden? They
+are simple, and easily known. The first command is concerning God, and
+affirms that God contains all things, and is a Being every way perfect
+and happy, self-sufficient, and supplying all other beings; the
+beginning, the middle, and the end of all things. He is manifest in
+his works and benefits, and more conspicuous than any other being
+whatsoever; but as to his form and magnitude, he is most obscure. All
+materials, let them be ever so costly, are unworthy to compose an image
+for him, and all arts are unartful to express the notion we ought to
+have of him. We can neither see nor think of any thing like him, nor is
+it agreeable to piety to form a resemblance of him. We see his works,
+the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun and the moon, the waters, the
+generations of animals, the productions of fruits. These things hath God
+made, not with hands, nor with labor, nor as wanting the assistance of
+any to cooperate with him; but as his will resolved they should be made
+and be good also, they were made and became good immediately. All
+men ought to follow this Being, and to worship him in the exercise of
+virtue; for this way of worship of God is the most holy of all others.
+
+24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God; for likeness is
+the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to
+all men, because he is the common God of all men. High priests are to
+be continually about his worship, over whom he that is the first by his
+birth is to be their ruler perpetually. His business must be to offer
+sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him,
+to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to
+punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not
+submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been
+guilty of impiety towards God himself. When we offer sacrifices to him,
+we do it not in order to surfeit ourselves, or to be drunken; for
+such excesses are against the will of God, and would be an occasion of
+injuries and of luxury; but by keeping ourselves sober, orderly, and
+ready for our other occupations, and being more temperate than others.
+And for our duty at the sacrifices [22] themselves, we ought, in the
+first place, to pray for the common welfare of all, and after that for
+our own; for we are made for fellowship one with another, and he who
+prefers the common good before what is peculiar to himself is above all
+acceptable to God. And let our prayers and supplications be made humbly
+to God, not [so much] that he would give us what is good, [for he
+hath already given that of his own accord, and hath proposed the same
+publicly to all,] as that we may duly receive it, and when we have
+received it, may preserve it. Now the law has appointed several
+purifications at our sacrifices, whereby we are cleansed after
+a funeral, after what sometimes happens to us in bed, and after
+accompanying with our wives, and upon many other occasions, which it
+would be too long now to set down. And this is our doctrine concerning
+God and his worship, and is the same that the law appoints for our
+practice.
+
+25. But, then, what are our laws about marriage? That law owns no other
+mixture of sexes but that which nature hath appointed, of a man with his
+wife, and that this be used only for the procreation of children. But it
+abhors the mixture of a male with a male; and if any one do that, death
+is its punishment. It commands us also, when we marry, not to have
+regard to portion, nor to take a woman by violence, nor to persuade her
+deceitfully and knavishly; but to demand her in marriage of him who hath
+power to dispose of her, and is fit to give her away by the nearness
+of his kindred; for, says the Scripture, "A woman is inferior to her
+husband in all things." [23] Let her, therefore, be obedient to him; not
+so that he should abuse her, but that she may acknowledge her duty to
+her husband; for God hath given the authority to the husband. A husband,
+therefore, is to lie only with his wife whom he hath married; but to
+have to do with another man's wife is a wicked thing, which, if any one
+ventures upon, death is inevitably his punishment: no more can he
+avoid the same who forces a virgin betrothed to another man, or entices
+another man's wife. The law, moreover, enjoins us to bring up all our
+offspring, and forbids women to cause abortion of what is begotten, or
+to destroy it afterward; and if any woman appears to have so done, she
+will be a murderer of her child, by destroying a living creature,
+and diminishing human kind; if any one, therefore, proceeds to such
+fornication or murder, he cannot be clean. Moreover, the law enjoins,
+that after the man and wife have lain together in a regular way, they
+shall bathe themselves; for there is a defilement contracted thereby,
+both in soul and body, as if they had gone into another country; for
+indeed the soul, by being united to the body, is subject to miseries,
+and is not freed therefrom again but by death; on which account the law
+requires this purification to be entirely performed.
+
+26. Nay, indeed, the law does not permit us to make festivals at the
+births of our children, and thereby afford occasion of drinking to
+excess; but it ordains that the very beginning of our education should
+be immediately directed to sobriety. It also commands us to bring those
+children up in learning, and to exercise them in the laws, and make
+them acquainted with the acts of their predecessors, in order to their
+imitation of them, and that they might be nourished up in the laws from
+their infancy, and might neither transgress them, nor have any pretense
+for their ignorance of them.
+
+27. Our law hath also taken care of the decent burial of the dead, but
+without any extravagant expenses for their funerals, and without the
+erection of any illustrious monuments for them; but hath ordered that
+their nearest relations should perform their obsequies; and hath showed
+it to be regular, that all who pass by when any one is buried should
+accompany the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It also ordains that
+the house and its inhabitants should be purified after the funeral is
+over, that every one may thence learn to keep at a great distance from
+the thoughts of being pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder.
+
+28. The law ordains also, that parents should be honored immediately
+after God himself, and delivers that son who does not requite them for
+the benefits he hath received from them, but is deficient on any such
+occasion, to be stoned. It also says that the young men should pay due
+respect to every elder, since God is the eldest of all beings. It does
+not give leave to conceal any thing from our friends, because that is
+not true friendship which will not commit all things to their fidelity:
+it also forbids the revelation of secrets, even though an enmity arise
+between them. If any judge takes bribes, his punishment is death: he
+that overlooks one that offers him a petition, and this when he is able
+to relieve him, he is a guilty person. What is not by any one intrusted
+to another ought not to be required back again. No one is to touch
+another's goods. He that lends money must not demand usury for its loan.
+These, and many more of the like sort, are the rules that unite us in
+the bands of society one with another.
+
+29. It will be also worth our while to see what equity our legislator
+would have us exercise in our intercourse with strangers; for it will
+thence appear that he made the best provision he possibly could, both
+that we should not dissolve our own constitution, nor show any
+envious mind towards those that would cultivate a friendship with us.
+Accordingly, our legislator admits all those that have a mind to observe
+our laws so to do; and this after a friendly manner, as esteeming that
+a true union which not only extends to our own stock, but to those that
+would live after the same manner with us; yet does he not allow those
+that come to us by accident only to be admitted into communion with us.
+
+30. However, there are other things which our legislator ordained for us
+beforehand, which of necessity we ought to do in common to all men; as
+to afford fire, and water, and food to such as want it; to show them
+the roads; not to let any one lie unburied. He also would have us treat
+those that are esteemed our enemies with moderation; for he doth not
+allow us to set their country on fire, nor permit us to cut down those
+trees that bear fruit; nay, further, he forbids us to spoil those that
+have been slain in war. He hath also provided for such as are taken
+captive, that they may not be injured, and especially that the women
+may not be abused. Indeed he hath taught us gentleness and humanity
+so effectually, that he hath not despised the care of brute beasts,
+by permitting no other than a regular use of them, and forbidding any
+other; and if any of them come to our houses, like supplicants, we are
+forbidden to slay them; nor may we kill the dams, together with their
+young ones; but we are obliged, even in an enemy's country, to spare and
+not kill those creatures that labor for mankind. Thus hath our lawgiver
+contrived to teach us an equitable conduct every way, by using us
+to such laws as instruct us therein; while at the same time he hath
+ordained that such as break these laws should be punished, without the
+allowance of any excuse whatsoever.
+
+31. Now the greatest part of offenses with us are capital; as if any
+one be guilty of adultery; if any one force a virgin; if any one be so
+impudent as to attempt sodomy with a male; or if, upon another's making
+an attempt upon him, he submits to be so used. There is also a law for
+slaves of the like nature, that can never be avoided. Moreover, if any
+one cheats another in measures or weights, or makes a knavish bargain
+and sale, in order to cheat another; if any one steals what belongs to
+another, and takes what he never deposited; all these have punishments
+allotted them; not such as are met with among other nations, but more
+severe ones. And as for attempts of unjust behavior towards parents, or
+for impiety against God, though they be not actually accomplished, the
+offenders are destroyed immediately. However, the reward for such as
+live exactly according to the laws is not silver or gold; it is not a
+garland of olive branches or of small age, nor any such public sign of
+commendation; but every good man hath his own conscience bearing witness
+to himself, and by virtue of our legislator's prophetic spirit, and of
+the firm security God himself affords such a one, he believes that God
+hath made this grant to those that observe these laws, even though they
+be obliged readily to die for them, that they shall come into being
+again, and at a certain revolution of things shall receive a better life
+than they had enjoyed before. Nor would I venture to write thus at this
+time, were it not well known to all by our actions that many of our
+people have many a time bravely resolved to endure any sufferings,
+rather than speak one word against our law.
+
+32. Nay, indeed, in case it had so fallen out, that our nation had not
+been so thoroughly known among all men as they are, and our voluntary
+submission to our laws had not been so open and manifest as it is, but
+that somebody had pretended to have written these laws himself, and had
+read them to the Greeks, or had pretended that he had met with men out
+of the limits of the known world, that had such reverent notions of God,
+and had continued a long time in the firm observance of such laws
+as ours, I cannot but suppose that all men would admire them on a
+reflection upon the frequent changes they had therein been themselves
+subject to; and this while those that have attempted to write somewhat
+of the same kind for politic government, and for laws, are accused
+as composing monstrous things, and are said to have undertaken an
+impossible task upon them. And here I will say nothing of those other
+philosophers who have undertaken any thing of this nature in their
+writings. But even Plato himself, who is so admired by the Greeks on
+account of that gravity in his manners, and force in his words, and that
+ability he had to persuade men beyond all other philosophers, is little
+better than laughed at and exposed to ridicule on that account, by those
+that pretend to sagacity in political affairs; although he that shall
+diligently peruse his writings will find his precepts to be somewhat
+gentle, and pretty near to the customs of the generality of mankind.
+Nay, Plato himself confesseth that it is not safe to publish the true
+notion concerning God among the ignorant multitude. Yet do some men look
+upon Plato's discourses as no better than certain idle words set off
+with great artifice. However, they admire Lycurgus as the principal
+lawgiver, and all men celebrate Sparta for having continued in the firm
+observance of his laws for a very long time. So far then we have gained,
+that it is to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to laws. [24] But
+then let such as admire this in the Lacedemonians compare that duration
+of theirs with more than two thousand years which our political
+government hath continued; and let them further consider, that though
+the Lacedemonians did seem to observe their laws exactly while they
+enjoyed their liberty, yet that when they underwent a change of their
+fortune, they forgot almost all those laws; while we, having been under
+ten thousand changes in our fortune by the changes that happened among
+the kings of Asia, have never betrayed our laws under the most pressing
+distresses we have been in; nor have we neglected them either out
+of sloth or for a livelihood. [25] if any one will consider it, the
+difficulties and labors laid upon us have been greater than what appears
+to have been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude, while they neither
+ploughed their land, nor exercised any trades, but lived in their own
+city, free from all such pains-taking, in the enjoyment of plenty, and
+using such exercises as might improve their bodies, while they made use
+of other men as their servants for all the necessaries of life, and had
+their food prepared for them by the others; and these good and humane
+actions they do for no other purpose but this, that by their actions and
+their sufferings they may be able to conquer all those against whom they
+make war. I need not add this, that they have not been fully able to
+observe their laws; for not only a few single persons, but multitudes of
+them, have in heaps neglected those laws, and have delivered themselves,
+together with their arms, into the hands of their enemies.
+
+33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say that no one can tell of so
+many; nay, not of more than one or two that have betrayed our laws, no,
+not out of fear of death itself; I do not mean such an easy death as
+happens in battles, but that which comes with bodily torments, and seems
+to be the severest kind of death of all others. Now I think those that
+have conquered us have put us to such deaths, not out of their hatred to
+us when they had subdued us, but rather out of their desire of seeing a
+surprising sight, which is this, whether there be such men in the world
+who believe that no evil is to them so great as to be compelled to do or
+to speak any thing contrary to their own laws. Nor ought men to wonder
+at us, if we are more courageous in dying for our laws than all other
+men are; for other men do not easily submit to the easier things in
+which we are instituted; I mean working with our hands, and eating but
+little, and being contented to eat and drink, not at random, or at every
+one's pleasure, or being under inviolable rules in lying with our wives,
+in magnificent furniture, and again in the observation of our times of
+rest; while those that can use their swords in war, and can put their
+enemies to flight when they attack them, cannot bear to submit to such
+laws about their way of living: whereas our being accustomed willingly
+to submit to laws in these instances, renders us fit to show our
+fortitude upon other occasions also.
+
+34. Yet do the Lysimachi and the Molones, and some other writers,
+[unskillful sophists as they are, and the deceivers of young men,]
+reproach us as the vilest of all mankind. Now I have no mind to make an
+inquiry into the laws of other nations; for the custom of our country is
+to keep our own laws, but not to bring accusations against the laws of
+others. And indeed our legislator hath expressly forbidden us to laugh
+at and revile those that are esteemed gods by other people? on account
+of the very name of God ascribed to them. But since our antagonists
+think to run us down upon the comparison of their religion and ours, it
+is not possible to keep silence here, especially while what I shall say
+to confute these men will not be now first said, but hath been already
+said by many, and these of the highest reputation also; for who is there
+among those that have been admired among the Greeks for wisdom, who
+hath not greatly blamed both the most famous poets, and most celebrated
+legislators, for spreading such notions originally among the body of the
+people concerning the gods? such as these, that they may be allowed to
+be as numerous as they have a mind to have them; that they are begotten
+one by another, and that after all the kinds of generation you can
+imagine. They also distinguish them in their places and ways of living
+as they would distinguish several sorts of animals; as some to be under
+the earth; as some to be in the sea; and the ancientest of them all to
+be bound in hell; and for those to whom they have allotted heaven, they
+have set over them one, who in title is their father, but in his actions
+a tyrant and a lord; whence it came to pass that his wife, and brother,
+and daughter [which daughter he brought forth from his own head] made
+a conspiracy against him to seize upon him and confine hint, as he had
+himself seized upon and confined his own father before.
+
+35. And justly have the wisest men thought these notions deserved
+severe rebukes; they also laugh at them for determining that we ought to
+believe some of the gods to be beardless and young, and others of them
+to be old, and to have beards accordingly; that some are set to trades;
+that one god is a smith, and another goddess is a weaver; that one god
+is a warrior, and fights with men; that some of them are harpers, or
+delight in archery; and besides, that mutual seditions arise among them,
+and that they quarrel about men, and this so far, that they not only lay
+hands upon one another, but that they are wounded by men, and lament,
+and take on for such their afflictions. But what is the grossest of all
+in point of lasciviousness, are those unbounded lusts ascribed to almost
+all of them, and their amours; which how can it be other than a most
+absurd supposal, especially when it reaches to the male gods, and to the
+female goddesses also? Moreover, the chief of all their gods, and their
+first father himself, overlooks those goddesses whom he hath deluded and
+begotten with child, and suffers them to be kept in prison, or drowned
+in the sea. He is also so bound up by fate, that he cannot save his own
+offspring, nor can he bear their deaths without shedding of tears. These
+are fine things indeed! as are the rest that follow. Adulteries truly
+are so impudently looked on in heaven by the gods, that some of them
+have confessed they envied those that were found in the very act. And
+why should they not do so, when the eldest of them, who is their king
+also, hath not been able to restrain himself in the violence of his
+lust, from lying with his wife, so long as they might get into their
+bedchamber? Now some of the gods are servants to men, and will sometimes
+be builders for a reward, and sometimes will be shepherds; while others
+of them, like malefactors, are bound in a prison of brass. And what
+sober person is there who would not be provoked at such stories, and
+rebuke those that forged them, and condemn the great silliness of those
+that admit them for true? Nay, others there are that have advanced a
+certain timorousness and fear, as also madness and fraud, and any other
+of the vilest passions, into the nature and form of gods, and have
+persuaded whole cities to offer sacrifices to the better sort of them;
+on which account they have been absolutely forced to esteem some gods as
+the givers of good things, and to call others of them averters of evil.
+They also endeavor to move them, as they would the vilest of men, by
+gifts and presents, as looking for nothing else than to receive some
+great mischief from them, unless they pay them such wages.
+
+36. Wherefore it deserves our inquiry what should be the occasion of
+this unjust management, and of these scandals about the Deity. And truly
+I suppose it to be derived from the imperfect knowledge the heathen
+legislators had at first of the true nature of God; nor did they explain
+to the people even so far as they did comprehend of it: nor did they
+compose the other parts of their political settlements according to it,
+but omitted it as a thing of very little consequence, and gave leave
+both to the poets to introduce what gods they pleased, and those subject
+to all sorts of passions, and to the orators to procure political
+decrees from the people for the admission of such foreign gods as they
+thought proper. The painters also, and statuaries of Greece, had herein
+great power, as each of them could contrive a shape [proper for a god];
+the one to be formed out of clay, and the other by making a bare picture
+of such a one. But those workmen that were principally admired, had the
+use of ivory and of gold as the constant materials for their new statues
+[whereby it comes to pass that some temples are quite deserted, while
+others are in great esteem, and adorned with all the rites of all kinds
+of purification]. Besides this, the first gods, who have long flourished
+in the honors done them, are now grown old [while those that flourished
+after them are come in their room as a second rank, that I may speak the
+most honorably of them I can]: nay, certain other gods there are who
+are newly introduced, and newly worshipped [as we, by way of digression,
+have said already, and yet have left their places of worship desolate];
+and for their temples, some of them are already left desolate, and
+others are built anew, according to the pleasure of men; whereas they
+ought to have their opinion about God, and that worship which is due to
+him, always and immutably the same.
+
+37. But now, this Apollonius Molo was one of these foolish and proud
+men. However, nothing that I have said was unknown to those that were
+real philosophers among the Greeks, nor were they unacquainted with
+those frigid pretensions of allegories [which had been alleged for such
+things]; on which account they justly despised them, but have still
+agreed with us as to the true and becoming notions of God; whence it was
+that Plato would not have political settlements admit to of any one of
+the other poets, and dismisses even Homer himself, with a garland on his
+head, and with ointment poured upon him, and this because he should not
+destroy the right notions of God with his fables. Nay, Plato principally
+imitated our legislator in this point, that he enjoined his citizens
+to have he main regard to this precept, "That every one of them should
+learn their laws accurately." He also ordained, that they should not
+admit of foreigners intermixing with their own people at random; and
+provided that the commonwealth should keep itself pure, and consist of
+such only as persevered in their own laws. Apollonius Molo did no way
+consider this, when he made it one branch of his accusation against us,
+that we do not admit of such as have different notions about God, nor
+will we have fellowship with those that choose to observe a way of
+living different from ourselves, yet is not this method peculiar to us,
+but common to all other men; not among the ordinary Grecians only, but
+among such of those Grecians as are of the greatest reputation among
+them. Moreover, the Lacedemonians continued in their way of expelling
+foreigners, and would not indeed give leave to their own people to
+travel abroad, as suspecting that those two things would introduce a
+dissolution of their own laws: and perhaps there may be some reason to
+blame the rigid severity of the Lacedemonians, for they bestowed the
+privilege of their city on no foreigners, nor indeed would give leave
+to them to stay among them; whereas we, though we do not think fit to
+imitate other institutions, yet do we willingly admit of those that
+desire to partake of ours, which, I think, I may reckon to be a plain
+indication of our humanity, and at the same time of our magnanimity
+also.
+
+38. But I shall say no more of the Lacedemonians. As for the Athenians,
+who glory in having made their city to be common to all men, what their
+behavior was Apollonius did not know, while they punished those that
+did but speak one word contrary to the laws about the gods, without any
+mercy; for on what other account was it that Socrates was put to death
+by them? For certainly he neither betrayed their city to its enemies,
+nor was he guilty of any sacrilege with regard to any of their temples;
+but it was on this account, that he swore certain new oaths [26] and
+that he affirmed either in earnest, or, as some say, only in jest, that
+a certain demon used to make signs to him [what he should not do]. For
+these reasons he was condemned to drink poison, and kill himself. His
+accuser also complained that he corrupted the young men, by inducing
+them to despise the political settlement and laws of their city: and
+thus was Socrates, the citizen of Athens, punished. There was also
+Anaxagoras, who, although he was of Clazomente, was within a few
+suffrages of being condemned to die, because he said the sun, which the
+Athenians thought to be a god, was a ball of fire. They also made this
+public proclamation, "That they would give a talent to any one who would
+kill Diagoras of Melos," because it was reported of him that he laughed
+at their mysteries. Protagoras also, who was thought to have written
+somewhat that was not owned for truth by the Athenians about the
+gods, had been seized upon, and put to death, if he had not fled away
+immediately. Nor need we at all wonder that they thus treated such
+considerable men, when they did not spare even women also; for they very
+lately slew a certain priestess, because she was accused by somebody
+that she initiated people into the worship of strange gods, it having
+been forbidden so to do by one of their laws; and a capital punishment
+had been decreed to such as introduced a strange god; it being manifest,
+that they who make use of such a law do not believe those of other
+nations to be really gods, otherwise they had not envied themselves the
+advantage of more gods than they already had. And this was the happy
+administration of the affairs of the Athenians! Now as to the Scythians,
+they take a pleasure in killing men, and differ but little from brute
+beasts; yet do they think it reasonable to have their institutions
+observed. They also slew Anacharsis, a person greatly admired for his
+wisdom among the Greeks, when he returned to them, because he appeared
+to come fraught with Grecian customs. One may also find many to have
+been punished among the Persians, on the very same account. And to be
+sure Apollonius was greatly pleased with the laws of the Persians, and
+was an admirer of them, because the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of
+their courage, and had the very same opinion about the gods which they
+had. This last was exemplified in the temples which they burnt, and
+their courage in coming, and almost entirely enslaving the Grecians.
+However, Apollonius has imitated all the Persian institutions, and that
+by his offering violence to other men's wives, and gelding his own sons.
+Now, with us, it is a capital crime, if any one does thus abuse even a
+brute beast; and as for us, neither hath the fear of our governors, nor
+a desire of following what other nations have in so great esteem, been
+able to withdraw us from our own laws; nor have we exerted our courage
+in raising up wars to increase our wealth, but only for the observation
+of our laws; and when we with patience bear other losses, yet when any
+persons would compel us to break our laws, then it is that we choose to
+go to war, though it be beyond our ability to pursue it, and bear the
+greatest calamities to the last with much fortitude. And, indeed, what
+reason can there be why we should desire to imitate the laws of other
+nations, while we see they are not observed by their own legislators
+[27] And why do not the Lacedemonians think of abolishing that form of
+their government which suffers them not to associate with any others,
+as well as their contempt of matrimony? And why do not the Eleans and
+Thebans abolish that unnatural and impudent lust, which makes them lie
+with males? For they will not show a sufficient sign of their repentance
+of what they of old thought to be very excellent, and very advantageous
+in their practices, unless they entirely avoid all such actions for the
+time to come: nay, such things are inserted into the body of their laws,
+and had once such a power among the Greeks, that they ascribed these
+sodomitical practices to the gods themselves, as a part of their good
+character; and indeed it was according to the same manner that the gods
+married their own sisters. This the Greeks contrived as an apology for
+their own absurd and unnatural pleasures.
+
+39. I omit to speak concerning punishments, and how many ways of
+escaping them the greatest part of the legislators have afforded
+malefactors, by ordaining that, for adulteries, fines in money should be
+allowed, and for corrupting [28] [virgins] they need only marry them
+as also what excuses they may have in denying the facts, if any one
+attempts to inquire into them; for amongst most other nations it is
+a studied art how men may transgress their laws; but no such thing is
+permitted amongst us; for though we be deprived of our wealth, of our
+cities, or of the other advantages we have, our law continues immortal;
+nor can any Jew go so far from his own country, nor be so aftrighted at
+the severest lord, as not to be more aftrighted at the law than at him.
+If, therefore, this be the disposition we are under, with regard to the
+excellency of our laws, let our enemies make us this concession, that
+our laws are most excellent; and if still they imagine, that though we
+so firmly adhere to them, yet are they bad laws notwithstanding, what
+penalties then do they deserve to undergo who do not observe their own
+laws, which they esteem so far superior to them? Whereas, therefore,
+length of time is esteemed to be the truest touchstone in all cases, I
+would make that a testimonial of the excellency of our laws, and of that
+belief thereby delivered to us concerning God. For as there hath been
+a very long time for this comparison, if any one will but compare its
+duration with the duration of the laws made by other legislators, he
+will find our legislator to have been the ancientest of them all.
+
+40. We have already demonstrated that our laws have been such as have
+always inspired admiration and imitation into all other men; nay, the
+earliest Grecian philosophers, though in appearance they observed the
+laws of their own countries, yet did they, in their actions, and their
+philosophic doctrines, follow our legislator, and instructed men to live
+sparingly, and to have friendly communication one with another. Nay,
+further, the multitude of mankind itself have had a great inclination
+of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not
+any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation
+whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not
+come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our
+prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; they also endeavor
+to imitate our mutual concord with one another, and the charitable
+distribution of our goods, and our diligence in our trades, and our
+fortitude in undergoing the distresses we are in, on account of our
+laws; and, what is here matter of the greatest admiration, our law hath
+no bait of pleasure to allure men to it, but it prevails by its own
+force; and as God himself pervades all the world, so hath our law passed
+through all the world also. So that if any one will but reflect on his
+own country, and his own family, he will have reason to give credit to
+what I say. It is therefore but just, either to condemn all mankind
+of indulging a wicked disposition, when they have been so desirous of
+imitating laws that are to them foreign and evil in themselves, rather
+than following laws of their own that are of a better character, or else
+our accusers must leave off their spite against us. Nor are we guilty of
+any envious behavior towards them, when we honor our own legislator, and
+believe what he, by his prophetic authority, hath taught us concerning
+God. For though we should not be able ourselves to understand the
+excellency of our own laws, yet would the great multitude of those that
+desire to imitate them, justify us, in greatly valuing ourselves upon
+them.
+
+41. But as for the [distinct] political laws by which we are governed, I
+have delivered them accurately in my books of Antiquities; and have
+only mentioned them now, so far as was necessary to my present purpose,
+without proposing to myself either to blame the laws of other nations,
+or to make an encomium upon our own; but in order to convict those
+that have written about us unjustly, and in an impudent affectation of
+disguising the truth. And now I think I have sufficiently completed
+what I proposed in writing these books. For whereas our accusers have
+pretended that our nation are a people of very late original, I have
+demonstrated that they are exceeding ancient; for I have produced as
+witnesses thereto many ancient writers, who have made mention of us
+in their books, while they had said that no such writer had so done.
+Moreover, they had said that we were sprung from the Egyptians, while I
+have proved that we came from another country into Egypt: while they had
+told lies of us, as if we were expelled thence on account of diseases
+on our bodies, it has appeared, on the contrary, that we returned to
+our country by our own choice, and with sound and strong bodies. Those
+accusers reproached our legislator as a vile fellow; whereas God in old
+time bare witness to his virtuous conduct; and since that testimony of
+God, time itself hath been discovered to have borne witness to the same
+thing.
+
+42. As to the laws themselves, more words are unnecessary, for they are
+visible in their own nature, and appear to teach not impiety, but the
+truest piety in the world. They do not make men hate one another, but
+encourage people to communicate what they have to one another freely;
+they are enemies to injustice, they take care of righteousness, they
+banish idleness and expensive living, and instruct men to be content
+with what they have, and to be laborious in their calling; they forbid
+men to make war from a desire of getting more, but make men courageous
+in defending the laws; they are inexorable in punishing malefactors;
+they admit no sophistry of words, but are always established by actions
+themselves, which actions we ever propose as surer demonstrations than
+what is contained in writing only: on which account I am so bold as to
+say that we are become the teachers of other men, in the greatest number
+of things, and those of the most excellent nature only; for what is more
+excellent than inviolable piety? what is more just than submission to
+laws? and what is more advantageous than mutual love and concord? and
+this so far that we are to be neither divided by calamities, nor to
+become injurious and seditious in prosperity; but to contemn death
+when we are in war, and in peace to apply ourselves to our mechanical
+occupations, or to our tillage of the ground; while we in all things
+and all ways are satisfied that God is the inspector and governor of
+our actions. If these precepts had either been written at first, or more
+exactly kept by any others before us, we should have owed them thanks as
+disciples owe to their masters; but if it be visible that we have made
+use of them more than any other men, and if we have demonstrated that
+the original invention of them is our own, let the Apions, and the
+Molons, with all the rest of those that delight in lies and reproaches,
+stand confuted; but let this and the foregoing book be dedicated to
+thee, Epaphroditus, who art so great a lover of truth, and by thy means
+to those that have been in like manner desirous to be acquainted with
+the affairs of our nation.
+
+
+
+
+APION BOOK 2 FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] The former part of this second book is written against the calumnies
+of Apion, and then, more briefly, against the like calumnies of
+Apollonius Molo. But after that, Josephus leaves off any more particular
+reply to those adversaries of the Jews, and gives us a large and
+excellent description and vindication of that theocracy which was
+settled for the Jewish nation by Moses, their great legislator.
+
+[2] Called by Tiberius Cymbalum Mundi, The drum of the world.
+
+[3] This seems to have been the first dial that had been made in Egypt,
+and was a little before the time that Ahaz made his [first] dial in
+Judea, and about anno 755, in the first year of the seventh olympiad, as
+we shall see presently. See 2 Kings 20:11; Isaiah 38:8.
+
+[4] The burial-place for dead bodies, as I suppose.
+
+[5] Here begins a great defect in the Greek copy; but the old Latin
+version fully supplies that defect.
+
+[6] What error is here generally believed to have been committed by our
+Josephus in ascribing a deliverance of the Jews to the reign of Ptolemy
+Physco, the seventh of those Ptolemus, which has been universally
+supposed to have happened under Ptolemy Philopater, the fourth of them,
+is no better than a gross error of the moderns, and not of Josephus, as
+I have fully proved in the Authentic. Rec. Part I. p. 200-201, whither I
+refer the inquisitive reader.
+
+[7] Sister's son, and adopted son.
+
+[8] Called more properly Molo, or Apollonius Molo, as hereafter; for
+Apollonins, the son of Molo, was another person, as Strabo informs us,
+lib. xiv.
+
+[9] Furones in the Latin, which what animal it denotes does not now
+appear.
+
+[10] It is great pity that these six pagan authors, here mentioned to
+have described the famous profanation of the Jewish temple by Antiochus
+Epiphanes, should be all lost; I mean so far of their writings as
+contained that description; though it is plain Josephus perused them all
+as extant in his time.
+
+[11] It is remarkable that Josephus here, and, I think, no where else,
+reckons up four distinct courts of the temple; that of the Gentiles,
+that of the women of Israel, that of the men of Israel, and that of the
+priests; as also that the court of the women admitted of the men, [I
+suppose only of the husbands of those wives that were therein,] while
+the court of the men did not admit any women into it at all.
+
+[12] Judea, in the Greek, by a gross mistake of the transcribers.
+
+[13] Seven in the Greek, by a like gross mistake of the transcribers.
+See of the War, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 4.
+
+[14] Two hundred in the Greek, contrary to the twenty in the War, B.
+VII. ch, 5. sect. 3.
+
+[15] This notorious disgrace belonging peculiarly to the people of
+Egypt, ever since the times of the old prophets of the Jews, noted
+both sect. 4 already, and here, may be confirmed by the testimony of
+Isidorus, an Egyptian of Pelusium, Epist. lib. i. Ep. 489. And this is a
+remarkable completion of the ancient prediction of God by Ezekiel 29:14,
+15, "that the Egyptians should be a base kingdom, the basest of the
+kingdoms," and that, "it should not exalt itself any more above the
+nations."
+
+[16] The truth of which still further appears by the present observation
+of Josephus, that these Egyptians had never, in all the past ages since
+Sesostris, had one day of liberty, no, not so much as to have been free
+from despotic power under any of the monarchies to that day. And all
+this has been found equally true in the latter ages, under the Romans,
+Saracens, Mamelukes, and Turks, from the days of Josephus till the
+present ago also.
+
+[17] This language, that Moses, "persuaded himself" that what he did was
+according to God's will, can mean no more, by Josephus's own constant
+notions elsewhere, than that he was "firmly persuaded," that he had
+"fully satisfied himself" that so it was, viz. by the many revelations
+he had received from God, and the numerous miracles God had enabled him
+to work, as he both in these very two books against Apion, and in his
+Antiquities, most clearly and frequently assures us. This is further
+evident from several passages lower, where he affirms that Moses was no
+impostor nor deceiver, and where he assures that Moses's constitution of
+government was no other than a theocracy; and where he says they are to
+hope for deliverance out of their distresses by prayer to God, and that
+withal it was owing in part to this prophetic spirit of Moses that the
+Jews expected a resurrection from the dead. See almost as strange a use
+of the like words, "to persuade God," Antiq. B. VI. ch. 5. sect. 6.
+
+[18] That is, Moses really was, what the heathen legislators pretended
+to be, under a Divine direction; nor does it yet appear that these
+pretensions to a supernatural conduct, either in these legislators or
+oracles, were mere delusions of men without any demoniacal impressions,
+nor that Josephus took them so to be; as the ancientest and contemporary
+authors did still believe them to be supernatural.
+
+[19] This whole very large passage is corrected by Dr. Hudson from
+Eusebius's citation of it, Prep. Evangel. viii. 8, which is here not a
+little different from the present MSS. of Josephus.
+
+[20] This expression itself, that "Moses ordained the Jewish government
+to be a theocracy," may be illustrated by that parallel expression in
+the Antiquities, B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9, that "Moses left it to God to
+be present at his sacrifices when he pleased; and when he pleased, to
+be absent." Both ways of speaking sound harsh in the ears of Jews and
+Christians, as do several others which Josephus uses to the heathens;
+but still they were not very improper in him, when he all along thought
+fit to accommodate himself, both in his Antiquities, and in these his
+books against Apion, all written for the use of the Greeks and Romans,
+to their notions and language, and this as far as ever truth would give
+him leave. Though it be very observable withal, that he never uses such
+expressions in his books of the War, written originally for the Jews
+beyond Euphrates, and in their language, in all these cases. However,
+Josephus directly supposes the Jewish settlement, under Moses, to be a
+Divine settlement, and indeed no other than a real theocracy.
+
+[21] These excellent accounts of the Divine attributes, and that God
+is not to be at all known in his essence, as also some other clear
+expressions about the resurrection of the dead, and the state of
+departed souls, etc., in this late work of Josephus, look more like the
+exalted notions of the Essens, or rather Ebionite Christians, than those
+of a mere Jew or Pharisee. The following large accounts also of the laws
+of Moses, seem to me to show a regard to the higher interpretations and
+improvements of Moses's laws, derived from Jesus Christ, than to the
+bare letter of them in the Old Testament, whence alone Josephus took
+them when he wrote his Antiquities; nor, as I think, can some of these
+laws, though generally excellent in their kind, be properly now found
+either in the copies of the Jewish Pentateuch, or in Philo, or in
+Josephus himself, before he became a Nazarene or Ebionite Christian; nor
+even all of them among the laws of catholic Christianity themselves. I
+desire, therefore, the learned reader to consider, whether some of these
+improvements or interpretations might not be peculiar to the Essens
+among the Jews, or rather to the Nazarenes or Ebionites among the
+Christians, though we have indeed but imperfect accounts of those
+Nazarenes or Ebionite Christians transmitted down to us at this day.
+
+[22] We may here observe how known a thing it was among the Jews and
+heathens, in this and many other instances, that sacrifices were still
+accompanied with prayers; whence most probably came those phrases of
+"the sacrifice of prayer, the sacrifice of praise, the sacrifice of
+thanksgiving." However, those ancient forms used at sacrifices are now
+generally lost, to the no small damage of true religion. It is here also
+exceeding remarkable, that although the temple at Jerusalem was built
+as the only place where the whole nation of the Jews were to offer their
+sacrifices, yet is there no mention of the "sacrifices" themselves, but
+of "prayers" only, in Solomon's long and famous form of devotion at its
+dedication, 1 Kings 8.; 2 Chronicles 6. See also many passages cited in
+the Apostolical Constitutions, VII. 37, and Of the War, above, B. VII.
+ch. 5. sect. 6.
+
+[23] This text is no where in our present copies of the Old Testament.
+
+[24] It may not be amiss to set down here a very remarkable testimony
+of the great philosopher Cicero, as to the preference of "laws to
+philosophy:--I will," says he, "boldly declare my opinion, though the
+whole world be offended at it. I prefer this little book of the Twelve
+Tables alone to all the volumes of the philosophers. I find it to be not
+only of more weight,' but also much more useful."--Oratore.
+
+[25] we have observed our times of rest, and sorts of food allowed us
+[during our distresses].
+
+[26] See what those novel oaths were in Dr. Hudson's note, viz. to
+swear by an oak, by a goat, and by a dog, as also by a gander, as say
+Philostratus and others. This swearing strange oaths was also forbidden
+by the Tyrians, B. I. sect. 22, as Spanheim here notes.
+
+[27] Why Josephus here should blame some heathen legislators, when they
+allowed so easy a composition for simple fornication, as an obligation
+to marry the virgin that was corrupted, is hard to say, seeing he had
+himself truly informed us that it was a law of the Jews, Antiq. B.
+IV. ch. 8. sect. 23, as it is the law of Christianity also: see Horeb
+Covenant, p. 61. I am almost ready to suspect that, for, we should here
+read, and that corrupting wedlock, or other men's wives, is the crime
+for which these heathens wickedly allowed this composition in money.
+
+[28] Or "for corrupting other men's wives the same allowance."
+
+
+
+
+
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