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<pre>

The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Great Events by Famous Historians,
Volume 07, by Various

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org


Title: The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 07

Author: Various

Editor: Rossiter Johnson
        Charles Horne
        John Rudd

Release Date: December 18, 2008 [EBook #27562]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREAT EVENTS, VOLUME 07 ***




Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net






</pre>


<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><a name="frontispiece" id="frontispiece" /><img src=
"images/img1a.jpg" width="500" height="761" alt=
"Jeanne d'Arc stands, banner in hand,
during the coronation of Charles
VII before the high altar at Rheims." title="" />
</div>

<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><img src=
"images/img2a.jpg" width="500" height="1143" alt=
"Jeanne d'Arc stands, banner in hand,
during the coronation of Charles
VII before the high altar at Rheims." title="" />
</div>

<h1>THE GREAT EVENTS</h1>

<h5>BY</h5>

<h2>FAMOUS HISTORIANS</h2>

<div class="box">
A COMPREHENSIVE AND READABLE ACCOUNT OF THE WORLD'S
HISTORY, EMPHASIZING THE MORE IMPORTANT EVENTS, AND PRESENTING
THESE AS COMPLETE NARRATIVES IN THE MASTER-WORDS
OF THE MOST EMINENT HISTORIANS
</div>
<p class="indent">&nbsp;</p>
<table width="85%" summary="heading" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="left">NON-SECTARIAN</td>
<td class="middle">NON-PARTISAN</td>
<td class="right">NON-SECTIONAL</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="indent">&nbsp;</p>
<div class="box">
ON THE PLAN EVOLVED FROM A CONSENSUS OF OPINIONS GATHERED
FROM THE MOST DISTINGUISHED SCHOLARS OF AMERICA
AND EUROPE, INCLUDING BRIEF INTRODUCTIONS BY SPECIALISTS
TO CONNECT AND EXPLAIN THE CELEBRATED NARRATIVES, ARRANGED
CHRONOLOGICALLY, WITH THOROUGH INDICES, BIBLIOGRAPHIES,
CHRONOLOGIES, AND COURSES OF READING
</div>

<h4>EDITOR-IN-CHIEF</h4>

<h3>ROSSITER JOHNSON, LL.D.</h3>

<h4>ASSOCIATE EDITORS</h4>

<h3>CHARLES F. HORNE, Ph.D.<br />
JOHN RUDD, LL.D.</h3>

<h4><i>With a staff of specialists</i></h4>

<h3><i>VOLUME VII</i></h3>

<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"><img src=
"images/ornament.png" class="noborder" width="100" height="41" alt=
"ornament." title="" />
</div>

<h3><b>The National Alumni</b></h3>

<h4><small>COPYRIGHT, 1905,</small><br />
<span class="smcap">By</span> THE NATIONAL ALUMNI</h4>
<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">v</a></span></p>
<h2>CONTENTS</h2>


<h4>VOLUME VII</h4>

<table width="100%" summary="contents" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="rightc" colspan="3"><span class="smcap"><small>page</small></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><i>An Outline Narrative of the Great Events</i>,</td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_xiii">xiii</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">CHARLES F. HORNE</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Dante Composes the</i> Divina Commedia <i>(<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1300-1318)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">RICHARD WILLIAM CHURCH</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Third Estate Joins in the Government of France (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>
1302)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">HENRI MARTIN</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>War of the Flemings with Philip the Fair of France
(<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1302)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">EYRE EVANS CROWE</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>First Swiss Struggle for Liberty (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1308)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">F. GRENFELL BAKER</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Battle of Bannockburn (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1314)</i>,,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">ANDREW LANG</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Extinction of the Order of Knights Templars</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Burning of Grand Master Molay (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1314)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_51">51</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">F. C. WOODHOUSE<br />HENRY HART MILMAN</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>James van Artevelde Leads a Flemish Revolt</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Edward III of England Assumes the Title of King of
France,(<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1337-1340)</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">FRAN&Ccedil;OIS P. G. GUIZOT</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Battles of Sluys and Cr&eacute;cy (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1340-1346)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">SIR JOHN FROISSART</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">vi</a></span><p class="indent"><i>Modern Recognition of Scenic Beauty</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Crowning of Petrarch at Rome (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1341)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">JACOB BURCKHARDT</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Rienzi's Revolution in Rome (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1347)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">RICHARD LODGE</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Beginning and Progress of the Renaissance (Fourteenth
to Sixteenth Century)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>The Black Death Ravages Europe (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1348)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_130">130</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">J. F. C. HECKER<br />GIOVANNI BOCCACCIO</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>First Turkish Dominion in Europe
Turks Seize Gallipoli (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1354)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">JOSEPH VON HAMMER-PURGSTALL</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Conspiracy and Death of Marino Falieri at Venice
(<span class="smcap">d.d.</span> 1355)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_154">154</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">MRS. MARGARET OLIPHANT</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Charles IV of Germany Publishes His Golden Bull
(<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1356)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">SIR ROBERT COMYN</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Insurrection of the Jacquerie in France (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1358)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_164">164</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">SIR JOHN FROISSART</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Conquests of Timur the Tartar (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1370-1405)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_169">169</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">EDWARD GIBBON</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1374)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_187">187</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">J. F. C. HECKER</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Election of Antipope Clement VII</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Beginning of the Great Schism (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1378)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">HENRY HART MILMAN</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Genoese Surrender to Venetians (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1380)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_213">213</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">HENRY HALLAM</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">vii</a></span><p class="indent"><i>Rebellion of Wat Tyler (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1381)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_217">217</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">JOHN LINGARD</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Wycliffe Translates the Bible into English (<span class="smcap">A.D.</span>
1382)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_227">227</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">J. PATERSON SMYTH</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>The Swiss Win Their Independence
Battle of Sempach (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1386-1389)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_238">238</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">F. GRENFELL BAKER</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Union of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>
1397)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_243">243</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">PAUL C. SINDING</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Discovery of the Canary Islands and the African
Coast</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Beginning of Negro Slave Trade (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1402)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_266">266</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">SIR ARTHUR HELPS</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Council of Constance (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1414)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">RICHARD LODGE</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Trial and Burning of John Huss</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>The Hussite Wars (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1415)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_294">294</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">RICHARD CHENEVIX TRENCH</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>The House of Hohenzollern Established in Brandenburg
(<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1415)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_305">305</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">THOMAS CARLYLE</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Battle of Agincourt</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>English Conquest of France (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1415)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_320">320</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">JAMES GAIRDNER</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Jeanne d'Arc's Victory at Orleans (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1429)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">SIR EDWARD S. CREASY</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">viii</a></span><p class="indent"><i>Trial and Execution of Jeanne d'Arc (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1431)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_350">350</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">JULES MICHELET</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Charles VII Issues His Pragmatic Sanction</i></p></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Emancipation of the Gallican Church (<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1438)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_370">370</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">W. HENLEY JERVIS<br />REN&Eacute; F. ROHRBACHER</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Universal Chronology (<span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1301-1438)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Page_385">385</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec"><span class="smcap2">JOHN RUDD</span></td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
</table>
<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">ix<br />x<br />xi<br /></a>xii</span></p>
<h2>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>

<h4>VOLUME VII</h4>

<table width="100%" summary="illustrations" border="0">

<tr>
<td class="rightc" colspan="3"><span class="smcap"><small>page</small></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Jeanne d'Arc stands, banner in hand, during the
coronation of Charles VII, before the high altar
at Rheims (page 347)</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#frontispiece">Frontispiece</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec">Painting by J. E. Lenepveu.</td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="leftc" colspan="2"><p class="indent"><i>Richard II resigns the crown of England to Henry,
Duke of Lancaster, son of John of Gaunt, at
London</i>,</p></td>
<td class="rightc"><a href="#Richard_II">262</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="leftc">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="middlec">Painting by Sir John Gilbert.</td>
<td class="rightc">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
</table>
<hr />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">xiii</a></span></p>
<h2>AN OUTLINE NARRATIVE</h2>

<h5>TRACING BRIEFLY THE CAUSES, CONNECTIONS,<br />
AND CONSEQUENCES OF</h5>

<h1>THE GREAT EVENTS</h1>

<h5>(FROM DANTE TO GUTENBERG: THE EARLIER RENAISSANCE)</h5>

<h3>CHARLES F. HORNE</h3>


<p><img src="images/ill_f.png" class=
"floatLeft" alt="F" />IFTY years ago the term "renaissance" had
a very definite meaning to scholars as representing
an exact period toward the close of
the fourteenth century when the world suddenly
reawoke to the beauty of the arts of
Greece and Rome, to the charm of their
gayer life, the splendor of their intellect.
We know now that there was no such sudden reawakening, that
Teutonic Europe toiled slowly upward through long centuries,
and that men learned only gradually to appreciate the finer side
of existence, to study the universe for themselves, and look with
their own eyes upon the life around them and the life beyond.</p>

<p>Thus the word "renaissance" has grown to cover a vaguer
period, and there has been a constant tendency to push the date
of its beginning ever backward, as we detect more and more the
dimly dawning light amid the darkness of earlier ages. Of late,
writers have fallen into the way of calling Dante the "morning
star of the Renaissance"; and the period of the great poet's work,
the first decade of the fourteenth century, has certainly the advantage
of being characterized by three or four peculiarly striking
events which serve to typify the tendencies of the coming
age.</p>

<p>In 1301 Dante was driven out of Florence, his native city-republic,
by a political strife. In this year, as he himself phrases
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">xiv</a></span>
it, he descended into hell; that is, he began those weary wanderings
in exile which ended only with his life, and which stirred in
him the deeps that found expression in his mighty poem, the
<i>Divina Commedia</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Throughout his masterpiece he speaks with
eager respect of the old Roman writers, and of such Greeks as
he knew&mdash;so we have admiration of the ancient intellect. He
also speaks bitterly of certain popes, as well as of other more
earthly tyrants&mdash;so we have the dawnings of democracy and of
religious revolt, of government by one's self and thought for one's
self, instead of submission to the guidance of others.</p>

<p>More important even than these in its immediate results,
Dante, while he began his poem in Latin, the learned language
of the time, soon transposed and completed it in Italian, the corrupted
Latin of his commoner contemporaries, the tongue of his
daily life. That is, he wrote not for scholars like himself, but for
a wider circle of more worldly friends. It is the first great work
in any modern speech. It is in very truth the recognition of a
new world of men, a new and more practical set of merchant intellects
which, with their growing and vigorous vitality, were to
supersede the old.</p>


<p>In that same decade and in that same city of Florence, Giotto
was at work, was beginning modern art with his paintings, was
building the famous cathedral there, was perhaps planning his
still more famous bell-tower. Here surely was artistic wakening
enough.</p>

<p>If we look further afield through Italy we find in 1303 another
scene tragically expressive of the changing times. The
French King, Philip the Fair, so called from his appearance, not
his dealings, had bitter cause of quarrel with the same Pope
Boniface VIII who had held the great jubilee of 1300. Philip's
soldiers, forcing their way into the little town of Anagni, to which
the Pope had withdrawn, laid violent hands upon his holiness.
If measured by numbers, the whole affair was trifling. So few
were the French soldiers that in a few days the handful of towns-folk
in Anagni were able to rise against them, expel them from
the place and rescue the aged Pope. He had been struck&mdash;beaten,
say not wholly reliable authorities&mdash;and so insulted that
rage and shame drove him mad, and he died.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">xv</a></span>
Not a sword in all Europe leaped from its scabbard to avenge
the martyr. Religious men might shudder at the sacrilege, but
the next Pope, venturing to take up Boniface's quarrel, died
within a few months under strong probabilities of poison; and
the next Pope, Clement V, became the obedient servant of the
French King. He even removed the seat of papal authority from
Rome to Avignon in France, and there for seventy years the
popes remained. The breakdown of the whole temporal power
of the Church was sudden, terrible, complete.</p>

<h4>INCREASING POWER OF FRANCE</h4>

<p>Following up his religious successes, Philip the Fair attacked
the mighty knights of the Temple, the most powerful of the religious
orders of knighthood which had fought the Saracens in
Jerusalem. The Templars, having found their warfare hopeless,
had abandoned the Holy Land and had dwelt for a generation
inglorious in the West. Philip suddenly seized the leading members
of the order, accused it of hideous crimes, and confiscated
all its vast wealth and hundreds of strong castles throughout
France. He secured from his French Pope approval of the extermination
of the entire order and the torture and execution of
its chiefs. Whether the charges against them were true or not,
their helplessness in the grip of the King shows clearly the low
ebb to which knighthood had fallen, and the rising power of the
monarchs. The day of feudalism was past.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p>

<p>We may read yet other signs of the age in the career of this
cruel, crafty King. To strengthen himself in his struggle against
the Pope, he called, in 1302, an assembly or "states-general" of
his people; and, following the example already established in
England, he gave a voice in this assembly to the "Third Estate,"
the common folk or "citizens," as well as to the nobles and the
clergy. So even in France we find the people acquiring
power, though as yet this Third Estate speaks with but a timid
and subservient voice, requiring to be much encouraged by
its money-asking sovereigns, who little dreamed it would one
day be strong enough to demand a reckoning of all its tyrant
overlords.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">3</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">xvi</a></span></p>

<p>Another event to be noted in this same year of 1302 took
place farther northward in King Philip's domains. The Flemish
cities Ghent, Li&egrave;ge, and Bruges had grown to be the great
centres of the commercial world, so wealthy and so populous
that they outranked Paris. The sturdy Flemish burghers had
not always been subject to France&mdash;else they had been less well
to-do. They regarded Philip's exactions as intolerable, and rebelled.
Against them marched the royal army of iron-clad
knights; and the desperate citizens, meeting these with no better
defence than stout leather jerkins, led them into a trap. At the
battle of Courtrai the knights charged into an unsuspected
ditch, and as they fell the burghers with huge clubs beat out
such brains as they could find within the helmets. It was subtlety
against stupidity, the merchant's shrewdness asserting itself
along new lines. King Philip had to create for himself a fresh
nobility to replenish his depleted stock.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">4</a></p>

<p>The fact that there is so much to pause on in Philip's reign
will in itself suggest the truth, that France had grown the most
important state in Europe. This, however, was due less to
French strength than to the weakness of the empire, where rival
rulers were being constantly elected and wasting their strength
against one another. If Courtrai had given the first hint that
these iron-clad knights were not invincible in war, it was soon
followed by another. The Swiss peasants formed among themselves
a league to resist oppression. This took definite shape in
1308 when they rebelled openly against their Hapsburg overlords.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">5</a>
The Hapsburg duke of the moment was one of two rival
claimants for the title of emperor, and was much too busy to
attend personally to the chastisement of these presumptuous
boors. The army which he sent to do the work for him was met
by the Swiss at Morgarten, among their mountain passes, overwhelmed
with rocks, and then put to flight by one fierce charge
of the unarmored peasants. It took the Austrians seventy years
to forget that lesson, and when a later generation sent a second
army into the mountains it was overthrown at Sempach. Swiss
liberty was established on an unarguable basis.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">6</a></p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">xvii</a></span>A similar tale might be told of Bannockburn, where, under
Bruce, the Scotch common folk regained their freedom from the
English.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> Courtrai, Morgarten, Bannockburn! Clearly a new
force was growing up over all Europe, and a new spirit among
men. Knighthood, which had lost its power over kings, seemed
like to lose its military repute as well.</p>

<p>The development of the age was, of course, most rapid in
Italy, where democracy had first asserted itself. In its train
came intellectual ability, and by the middle of the fourteenth
century Italy was in the full swing of the intellectual renaissance.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">8</a>
In 1341 Petrarch, recognized by all his contemporary
countrymen as their leading scholar and poet, was crowned with
a laurel wreath on the steps of the Capitol in Rome. This was
the formal assertion by the age of its admiration for intellectual
worth. To Petrarch is ascribed the earliest recognition of the
beauty of nature. He has been called the first modern man. In
reading his works we feel at last that we speak with one of our
own, with a friend who understands.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">9</a></p>


<h4>THE PERIOD OF DISASTER</h4>

<p>Unfortunately, however, the democracy of Italy proved too
intense, too frenzied and unbalanced. Rienzi established a republic
in Rome and talked of the restoration of the city's ancient
rule. But he governed like a madman or an inflated fool, and
was slain in a riot of the streets.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> Scarce one of the famous cities
succeeded in retaining its republican form. Milan became a
duchy. Florence fell under the sway of the Medici. In Venice a
few rich families seized all authority, and while the fame and territory
of the republic were extended, its dogeship became a mere
figurehead. All real power was lodged in the dread and secret
council of three.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Genoa was defeated and crushed in a great
naval contest with her rival, Venice.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> Everywhere tyrannies
stood out triumphant. The first modern age of representative
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">xviii</a></span>government was a failure. The cities had proved unable to protect
themselves against the selfish ambitions of their leaders.</p>


<p>In Germany and the Netherlands town life had been, as we
have seen, slower of development.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Hence for these Northern
cities the period of decay had not yet come. In fact, the fourteenth
century marks the zenith of their power. Their great
trading league, the Hansa, was now fully established, and
through the hands of its members passed all the wealth of Northern
Europe. The league even fought a war against the King of
Denmark and defeated him. The three northern states, Denmark,
Norway, and Sweden, fell almost wholly under the dominance
of the Hansa, until, toward the end of the century, Queen
Margaret of Denmark, "the Semiramis of the North," united the
three countries under her sway, and partly at least upraised
them from their sorry plight.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">14</a></p>

<p>On the whole this was not an era to which Europe can look
back with pride. The empire was a scene of anarchy. One of
its wrangling rulers, Charles IV, recognizing that the lack of an
established government lay at the root of all the disorder, tried
to mend matters by publishing his "Golden Bull," which exactly
regulated the rules and formul&aelig; to be gone through in
choosing an emperor, and named the seven "electors" who were
to vote. This simplified matters so far as the repeatedly contested
elections went; but it failed to strike to the real difficulty.
The Emperor remained elective and therefore weak.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">15</a></p>

<p>Moreover, in 1346 the "Black Death," most terrible of all
the repeated plagues under which the centuries previous to our
own have suffered, began to rear its dread form over terror-stricken
Europe.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> It has been estimated that during the three
years of this awful visitation one-third of the people of Europe
perished. Whole cities were wiped out. In the despair and desolation
of the period of scarcity that followed, humanity became
hysterical, and within a generation that oddest of all the extravagances
of the Middle Ages, the "dancing mania," rose to its
height. Men and women wandered from town to town, espe<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">xix</a></span>cially
in Germany, dancing frantically, until in their exhaustion
they would beg the bystanders to beat them or even jump on
them to enable them to stop.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">17</a></p>


<p>France and England were also in desolation. The long
"Hundred Years' War" between them began in 1340. France
was not averse to it. In fact, her King, Philip of Valois, rather
welcomed the opportunity of wresting away Guienne, the last
remaining French fief of the English kings. France, as we have
seen, was regarded as the strongest land of Europe. England was
thought of as little more than a French colony, whose Norman
dukes had in the previous century been thoroughly chastised
and deprived of half their territories by their overlord. To be
sure, France was having much trouble with her Flemish cities,
which were in revolt again under the noted brewer-nobleman,
Van Artevelde,<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> yet it seemed presumption for England to attack
her&mdash;England, so feeble that she had been unable to avenge her
own defeat by the half-barbaric Scots at Bannockburn.</p>

<p>But the English had not nearly so small an opinion of themselves
as had the rest of Europe. The heart of the nation had not
been in that strife against the Scots, a brave and impoverished
people struggling for freedom. But hearts and pockets, too,
welcomed the quarrel with France, overbearing France, that
plundered their ships when they traded with their friends the
Flemings. The Flemish wool trade was at this time a main
source of English wealth, so Edward III of England, than whom
ordinarily no haughtier aristocrat existed, made friends with the
brewer Van Artevelde, and called him "gossip" and visited him
at Ghent, and presently Flemings and English were allied in a
defiance of France. By asserting a vague ancestral claim to the
French throne, Edward eased the consciences of his allies, who
had sworn loyalty to France; and King Philip had on his hands
a far more serious quarrel than he realized.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">19</a></p>

<p>In England's first great naval victory, Edward destroyed the
French fleet at Sluys and so started his country on its wonderful
career of ocean dominance. Moreover, his success established
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">xx</a></span>from the start that the war should be fought out in France and
not in England.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> Then, in 1346, he won his famous victory of
Cr&eacute;cy against overwhelming numbers of his enemies. It has
been said that cannon were effectively used for the first time at
Cr&eacute;cy, and it was certainly about this time that gunpowder began
to assume a definite though as yet subordinate importance
in warfare. But we need not go so far afield to explain the English
victory. It lay in the quality of the fighting men. Through
a century and a half of freedom, England had been building up
a class of sturdy yeomen, peasants who, like the Swiss, lived
healthy, hearty, independent lives. France relied only on her nobles;
her common folk were as yet a helpless herd of much shorn
sheep. The French knights charged as they had charged at
Courtrai, with blind, unreasoning valor; and the English peasants,
instead of fleeing before them, stood firm and, with deadly
accuracy of aim, discharged arrow after arrow into the soon disorganized
mass. Then the English knights charged, and completed
what the English yeomen had begun.</p>


<p>Poitiers, ten years later, repeated the same story; and what
with the Black Death sweeping over the land, and these terrible
English ravaging at will, France sank into an abyss of misery
worse even than that which had engulfed the empire. The unhappy
peasantry, driven by starvation into frenzied revolt,
avenged their agony upon the nobility by hideous plunderings
and burnings of the rich ch&acirc;teaux.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> A partial peace with England
was patched up in 1360; but the "free companies" of mercenary
soldiers, who had previously been ravaging Italy, had
now come to take their pleasure in the French carnival of crime,
and so the plundering and burning went on until the fair land
was wellnigh a wilderness, and the English troops caught disease
from their victims and perished in the desolation they had
helped to make. By simply refusing to fight battles with them
and letting them starve, the next French king, Charles V, won
back almost all his father had lost; and before his death, in 1380,
the English power in France had fallen again almost to where it
stood at the beginning of the war.</p>

<p>Edward III had died, brooding over the emptiness of his
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi">xxi</a></span>great triumph. His son the Black Prince had died, cursing the
falsity of Frenchmen. England also had gone through the
great tragedy of the Black Death and her people, like those of
France, had been driven to the point of rebellion&mdash;though with
them this meant no more than that they felt themselves over-taxed.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">22</a></p>

<p>The latter part of the fourteenth century must, therefore, be
regarded as a period of depression in European civilization, of
retrograde movement during which the wheels of progress had
turned back. It even seemed as though Asia would once more
and perhaps with final success reassert her dominion over helpless
Europe. The Seljuk Turks who, in 1291, had conquered
Acre, the last European stronghold in the Holy Land, had lost
their power; but a new family of the Turkish race, the one that
dwells in Europe to-day, the Osmanlis, had built up an empire
by conquest over their fellows, and had begun to wrest province
after province from the feeble Empire of the East. In 1354 their
advance brought them across the Bosporus and they seized
their first European territory.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> Soon they had spread over most
of modern Turkey. Only the strong-walled Constantinople held
out, while its people cried frantically to the West for help. The
invaders ravaged Hungary. A crusade was preached against
them; but in 1396 the entire crusading army, united with all the
forces of Hungary, was overthrown, almost exterminated in the
battle of Nicopolis.</p>

<p>Perhaps it was only a direct providence that saved Europe.
Another Tartar conqueror, Timur the Lame, or Tamburlaine, had
risen in the Far East.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> Like Attila and Genghis Khan he swept
westward asserting sovereignty. The Sultan of the Turks recalled
all his armies from Europe to meet this mightier and more
insistent foe. A gigantic battle, which vague rumor has measured
in quite unthinkable numbers of combatants and slain, was
fought at Angora in 1402. The Turks were defeated and subjugated
by the Tartars. Timur's empire, being founded on no
real unity, dissolved with his death, and the various subject nations
reasserted their independence. Yet Europe was granted a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxii" id="Page_xxii">xxii</a></span>considerable breathing space before the Turks once more felt
able to push their aggressions westward.</p>



<h4>THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE</h4>

<p>Toward the close of this unlucky fourteenth century a marked
religious revival extended over Europe. Perhaps men's sufferings
had caused it. Many sects of reformers appeared, protesting
sometimes against the discipline, sometimes the doctrines,
of the Church. In Germany Nicholas of Basel established the
"Friends of God." In England Wycliffe wrote the earliest
translation of the Bible into any of our modern tongues.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> The
Avignon popes shook off their long submission to France and
returned to Italy, to a Rome so desolate that they tell us not ten
thousand people remained to dwell amid its stupendous ruins.
Unfortunately this return only led the papacy into still deeper
troubles. Several of the cardinals refused to recognize the Roman
Pope and elected another, who returned to Avignon. This
was the beginning of the "Great Schism" in the Church.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> For
forty years there were two, sometimes three, claimants to the
papal chair. The effect of their struggles was naturally to lessen
still further that solemn veneration with which men had once
looked up to the accepted vicegerent of God on earth. Hitherto
the revolt against the popes had only assailed their political supremacy;
but now heresies that included complete denial of the
religious authority of the Church began everywhere to arise. In
England Wycliffe's preachings and pamphlets grew more and
more opposed to Roman doctrine. In Bohemia John Huss not
only said, as all men did, that the Church needed reform, but, going
further, he refused obedience to papal commands.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> In short,
the reformers, finding themselves unable to purify the Roman
Church according to their views, began to deny its sacredness
and defy its power.</p>


<p>At length an unusually energetic though not oversuccessful
emperor, Sigismund, the same whom the Turks had defeated at
Nicopolis, persuaded the leaders of the Church to unite with him
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxiii" id="Page_xxiii">xxiii</a></span>in calling a grand council at Constance.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> This council ended the
great schism and restored order to the Church by securing the rule
of a single pope. It also burned John Huss as a heretic, and
thereby left on Sigismund's hands a fierce rebellion among the
reformer's Bohemian followers. The war lasted for a generation,
and during its course all the armies of Germany were repeatedly
defeated by the fanatic Hussites.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">29</a></p>

<p>Another interesting performance of the Emperor Sigismund
was that, being deep in debt, he sold his "electorate" of Brandenburg
to a friend, a Hohenzollern, and thus established as one
of the four chief families of the empire those Hohenzollerns who
rose to be kings of Prussia and have in our own day supplanted
the Hapsburgs as emperors of Germany.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> Also worth noting of
Sigismund is the fact that during the sitting of his Council of
Constance he made a tour of Europe to persuade all the princes
and various potentates to join it. When he reached England he
was met by a band of Englishmen who waded into the sea to demand
whether by his imperial visit he meant to assert any supremacy
over England. Sigismund assured them he did not,
and was allowed to land. We may look to this English parade of
independence as our last reminder of the old medi&aelig;val conception
of the Emperor as being at least in theory the overlord of
the whole of Europe.</p>


<h4>LATTER HALF OE THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR</h4>

<p>By this time England had in fact recovered from her period
of temporary disorder and depression. King Richard II, the
feeble son of the Black Prince, had been deposed in 1399,<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> and a
new and vigorous line of rulers, the Lancastrians, reached their
culmination in Henry V (1415-1422). Henry revived the French
quarrel, and paralleled Cr&eacute;cy and Poitiers with a similar victory
at Agincourt.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> The French King was a madman, and, aided by
a civil war among the French nobility, Henry soon had his neighbor's<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxiv" id="Page_xxiv">xxiv</a></span>
kingdom seemingly helpless at his feet. By the treaty of
Troyes he was declared the heir to the French throne, married
the mad King's daughter, and dwelt in Paris as regent of the
kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">33</a></p>


<p>The Norman conquest of England seemed balanced by a
similar English conquest of France. But the chances of fate are
many. Both Henry and his insane father-in-law died in the
same year, and while Henry left only a tiny babe to succeed to
his claims, the French King left a full-grown though rather worthless
son. This young man, Charles VII, continued to deny the
English authority, from a safe distance in Southern France.
He made, however, no effort to assert himself or retrieve his fortunes;
and the English captains in the name of their baby King
took possession of one fortress after another, till, in 1429, Orleans
was the only French city of rank still barring their way from
Charles and the far south.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">34</a></p>

<p>Then came the sudden, wonderful arousing of the French
under their peasant heroine, Jeanne d'Arc, and her tragic capture
and execution.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> At last even the French peasantry were
roused; and the French nobles forgot their private quarrels and
turned a united front against the invaders. The leaderless English
lost battle after battle, until of all France they retained only
Edward III's first conquest, the city of Calais.</p>

<p>France, a regenerated France, turned upon the popes of the
Council of Constance, and, remembering how long she had held
the papacy within her own borders, asserted at least a qualified
independence of the Romans by the "Pragmatic Sanction"
which established the Gallican Church.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">36</a></p>

<p>This semi-defiance of the Pope was encouraged by King
Charles, who, in fact, made several shrewd moves to secure the
power which his good-fortune, and not his abilities, had won.
Among other innovations he established a "standing army,"
the first permanent body of government troops in Teutonic Europe.
By this step he did much to alter the medi&aelig;val into the
modern world; he did much to establish that supremacy of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxv" id="Page_xxv">xxv</a></span>kings over both nobles and people which continued in France
and more or less throughout all Europe for over three centuries
to follow.</p>


<p>Another sign of the coming of a new and more vigorous era
is to be seen in the beginning of exploration down the Atlantic
coast of Africa by the Portuguese, and their discovery and settlement
of the Canary Isles. As a first product of their voyages
the explorers introduced negro slavery into Europe<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">37</a>&mdash;a grim
hint that the next age with increasing power was to face increasing
responsibilities as well.</p>

<p>An even greater change was coming, was already glimmering
into light. In that same year of King Charles' Pragmatic
Sanction (1438), though yet unknown to warring princes and
wrangling churchmen, John Gutenberg, in a little German workshop,
had evolved the idea of movable types, that is, of modern
printing. From his press sprang the two great modern genii,
education and publicity, which have already made tyrannies
and slaveries impossible, pragmatic sanctions unnecessary, and
which may one day do as much for standing armies.</p>




<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p>
<h2>DANTE COMPOSES THE "DIVINA COMMEDIA"</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1300-1318</h6>

<h3>RICHARD WILLIAM CHURCH</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Out of what may be called the civil and religious storm-and-stress
period through which the Middle passed into the modern age, there
came a great literary foregleam of the new life upon which the world was
about to enter. From Italy, where the European ferment, both in its
political and its spiritual character, mainly centred, came the prophecy
of the new day, in a poet's "vision of the invisible world"&mdash;Dante's <i>Divina
Commedia</i>&mdash;wherein also the deeper history of the visible world of
man was both embodied from the past and in a measure predetermined
for the human race.</p>

<p>Dante's great epic was called by him a comedy because its ending was
not tragical, but "happy"; and admiration gave it the epithet "divine."
It is in three parts&mdash;<i>Inferno</i> (hell), <i>Purgatorio</i> (purgatory), and <i>Paradiso</i>
(paradise). It has been made accessible to English readers in the metrical
translations of Carey, Longfellow, Norton, and others, and in the excellent
prose version (<i>Inferno</i>) of John Aitken Carlyle, brother of Thomas
Carlyle.</p>

<p>Dante (originally Durante) Alighieri was born at Florence in May,
1265, and died at Ravenna September 14, 1321. Both the <i>Divina Commedia</i>
and his other great work, the <i>Vita Nuova</i> (the new life), narrate
the love&mdash;either romantic or passionate&mdash;with which he was inspired by
Beatrice Portinari, whom he first saw when he was nine years old and
Beatrice eight. His whole future life and work are believed to have
been determined by this ideal attachment. But an equally noteworthy
fact of his literary career is that his works were produced in the midst of
party strifes wherein the poet himself was a prominent actor. In the
bitter feuds of the Guelfs and Ghibellines he bore the sufferings of failure,
persecution, and exile. But above all these trials rose his heroic
spirit and the sublime voice of his poems, which became a quickening
prophecy, realized in the birth of Italian and of European literature, in
the whole movement of the Renaissance, and in the ever-advancing development
of the modern world.</p>

<p>Church's clear-sighted interpretations of the mind and life of Dante,
and of the history-making <i>Commedia</i>, attest the importance of including
the poet and his work in this record of Great Events.</p></div>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span>
<img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE <i>Divina Commedia</i> is one of the landmarks of history.
More than a magnificent poem, more than the beginning
of a language and the opening of a national literature, more than
the inspirer of art and the glory of a great people, it is one of
those rare and solemn monuments of the mind's power which
measure and test what it can reach to, which rise up ineffaceably
and forever as time goes on marking out its advance by grander
divisions than its centuries, and adopted as epochs by the consent
of all who come after. It stands with the <i>Iliad</i> and Shakespeare's
plays, with the writings of Aristotle and Plato, with the
<i>Novum Organon</i> and the <i>Principia</i>, with Justinian's Code, with
the Parthenon and St. Peter's. It is the first Christian poem; and
it opens European literature, as the <i>Iliad</i> did that of Greece and
Rome. And, like the <i>Iliad</i>, it has never become out of date; it accompanies
in undiminished freshness the literature which it began.</p>

<p>We approach the history of such works, in which genius
seems to have pushed its achievements to a new limit. Their
bursting out from nothing, and gradual evolution into substance
and shape, cast on the mind a solemn influence. They
come too near the fount of being to be followed up without our
feeling the shadows which surround it. We cannot but fear,
cannot but feel ourselves cut off from this visible and familiar
world&mdash;as we enter into the cloud. And as with the processes
of nature, so it is with those offsprings of man's mind by which
he has added permanently one more great feature to the world,
and created a new power which is to act on mankind to the end.
The mystery of the inventive and creative faculty, the subtle
and incalculable combinations by which it was led to its work,
and carried through it, are out of reach of investigating thought.
Often the idea recurs of the precariousness of the result; by
how little the world might have lost one of its ornaments&mdash;by
one sharp pang, or one chance meeting, or any other among
the countless accidents among which man runs his course.
And then the solemn recollection supervenes that powers were
formed, and life preserved, and circumstances arranged, and
actions controlled, and thus it should be; and the work which
man has brooded over, and at last created, is the foster-child
too of that "Wisdom which reaches from end to end, strongly
and sweetly disposing of all things."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span></p>

<p>It does not abate these feelings that we can follow in some
cases and to a certain extent the progress of a work. Indeed,
the sight of the particular accidents among which it was developed&mdash;which
belong perhaps to a heterogeneous and wildly
discordant order of things, which are out of proportion and out
of harmony with it, which do not explain it; which have, as it
seems to us, no natural right to be connected with it, to bear on
its character, or contribute to its accomplishment; to which we
feel, as it were, ashamed to owe what we can least spare, yet on
which its forming mind and purpose were dependent, and with
which they had to conspire&mdash;affects the imagination even more
than cases where we see nothing. We are tempted less to
musing and wonder by the <i>Iliad</i>, a work without a history, cut
off from its past, the sole relic and vestige of its age, unexplained
in its origin and perfection, than by the <i>Divina Commedia</i>,
destined for the highest ends and most universal sympathy,
yet the reflection of a personal history, and issuing seemingly
from its chance incidents.</p>

<p>The <i>Divina Commedia</i> is singular among the great works
with which it ranks, for its strong stamp of personal character
and history. In general we associate little more than the name&mdash;not
the life&mdash;of a great poet with his works; personal interest
belongs more usually to greatness in its active than its
creative forms. But the whole idea and purpose of the <i>Commedia</i>,
as well as its filling up and coloring, are determined by
Dante's peculiar history. The loftiest, perhaps, in its aim
and flight of all poems, it is also the most individual; the writer's
own life is chronicled in it, as well as the issues and upshot
of all things. It is at once the mirror to all time of the sins
and perfections of men, of the judgments and grace of God, and
the record, often the only one, of the transient names, and local
factions, and obscure ambitions, and forgotten crimes of the
poet's own day; and in that awful company to which he leads
us, in the most unearthly of his scenes, we never lose sight of
himself. And when this peculiarity sends us to history, it seems
as if the poem which was to hold such a place in Christian literature
hung upon and grew out of chance events, rather than the
deliberate design of its author. History, indeed, here, as generally,
is but a feeble exponent of the course of growth in a great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span>
mind and great ideas. It shows us early a bent and purpose&mdash;the
man conscious of power and intending to use it&mdash;and
then the accidents among which he worked; but how the current
of purpose threaded its way among them, how it was thrown
back, deflected, deepened by them, we cannot learn from history.</p>

<p>It presents a broken and mysterious picture. A boy of
quick and enthusiastic temper grows up into youth in a dream
of love. The lady of his mystic passion dies early. He dreams
of her still, not as a wonder of earth, but as a saint in paradise,
and relieves his heart in an autobiography, a strange and perplexing
work of fiction&mdash;quaint and subtle enough for a metaphysical
conceit; but, on the other hand, with far too much of
genuine and deep feeling. It is a first essay; he closes it abruptly
as if dissatisfied with his work, but with the resolution
of raising at a future day a worthy monument to the memory
of her whom he has lost. It is the promise and purpose of a
great work. But a prosaic change seems to come over his half-ideal
character. The lover becomes the student&mdash;the student
of the thirteenth century&mdash;struggling painfully against difficulties,
eager and hot after knowledge, wasting eyesight and
stinting sleep, subtle, inquisitive, active-minded and sanguine,
but omnivorous, overflowing with dialectical forms, loose in
premise and ostentatiously rigid in syllogism, fettered by the
refinements of half-awakened taste and the mannerisms of the
Proven&ccedil;als.</p>

<p>Boethius and Cicero and the mass of mixed learning within
his reach are accepted as the consolation of his human griefs;
he is filled with the passion of universal knowledge, and the
desire to communicate it. Philosophy has become the lady of
his soul&mdash;to write allegorical poems in her honor, and to comment
on them with all the apparatus of his learning in prose,
his mode of celebrating her. Further, he marries; it is said,
not happily. The antiquaries, too, have disturbed romance by
discovering that Beatrice also was married some years before
her death. He appears, as time goes on, as a burgher of Florence,
the father of a family, a politician, an envoy, a magistrate,
a partisan, taking his full share in the quarrels of the day.</p>

<p>Beatrice reappears&mdash;shadowy, melting at times into symbol<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span>
and figure&mdash;but far too living and real, addressed with too intense
and natural feeling, to be the mere personification of anything.
The lady of the philosophical Canzoni has vanished.
The student's dream has been broken, as the boy's had been;
and the earnestness of the man, enlightened by sorrow, overleaping
the student's formalities and abstractions, reverted in
sympathy to the earnestness of the boy, and brooded once more
on that saint in paradise, whose presence and memory had once
been so soothing, and who now seemed a real link between him
and that stable country "where the angels are in peace."
Round her image, the reflection of purity and truth and forbearing
love, was grouped that confused scene of trouble and
effort, of failure and success, which the poet saw round him;
round her image it arranged itself in awful order&mdash;and that
image, not a metaphysical abstraction, but the living memory,
freshened by sorrow, and seen through the softening and hallowing
vista of years, of Beatrice Portinari&mdash;no figment of imagination,
but God's creature and servant. A childish love, dissipated
by heavy sorrow&mdash;a boyish resolution, made in a
moment of feeling, interrupted, though it would be hazardous
to say, in Dante's case, laid aside, for apparently more manly
studies, gave the idea and suggested the form of the "sacred
poem of earth and heaven."</p>

<p>And the occasion of this startling unfolding of the poetic
gift, of this passage of a soft and dreamy boy into the keenest,
boldest, sternest of poets, the free and mighty leader of European
song, was, what is not ordinarily held to be a source of
poetical inspiration&mdash;the political life. The boy had sensibility,
high aspirations, and a versatile and passionate nature;
the student added to this energy, various learning, gifts of
language, and noble ideas on the capacities and ends of man.
But it was the factions of Florence which made Dante a great
poet.</p>

<p>The connection of these feuds with Dante's poem has given
to the Middle-Age history of Italy an interest of which it is not
undeserving in itself, full as it is of curious exhibitions of character
and contrivance, but to which politically it cannot lay
claim, amid the social phenomena, so far grander in scale and
purpose and more felicitous in issue, of other western nations.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>
It is remarkable for keeping up an antique phase, which, in
spite of modern arrangements, it has not yet lost. It is a history
of cities. In ancient history all that is most memorable and
instructive gathers round cities; civilization and empire were
concentrated within walls; and it baffled the ancient mind to
conceive how power should be possessed and wielded by numbers
larger than might be collected in a single market-place.
The Roman Empire, indeed, aimed at being one in its administration
and law; and it was not a nation nor were its provinces
nations, yet everywhere but in Italy it prepared them for
becoming nations. And while everywhere else parts were
uniting and union was becoming organization&mdash;and neither
geographical remoteness nor unwieldiness of number nor local
interests and differences were untractable obstacles to that
spirit of fusion which was at once the ambition of the few and
the instinct of the many; and cities, even where most powerful,
had become the centres of the attracting and joining forces,
knots in the political network&mdash;while this was going on more
or less happily throughout the rest of Europe, in Italy the
ancient classic idea lingered in its simplicity, its narrowness
and jealousy, wherever there was any political activity. The
history of Southern Italy, indeed, is mainly a foreign one&mdash;the
history of modern Rome merges in that of the papacy; but
Northern Italy has a history of its own, and that is a history
of separate and independent cities&mdash;points of reciprocal and
indestructible repulsion, and within, theatres of action where
the blind tendencies and traditions of classes and parties
weighed little on the freedom of individual character, and citizens
could watch and measure and study one another with the
minuteness of private life.</p>

<p>Dante, like any other literary celebrity of the time, was not
less from the custom of the day than from his own purpose a
public man. He took his place among his fellow-citizens; he
went out to war with them; he fought, it is said, among the
skirmishers at the great Guelf victory at Campaldino; to qualify
himself for office in the democracy, he enrolled himself in one
of the guilds of the people, and was matriculated in the "art"
of the apothecaries; he served the state as its agent abroad; he
went on important missions to the cities and courts of Italy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>according
to a Florentine tradition, which enumerates fourteen
distinct embassies, even to Hungary and France. In the memorable
year of jubilee, 1300, he was one of the priors of the
Republic. There is no shrinking from fellowship and co&ouml;peration
and conflict with the keen or bold men of the market-place
and council hall, in that mind of exquisite and, as drawn by
itself, exaggerated sensibility. The doings and characters of
men, the workings of society, the fortunes of Italy, were watched
and thought of with as deep an interest as the courses of the
stars, and read in the real spectacle of life with as profound
emotion as in the miraculous page of Vergil; and no scholar
ever read Vergil with such feeling&mdash;no astronomer ever watched
the stars with more eager inquisitiveness. The whole man
opens to the world around him; all affections and powers, soul
and sense, diligently and thoughtfully directed and trained, with
free and concurrent and equal energy, with distinct yet harmonious
purposes, seek out their respective and appropriate objects,
moral, intellectual, natural, spiritual, in that admirable scene and
hard field where man is placed to labor and love, to be exercised,
proved, and judged.</p>

<p>The outlines of this part of Dante's history are so well known
that it is not necessary to dwell on them; and more than the outlines
we know not. The family quarrels came to a head, issued
in parties, and the parties took names; they borrowed them
from two rival factions in a neighboring town, Pistoia, whose
feud was imported into Florence; and the Guelfs became divided
into the Black Guelfs, who were led by the Donati, and the
White Guelfs, who sided with Cerchi. It is still professed to be
but a family feud, confined to the great houses; but they were
too powerful and Florence too small for it not to affect the
whole Republic. The middle classes and the artisans looked on,
and for a time not without satisfaction, at the strife of the great
men; but it grew evident that one party must crush the other
and become dominant in Florence; and of the two, the Cerchi
and their White adherents were less formidable to the democracy
than the unscrupulous and overbearing Donati, with their
military renown and lordly tastes; proud not merely of being
nobles, but Guelf nobles; always loyal champions, once the
martyrs, and now the hereditary assertors, of the great Guelf<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>
cause. The Cerchi, with less character and less zeal, but rich,
liberal, and showy, and with more of rough kindness and vulgar
good-nature for the common people, were more popular in
Guelf Florence than the <i>Parte Guelfa</i>; and, of course, the Ghibellines
wished them well.</p>

<p>Both the contemporary historians of Florence lead us to
think that they might have been the governors and guides of
the Republic&mdash;if they had chosen, and had known how;
and both, though condemning the two parties equally, seem
to have thought that this would have been the best result
for the state. But the accounts of both, though they are very
different writers, agree in their scorn of the leaders of the White
Guelfs. They were upstarts, purse-proud, vain, and coarse-minded;
and they dared to aspire to an ambition which they
were too dull and too cowardly to pursue, when the game was
in their hands. They wished to rule; but when they might,
they were afraid. The commons were on their side, the moderate
men, the party of law, the lovers of republican government,
and for the most part the magistrates; but they shrank
from their fortune, "more from cowardice than from goodness,
because they exceedingly feared their adversaries." Boniface
VIII had no prepossessions in Florence, except for energy and
an open hand; the side which was most popular he would have
accepted and backed. But he said, "<i>Io non voglio perdere gli
uomini perle femminelle</i>."<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> If the Black party furnished types
for the grosser or fiercer forms of wickedness in the poet's
hell, the White party surely were the originals of that picture
of stupid and cowardly selfishness, in the miserable crowd
who moan and are buffeted in the vestibule of the Pit, mingled
with the angels who dared neither to rebel nor be faithful,
but "were for themselves"; and whoever it may be who is
singled out in the <i>setta dei cattivi</i>, for deeper and special scorn&mdash;he,</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"Che fece per vilta il gran rifinto,"<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></span>
</div>
</div>

<p>the idea was derived from the Cerchi in Florence.</p>



<p>Of his subsequent life, history tells us little more than the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span>
general character. He acted for a time in concert with the
expelled party, when they attempted to force their way back
to Florence; he gave them up at last in scorn and despair; but
he never returned to Florence. And he found no new home
for the rest of his days. Nineteen years, from his exile to his
death, he was a wanderer. The character is stamped on his
writings. History, tradition, documents, all scanty or dim, do
but disclose him to us at different points, appearing here and
there, we are not told how or why. One old record, discovered
by antiquarian industry, shows him in a village church near
Florence, planning with the Cerchi and the White party an
attack on the Black Guelfs. In another, he appears in the Val
di Magra, making peace between its small potentates; in another,
as the inhabitant of a certain street in Padua. The traditions
of some remote spots about Italy still connect his name with a
ruined tower, a mountain glen, a cell in a convent. In the
recollections of the following generation, his solemn and melancholy
form mingled reluctantly, and for a while, in the brilliant
court of the Scaligers; and scared the women, as a visitant of the
other world, as he passed by their doors in the streets of Verona.
Rumor brings him to the West&mdash;with probability to Paris, more
doubtfully to Oxford. But little that is certain can be made
out about the places where he was honored and admired,
and, it may be, not always a welcome guest, till we find him
sheltered, cherished, and then laid at last to rest, by the lords of
Ravenna. There he still rests, in a small, solitary chapel,
built, not by a Florentine, but a Venetian. Florence, "that
mother of little love," asked for his bones, but rightly asked in
vain. His place of repose is better in those remote and forsaken
streets "by the shore of the Adrian Sea," hard by the last relics
of the Roman Empire&mdash;the mausoleum of the children of
Theodosius, and the mosaics of Justinian&mdash;than among the assembled
dead of St. Croce, or amid the magnificence of Santa
Maria del Fiore.</p>

<p>The <i>Commedia</i>, at the first glance, shows the traces of its
author's life. It is the work of a wanderer. The very form in
which it is cast is that of a journey, difficult, toilsome, perilous,
and full of change. It is more than a working out of that
touching phraseology of the Middle Ages in which "the way"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span>
was the technical theological expression for this mortal life; and
"viator" meant man in his state of trial, as "comprehensor"
meant man made perfect, having attained to his heavenly
country. It is more than merely this. The writer's mind is
full of the recollections and definite images of his various journeys.
The permanent scenery of the <i>inferno</i> and <i>purgatorio</i>,
very variously and distinctly marked, is that of travel. The
descent down the sides of the Pit, and the ascent of the Sacred
Mountain, show one familiar with such scenes&mdash;one who had
climbed painfully in perilous passes, and grown dizzy on the
brink of narrow ledges over sea or torrent. It is scenery from
the gorges of the Alps and Apennines, or the terraces and
precipices of the Riviera. Local reminiscences abound. The
severed rocks of the Adige Valley&mdash;the waterfall of St. Benedetto;
the crags of Pietra-pana and St. Leo, which overlook the
plains of Lucca and Ravenna; the "fair river" that flows among
the poplars between Chiaveri and Sestri; the marble quarries
of Carrara; the "rough and desert ways between Lerici and
Turbia," and whose towery cliffs, going sheer into the deep sea
at Noli, which travellers on the Corniche road some thirty years
ago may yet remember with fear. Mountain experience furnished
that picture of the traveller caught in an Alpine mist and
gradually climbing above it; seeing the vapors grow thin, and
the sun's orb appear faintly through them; and issuing at last
into sunshine on the mountain top, while the light of sunset
was lost already on the shores below:</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"Ai raggi, morti gia' bassi lidi,"<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">40</a></span>
</div>
</div>

<p>or that image of the cold dull shadow over the torrent, beneath
the Alpine fir:</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i3">"Un' ombra smorta</span>
<span class="i0">Qual sotto foglie verdi e rami nigri</span>
<span class="i0">Sovra suoi freddi rivi, l'Alpe porta;"<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">41</a></span>
</div>
</div>

<p>or of the large snowflakes falling without wind among the mountains:</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span></p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i2">"d'un cader lento</span>
<span class="i0">Piovean di fuoco dilatate falde</span>
<span class="i0">Come di neve in Alpe senza vento."<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">42</a></span>
</div>
</div>

<p>Of these years, then, of disappointment and exile the <i>Divina
Commedia</i> was the labor and fruit. A story in Boccaccio's
life of Dante, told with some detail, implies, indeed, that it was
begun, and some progress made in it, while Dante was yet in
Florence&mdash;begun in Latin, and he quotes three lines of it&mdash;continued
afterward in Italian. This is not impossible; indeed,
the germ and presage of it may be traced in the <i>Vita Nuova</i>.
The idealized saint is there, in all the grace of her pure and
noble humbleness, the guide and safeguard of the poet's soul.
She is already in glory with Mary the Queen of Angels. She
already beholds the face of the Ever-blessed. And the <i>envoye</i>
of the <i>Vita Nuova</i> is the promise of the <i>Commedia</i>. "After this
sonnet" (in which he describes how beyond the widest sphere
of heaven his love had beheld a lady receiving honor and dazzling
by her glory the unaccustomed spirit)&mdash;"After this sonnet
there appeared to me a marvellous vision, in which I saw things
which made me resolve not to speak more of this blessed one
until such time as I should be able to indite more worthily of
her. And to attain to this, I study to the utmost of my power,
as she truly knows. So that it shall be the pleasure of Him,
by whom all things live, that my life continue for some years,
I hope to say of her that which never hath been said of any
woman. And afterward, may it please him, who is the Lord
of kindness, that my soul may go to behold the glory of her lady,
that is, of that blessed Beatrice, who gloriously gazes on the
countenance of Him, <i>qui est per omnia secula benedictus</i>." It
would be wantonly violating probability and the unity of a
great life to suppose that this purpose, though transformed, was
ever forgotten or laid aside. The poet knew not, indeed, what
he was promising, what he was pledging himself to&mdash;through
what years of toil and anguish he would have to seek the light
and the power he had asked; in what form his high venture
should be realized.</p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span>
But the <i>Commedia</i> is the work of no light resolve, and we
need not be surprised at finding the resolve and the purpose at
the outset of the poet's life. We may freely accept the key
supplied by the words of the <i>Vita Nuova</i>. The spell of boyhood
is never broken, through the ups and downs of life. His
course of thought advances, alters, deepens, but is continuous.
From youth to age, from the first glimpse to the perfect work,
the same idea abides with him, "even from the flower till the
grape was ripe." It may assume various changes&mdash;an image
of beauty, a figure of philosophy, a voice from the other world,
a type of heavenly wisdom and joy&mdash;but still it holds, in self-imposed
and willing thraldom, that creative and versatile and
tenacious spirit. It was the dream and hope of too deep and
strong a mind to fade and come to naught&mdash;to be other than
the seed of the achievement and crown of life. But with all
faith in the star and the freedom of genius, we may doubt
whether the prosperous citizen would have done that which was
done by the man without a home. Beatrice's glory might have
been sung in grand though barbarous Latin to the <i>literati</i> of the
fourteenth century; or a poem of new beauty might have fixed
the language and opened the literature of modern Italy; but it
could hardly have been the <i>Commedia</i>. That belongs, in its
date and its greatness, to the time when sorrow had become the
poet's daily portion and the condition of his life.</p>

<p>But such greatness had to endure its price and its counterpoise.
Dante was alone&mdash;except in his visionary world, solitary
and companionless. The blind Greek had his throng
of listeners; the blind Englishman his home and the voices of
his daughters; Shakespeare had his free associates of the stage;
Goethe, his correspondents, a court, and all Germany to applaud.
Not so Dante. The friends of his youth are already
in the region of spirits, and meet him there&mdash;Casella, Forese;
Guido Cavalcanti will soon be with them. In this upper world
he thinks and writes as a friendless man&mdash;to whom all that he
had held dearest was either lost or imbittered; he thinks and
writes for himself.</p>

<p>So comprehensive in interest is the <i>Commedia</i>. Any attempt
to explain it, by narrowing that interest to politics, philosophy,
the moral life, or theology itself, must prove inadequate. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>ology
strikes the keynote; but history, natural and metaphysical
science, poetry, and art, each in their turn join in the harmony,
independent, yet ministering to the whole. If from the poem
itself we could be for a single moment in doubt of the reality
and dominant place of religion in it, the plain-spoken prose of
the <i>Convito</i> would show how he placed "the Divine Science, full
of all peace, and allowing no strife of opinions and sophisms,
for the excellent certainty of its subject, which is God," is single
perfection above all other sciences, "which are, as Solomon
speaks, but queens or concubines or maidens; but she is the
'Dove,' and the 'perfect one'&mdash;'Dove,' because without stain
of strife; 'perfect,' because perfectly she makes us behold the
truth, in which our soul stills itself and is at rest." But the
same passage shows likewise how he viewed all human knowledge
and human interests, as holding their due place in the
hierarchy of wisdom, and among the steps of man's perfection.
No account of the <i>Commedia</i> will prove sufficient which does
not keep in view, first of all, the high moral purpose and deep
spirit of faith with which it was written, and then the wide
liberty of materials and means which the poet allowed himself
in working out his design.</p>

<p>Doubtless his writings have a political aspect. The "great
Ghibelline poet" is one of Dante's received synonymes; of his
strong political opinions, and the importance he attached to
them, there can be no doubt. And he meant his poem to be the
vehicle of them, and the record to all ages of the folly and
selfishness with which he saw men governed. That he should
take the deepest interest in the goings-on of his time is part of
his greatness; to suppose that he stopped at them, or that he
subordinated to political objects or feelings all the other elements
of his poem, is to shrink up that greatness into very narrow
limits. Yet this has been done by men of mark and ability, by
Italians, by men who read the <i>Commedia</i> in their own mother
tongue. It has been maintained as a satisfactory account of it&mdash;maintained
with great labor and pertinacious ingenuity&mdash;that
Dante meant nothing more by his poem than the conflicts and
ideal triumphs of a political party. The hundred cantos of that
vision of the universe are but a manifesto of the Ghibelline
propaganda, designed, under the veil of historic images and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span>
scenes, to insinuate what it was dangerous to announce; and
Beatrice, in all her glory and sweetness, is but a specimen of the
jargon and slang of Ghibelline freemasonry. When Italians
write thus, they degrade the greatest name of their country to a
depth of laborious imbecility, to which the trifling of schoolmen
and academicians is as nothing. It is to solve the enigma of
Dante's works by imagining for him a character in which it is
hard to say which predominates, the pedant, mountebank, or
infidel. After that we may read Voltaire's sneers with patience,
and even enter with gravity on the examination of Father
Hardouin's historic doubts. The fanaticism of an outraged liberalism,
produced by centuries of injustice and despotism, is but
a poor excuse for such perverse blindness.</p>

<p>Dante was not a Ghibelline, though he longed for the interposition
of an imperial power. Historically he did not belong
to the Ghibelline party. It is true that he forsook the Guelfs,
with whom he had been brought up, and that the White Guelfs,
with whom he was expelled from Florence, were at length
merged and lost in the Ghibelline party; and he acted with
them for a time. But no words can be stronger than those in
which he disjoins himself from that "evil and foolish company,"
and claims his independence&mdash;</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i2">"A te fia bello</span>
<span class="i0">Averti fatto parte per te stesso."<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">43</a></span>
</div>
</div>

<p>Dante, by the <i>Divina Commedia</i>, was the restorer of seriousness
in literature. He was so by the magnitude and pretensions
of his work, and by the earnestness of its spirit. He first broke
through the prescription which had confined great works to the
Latin, and the faithless prejudices which, in the language of
society, could see powers fitted for no higher task than that of
expressing, in curiously diversified forms, its most ordinary
feelings. But he did much more. Literature was going astray
in its tone, while growing in importance; the <i>Commedia</i> checked
it. The Proven&ccedil;al and Italian poetry was, with the exception
of some pieces of political satire, almost exclusively amatory,
in the most fantastic and affected fashion. In expression, it
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>
had not even the merit of being natural; in purpose, it was
trifling; in the spirit which it encouraged, it was something
worse. Doubtless it brought a degree of refinement with it,
but it was refinement purchased at a high price, by intellectual
distortion and moral insensibility. But this was not all. The
brilliant age of Frederick II, for such it was, was deeply mined
by religious unbelief. However strange this charge first sounds
against the thirteenth century, no one can look at all closely
into its history, at least in Italy, without seeing that the idea
of infidelity&mdash;not heresy, but infidelity&mdash;was quite a familiar one;
and that, side by side with the theology of Aquinas and Bonaventura,
there was working among those who influenced fashion
and opinion, among the great men, and the men to whom
learning was a profession, a spirit of scepticism and irreligion
almost monstrous for its time, which found its countenance in
Frederick's refined and enlightened court. The genius of the
great doctors might have kept in safety the Latin schools, but
not the free and home thoughts which found utterance in the
language of the people, if the solemn beauty of the Italian
<i>Commedia</i> had not seized on all minds. It would have been
an evil thing for Italian, perhaps for European, literature if the
siren tales of the <i>Decameron</i> had not been the first to occupy
the ears with the charms of a new language.</p>


<p>Dante's all-surveying, all-embracing mind was worthy to
open the grand procession of modern poets. He had chosen his
subject in a region remote from popular thought&mdash;too awful for
it, too abstruse. He had accepted frankly the dogmatic limits
of the Church, and thrown himself with even enthusiastic
faith into her reasonings, at once so bold and so undoubting&mdash;her
spirit of certainty, and her deep contemplations on the
unseen and infinite. And in literature, he had taken as guides
and models, above all criticism and all appeal, the classical
writers. But with his mind full of the deep and intricate
questions of metaphysics and theology, and his poetical taste
always owing allegiance to Vergil, Ovid, and Statius&mdash;keen
and subtle as a schoolman&mdash;as much an idolater of old heathen
art and grandeur as the men of the Renaissance&mdash;his eye
is yet as open to the delicacies of character, to the variety of
external nature, to the wonders of the physical world&mdash;his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span>
interest in them as diversified and fresh, his impressions as
sharp and distinct, his rendering of them as free and true and
forcible, as little weakened or confused by imitation or by conventional
words, his language as elastic and as completely under
his command, his choice of poetic materials as unrestricted and
original, as if he had been born in days which claim as their own
such freedom and such keen discriminative sense of what is real
in feeling and image&mdash;as if he had never felt the attractions of a
crabbed problem of scholastic logic, or bowed before the mellow
grace of the Latins. It may be said, indeed, that the time was
not yet come when the classics could be really understood and
appreciated; and this is true, perhaps fortunate. But admiring
them with a kind of devotion, and showing not seldom that
he had caught their spirit, he never attempts to copy them. His
poetry in form and material is all his own. He asserted the
poet's claim to borrow from all science, and from every phase
of nature, the associations and images which he wants; and he
showed that those images and associations did not lose their
poetry by being expressed with the most literal reality.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span></p>
<h2>THIRD ESTATE JOINS IN THE GOVERNMENT
OF FRANCE</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1302</h6>

<h3>HENRI MARTIN<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">44</a></h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>At the commencement of the fourteenth century, when the power of
Philip IV of France (surnamed the "Fair") was at its height, contentions
arose between him and Pope Boniface VIII over the taxation of
the clergy, and the right of nomination to vacant bishoprics and benefices
within the dominions of the French King.</p>

<p>Affairs reached a crisis when Philip laid claim to the county of Melgueil,
which the Bishop of Maguelonne held in fief from the holy see.
Boniface provoked Philip by a chiding bull, and added to the provocation
by sending to the King, as negotiator in their differences, Bernard de
Saisset, whom the Pope, in spite of the King, had created Bishop of
Pamiers.</p>

<p>This tactless prelate made matters worse by an arrogant attitude, and
afterward spoke of the King, who received him in sombre silence, as "that
debaser of coinage, that proud and dumb image that knows nothing but
to stare at people without saying anything."</p>

<p>Ignoring his ambassadorial privileges, Philip had him arrested and
imprisoned as a French subject, on a charge of treason, heresy, and blasphemy,
and sent his chancellor, Peter Flotte, and William de Nogaret, to
the Pope, to demand the prelate's degradation and deprivation of his
see.</p>

<p>The Pope, who meanwhile had launched his famous "Ausculta, fili,"
bull, received Philip's ambassadors, but their interview was marked by a
violent scene: "My power!" exclaimed the Pope, "the spiritual power
embraces and includes the temporal power!"</p>

<p>"So be it!" replied Flotte, "but your power is verbal; that of the
King, real."</p>

<p>To deliberate on the remedies for the abuses of which he deemed the
King guilty, the Pope summoned all the superior clergy of France to an
assembly at Rome.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_p.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="P" />HILIP and his council resolved to fight the enemy with its
own weapons, to enlist public opinion on their side, and to
shelter themselves behind a great national manifestation; the
three estates of France were convoked at Notre Dame in Paris,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>the 10th of April, 1302, to take cognizance of the differences
between the King and the Pope. For the first time since the
establishment of the kingdom of France, the town deputies
were called to sit in a body in a national assembly, alongside of
prelates and barons; this great event was the official acknowledgment
of the middle class as the "Third Estate," and attested
that henceforth the villages, the towns, the communities
formed a collective entity, a political order.</p>


<p>It is a singular thing that the first states-general was freely convoked
by the most despotic of the kings of the Middle Ages, and
that he had the idea to seek in them moral power and support.</p>

<p>The attempt would seem foolhardy in a prince so little
popular as Philip the Fair; but Philip in reality risked nothing,
and knew it; the feudality did not possess sufficient union, the
people did not have enough force to profit on this occasion
against the Crown. Besides, the Pope was more unpopular
than the King, and had been so for a much longer time; the
nobility, which, since the reign of St. Louis, had coalesced to
resist clerical jurisdiction, had not changed in sentiment; as to
the people, filled with the remembrance of St. Louis, they
loved the King still, better than the Pope, notwithstanding the
oppressions of Philip, and besides it was easy to foresee that the
mayors, consuls, aldermen, jurats or magistrates, who were to
represent their cities in the great assembly at Paris, dazzled
with the unaccustomed <i>r&ocirc;le</i> to which they were called, and
desirous to please the King in their personal interest or in that
of their towns, would be under the control of the adroit lawyers
who were prepared to work on their minds and to direct the
debates. The bull, nevertheless, if its exact tenor had been
known, might well have produced in many respects a contrary
effect to the wishes of the King. The reproaches of Boniface
touching the debasement of the coinage and the royal exactions,
reproaches which so irritated Philip, might have met with other
sentiments from the townsmen. The chancellor, Peter Flotte,
foresaw this; he distributed among the public, instead of the
original bull, a species of <i>r&eacute;sum&eacute;</i> in which he had assembled, in
a few lines, in the crudest terms, the most exorbitant pretensions
of Boniface, at the same time suppressing everything which
touched on the troubles of the nation against the King.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span></p>

<p>"Boniface, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Philip,
King of the French; fear God and observe his commandments.
We want you to know that you are subject to us temporarily as
well as spiritually; that the collation of the benefices and the
prebends&mdash;revenues attached to the canonical positions&mdash;do not
belong to you in any way; that if you have care of the vacant
benefices, it is to reserve their revenue for their successors; that
if you have misapplied any of these benefices, we declare that
collation invalid and revoke it, declaring as heretics all those
who think otherwise.</p>

<p>"Given in the Lateran in the month of December, etc."</p>

<p>At the same time they caused to be circulated a pretended
answer to the pretended bull:</p>

<p>"Philip, by the Grace of God, King of the French, to Boniface,
who gives out that he is sovereign pontiff, little or no salutations!
May your very great Fatuity know that we are subject
to no one as regards temporal power: that the collation of
vacant churches and prebends belongs to us by Royal Right;
that the incomes belong to us; that the collations made and to
be made by us are valid in the past and in the future, and that
we will manfully protect their possessors toward and against all.
Those who think otherwise we take to be fools and insane."</p>

<p>This brutal letter was not destined to be sent to its address,
but to abase the pontifical dignity, or at least the person of the
Pope, in the eyes of the French public. The spirit of the people
must have been greatly changed if this end could be thus
attained by a means which formerly would have drawn universal
indignation on the head of the sacrilegious monarch.</p>

<p>The attack of Philip, on the contrary, was completely effectual.
The prelates arrived at the states-general timid, irresolute,
neutralized by the difficulties of their position between
the King and the Pope; the lords and the townsmen hastened
thither irritated against the bull, heated by the violence of the
royal answer. The members of the assembly were influenced
each by the other according to their arrival; the pungent and
wily eloquence of Peter Flotte did the rest. The chancellor, as
the first of the great crown officers and the king's chief justice,
opened the states by a long harangue in which, speaking in
the name of Philip, he exposed with much force and ingenuity<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>
the enterprises of the court of Rome and its wrongs toward the
kingdom and the Church.</p>

<p>"The Pope confers the bishoprics and the rectories on strangers
and unknown individuals who never become residents.
The prelates no longer have benefices to give to nobles whose
ancestors founded the churches, and to other lettered persons;
from which results also that gifts are no longer given to the
churches. The Pope imposes on the churches and benefices
pensions, subsidies, exactions of all kinds. The bishops are
kept from their ministry, being obliged to go to the holy see to
carry presents&mdash;always presents. All these abuses have done
nothing but increase under the actual pontificate, and increase
every day&mdash;conditions that can no longer be tolerated. That
is why I command you as your master and pray you as your
friend to give me counsel and help."</p>

<p>The Chancellor added that the King had resolved, on his
own initiative, to remedy the encroachments that his officers had
made on the rights of the Church, and would have done so sooner
had he not feared the appearance of submitting to the menaces
and orders of the Pope, who pretended to reduce to a condition
of vassalage the most noble kingdom of France, which had never
been raised but from God. Peter Flotte dwelt especially on this
latter argument, and appealed in turn to the interests of the
nobility and of the clergy, and to national pride. The fiery
Count of Artois arose, and exclaimed that even if the King submitted
to the encroachments of the Pope, the nobility would
not suffer them, and that the gentry would never acknowledge
any temporal superior other than the King. The nobility and
the Third Estate confirmed these words by their acclamations,
and swore to sacrifice their properties and lives to defend the
temporal independence of the kingdom. A Norman advocate,
named Dubosc, procurator of the commune of Coutances,
accused the Pope, in writing, of heresy for having wanted to
despoil the King of the independence of the crown which he
held from God. The embarrassment of the clergy was extreme;
the members of the Church, fearing to be crushed in the crash
between King and Pope, asked time for deliberation; their
declaration in the assembly then being held, was insisted upon;
already cries arose around them that whoever did not subscribe<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span>
to the oath would be held as an enemy of the State; they acquiesced,
satisfied apparently by an appearance of violence which
would serve them for an excuse at Rome. They acknowledged
themselves obliged, in common with the other orders, to defend
the rights of the King and of the kingdom, whether they held
estates from the King or not; then they prayed the King to be
allowed to go to the council convoked by the Pope; the King
and the barons declared themselves formally opposed.</p>

<p>The three orders then separated, so as to write to the court at
Rome each its own side of the affair; the letters of the nobility
and of the Third Estate&mdash;which as may be imagined were all
prepared in advance by the agents of the King, and were only
subscribed to and sealed by the assistants&mdash;were addressed,
not to the Pope, but to the college of cardinals. The despatch
of the barons expresses rudely the tortuous and unreasonable
enterprises of him who, at present, is at the seat and government
of the Church, and declares that neither the nobility nor the
universities nor the people require correction or imposition of
any trouble, whether by the authority of the Pope or anyone
else&mdash;unless it be from their sire, the King. This letter is
signed, not only by the principal lords of the kingdom, but also
by several great barons of the empire.</p>

<p>The epistle of the mayors, aldermen, jurats, consuls, universities,
communes, and communities of the towns of the kingdom
of France has not been preserved. It is known only, by
the answer that the cardinals made, that it was conceived in
the same spirit as the letter of the barons. The letter of the
clergy is quite in another style: the clerks address their very
holy father and very holy sire, the Pope; expose to him the
complaints of the King and of the nobility; the necessity in
which they find themselves engaged to defend the King's rights,
and the anger of the laity; the imminent rupture of France
with the Roman Church&mdash;and even of the people with the
clergy in general&mdash;and conjure the highest prudence of the
Pope to conserve the ancient union by revoking the convocation
of the ecclesiastical council.</p>

<p>The states-general were dissolved immediately after the
unique <i>s&eacute;ance</i> which had so well responded to the desires of the
King. The means employed to attain this result were not entirely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>tirely
loyal, nor was public opinion altogether free; it was but
slightly enlightened on the grave debates that the authorities
affected to submit to it. Nevertheless it was an important matter,
this call to the French nation, and it must be acknowledged
that the genius of France responded in proclaiming national
independence, and in repelling the intervention of the court of
Rome in the internal politics of the country.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span></p>
<h2>WAR OF THE FLEMINGS WITH PHILIP THE
FAIR OF FRANCE</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1302</h6>

<h3>EYRE EVANS CROWE</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Toward the beginning of the thirteenth century the people of Flanders,
whose country had been for centuries a feudal dependency of France,
were considerably advanced in wealth and importance. They had become
restive under the French rule, and their discontent ripened into
settled hostility. Common commercial interests drew them into friendship
with England, and in the quarrel between Philip the Fair and Edward
I, 1295, concerning Edward's rule in Guienne (Aquitaine) the Flemings
allied themselves with the English King.</p>

<p>In 1297 Philip invaded Flanders and gained several successes against
the Flemings, who were feebly aided by King Edward. In 1299 the two
kings settled their quarrel, and the Flemings were left to the vengeance
of Philip, for in the pacification the court of Flanders was not included.
A French army entered the Flemish territory, inflicted two defeats upon
the Count's troops, and received the submission of the Count. Philip
annexed Flanders to his crown and appointed a governor over the Flemings.
In less than two years they rose in furious revolt. The insurrection
began at Bruges, May 18, 1302, when over three thousand Frenchmen
in that city were massacred by the insurgents. This massacre was
called the "Bruges Matins." Such an outrage upon the French crown
could not but bring upon the Flemings all the forces that Philip was able
to muster. The two leading actions of the ensuing war&mdash;that at Courtrai,
known as the "Battle of the Spurs," on account of the number of
gilt spurs captured by the Flemings, and the engagement at Mons-la-Puelle&mdash;are
described in the course of the narrative which follows. As
a result of the battle of Courtrai the French nobility were nearly destroyed,
and Philip found it necessary to recreate his titled bodies.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE Flemings prepared to resist the storm. They chose
Guy of Juliers, grandson of the Count of Flanders, to be
their commander. Though a cleric, he did not hesitate to obey
the call, in order to avenge his family, so cruelly betrayed by the
French King. His brother, made prisoner at Furnes by the
Count d'Artois, had perished in that rude Prince's keeping.
His first attempt was to induce the people of Ghent to join the
insurrection, but its rich burgesses preferred French rule to
that of the Count of Flanders. Bruges, however, was supported<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>
by all the lesser and maritime towns of Flanders. Guy of Namur,
a son of the Count, who had escaped to Germany, also
returned with a body of soldiers from that country, and reassured
the Flemings. These surprised one of the ducal manors, in
which were five hundred French, and then took Courtrai, occupying
the town, but not the castle. It was immediately besieged,
as well as that of Cassel, the people of Ypres rallying to the
French cause. The French garrison of the town of Courtrai
sent pressing messengers for aid, and Robert of Artois marched
with seven thousand knights and forty thousand foot, of which
one-fourth were archers. The Flemish were but twenty thousand,
of which none but the chiefs had horses. Neither was
their armor nor their weapons of a perfect kind, the latter being
a lance like a boar-spear, or a knotted stick pointed with iron,
and called in Flemish a "good day." The princes of Juliers
and Namur posted their combatants on the road which leads
from Courtrai to Ghent, behind a canal that communicated
with the river Lys. A priest came with the host, but, there being
no time to receive the communion, each man took some earth
in his mouth. The counts then knighted Pierre Konig and the
chiefs of bands, and took their station on foot with the rest.</p>

<p>The French had nine battalions or divisions, their archers
or light troops being Lombards or Navarrese and Proven&ccedil;als.
These the constable placed foremost, to commence the fight and
harass the Flemings by their missiles. But the Count d'Artois
overruled this man&oelig;uvre, and called it a Lombard trick, reproaching
the Constable de Nesle with appreciating the Flemings
too highly because of his connection with them. (He had
married a daughter of the Count of Flanders.) "If you advance
as far as I shall," replied the Count, "you will go far enough, I
warrant." So saying he put spurs to his horse and led on his
knights; on which the Count d'Artois and the French squadrons
charged also. This formidable cavalry could not reach
the Flemings, but fell one over the other into the canal, which
they had not perceived, and which was five fathoms wide and
three deep. The Flemish counts, seeing the disorder, instantly
passed the canal on either side to take advantage of it, and fell
on the discomfited French. The battle was but a massacre.
Numbers of the French nobles perished&mdash;the Count d'Artois,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>
Godfrey of Brabant and his son, the counts of Eu and of Albemarle,
the Constable and his brother, De Tanquerville, Pierre
Flotte, the Chancellor, and Jacques de St. Pol&mdash;in all some
six thousand knights. Louis of Clermont and one or two others
escaped, to the damage of their reputation. This battle of Courtrai
was fought on July 11, 1302.</p>

<p>Had the war not been one exclusively of defence on the part
of the Flemings, or had they had ambitious and adventurous
chiefs, such a disaster might have endangered the throne of
France. It was the Flemish democracy which had conquered,
and its chiefs contented themselves with reducing the remaining
cities, and expelling the gentry and rich citizens as of French
inclinations. This reaction extended from Flanders into Brabant
and Hainault. Philip in the mean time exerted all his
activities and resources. Had he been an English king he
would have called his parliament together, and have found
national support and national supplies. The French King preferred
having recourse to a recoinage. In 1294 he had forbidden
any persons to keep plate unless they possessed an annual
revenue of six thousand livres. He now ordered his bailies to
deliver up their plate, and all non-functionaries to send half of
theirs. Those who did so received payment in the new coin,
and lost one-half thereby. A tax of one-fifth, or 20 per cent.,
of the annual revenue was levied on the land, and a twentieth
was levied on the movable property. In the following
year the King found it more advantageous to order that all
prelates and barons should, for every five hundred livres of
yearly revenue in land, furnish an armed and mounted gentleman
for five months' service, while the non-noble was to furnish
and keep up six infantry soldiers (<i>sergens de pied</i>) for every
hundred hearths. This decree was a return to feudal military
service, occasioned, no doubt, by the general disaffection caused
by the raising of the war supplies in money. As if to recompense
all classes for the severity of the exaction, Philip published
an <i>ordonnance</i> of reform for the protection of both laymen
and ecclesiastics from the arbitrary encroachments or interference
of his officers.</p>

<p>Having thus set his realm in order, and collected an army of
seventy thousand men at Arras, the King marched to meet the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>
Flemings, who in equal force had mustered in the vicinity of
Dovai. They kept, as at Courtrai, on the defensive; and the
King of France, too cautious to attack them, allowed the whole
autumn to pass, and returned to France after a campaign as
inefficient as inglorious.</p>

<p>Philip had been long involved in a controversy with Pope
Boniface VIII, and the quarrel still continued. It was not till
some time after the battle of Courtrai that the King at last,
delivered from the menacing hostility of Rome, had leisure to
turn his mind and efforts again toward Flanders. During the
year 1303 he had sought to keep the Flemings at bay by bodies
of Lombard and Tuscan infantry, whom his Florentine banker
persuaded him to hire, and by Amadeus V, Duke of Savoy, who
brought soldiers of that country to his aid. Although the long
lances and more perfect armor of these troops gave them some
advantage over the Flemings, the latter took and burned Therouanne,
overran Artois, and laid siege to Tournai. Amadeus of
Savoy, unable to overcome the Flemings by arms, recommended
Philip to do so by treaty, and the King accordingly concluded
a pacification, one condition of which was that the Count of
Flanders should be released from prison to negotiate terms of
fresh accommodation. The Flemings received the aged Count
with respect; but he brought no terms which they were willing
to accept; and he returned, as he had pledged his word, to captivity
at Compi&egrave;gne, where he soon after died.</p>

<p>For the campaign of the following year Philip, in lieu of Italian
infantry, took sixteen Genoese galleys into his pay, commanded
by Rainier de Grimaldi. This admiral passed through
the Straits of Gibraltar and assailed the maritime towns and
shipping of Flanders. Guy of Namur mustered to oppose them
a fleet of greater numbers; but the Genoese, accustomed to
naval warfare, defeated the Flemings and took Guy of Namur
prisoner. Philip, at the same time, assembled a large army at
Tournai, and marched to Mons-la-Puelle, near Lille, where the
Flemings, to the number of seventy thousand, were encamped
within a circumvallation of cars and chariots. There was no
Robert of Artois on this occasion to precipitate a rash onslaught,
and by Philip's order the southern light troops harassed the
Flemings all day with arrows and missiles, allowing them no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>
repose. Toward the evening many of the French withdrew to
refresh themselves and take off their armor; the King himself
was of this number; the Flemings, perceiving this slackness,
and divining the cause, poured forth from their encampment
in three divisions, which at first drove all before them, and
reached as far as the King's tent, then in full preparation for
supper. The monarch himself, without armor or helmet, was
fortunately not recognized; his secretary, De Boville, and two
Parisians of the name of Gentien, whom Philip had always about
his person, were slain before his eyes. The King withdrew,
but it was to arm, mount on horseback, and cry out to his followers
to stand their ground. He himself, says Villani, "one
of the strongest and best made men of his time," fought valiantly
until his brother Charles and most of the barons, recovering from
the first panic, came to his rescue, and the Flemings were finally
repulsed and put to the rout. William of Juliers fell on the side
of the Flemings; the son of the Duke of Burgundy and many
others on that of the French. Philip immediately laid siege to
Lille, deeming the Flemings totally discomfited. They had,
however, rallied, obtained re&euml;nforcements at Bruges and at
Ghent, and in three weeks appeared to the number of fifty
thousand before the King's camp at Lille, crying for battle.
Philip called a council, and observed that "even a victory would
be dearly purchased over a party so desperate."</p>

<p>The Duke of Brabant and the Count of Savoy therefore
undertook to negotiate with the Flemings, and Philip consented
to grant them fair terms. He recognized their independent
rights, agreed to liberate Robert, eldest son of Guido, Count of
Flanders, as well as all those in captivity. He granted Robert
and his son the fiefs which belonged to him in France, especially
that of Nevers, and promised to give him investiture of the
County of Flanders. The Flemings, on their side, consented to
pay two hundred thousand livres, and to leave the King of
France in possession of the three towns of Lille, Douai, and
B&eacute;thune, that part of Flanders in which French was spoken. It
was thus, at least, that the French interpreted the treaty, while
the Flemings afterward alleged that French Flanders was merely
a pledge for the payment of the money, not an alienation to the
crown of France.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span></p>
<h2>FIRST SWISS STRUGGLE FOR LIBERTY</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1308</h6>

<h3>F. GRENFELL BAKER</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Owing to the fact that the house of Hapsburg had its origin in Switzerland,
the accession of Rudolph I, founder of the Hapsburg dynasty, to
the throne of Germany (1273), with the virtual headship of the Holy
Roman Empire, was an event of great importance in the history of the
Swiss cantons. To this day the paternal domains whence the Hapsburg
family takes its name are a part of Swiss territory. The local administration,
as well as such imperial offices as still remained in the free communities
of Switzerland, were largely in the hands of this family long
before it gave sovereigns to the empire itself. Its chiefs were the chosen
champions or advocates of the district.</p>

<p>Of the Swiss communities Uri seems to have first established its freedom
within the empire, and in that canton liberty was most completely
preserved from the perils that always threatened Switzerland in this
period. Under Rudolph it was at first the policy of the empire to secure
the attachment of the Swiss by making the two other cantons, Schwyz
and Unterwalden, similarly independent. But toward the end of his
reign the policy of Rudolph was so influenced by ambition for territorial
expansion that the Swiss began to feel an encroachment upon their independence.
In 1291, the year of Rudolph's death, the three cantons, fearing
danger to their interests in the new settlement of the crown, formed
a league for mutual protection and co&ouml;peration. The very parchment on
which the terms of this union were written "has been preserved as a
testimony to the early independence of the Forest Cantons, the Magna
Charta of Switzerland." The formation of this confederacy may be regarded
as the first combined preparation of the Swiss for that great
struggle in defence of their liberties, in the history of which fact and
legend, as shown in Baker's discriminating narrative, are romantically
blended.</p>

<p>The empire passed out of the Hapsburg control when Rudolph died,
but the family again got possession of it in 1298, when Rudolph's son
Albert was elected German king. In the following account the relations
of Switzerland and Austria, under the renewed Hapsburg sovereignty, are
circumstantially set forth.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HERE can be little doubt that most of the many stories
related by the Swiss of the cruelty and extortion of the
Austrian bailies are wholly or in great part devoid of a historical
basis of truth, as are the dates given for their occurrence.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>
They doubtless sprang from the very natural feelings of hatred
the mountaineers of the Forest State felt against a foreign
master, who was probably only too ready to punish them for
the part they took against him in the struggle for the imperial
throne. Indeed, it was not till about two centuries after this
period that any reference to the alleged cruelties of the Austrians
can be found in the local records, though legends about
them have been plentiful.</p>

<p>Many and various are the stories that have come down to
our times of the oppression and licentiousness of the bailies,
most of which have probably gained much color by constant
repetition, even if they were not wholly created by imagination
and hatred of the Austrian rule. According to these accounts,
the local despots imposed exorbitant fines for trivial offences,
and frequently sent prisoners to Zug and Lucerne to be tried by
Austrian judges. They levied enormously increased taxes and
imports on every commodity, and exacted payment in the most
merciless manner; they openly violated the liberties of the
people, and chose every occasion to insult and degrade them.
An oft-quoted instance of their cruelty is recorded of a bailie
named Landenburg, who publicly reproved a peasant for living
in a house above his station. On another occasion, having fined
an old and much respected laborer, named Henry of Melchi, a
yoke of oxen for an imaginary offence, the Governor's messenger
jeeringly told the old man, who was lamenting that if
he lost his cattle he could no longer earn his bread, that if he
wanted to use a plough he had better draw it himself, being
only a vile peasant. To this insult Henry's son Arnold responded
by attacking the messenger and breaking his fingers,
and then, fearing lest his act should bring down some serious
punishment, fled to the mountains, and left his aged father
to Landenburg's vengeance. The bailie confiscated his little
property, imposed a heavy fine, and finally burned out both his
eyes.</p>

<p>The hot irons used in this barbarous punishment, the Swiss
are fond of saying, went deeper than the tyrant intended, and
penetrated to the hearts and aroused the sympathies of their
ancestors to perform such acts of heroism that tyranny fled
in fear from the land. The conduct of Arnold, however, can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>
hardly at this period of his life warrant the eulogies bestowed
upon his memory, though he subsequently figures as one of the
"Men of Ruetli."</p>

<p>Landenburg lived in a castle near Sarnen, in Unterwalden,
where his imperious temper, his exactions, his cruelties, and his
debaucheries aroused a universal feeling of hatred among the
peasants, that culminated in his expulsion and the destruction
of his stronghold. The latter is popularly believed to have
occurred on January 1, 1308. As the bailie left his castle to
attend mass, some forty determined peasants, who had already
bound themselves by oath to free their country at a solemn
meeting on the steep promontory over the Lake of Lucerne
known as the Ruetli, appeared before him carrying sheep, fowls,
and other customary presents, and thus gained admission to
the castle. No sooner were they past the gates than, drawing
the weapons they had till then concealed beneath their clothes,
they disarmed the guard and took possession of the fortress.
Other conspirators were admitted, and the people at once rose
in revolt. Landenburg, hearing while still at church of what had
occurred, managed to effect his escape, and fled to Lucerne. Of
the other bailies, Gessler and Wolfenschiess are believed to have
excited even more hatred than their colleague Landenburg, and to
have exceeded him in acts of savage cruelty and vicious living.</p>

<p>One example out of many similar ones will show the spirit
in which the Swiss traditions have treated the memory of Wolfenschiess.
On a certain day, finding that a peasant named Conrad,
of Baumgarten, whose wife he had frequently tried in
vain to seduce, was absent from home, Wolfenschiess entered
Conrad's house and ordered his wife to prepare him a bath, at
the same time renewing with ardor his former proposals. With
the cunning of her sex, the wife feigned to be willing to accede
to his wishes, and on the pretence of retiring to another room
to undress sped to her husband, who quickly returned and slew
Wolfenschiess while he was still in the bath. After this exploit
an entrance was effected into the bailies' castle of Rotzberg by
one of the conspirators, who was in the habit of paying nightly
visits to a servant living in the castle, by means of a rope attached
to her window, and who then admitted his companions, who were
lying concealed in the moat.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span></p>

<p>But, probably in consequence of his supposed connection
with the legend of William Tell, the bailie to whom the name
of Gessler has been given stands out more prominently in Swiss
history than any other. Gessler's residence, according to tradition,
was a strongly fortified castle built in the valley of Uri,
near Altorf, and this he named Zwing Uri ("Uri's Restraint").
He used every means that cruelty or avarice could suggest in
his conduct as governor, and incurred additional hatred from
the methods he adopted to discover the members of a secret
conspiracy he believed existed against him in the district.
With this object in view, Gessler caused a pole, surmounted
with the ducal cap of Austria, to be set up in the market-place
at Altorf, before which emblem of authority he ordered every
man to uncover and do reverence as he passed. The refusal of
a peasant to obey this command, his arrest, trial, and condemnation
to pierce with an arrow an apple placed on his own child's
head, his dexterity in performing this feat, his escape from his
enemies, his murder of the tyrant Gessler, the solemn compact
sworn at Ruetli, and the revolutionary events that followed form
the motive of the much-celebrated legend of William Tell.</p>

<p>The mythical hero of this shadowy romance has long embodied
in his person the virtues of the typical avenger of the
wrongs of the poor and the oppressed against the tyranny of the
rich and the powerful; his name has been honored and his
manly deeds have been lauded in prose and verse by thousands
in many lands for many centuries, exciting doubtless many a
noble deed of self-denial, and spurring to the forefront many a
popular act of patriotic daring. In Switzerland certainly this
picturesque representative of liberty has done much to mould
the political life, if not also to write many pages of the history of
the people, and that in spite of the questionable morality of the
received narrative of his career, and its unquestionable untruth.
The emergence of the Swiss from slavery to freedom,
as in the case of all other nations, was undoubtedly a gradual
process, and there is now every reason for believing that the
narrative relating to William Tell and the other heroes who are
said to have been the prime instruments in the expulsion of the
Austrian bailies from the districts of the Waldstaette are purely
apocryphal, with a possible substratum of actual fact.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span></p>

<p>It is sad for an individual, and still more so for a nation, to
lose the illusions of youth, if not of innocence, and to awake to
the knowledge of an unbeautiful reality, bereft of all fictitious
adornment. When, however, the naked truth can be discovered&mdash;and
that is seldom the case&mdash;it must be faced; if the national
or individual mind cannot receive it, the fault lies with the
immaturity or morbid condition of the former, not with the material
of the latter.</p>

<p>As the legend of William Tell is more devoid of actual historical
foundation, and is more widely known and believed
than are the many others related as the records of events happening
at the period from which the Swiss date their independence,
it may be as well to devote some little space to its consideration.
All the local records that might possibly throw some
light on the existence and career of Tell have now been thoroughly
searched by many impartial and competent scholars, as
well as by enthusiastic partisans, with the invariable result that,
till a considerable lapse of years after the presumed date of their
deaths, not one particle of evidence has been discovered tending
to prove the identity of either William Tell or of the tyrant
Gessler. On the other hand, many local authorities, as early as
the beginning of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the
story was fully established, have gone out of their way to deny
its truth and prove its entire falsity from their own researches.
Materials, indeed, are many relating to the events that befell the
Waldstaette during their conflicts with the bailies, whom they
succeeded in expelling from their country; and it seems in the
highest degree improbable that, had Tell and his friends lived
and taken so prominent a part in effecting their country's freedom
as is popularly assigned to them, they should have been
entirely ignored by all contemporary writers, as well as by subsequent
ones, for a hundred and fifty or two hundred years&mdash;yet
such is the case.</p>

<p>William Tell is supposed to have performed his heroic deeds
in or about the year 1291, and not till between 1467 and 1474
are his acts recorded, when in a collection of the traditions of
the Canton of Unterwalden, transcribed by a notary at Sarnen,
an account is given of the apple episode and the subsequent
escape of the famous archer, and his murder of Gessler, though<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span>
nothing is said of his having taken part in a league to free his
country or of his being the founder of the confederation. A
little prior to the compilation of the <i>White Book of Sarnen</i>, as this
collection is called, an anonymous poet composed a <i>Song of the
Origin of the Confederation</i>, in which, although no reference is
made to Gessler, the other details are related concerning William
Tell shooting at the apple, the revolt of the peasants, the
expulsion of the bailies, and the formation of a patriotic league.
It is, of course, quite possible that a Gessler was killed by the
peasants, as the name was common enough at the time, but no
member of that family&mdash;the records of which have now been
most carefully traced&mdash;held any office under the Austrians at
that period in any of the Waldstaette, nor is it at all probable that
Austrian bailies governed the districts later than 1231. Neither
is it possible for a bailie named Gessler to have occupied the
castle at the date assigned, the ruins of which have so long been
pointed out as being those of his former abode. So, also, the
celebrated Tell's Chapel on the Vier Waldstaette See, at Kuesnach,
was certainly not built to commemorate the exploits of
Schiller's and Rossini's Swiss hero.</p>

<p>"The fact is that in Gessler we are confronted by a curious
case of confusion in identity. At least three totally different
men seem to have been blended into one in the course of an
attempt to reconcile the different versions of the three cantons.
Felix Hammerlin, of Zurich, in 1450, tells of a Hapsburg governor
being on the little island of Schwanan, in the lake of
Lowerz, who seduced a maid of Schwyz, and was killed by her
brothers. Then there was another person, strictly historical,
Knight Eppo, of Kuesnach, who, while acting as bailiff for the
Duke of Austria, put down two revolts of the inhabitants in his
district, one in 1284 and another in 1302. Finally, there was
the tyrant bailiff mentioned in the ballad of Tell, who, by the
way, a chronicler, writing in 1510, calls, not Gessler, but the
Count of Seedorf. These three persons were combined, and
the result was named Gessler."</p>

<p>Moreover, it is extremely doubtful whether the green plateau
of the Ruetli below Seelisberg, and some six hundred and
fifty feet above the lake, with its miraculous springs, ever witnessed
the patriotic gathering of the thirty-three peasants who,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>
tradition asserts, there formed the league against Austrian rule,
or heard the solemn oath they and their leaders, Stauffacher,
Fuerst, and Arnold, mutually swore.</p>

<p>In all probability the legend of Tell and the apple originated
in Scandinavia, and was brought by the Alemanni into Switzerland;
as into other lands. Saxo Grammaticus, in the <i>Withina
Saga</i>, places the scene of a very similar story in that country,
some three hundred years before the appearance of the Swiss
version, and tells of a certain Danish king named Harold, the
counterpart of Gessler, and one Toki, who played the same <i>r&ocirc;le</i>
enacted by Tell. Like legends are also related of Olaf, Eindridi,
and an almost identical one to that of William Tell of
Egil, who, being ordered by King Nidung to shoot an apple off
the head of the son of the former, took two arrows from his
quiver and prepared to obey. On the King asking why he had
selected two arrows, Egil replied, "To shoot thee, tyrant, with
the second, should the first fail."</p>

<p>Neither are similar narratives absent from the legends of
other countries. Thus Reginald Scott says: "Puncher shot a
penny on his son's head, and made ready another arrow to have
slain the Duke of Rengrave, who commanded it." So also similar
incidents occur in the tales of Adam Bell, <i>Clym of the Clough</i>,
and William of Claudeslie in the <i>Percy Ballads</i>, and in the
legends of many places in Northern Europe. On this subject
Sir Francis Adams mentions, in a note to his valuable book on
the Swiss Confederation, that a well-known citizen of Berne, in
answer to his inquiry as to whether Tell ever existed, replied:
"Not in Switzerland. If you travel in the Hasli districts you
will find a distinct race of men, who are of Scandinavian origin,
and I believe that their ancestors brought the legend with them."
To this it may be added that philologists have long since traced
the rude dialect of Oberhasli to its Scandinavian sources, and
the physical characteristics of the people mark them as of different
racial origin from those around them.</p>

<p>At the period these events were in progress, or, rather, about
the time that the Austrian bailies were expelled, toward the
close of the thirteenth century, the Emperor's<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> attention was too
fully occupied conducting a war against the Bishop of Basel to</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span></p>
<p>allow him to enforce his authority among the revolted Waldstaette.
He did not, however, allow the peasants for long to
enjoy the fruits of their energetic and successful action, as some
six months later he headed a large army with which he intended
to enforce obedience. The expedition thus begun led to Albert's
tragic death, and reared another step leading to the final
independence of the Swiss. On reaching Baden, in the Aargau,
a halt was made in order to deliberate on the best mode of punishing
the rebels. Here a general council of nobles decided,
after careful deliberation, on the route to be taken, and the
nature of the measures best calculated to enforce Albert's
authority. On May 1, 1308, the Emperor, with a few followers,
returned to Rheinfelden, in order to visit the Empress Elizabeth,
preparatory to marching against the Waldstaette. Shortly before
this time Albert had had a violent quarrel with his nephew John,
son of Duke Rudolph of Swabia, touching the youth's paternal
inheritance, which he persistently declined to allow John to take
possession of, and whom he had, moreover, publicly insulted by
offering him a coronet of twigs as the only recompense for his
just claims.</p>


<p>In spite of this quarrel Albert allowed John and four of his
fastest friends to occupy a place in his suite when he left Baden
to visit his consort. Albert's disregard of his nephew's resentment
was further shown when the party arrived on the bank of
the Reuss, as he allowed him, with his friends, to accompany
him in the boat in which he crossed the river. The passage was
made in safety, but just as the Emperor was stepping on shore
near the town of Windisch, John and three of his companions
struck him down with their swords, and after inflicting a number
of severe wounds left him for dead. The unhappy monarch
expired a few minutes after in the arms of a passing peasant
woman. All this bloody scene took place in full view of the
Emperor's train on the opposite side of the river, though no one
apparently was able to render him assistance, probably from the
absence of boats and the suddenness of the tragedy. The murderers
succeeded in making good their escape, though two of
them were afterward captured and executed, as were also a
number of innocent people believed to be participators in the
conspiracy. John himself was more fortunate, for, disguised as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span>
a monk, he managed for many years to hide his identity, and,
after wandering in Tuscany unsuspected, eventually died in a
monastery at Pisa.</p>

<p>Albert's daughter Agnes, Queen of Hungary, "a woman
unacquainted with the milder feelings of piety, but addicted to
a certain sort of devotional habits and practices by no means
inconsistent with implacable vindictiveness," fearfully avenged
his murder. This woman appears to have been seized with a
perfectly demoniacal mania for blood and revenge. Aided by
those in authority, who feared lest a widespread conspiracy had
been formed, she seized, on the slightest suspicion, hundreds of
innocent victims and put them to death with all the ferocity of
a famished beast. Members of nearly a hundred noble families,
and at least a thousand persons of lower rank, of every age and
of both sexes, fell beneath her savage vengeance. She is said to
have further whetted her appetite for horrors by wading, at
Fahrwangen, in the blood of sixty-three innocent knights, exclaiming
the while, "This day we bathe in May-dew." But at
last, after several months, even the implacable bloodthirstiness
of the Hungarian Queen was satisfied, and the massacre ceased.
Over the spot where Albert met his death Agnes built a monastery;
she named it Koenigsfelden and enriched it with the
spoils of her victims. Here she took up her abode for the remainder
of her life, and for nearly fifty years practised the most
rigid asceticism, and here, by the side of her parents, she was
eventually buried. Koenigsfelden stood on the road from Basel
to Baden and Zurich, and within sight of the castle of Hapsburg,
the cradle of the house of Austria.</p>

<p>Strenuous efforts were made by Albert's widow to obtain the
succession to the imperial throne for her son, Frederick, Duke
of Austria, but the choice of the prince-electors, headed by
the Archbishop of Mainz, fell on Count Henry of Luxemburg,
a liberal-minded and generous noble, who was accordingly
crowned, under the title of Henry VII. During the short reign of
this monarch he proved himself a wise and generous friend to
the Swiss, whose privileges he confirmed. He made no effort to
reimpose local governors on the people of the Waldstaette, but,
on the contrary, confirmed the charters of Schwyz and Uri,
granted one to Unterwalden, and acknowledged jurisdiction.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>
After Henry's death, in 1313, civil war once more divided the
empire through the rival contentions of Ludwig (Louis) of
Bavaria and Albert's son, Frederick of Austria. In this contest
the powerful monastery of Einsiedeln sided with the Austrian
candidate, and through its influence induced the Bishop of Constance
to place the large portion of Switzerland supporting the
Bavarian cause under a sentence of excommunication.</p>

<p>Between Einsiedeln and the Waldstaette there had long existed
a feeling of bitter hostility, the canons resenting the independent
spirit displayed by the peasants, and the latter remembering
the many acts of arbitrary oppression they and their
ancestors had suffered at the instance of the abbey. Indeed,
actual hostilities were only prevented by the friendly, though
interested, mediation of the citizens of Zurich, who were most
anxious to preserve tranquillity in the territories of both, in
order to allow their trade with Italy over the St. Gothard being
carried on. They also favored peace, because since the Hapsburgs
had refused permission to the peasants to enter Lucerne,
these had been in the habit of bringing their cattle and dairy
produce through Einsiedeln to the monks of Zurich. The action
of the monks, however, in bringing about the serious sentence
of excommunication so roused the spirit of the mountaineers
that, headed by their Landammann, Werner Stauffacher, they
attacked and captured the abbey, ransacked the whole building
from cellar to altar, and carried off the monks captive to the
town of Schwyz. This daring and sacrilegious act led Frederick&mdash;the
hereditary avoyer of the abbey&mdash;to place the Waldstaette
under the further punishment of the "ban of the empire." Both
these sentences were alike fruitless in bringing the peasants to
submission to the house of Austria. Shortly after, on Ludwig
ascending the throne, the "ban" was removed by the new
monarch, and, with the aid of the Archbishop of Mainz, the
Metropolitan of Constance in 1315, the excommunication was
also revoked.</p>

<p>The triumph of Ludwig's claims over those of Frederick
began that long series of deadly conflicts between the Swiss and
the house of Austria that led the two nations for so many years
to regard each other as natural and implacable enemies. At
this time Austria was governed by Duke Leopold, a man of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span>
arrogant, passionate temper, of unscrupulous ambition, and
brutal cruelty, according to the Swiss chronicles, but who, from
other accounts, does not appear specially to have deserved this
character. His hatred of the Swiss was greatly increased by
their action in opposing his brother, Frederick, in the late
contest. No sooner, indeed, were the troubles of that contest
over than he prepared to wreak his vengeance, and once for all
crush the power and independence of the Forest States, and, as
he declared, "trample the audacious rustics under his feet."</p>

<p>Rapidly collecting his forces, Leopold soon found himself at
the head of fifteen thousand or twenty thousand well-armed
men, including a large body of heavily equipped cavalry. These
latter were then looked upon as the main strength of an army.
Most of the ancient nobility of Hapsburg, Kyburg, and Lenzburg
rallied to his banners, besides many of the lesser nobles
and a contingent from Zurich, the citizens of which, deserting
their natural allies, had formed a treaty with Austria. Against
this formidable array the men of Schwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden
were only able to muster some fourteen hundred men,
who, however, made up for their want of weapons and discipline
by the geographical advantages of the country, by their patriotism,
unity, and determined bravery.</p>

<p>Nothing now seemed to intervene between the Swiss and
imminent destruction, when, viewing with a compassion, most
rare in those days, the impending fate of the heroic mountaineers,
the powerful Count of Toggenborg tried to negotiate a
peace with the Duke. Leopold's terms, however, were so humiliating
and evidently so insincere that nothing came of these
proposals.</p>

<p>On November 3, 1315, Leopold's army reached Baden, where
a council was held to determine upon the details of the campaign,
a campaign having for its object, as the Duke openly declared,
"the extirpation of the whole race of the people of Waldstaette."
The difficulties of the enterprise now began to show themselves,
as several of Leopold's followers, being well acquainted with the
nature of the country and the characters of the inhabitants,
pointed out that both would offer a determined resistance. Finally,
relying upon their numbers and superior arms, it was
settled to march on Schwyz, through the Sattel Pass by Morgarten<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>,
making Zug the base of operations; and while a false
attack should be threatened on the side of Arth, Unterwalden
should be attacked from Lucerne, as well as by a large force
under the Count of Strasburg by way of the Bruenig. Leopold
himself was to lead the main army and enter Schwyz through
the pass. Had these operations remained secret, or been carried
out successfully, the course of Swiss history would probably
have been very different from what it was; but fortunately for
the cause of freedom, the Austrian plans became known in time,
and failed signally when put to the test. According to ancient
chronicles, as the Confederates were hurrying to repel the feint
from Arth, a friendly Austrian baron, named Henry of Huenenberg,
shot an arrow amid them bearing the message, "Guard
Morgarten on the eve of St. Othmar." Be this as it may, the
Swiss collected their little band on the Sattel, between which
mountain and the eastern shore of the Lake of Egeri is situated
the ever-memorable Pass of Morgarten. Here, on the night of
November 14th, they collected a number of loose bowlders and
tree-trunks, and then, having offered up prayers for the preservation
of their country, they awaited with resolution the coming
struggle.</p>

<p>With the first dawn of morning the Austrian army&mdash;the first
that ever entered the country&mdash;made its appearance in the pass,
headed by Duke Leopold and his formidable cavalry. Suddenly,
when the whole narrow defile was blocked with horse and foot,
thousands of heavy stones and trees were hurled among them
from the neighboring heights, where the peasant band, forming
the Swiss force, lay concealed. The suddenness and vigor of this
unexpected attack quickly threw the first ranks of the invaders
into confusion, and caused a panic to seize the horses, many of
which in their fright turned and trampled down the men behind.
Rapidly the panic increased as the showers of missiles
came tearing down, and soon the whole army was in a state of
wild terror and confusion&mdash;a condition greatly assisted by the
slippery nature of the ground. Then, with wild shouts, and brandishing
their iron-studded clubs and their formidable halberts
and scythes, down the mountain-side rushed, with the
fury of their native avalanche, the heroic Confederates; and falling
on their foes literally slew them by thousands. Many hundreds<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span>
of the Austrians perished in the lake, the men of Zurich
alone making a stand, and falling each where he fought. Few
succeeded in effecting their escape from what was little less than
a general butchery.</p>

<p>On that memorable day all the flower of Austria's nobility
lay dead within the country they had hoped so easily to conquer.
The Duke, with a handful of followers, alone survived,
and even these were forced to undergo many perils before they
eventually arrived in safety at Winterthur. Neither were the
other attacks, under the Count of Strasburg and the forces from
Lucerne, more successful for the invaders. Both armies were
repulsed with enormous loss by the men of Unterwalden, who
gave no quarter, many of their opponents being their own
countrymen from the estates of the abbey of Interlaken. After
these signal victories the Swiss, according to ancient custom,
offered up a solemn thanksgiving to almighty God for their
success and the overthrow of their enemies; and then, having
laden themselves with the spoils of the dead, they returned to
their humble occupations, whence the defence of their country
and their lives had called them away. Among the Swiss, Morgarten
has always taken the first place in the long record of
heroic victories that since 1315 has made the fame of Swiss arms
second to none in Europe. This victory at once brought the
Waldstaette out of their long obscurity, and placed them in the
front rank as powerful and respected states in Switzerland.</p>

<p>Leopold, on his return to Austria, was so satisfied with the
ability of the "audacious rustics" to defend themselves that
he made no further attempt to enter their country.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span></p>
<h2>BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1314</h6>

<h3>ANDREW LANG</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>After the submission of Scotland in 1303, at the end of Wallace's
heroic struggle, Edward I undertook to complete the union of that kingdom
with England. "But the great difficulty," says a historian, "in dealing
with the Scots was that they never knew when they were conquered;
and just when Edward hoped that his scheme for union was carried
out, they rose in arms once more."</p>

<p>The Scottish leader now was Robert Bruce, Lord of Annandale and
Earl of Carrick. He had acted with Wallace, but afterward swore fealty
to Edward. Still later he united with William Lamberton, Bishop of St.
Andrews, against the English King. Edward heard of their compact
while Bruce was in London, and the Scot fled to Dumfries. There,
1306, in the Church of the Gray Friars, he had an interview with John
Comyn, called the Red Comyn&mdash;Bruce's rival for the Scottish throne&mdash;which
ended in a violent altercation and the killing of Comyn by Bruce
with a dagger. Next to the Baliols, Bruce was now nearest heir to the
throne, and March 27, 1306, he was crowned.</p>

<p>Edward now determined to take more vigorous measures than ever
against the Scots. He denounced as traitors all who had participated in
the murder of Comyn, and declared that all persons taken in arms would
be put to death. He made great preparations for subduing Scotland, but
while leading his army into that country, 1307, he died at Burgh-on-the-Sands,
near Carlisle.</p>

<p>Meanwhile Bruce, who ranks with Wallace as a Scottish hero, had
suffered some reverses at the hands of the English. Under the Earl of
Pembroke, in 1306, they took Perth and drove Bruce into the wilds of
Athol. In the same year, at Dairy, Bruce was defeated by Comyn's uncle,
Macdougal, Lord of Lorn, and escaped to Ireland. But in 1307
Bruce returned to Scotland and carried on the war against Edward II.
The English were driven out of the strong places one by one; war alternated
with diplomacy through several years; and at last came a crisis
which roused the English government to a supreme effort.</p>

<p>Stirling castle still held out, besieged by Edward Bruce, Robert's
brother, 1313, but its surrender was promised by Mowbray, the governor,
in the event of his not being relieved before June 24, 1314. The
relieving of Stirling meant for the English a new invasion of Scotland.
On both sides the strongest efforts were made&mdash;on the one side to relieve
the castle, on the other to strengthen its besiegers. The opposing forces
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>met in battle at Bannockburn, June 24, 1314, an action which has never
been better described than in this characteristic recital by Professor
Lang.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_b.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="B" />ANNOCKBURN, like the relief of Orleans, or Marathon,
was one of the decisive battles of the world. History
hinged upon it. If England had won, Scotland might have
dwindled into the condition of Ireland&mdash;for Edward II was not
likely to aim at a statesmanlike policy of union, in his father's
manner. Could Scotland have accepted union at the first
Edward's hands; could he have refrained from his mistreatment
as we must think it of Baliol, the fortunes of the isle of
Britain might have been happier. But had Scotland been trodden
down at Bannockburn, the fortunes of the isle might well
have been worse.</p>

<p>The singular and certain fact is that Bannockburn was
fought on a point of chivalry, on a rule in a game. England
must "touch bar," relieve Stirling, as in some child's pastime.
To the securing of the castle, the central gate of Scotland, north
and south, England put forth her full strength. Bruce had no
choice but to concentrate all the power of a now, at last, united
realm, and stand just where he did stand. His enemies knew
his purpose: by May 27th writs informed England that the
Scots were gathering on heights and morasses inaccessible to
cavalry. If ever Edward showed energy, it was in preparing
for the appointed Midsummer Day of 1314. The <i>Rotuli Scoti&aelig;</i>
contain several pages of his demands for men, horses, wines,
hay, grain, provisions, and ships. Endless letters were sent to
master mariners and magistrates of towns. The King appealed
to his beloved Irish chiefs, O'Donnells, O'Flyns, O'Hanlens,
MacMahons, M'Carthys, Kellys, O'Reillys, and O'Briens, and
to <i>Hiberni&aelig; Magnates, Anglico genere ortos</i>, Butlers, Blounts,
De Lacys, Powers, and Russels. John of Argyll was made
admiral of the western fleet, and was asked to conciliate the
Islesmen, who, under Angus Og, were rallying to Bruce. The
numbers of men engaged on either side in this war cannot be
ascertained. Each kingdom had a year within which to muster
and arm.</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"Then all that worthy were to fight</span>
<span class="i0">Of Scotland, set all hale their might;"</span>
</div>
</div>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>while Barbour makes Edward assemble not only</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i3">"His own chivalry</span>
<span class="i0">That was so great it was ferly,"</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>but also knights of France and Hainault, Bretagne and Gascony,
Wales, Ireland, and Aquitaine. The whole English force is
said to have exceeded one hundred thousand, forty thousand of
whom were cavalry, including three thousand horses "barded
from counter to tail," armed against stroke of sword or point of
spear. The baggage train was endless, bearing tents, harness,
"and apparel of chamber and hall," wine, wax, and all the
luxuries of Edward's manner of campaigning, including <i>animalia</i>,
perhaps lions. Thus the English advanced from Berwick,</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"Banners rightly fairly flaming,</span>
<span class="i0">And pencels to the wind waving."</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>On June 23d Bruce heard that the English host had streamed
out of Edinburgh, where the dismantled castle was no safe hold,
and were advancing on Falkirk. Bruce had summoned Scotland
to tryst in Torwood, whence he could retreat at pleasure,
if, after all, retreat he must. The Fiery Cross, red with blood
of a sacrificed goat, must have flown through the whole of
the Celticland. Lanarkshire, Douglasdale, and Ettrick Forest
were mustered under the banner of Douglas, the mullets not yet
enriched with the royal heart. The men of Moray followed
their new earl, Randolph, the adventurous knight who scaled
the rock of the castle of the Maidens. Renfrewshire, Bute, and
Ayr were under the <i>fesse chequy</i> of young Walter Stewart.
Bruce had gathered his own Carrick men, and Angus Og led
the wild levies of the Isles. Of stout spearmen and fleet-footed
clansmen Bruce had abundance; but what were his archers to
the archers of England, or his five hundred horse under Keith
the mareschal, to the rival knights of England, Hainault, Guienne,
and Almayne?</p>

<p>Battles, however, are won by heads, as well as by hearts and
hands. The victor of Glen Trool and Cruachen and London
Hill knew every move in the game, while Randolph and Douglas
were experts in making one man do the work of five. Bruce,
too, had choice of ground, and the ground suited him well.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span></p>

<p>To reach Stirling the English must advance by their left,
along the so-called German way, through the village of St.
Nian's, or by their right, through the Carse, partly enclosed,
and much broken, in drainless days, by reedy lochans. Bruce
did not make his final dispositions till he learned that the
English meant to march by the former route. He then chose
ground where his front was defended, first by the little burn of
Bannock, which at one point winds through a cleugh with
steep banks, and next by two morasses, Halbert's bog and
Milton bog. What is now arable ground may have been a loch
in old days, and these two marshes were then impassable by a
column of attack.</p>

<p>Between Charter's Hall&mdash;where Edward had his head-quarters&mdash;and
Park's Mill was a marge of firm soil, along which
a column could pass, in scrubby country, and between the
bogs was a sort of bridge of dry land. By these two avenues
the English might assail the Scottish lines. These approaches
Bruce is said to have rendered difficult by pitfalls, and even by
caltrops to maim the horses. He determined to fight on foot,
the wooded country being difficult for horsemen, and the foe
being infinitely superior in cavalry. His army was arranged
in four "battles," with Randolph to lead the vaward and watch
against any attempt to throw cavalry into Stirling. Edward
Bruce commanded the division on the right, next the Torwood.
Walter Stewart, a lad, with Douglas led the third division.
Bruce himself and Angus Og, with the men of Carrick and the
Celts, were in the rear. Bruce had no mind to take the offensive,
and as at the Battle of the Standard, to open the fight with a
charge of impetuous mountaineers. On Sunday morning mass
was said, and men shrived them.</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"They thought to die in the m&ecirc;l&eacute;e,</span>
<span class="i0">Or else to set their country free."</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>They ate but bread and water, for it was the vigil of St. John.
News came that the English had moved out of Falkirk, and
Douglas and the Steward brought tidings of the great and splendid
host that was rolling north. Bruce bade them make little
of it in the hearing of the army.</p>

<p>Meanwhile Philip de Mowbray, who commanded in Stirling,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>
had ridden forth to meet and counsel Edward. His advice was
to come no nearer; perhaps a technical relief was held to have
already been secured by the presence of the army.</p>

<p>Mowbray was not heard&mdash;"the young men" would not
listen. Gloucester, with the van, entered the park, where he
was met, as we shall see, and Clifford, Beaumont, and Sir
Thomas Grey, with three hundred horsemen, skirted the wood
where Randolph was posted, a clear way lying before them to
the castle of Stirling. Bruce had seen this movement, and told
Randolph that "a rose of his chaplet was fallen," the phrase
attesting the King's love of chivalrous romance. To pursue
horsemen with infantry seemed vain enough; but Randolph
moved out of cover, thinking perhaps that knights adventurous
would refuse no chance to fight. If this was his thought, he
reckoned well. Beaumont cried to his knights, "Give ground,
leave them fair field." Grey hinted that the Scots were in too
great force, and Beaumont answered, "If you fear, fly!" "Sir,"
said Sir Thomas, "for fear I fly not this day!" and so spurred
in between Beaumont and D'Eyncourt and galloped on the
spears. D'Eyncourt was slain, Grey was unhorsed and taken.
The three hundred lances of Beaumont then circled Randolph's
spearmen round about on every side, but the spears kept back
the horses. Swords, maces, and knives were thrown; all was
done as by the French cavalry against the British squares at
Waterloo, and all as vainly. The hedge of steel was unbroken,
and, in the hot sun of June, a mist of dust and heat brooded
over the battle.</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i4">"Sic mirkness</span>
<span class="i0">In the air above them was"</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>as when the sons of Thetis and the Dawn fought under the walls
of windy Troy. Douglas beheld the distant cloud, and rode
to Bruce, imploring leave to hurry to Randolph's aid. "I will
not break my ranks for him," said Bruce; yet Douglas had his
will. But the English wavered, seeing his line advance, and
thereon Douglas halted his men, lest Randolph should lose
renown. Beholding this the spearmen of Randolph, in their
turn, charged and drove the weary English horse and their disheartened
riders.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>Meanwhile Edward had halted his main force to consider
whether they should fight or rest. But Gloucester's party,
knowing nothing of his halt, had advanced into the wooded park;
and Bruce rode down to the right in his armor, and with a gold
coronal on his basnet, but mounted on a mere palfrey. To the
front of the English van, under Gloucester and Hereford, rode
Sir Henry Bohun, a bow-shot beyond his company. Recognizing
the King, who was arraying his ranks, Bohun sped down
upon him, apparently hoping to take him.</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"He thought that he should dwell lightly,</span>
<span class="i0">Win him, and have him at his will."</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>But Bruce, in this fatal movement, when history hung on his
hand and eye, uprose in his stirrups and clove Bohun's helmet,
the axe breaking in that stroke. It was a desperate but a winning
blow: Bruce's spears advanced, and the English van withdrew
in half superstitious fear of the omen. His lords blamed
Bruce, but</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"The King has answer made them none,</span>
<span class="i0">But turned upon the axe-shaft, wha</span>
<span class="i0">Was with the stroke broken in twa."</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>"<i>Initium malorum hoc</i>" ("This was the beginning of evil"), says
the English chronicler.</p>

<p>After this double success in the Quatre Bras of the Scottish
Waterloo, Bruce, according to Barbour, offered to his men their
choice of withdrawal or of standing it out. The great general
might well be of doubtful mind&mdash;was to-morrow to bring a
second and a more fatal Falkirk? The army of Scotland was
protected, as Wallace's army at Falkirk had been, by difficult
ground. But the English archers might again rain their blinding
showers of shafts into the broad mark offered by the clumps
of spears, and again the English knights might break through
the shaken ranks. Bruce had but a few squadrons of horse&mdash;could
they be trusted to scatter the bowmen of the English
forests, and to escape a flank charge from the far heavier cavalry
of Edward? On the whole, was not the old strategy best, the
strategy of retreat? So Bruce may have pondered. He had
brought his men to the ring, and they voted for dancing. Meanwhile<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span>
the English rested on a marshy plain "<i>outre</i>-Bannockburn"
in sore discomfiture, says Gray. He must mean south of
Bannockburn, taking the point of view of his father, at that hour
captive in Bruce's camp. He tells us that the Scots meant to
retire "into the Lennox, a right strong country"&mdash;this confirms,
in a way, Barbour's tale of Bruce suggesting retreat&mdash;when
Sir Alexander Seton, deserting Edward's camp, advised
Bruce of the English lack of spirit, and bade him face the foe
next day. To retire, indeed, was Bruce's, as it had been Wallace's,
natural policy. The English would soon be distressed
for want of supplies; on the other hand, they had clearly made
no arrangements for an orderly retreat if they lost the day;
with Bruce this was a motive for fighting them. The advice of
Seton prevailed; the Scots would stand their ground.</p>

<p>The sun of Midsummer Day rose on the rite of the mass
done in front of the Scottish lines. Men breakfasted, and
Bruce knighted Douglas, the Steward, and other of his nobles.
The host then moved out of the wood, and the standards
rose above the spears of the soldiers. Edward Bruce held the
right wing; Randolph the centre; the left, under Douglas and
the Steward, rested of St. Ninian's. Bruce, as he had arranged,
was in reserve with Carrick and the Isles. "Will these men
fight?" asked Edward, and Sir Ingram assured him that such
was their intent. He advised that the English should make
a feigned retreat, when the Scots would certainly break their
ranks&mdash;</p>


<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"Then prick we on them hardily."</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>Edward rejected his old ruse, which probably would not have
beguiled the Scottish leader. The Scots then knelt for a moment
of prayer, as the Abbot of Inchafray bore the crucifix along
the line; but they did not kneel to Edward. His van, under
Gloucester, fell on Edward Bruce's division, where there was
hand-to-hand fighting, broken lances, dying chargers, the rear
ranks of Gloucester pressing vainly on the front ranks, unable
to deploy for the straitness of the ground.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, Randolph's men moved forward slowly with extended
spears, "as they were plunged in the sea" of charging
knights. Douglas and the Steward were also engaged, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span>
"hideous shower" of arrows was ever raining from the bows of
England. This must have been the crisis of the fight, according
to Barbour, and Bruce bade Keith with his five hundred horse
charge the English archers on the flank. The bowmen do not
seem to have been defended by pikes; they fell beneath the
lances of the mareschal, as the archers of Ettrick had fallen at
Falkirk. The Scottish archers now took heart, and loosed
into the crowded and reeling ranks of England, while the flying
bowmen of the south clashed against and confused the English
charge. Then Scottish archers took to their steel sparths&mdash;who
ever loved to come to hand strokes&mdash;and hewed into the mass
of the English, so that the field, whither Bruce brought up his
reserves to support Edward Bruce on the right, was a mass of
wild, confused fighting. In this mellay the great body of the
English army could deal no stroke, swaying helplessly as southern
knights or northern spears won some feet of ground. So,
in the space between Halbert's bog and the burn, the mellay
rang and wavered, the long spears of the Scottish ranks unbroken
and pushing forward, the ground before them so covered
with fallen men and horses that the English advance was
clogged and crushed between the resistance in front and the
pressure behind.</p>

<p>"God will have a stroke in every fight," says the romance
of Malory. While the discipline was lost, and England was
trusting to sheer weight and "who will pound longest," a fresh
force, banners displayed, was seen rushing down the Gillies'
Hill, beyond the Scottish right. The English could deem no
less than that this multitude were tardy levies from beyond the
Spey, above all when the slogans rang out from the fresh advancing
host. It was a body of yeomen, shepherds, and camp-followers,
who could no longer remain and gaze when fighting
and plunder were in sight. With blankets fastened to cut
saplings for banner-poles, they ran down to the conflict. The
King saw them, and well knew that the moment had come: he
pealed his ensenye&mdash;called his battle-cry&mdash;faint hearts of England
failed; men turned, trampling through the hardy warriors
who still stood and died; the knights who rode at Edward's
rein strove to draw him toward the castle of Stirling.
But now the foremost knights of Edward Bruce's division,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span>
charging on foot, had fought their way to the English King and
laid hands on the rich trappings of his horse. Edward cleared
his way with strokes of his mace; his horse was stabbed, but
a fresh mount was found for him. Even Sir Giles de Argentine,
the best knight on ground, bade Edward fly to Stirling castle.
"For me, I am not of custom to fly," he said, "nor shall I do so
now. God keep you!" Thereon he spurred into the press, crying
"Argentine!" and died among the spears.</p>

<p>None held his ground for England. The burn was choked
with fallen men and horses, so that folk might pass dry-shod
over it. The country people fell on and slew. If Bruce had
possessed more cavalry, not an Englishman would have reached
the Tweed. Edward, as Argentine bade him, rode to Stirling,
but Mowbray told him that there he would be but a captive
king. He spurred south, with five hundred horse, Douglas
following with sixty, so close that no Englishman might alight,
but was slain or taken. Laurence de Abernethy, with eighty
horse, was riding to join the English, but turned, and with
Douglas, pursued them. Edward reached Dunbar, whence
he took boat for Berwick. In his terror he vowed to build a
college of Carmelites, students in theology. It is Oriel College
to-day, with a Scot for provost. Among those who fell on the
English side were the son of Comyn, Gloucester, Clifford, Harcourt,
Courtenay, and seven hundred other gentlemen of coat-armor
were slain. Hereford (later), with Angus, Umfraville,
and Sir Thomas Grey, was among the prisoners. Stirling, of
course, surrendered.</p>

<p>The sun of Midsummer Day set on men wounded and weary,
but victorious and free. The task of Wallace was accomplished.
To many of the combatants not the least agreeable result of
Bannockburn was the unprecedented abundance of the booty.
When campaigning Edward denied himself nothing. His wardrobe
and arms; his enormous and apparently well-supplied
array of food wagons; his ecclesiastical vestments for the celebration
of victory; his plate; his siege artillery; his military
chests, with all the jewelry of his young minion knights, fell into
the hands of the Scots. Down to Queen Mary's reign we read,
in inventories, about costly vestments "from the fight at Bannockburn."
In Scotland it rained ransoms. The <i>Rotuli Scoti&aelig;</i>,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span>
in 1314 full of Edward's preparation for war, in 1315 are rich in
safe-conducts for men going into Scotland to redeem prisoners.
One of these, the brave Sir Marmaduke Twenge, renowned at
Stirling bridge, hid in the woods on Midsummer's Night, and
surrendered to Bruce next day. The King gave him gifts and
set him free unransomed. Indeed, the clemency of Bruce after
his success is courteously acknowledged by the English chroniclers.</p>

<p>This victory was due to Edward's incompetence, as well as
to the excellent dispositions and indomitable courage of Bruce,
and to "the intolerable axes" of his men. No measures had
been taken by Edward to secure a retreat. Only one rally, at
"the Bloody Fauld," is reported. The English fought widely,
their measures being laid on the strength of a confidence which,
after the skirmishes of Sunday, June 23d, they no longer entertained.
They suffered what, at Agincourt, Cr&eacute;cy, Poitiers, and
Verneuil, their descendants were to inflict. Horses and banners,
gay armor and chivalric trappings, were set at naught by the
sperthes and spears of infantry acting on favorable ground.
From the dust and reek of that burning day of June, Scotland
emerged a people, firm in a glorious memory. Out of weakness
she was made strong, being strangely led through paths of little
promise since the day when Bruce's dagger-stroke at Dumfries
closed from him the path of returning.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span></p>
<h2>EXTINCTION OF THE ORDER OF KNIGHTS
TEMPLARS</h2>

<h3>BURNING OF GRAND MASTER MOLAY</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1314</h6>


<h3>F. C. WOODHOUSE&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;H. H. MILMAN</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>The quarrel between Philip the Fair of France and Pope Boniface
VIII, concerning the taxation of the clergy, and the right of nomination
to vacant bishoprics within the dominions of Philip, had far-reaching
effects. It led, in 1302, to the convocation of the first properly so-called
Parliament in France, to offset the actions of the Pope, who excommunicated
the King; and also to an expedition into Italy of a small body of
French troops which made the Pope prisoner at Agnani, but were subsequently
expelled with great loss of life. The Pope was reinstated, but
died shortly afterward from brain fever; he was succeeded by Benedict
XI, whom the King of France sought to placate, but unsuccessfully.
Within nine months Benedict died, presumably from poison, and Philip,
by his intrigues, was enabled to secure the election to the pontificate of
Bertrand de Goth, who became pope as Clement V, and was pledged to
the service of the French King.</p>

<p>Philip, who had obstructed the operations of commerce by debasing
the coin of the realm to meet the exigencies of the state, was always in
want of money. His cupidity was excited by the wealth of the order of
Knights Templars, and, emboldened by his successes over the spiritual
power, he now entered upon the career of intrigue which resulted in the
destruction and plunder of the order.</p>

<p>The famous Order of the Temple of Jerusalem, founded in 1118 by a
small band of nine French knights, sworn to protect Christian pilgrims to
the Holy Sepulchre, had become, in almost every kingdom of the West,
a powerful, wealthy, semimilitary, semimonastic republic, governed by
its own laws, animated by the closest corporate spirit, under the severest
internal discipline, an all-pervading organization, independent alike of the
civil power and of the spiritual hierarchy.</p>

<p>During two centuries as crusaders, the knights fought valiantly and
shed their blood in defence of the Sepulchre of our Lord, earning the
devout admiration of Western Christendom, and receiving splendid endowments
of lands, castles, and riches of all kinds as contributions to
the cause of the holy wars.</p>
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span>
But despite their valor, Mahometan persistency prevailed, and the
total expulsion of the Templars, with the rest of the Christian establishments
from Palestine, followed the downfall of Acre in 1291.</p></div>


<h4>F. C. WOODHOUSE</h4>

<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE loss of Palestine led indirectly to the ruin of the order
of the Templars. The record is one of the dark episodes
of history, encompassed with contradictions, full of surprises,
painful to contemplate, whatever view may be taken, whichever
side espoused.</p>

<p>It is difficult to understand how an order of men who for
nearly two hundred years earned the thanks and praise of
Christendom for their bravery and devotion; who had shed
blood like water to defend the places dearest to all Christian
hearts; who had been recruited from the noblest families in
every country in Europe, and had had princes of royal blood in
their ranks; who claimed to act upon the purest and most exalted
Christian principles; and who proved the sincerity of their
professions by their lives of self-sacrifice, and their deaths, for
the cause they had taken up; who had been honored and favored
and dowered with gifts and privileges, in gratitude for
their exploits&mdash;should suddenly have fallen into the blackest
crimes. So it is no less difficult to understand how public opinion
should turn against them as it did, and how all Europe
should set itself to disgrace and despoil, to malign and execrate,
those who had so long been its favorites and its champions. It
is not easy to understand this, and it is painful to read the story
in its sad and miserable details.</p>

<p>But there are other pages of history that more or less correspond
with this; and there are well-known characteristics of
human nature that explain how such revulsions of feeling come
about. It has never been found difficult to get up a case against
those whom the great and powerful have made up their minds to
destroy. The best men are fallible and have their weak side.
Large bodies of men must contain some unworthy members. A
long history can hardly be without blots, mistakes, and crimes.
No man's life, if narrowly scrutinized by an unfavorable and
prejudiced criticism, but will afford ground for accusation.
Then, too, facts may be perverted, circumstances may be made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>
to bear a meaning that does not really belong to them, and fear
and torture may force the weak to say anything that they are
required. And, finally, the evidence and the judgment of those
who have everything to gain by the condemnation of those whom
they accuse, must always be viewed with suspicion by sober and
truth-loving minds. Moreover, in judging the Templars, we
must not forget the lapse of time and the change of circumstances
that separate our age from theirs.</p>

<p>After the loss of Acre a chapter of the surviving Templars
was gathered, and James de Molay, preceptor of England, was
elected grand master. One more attempt was made to recover a
footing in the Holy Land, but it was defeated with great loss to
the order, and all hope of restoring the Latin kingdom in Palestine
seems to have been abandoned. The occupation of the
Templars was gone. They had been banded together to fight
upon the sacred soil of Palestine, and to defend pilgrims, but
now they had been driven out of the country, and they could no
longer execute their mission or fulfil their vows. We soon hear
of them being engaged in civil or international wars, which seems
to be a violation of their oath not to draw sword upon any
Christian. Thus we read of Templars fighting on the side of
the King of England, in the battle of Falkirk, 1298, and similar
occurrences are recorded in the French wars of the time. Those
against whom the Templars fought would not be slow to complain
of them.</p>

<p>But the real cause of the downfall of the Templars was
probably the enormous wealth of the order. There had not
been wanting indications for some years of covetous eyes and
itching hands turned toward the possession of the Knights.
Sometimes complaints were made because the rents of their
estates were all sent out of the country; sometimes the grievance
alleged was that they were exempted from paying taxes
and other levies, civil and ecclesiastical. Sometimes open acts
of spoliation were committed upon their property, and that even
by royal hands.</p>

<p>But it was in France that the final attack was made. Philip
the Fair was king at this time, a man of bad character and unscrupulous
as to the means by which he attained his ends. The
country was exhausted and the treasury empty, and the idea<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>
seems to have occurred to him, as it did later to Henry VIII of
England under similar circumstances, that an easy way to fill his
own purse was to put his hand into the purses of others. But
even kings cannot appropriate the property of a religious order
without offering some apology or justification to the world.
And so it began to be whispered that the Holy Land would never
have been lost to Christendom if its sworn defenders had not
failed in their Christian character. The whole blame of the defeat
of the crusades was laid upon the Templars. It was said
they had treacherously betrayed the Christian cause, that they
had treated with the enemy, and by their personal sins, especially
by secret, unhallowed rites, had provoked the just wrath
of God, and so brought about the ruin of the dominion of the
Cross in the East.</p>

<p>When Ahab has determined to put Naboth to death, that
he may seize his coveted vineyard, it is not difficult to find witness
that he is a blasphemer of God and a traitor to the King;
and so Philip found his first tool in a man guilty of a multitude
of crimes, who secured his own pardon by a denunciation of the
Templars.</p>

<p>But even a king could not ruin a great religious order without
the aid of the ecclesiastical authorities. The Templars had
always been favored and protected by the popes, and nothing
was in itself so likely to evoke that protection again as an
attack upon the order by the secular powers. But Philip was
prepared for this. The Pope of the day, Clement V, had been
a subject of his own. As bishop of Bordeaux, he owed his election
to the pontificate to Philip's own intrigues, and had been
easily induced to quit Rome and live in France, so as to be
more completely under the dictation of the King. Moreover,
the majority of the cardinals were also French and entirely devoted
to the King's interests.</p>

<p>Clement V was one of the worst of those miserable men
who have from time to time disgraced the papal chair, and was
guilty of almost every crime. There are, indeed, authorities
worthy of credit who assert that before his election he had been
made to promise to perform six favors to the King, and that
the last was not to be divulged till the time for its execution
came. This last was then found to be the suppression of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>
order of the Templars. There was no difficulty, under these
circumstances, in getting the so-called sanction of the Church
for an inquiry into the crimes of which the Templars were
accused.</p>

<p>Accordingly, in 1307, Philip issued letters to his officers
throughout the kingdom, commanding them to seize all the
Templars on a certain day, that they might be tried for crimes
of which he and the Pope had satisfied themselves they were
guilty. They had apostatized from the Christian religion, worshipped
idols in their secret meetings, and had been guilty of
horrible and shameful offences against God, the Church, the
State, and humanity itself. Philip professed the most pious
horror at what he had discovered; he lamented the grievous
necessity laid upon him, and urged upon the guilty men the
expediency of a full and immediate confession of their wicked
doings as the only way to secure pardon and escape the just
and extreme penalty of such outrageous wickedness.</p>

<p>It was during the night of October 13, 1307, that the King's
orders were executed. Every house of the Templars in the
dominions of the King of France was suddenly surrounded by a
strong force, and all the Knights and members of the order were
simultaneously taken prisoners.</p>

<p>At the same time a strenuous endeavor was made to arouse
popular indignation against the order. The regular and secular
clergy were commanded to preach against the Templars, and
to describe the horrible enormities that were practised among
them. It is incredible to us in these days that such charges
should be made, and still more that they should actually be
believed. It was said that the Templars worshipped some
hideous idol in their secret assemblies, that they offered sacrifices
to it of infants and young girls, and that although every
one saw them devout, charitable, and regular in their religious
duties, people were not to be misled by these things, for this was
only a cloak intended to deceive the world and conceal their
secret rites and obscene orgies.</p>

<p>It was hoped that some confession of guilt might be readily
obtained from some of the weaker brethren in order to receive
the pardon which was promised by the King. But no such confession
was made. All the prisoners denied the charges brought<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>
against them. Then the usual medi&aelig;val expedient was resorted
to, and torture was used to extort acknowledgments of guilt.
The unhappy Templars in Paris were handed over to the tender
mercies of the tormentors with the usual results. One hundred
and forty were subjected to trial by fire.</p>

<p>The details preserved are almost too horrible to be related.
The feet of some were fastened close to a hot fire till the very
flesh and even the bones were consumed. Others were suspended
by their limbs, and heavy weights attached to them to
make the agony more intense. Others were deprived of their
teeth; and every cruelty that a horrible ingenuity could invent
was used.</p>

<p>While this was going on, questions were asked, and offers of
pardon were made if they would acknowledge themselves or
others guilty of the monstrous wickednesses which were detailed
to them. At the same time forged letters were read, purporting
to come from the grand master himself, exhorting them to make
a full confession, and declarations were made of the confessions
which were said to have been already freely given by other members
of the order.</p>

<p>What wonder, then, that the usual consequences followed.
Those who had strong will and indomitable courage stood firm
and endured the slow martyrdom till death released them,
maintaining to the last their own innocence, and the innocence
of their order, of the crimes with which they were charged.
But some weaker men broke down. In hope of release from the
agony which they could not endure, they confessed anything and
everything that was required of them, and these things were at
once written down as grave facts and made matter of accusation
of others. Often these unhappy men almost immediately recanted,
and as soon as the torture ceased withdrew their confessions,
and repeated their original denial of the accusations
one and all.</p>

<p>We have long ago ceased to set any value upon confessions
extorted by torture, and the system has happily been abolished
by all civilized nations, but in those days this was not understood;
torture was relied upon as a means of extracting truth
from unwilling witnesses when all other means failed; indeed, it
was simpler and more expeditious than the calling of many witnesses,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>
the testing of evidence by cross-examination, and other
surer but slower methods; and especially when conviction, not
truth, was the end in view, torture was a welcome and efficacious
ally.</p>

<p>All this was but too sadly exemplified in the proceedings
against the Templars in France. No sooner were those who
had made confessions of guilt while under torture released from
their tormentors than they disavowed their forced admissions
and proclaimed their innocence and the purity of their order,
appealing to history and the testimony of their own day for
evidence of their courage and devotion to the Catholic faith.</p>

<p>Upon hearing of this Philip immediately ordered the rearrest
of the Templars, and, proceeding against them as relapsed
heretics, they were condemned to be burned alive. In Paris
alone one hundred and thirteen suffered this terrible punishment,
and many more were burned in other towns. In Spain,
Portugal, and Germany, proceedings were taken against the
order; their property was confiscated, and in some cases torture
was used; but it is remarkable that it was only in France,
and in those places where Philip's influence was powerful, that
any Templar was actually put to death.</p>

<p>Everywhere else the monstrous charges were declared to be
unproved, and the order was declared innocent of heresy and
sacrilegious rites.</p>

<p>In October, 1311, a council was held at Vienna to dissolve
the Order of the Temple, but the majority of the bishops were
decidedly opposed to such a proceeding against so ancient and
illustrious an order, till its members had been heard in their
own defence in a fair and open trial. The Pope was furious at
this and dismissed the council, and in the following year, 1312,
by a papal brief, abolished the order and forbade its reconstitution.
The property of the order in France was nominally
made over to the Hospitallers, but Philip laid claim to an immense
sum for the expenses of the prosecution, and by this and
other means he obtained what he had all along desired&mdash;the
greatest part of the possessions of the order. Similar proceedings
took place in other countries. In some, new orders were
founded in the place of the Templars, with the sovereign at
their head, by which means the estates came into the possession<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>
of the Crown as completely as if they had been actually
confiscated.</p>

<p>In France the Templars who survived their torture and the
horrors of their prisons were either executed or left to linger out
a miserable existence in their dungeons till death released them.
The grand master and a few other brethren of the highest rank
were thus kept in prison for five years. They were then taken
to Notre Dame in Paris, and required to give verbal assent to
the confessions which had been extorted from them under torture.
But the grand master, James de Molay, the grand preceptor,
and some others seized the opportunity of declaring
their innocence, and disowning the alleged confessions as forgeries.
The old veterans stood up in the church before the assembled
multitude, and, raising their chained hands to heaven,
declared that whatever had been confessed to the detriment of
the illustrious order was only forced from them by extreme agony
and fear of death, and that they solemnly and finally repudiated
and revoked all such admissions.</p>

<p>On hearing of this, Philip ordered their immediate execution,
and the same evening the last grand master of the Temple and
his faithful comrades were burned to death at a slow fire.</p>

<p>Impartial men had formed their own judgment, and a very
strong feeling prevailed that justice had not been done. It was
remarked that those who had been foremost in the proceedings
against the Templars came to a speedy and miserable
end. The Pope, the kings of France and of England, and others,
all soon followed their victims and died violent or shameful
deaths.</p>

<p>We have somewhat anticipated the order of events, and
must return to the earlier stage of the proceedings against the
Templars. As soon as Philip had determined upon his own
course of action, he desired to find countenance for it by stirring
up other sovereigns to imitate it. He therefore wrote letters to
the kings of other European states, informing them of his discovery
of the guilt of the Templars, and urging them to adopt a
similar course in their own dominions. The Pope, too, summoned
the grand master to France, but with every mark of
respect, and so got him into his power before the terrible proceedings
against the members of his order were made public.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span></p>

<p>The King of England, Edward II, acted with prudence.
He expressed his unbounded astonishment at the contents of
the French King's letter, and at the particulars detailed to him
by an agent specially sent to him by Philip, but he would do no
more at the time than promise that the matter should receive
his serious attention in due course.</p>

<p>He wrote at the same time to the kings of Portugal, Aragon,
Castile, and Sicily, telling them of the extraordinary information
he had received respecting the Templars, and declaring his
unwillingness to believe the dreadful charges brought against
them. He referred to the services rendered to Christendom by
the order, and to its unblemished reputation ever since it was
founded. He urged upon his fellow-sovereigns that nothing
should be done in haste, but that inquiry should be made in due
and solemn legal form, expressing his belief that the order was
guiltless of the crimes alleged against it, and that the charges
were merely the result of slander and envy and of a desire to
appropriate the property of the order.</p>

<p>At the same time Edward wrote to the Pope in similar terms.
He declared that the Templars were universally respected by all
classes throughout his dominions as pious and upright men, and
begged the Pope to promote a just inquiry which should free the
order from the unjust slander and injuries to which it was being
subjected. But hardly was this letter despatched than Edward
received another from the Pope, which had crossed his own on
its way, calling upon him to imitate Philip, King of France, in
proceeding against the Templars. The Pope professed great
distress and astonishment that an order that had so long enjoyed
the respect and gratitude of the Church for its worthy
deeds in defence of the faith should have fallen into grievous
and perfidious apostasy. He then narrated the commendable
zeal of the King of France in rooting out the secrets of these
men's hidden wickedness, and gave particulars of some of their
confessions of the crimes with which they had been charged.
He concluded by commanding the King of England to pursue
a similar course, to seize and imprison all members of the order
on one day, and to hold, in the Pope's name, all the property
of the order till it should be determined how it was to be disposed
of.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>King Edward, notwithstanding his recent declaration of confidence
in the integrity of the Templars, yielded obedience to
this missive of the Pope. Whether he was overawed by the
authority of the Pontiff, and deferred his own opinion to that of
so great a personage, or whether, as some suppose, he desired to
give the Templars a fair and honorable trial, and the opportunity
of clearing themselves; or whether he gave way to the evil
counsels of those who whispered that the great wealth of the
Templars would be useful to the Crown, and that he might
avail himself of the opportunity of taking all&mdash;as his predecessors
had taken some&mdash;of their treasure; whatever may have
been his real motive, and the cause of his change of conduct, it
is certain that he issued an order for the arrest of the Templars,
and the seizure of all their estates, houses, and property.</p>

<p>The greatest caution and secrecy were adopted. Instructions
were sent to all the sheriffs throughout England to hold themselves
in readiness to execute certain orders which would be
given to them by trusty persons on that day. Similar arrangements
were made in Scotland, Ireland, and Wales; and on January
8, 1308, every Templar was simultaneously arrested.</p>

<p>It was not till October in the following year that any trial took
place. All this time the Templars had been suffering the miseries
of imprisonment. More than two hundred men of high
rank, many of them veterans who had fought and bled in Palestine,
and who were now grown old and feeble after a life of
hardship and privation, maimed with wounds, bronzed with exposure
to the Eastern sun, languished under the tender mercies
of jailers, with no opportunity of defending themselves or of
raising up friends to say a word for them. Some were foreigners
who happened to be in England on the business of the order.
A few managed to evade the vigilance of the King's emissaries,
notwithstanding the secrecy and suddenness of the arrest, and
escaped in various disguises to the wild and remote mountain
districts of Scotland, Wales, and Ireland.</p>

<p>The court appointed by the Pope commenced its proceedings
in London, in October, 1309, under the presidency of the
Bishop of London. Several French ecclesiastics had come over
to take their seat upon the bench as judges&mdash;an ill omen for the
English Templars. After the usual preliminaries, which were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span>
long and tedious, the articles of accusation were read. They
stated that those who were received into the order of the Knights
of the Temple did, at their reception, formally deny Jesus Christ
and renounce all hope of salvation through him; that they
trampled and spat upon the cross; that they worshipped a cat(!);
that they denied the sacraments, and looked only to the grand
master for absolution; that they possessed and worshipped
various idols; that they practised a variety of cruel, degrading,
and filthy customs and rites; that the grand master and many of
the brethren had confessed to these things even before they had
been arrested. Such is a brief summary of the accusation, the
original documents of which have happily come down to us.</p>

<p>It is not easy for us to understand how such a farrago
of absurdity, profanity, and indecency could ever have been
gravely produced in a so-called court of justice in England as a
state paper&mdash;a bill of indictment against a body of noblemen
and gentlemen; against an order that for two hundred years
had been the right arm of the Church and the defender of Christianity
against its most dangerous and ruthless enemies. No
writer of fiction would have ventured on inventing such a trial,
and no one unacquainted with medi&aelig;val history would credit
the record that grave prelates and learned judges drew up such
a document, and then set themselves to prove the truth of its
monstrous allegations by the use of torture.</p>

<p>Students of the Middle Ages know well that such things were
done in those days. They remember Savonarola and Beatrice
Cenci in Italy, Jeanne d'Arc in France, Abbot Whiting and
others in England. They call to mind the cruelties and exactions
practised so often upon the Jews in every country in
Europe; and with the contemporary records in their hands, they
do not hesitate to accept as undoubted historical fact what
would otherwise be rejected as a slander upon humanity and an
outrage upon common-sense.</p>

<p>If the Templars had been accused of the crimes vulgarly
supposed to attach themselves to religious orders; if they had
been charged with falling into the sins to which poor human
nature by its frailty is liable; if erring members had been denounced,
men who had entered the order through disappointment,
or from some other unworthy motive, men such as Sir<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>
Walter Scott depicts in his imaginary Templar, Brian de Bois
Guilbert, in his novel, <i>Ivanhoe</i>, we might well believe that some
at least of the accusations against them were true.</p>

<p>It is singular that no such charges are alleged against the
Templars, though they were freely brought, two hundred years
later, against the regular monks by the commissioners of Henry
VIII. This fact has been noticed by most thoughtful historians,
and has been considered to tell strongly in the tribunal of equity
in favor of the Templars. Instead of these probable or possible
crimes, we find nothing but monstrous charges of sorcery, idolatry,
apostasy, and such like, instances of which we know are to
be found in those strange times; but which it seems altogether
unlikely would infect a large body whose fundamental principle
was close adherence to Christianity; a body which was spread
all over the world, and which included in its ranks such a multitude
and variety of men and of nationalities, among whom
there must have been, to say the least, some sincere, upright,
and godly men who would have set themselves to root out such
miserable errors, or, if they were found to be ineradicable, would
have left the order as no place for them.</p>

<p>Even Voltaire acknowledges that such an indictment destroys
itself. It recoils upon its framers, and proves nothing
but their intense hatred of their victims and their total unfitness
to sit as judges.</p>

<p>When this extraordinary paper had been read, the prisoners
were asked what they had to say to it, and, as might be expected,
they at once and unanimously declared that they and their
order were absolutely guiltless of the crimes of which they were
accused. After this the prisoners were examined one by one.</p>

<p>It would be tedious to follow the long and wearisome questionings
and to record the replies given by the several brethren
of the Temple during their trial in London. One and all agreed
in denying the existence of the horrible and ridiculous rites
which were said to be used at the reception of new members;
and whether they had been received in England or abroad, detailed
the ceremonies that were used, and showed that they were
substantially the same everywhere. The candidate was asked
what he desired, and on replying that he desired admission to
the order of the Knights of the Temple, he was warned of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>
strict and severe life that was demanded of members of the
order; of the three vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience;
and, moreover, that he must be ready to go and fight the enemies
of Christ even to the death.</p>

<p>Others related details of the interior discipline and regulations
of the order, which were stern and rigorous, as became a
body that added to the strictness of the convent the order and
system of a military organization. Many of the brethren had been
nearly all their lives in the order, some more than forty years, a
great part of which had been spent in active service in the East.</p>

<p>The witnesses who were summoned were not members of
the order, and had only hearsay evidence to give. They had
<i>heard</i> this and that report, they <i>suspected</i> something else, they
had been <i>told</i> that certain things had been said or done. Nothing
definite could be obtained, and there was no proof whatever
of any of the extravagant and incredible charges. Similar proceedings
took place in Lincoln and York, and also in Scotland
and Ireland; and in all places the results were the same, and the
matter dragged on till October, 1311.</p>

<p>Hitherto torture had not been resorted to; but now, in accordance
with the repeated solicitations of the Pope, King Edward
gave orders that the imprisoned Templars should be subjected
to the rack in order that they might be forced to give
evidence of their guilt. Even then there seems to have been
reluctance to resort to this cruel and shameful treatment, and a
series of delays occurred, so that nothing was done till the beginning
of the following year.</p>

<p>The Templars, having been now three years in prison,
chained, half-starved, threatened with greater miseries here,
and with eternal damnation hereafter; separated from one
another, without friend, adviser, or legal defence, were now
removed to the various jails in London and elsewhere, and
submitted to torture. We have no particular record of the horrible
details, but some evidence was afterward adduced which
was said to have been obtained from the unhappy victims during
their agony. It was such as was desired; an admission of
the truth of the monstrous accusations that were detailed to
them, which had been obtained, for the most part, from their
tortured brethren in France.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>In April, 1311, these depositions were read in the court, in
the presence of the Templars, who were required to say what
they could allege in their defence. They replied that they were
ignorant of the processes of law, and that they were not permitted
to have the aid of those whom they trusted and who
could advise them, but that they would gladly make a statement
of their faith and of the principles of their order. This they
were permitted to do, and a very simple and touching paper was
produced and signed by all the brethren. They declared themselves,
one and all, good Christians and faithful members of the
Church, and they claimed to be treated as such, and openly and
fairly tried if there were any just cause of complaint against
them. But their persecutors were by no means satisfied. Fresh
tortures and cruelties were resorted to to force confessions of
guilt from these worn-out and dying men. A few gave way, and
said what they were told to say; and these unhappy men were
produced in St. Paul's Cathedral shortly afterward, and made
to recant their errors, and were then "reconciled to the Church."
A similar scene was enacted at York.</p>

<p>The property of the Templars in England was placed under
the charge of a commission at the time that proceedings were
commenced against them, and the King very soon treated it as
if it were his own, giving away manors and convents at his
pleasure. A great part of the possessions of the order was
subsequently made over to the Hospitallers. The convent and
church of the Temple in London were granted, in 1313, to Aymer
de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, whose monument is in
Westminster Abbey. Other property was pawned by the King
to his creditors as security for payment of his debts; but constant
litigation and disputes seem to have pursued the holders
of the ill-gotten goods.</p>

<p>Some of the surviving Templars retired to monasteries, others
returned to the world and assumed secular habits, for which
they incurred the censures of the Pope.</p>


<h4>HENRY HART MILMAN</h4>

<p>The tragedy of the Templars had not yet drawn to its close.
The four great dignitaries of the order, the grand master Du
Molay, Guy, the commander of Normandy, son of the Dauphin<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span>
of Auvergne, the commander of Aquitaine, Godfrey de Gonaville,
the great visitor of France, Hugues de Peraud, were still
pining in the royal dungeons. It was necessary to determine on
their fate. The King and the Pope were now equally interested
in burying the affair forever in silence and oblivion. So long as
these men lived, uncondemned, undoomed, the order was not
extinct. A commission was named: the Cardinal-Archbishop
of Albi, with two other cardinals, two monks, the Cistercian
Arnold Novelli, and Arnold de Fargis, nephew of Pope Clement,
the Dominican Nicolas de Freveauville, akin to the house of
Marigny, formerly the King's confessor. With these the Archbishop
of Sens sat in judgment on the Knights' own former confessions.
The grand master and the rest were found guilty,
and were to be sentenced to perpetual imprisonment.</p>

<p>A scaffold was erected before the porch of Notre Dame.
On one side appeared the two cardinals; on the other the four
noble prisoners, in chains, under the custody of the Provost of
Paris. Six years of dreary imprisonment had passed over their
heads; of their valiant brethren the most valiant had been burned
alive; the recreants had purchased their lives by confession; the
Pope, in a full council, had condemned and dissolved the order.
If a human mind&mdash;a mind like that of Du Molay&mdash;could be
broken by suffering and humiliation, it must have yielded to
this long and crushing imprisonment. The Cardinal-Archbishop
of Albi ascended a raised platform: he read the confessions
of the Knights, the proceedings of the court; he enlarged
on the criminality of the order, on the holy justice of the Pope,
and the devout, self-sacrificing zeal of the King; he was proceeding
to the final, the fatal sentence. At that instant the
grand master advanced; his gesture implored silence; judges
and people gazed in awestruck apprehension. In a calm, clear
voice Du Molay spoke: "Before heaven and earth, on the
verge of death, where the least falsehood bears like an intolerable
weight upon the soul, I protest that we have richly deserved
death, not on account of any heresy or sin of which ourselves
or our order have been guilty, but because we have
yielded, to save our lives, to the seductive words of the Pope and
of the King; and so by our confessions brought shame and ruin
on our blameless, holy, and orthodox brotherhood."</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>The cardinals stood confounded; the people could not suppress
their profound sympathy. The assembly was hastily
broken up; the Provost was commanded to conduct the prisoners
back to their dungeons. "To-morrow we will hold further
counsel." But on the moment that the King heard these things,
without a day's delay, without the least consultation with the
ecclesiastical authorities, he ordered them to death as relapsed
heretics. On the island in the Seine, where now stands the statue
of Henry IV, between the King's garden on one side and the
convent of the Augustinian monks on the other, the two pyres
were raised&mdash;two out of the four had shrunk back into their
ignoble confessions. It was the hour of vespers when these two
aged and noble men were led out to be burned; they were tied
each to the stake. The flames kindled dully and heavily; the
wood, hastily piled up, was green or wet; or in cruel mercy the
tardiness was designed that the victims might have time, while
the fire was still curling round their extremities, to recant their
bold recantation. But there was no sign, no word of weakness.
Du Molay implored that the image of the Mother of God might
be held up before him, and his hands unchained, that he might
clasp them in prayer. Both, as the smoke rose to their lips, as
the fire crept up to their vital parts, continued solemnly to aver
the innocence and the Catholic faith of the order. The King
himself sat and beheld, it might seem without remorse, this
hideous spectacle; the words of Du Molay might have reached
his ears. But the people looked on with far other feelings.
Stupor kindled into admiration; the execution was a martyrdom;
friars gathered up their ashes and bones and carried them
away, hardly by stealth, to consecrated ground; they became
holy relics. The two who wanted courage to die pined away
their miserable life in prison.</p>

<p>The wonder and the pity of the times which immediately
followed, arrayed Du Molay not only in the robes of the martyr,
but gave him the terrible language of a prophet. "Clement,
iniquitous and cruel judge, I summon thee within forty days to
meet me before the throne of the Most High!" According to
some accounts this fearful sentence included the King, by whom,
if uttered, it might have been heard. The earliest allusion to
this awful speech does not contain that striking particularity,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>
which, if part of it, would be fatal to its credibility, <i>i.e.</i>, the precise
date of Clement's death. It was not till the year after that
Clement and King Philip passed to their account. The fate of
these two men during the next year might naturally so appal the
popular imagination, as to approximate more closely the prophecy
and its accomplishment. At all events it betrayed the deep
and general feeling of the cruel wrong inflicted on the order;
while the unlamented death of the Pope, the disastrous close of
Philip's reign, and the disgraceful crimes which attainted the
honor of his family seemed as declarations of heaven as to the
innocence of their noble victims.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span></p>
<h2>JAMES VAN ARTEVELDE LEADS A
FLEMISH REVOLT</h2>

<h3>EDWARD III OF ENGLAND ASSUMES THE
TITLE OF KING OF FRANCE</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1337-1340</h6>

<h3>FRAN&Ccedil;OIS P. G. GUIZOT</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Having defeated the Flemings at Mons-la-Puelle in 1304, Philip the
Fair of France found that they were unsubdued and ready to renew their
war against him. Therefore he very soon acknowledged their independence
under their count, Robert de B&eacute;thune. But Philip continually
violated the treaty he had made, and just before his death (1314) he again
began hostilities against Flanders.</p>

<p>Little of historical importance occurred in that country between the
death of Philip the Fair and the accession of Philip of Valois (1328).
His first act was to take up the cause of Louis de Nevers, then Count of
Flanders, whom the independent burghers of most of the chief cities had
united to deprive of his territories, leaving him only Ghent for a refuge.
In the first year of his reign Philip gained a victory over the Flemish
"weavers" at Cassel, and laid all Flanders at the feet of its rejected count.</p>

<p>In 1338 began the Hundred Years' War, arising from the claim of
Edward III of England to the French throne. Edward's most important
measure in preparation for the war was the securing of an alliance
with the Flemish burghers, whose French count, Louis de Nevers, had
gained nothing in their affections through the humiliation of Cassel, which
confirmed his rule. The hated count showed his hostility to Edward, as
well as his spite against his own subjects, by various petty acts which interfered
with the commerce and industry of both Flanders and England.</p>

<p>At last, by prohibiting the exportation of wool to Flanders, Edward
reduced the Flemings to despair and forced them to fling themselves into
his arms. Many of them emigrated to England, where they helped to
lay the foundation of manufactures. But the Flemish towns burst into
insurrection and proceeded to organized action in the manner here related
by Guizot, who draws largely upon the narrative of Froissart.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE Flemings bore the first brunt of that war which was to
be so cruel and so long. It was a lamentable position for
them; their industrial and commercial prosperity was being
ruined; their security at home was going from them; their communal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span>
liberties were compromised; divisions set in among them;
by interest and habitual intercourse they were drawn toward
England, but the Count, their lord, did all he could to turn them
away from her, and many among them were loath to separate
themselves entirely from France. "Burghers of Ghent, as they
chatted in the thoroughfares and at the cross-roads, said one to
another that they had heard much wisdom, to their mind, from
a burgher who was called James van Artevelde, and who was a
brewer of beer. They had heard him say that, if he could
obtain a hearing and credit, he would in a little while restore
Flanders to good estate, and they would recover all their gains
without standing ill with the King of France or the King of
England.</p>

<p>"These sayings began to get spread abroad insomuch that a
quarter or half the city was informed thereof, especially the small
folk of the commonalty, whom the evil touched most nearly.
They began to assemble in the streets, and it came to pass that
one day, after dinner, several went from house to house calling
for their comrades, and saying, 'Come and hear the wise man's
counsel.' On December 26, 1337, they came to the house of the
said James van Artevelde, and found him leaning against his
door. Far off as they were when they first perceived him, they
made him a deep obeisance, and 'Dear sir,' they said, 'we are
come to you for counsel; for we are told that by your great and
good sense you will restore the country of Flanders to good case.
So tell us how.'</p>

<p>"Then James van Artevelde came forward, and said: 'Sirs
comrades, I am a native and burgher of this city, and here I
have my means. Know that I would gladly aid you with all
my power, you and all the country; if there were here a man who
would be willing to take the lead, I would be willing to risk body
and means at his side; and if the rest of ye be willing to be
brethren, friends, and comrades to me, to abide in all matters
at my side, notwithstanding that I am not worthy of it, I will
undertake it willingly.' Then said all with one voice: 'We
promise you faithfully to abide at your side in all matters and to
therewith adventure body and means, for we know well that in
the whole countship of Flanders there is not a man but you
worthy so to do.'" Then Van Artevelde bound them to assemble<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>
on the next day but one in the grounds of the monastery
of Biloke, which had received numerous benefits from the ancestors
of Sohier of Courtrai, whose son-in-law Van Artevelde was.</p>

<p>This bold burgher of Ghent, who was born about 1285, was
sprung from a family the name of which had been for a long
while inscribed in their city upon the register of industrial
corporations. His father, John van Artevelde, a cloth-worker,
had been several times over-sheriff of Ghent, and his mother,
Mary van Groete, was great-aunt to the grandfather of the
illustrious publicist called in history Grotius. James van
Artevelde in his youth accompanied Count Charles of Valois,
brother of Philip the Handsome, upon his adventurous expeditions
in Italy, Sicily, and Greece, and to the island of Rhodes;
and it had been close by the spots where the soldiers of Marathon
and Salamis had beaten the armies of Darius and Xerxes that
he had heard of the victory of the Flemish burghers and workmen
attacked in 1302, at Courtrai, by the splendid army of
Philip the Handsome.</p>

<p>James van Artevelde, on returning to his country, had been
busy with his manufactures,<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> his fields, the education of his
children, and Flemish affairs up to the day when, at his invitation,
the burghers of Ghent thronged to the meeting on December 28,
1337, in the grounds of the monastery of Biloke. There he
delivered an eloquent speech, pointing out unhesitatingly but
temperately the policy which he considered good for the country.
"Forget not," he said, "the might and the glory of Flanders.
Who, pray, shall forbid that we defend our interests by using our
rights? Can the King of France prevent us from treating with
the King of England? And may we not be certain that if we
were to treat with the King of England, the King of France
would not be the less urgent in seeking our alliance? Besides,
have we not with us all the communes of Brabant, of Hainault,
of Holland, and of Zealand?" The audience cheered these
words; the commune of Ghent forthwith assembled, and on January
3, 1337, re&euml;stablished the offices of captains of parishes according
to olden usage, when the city was exposed to any pressing
danger.</p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span></p>

<p>It was carried that one of these captains should have the
chief government of the city; and James van Artevelde was at
once invested with it. From that moment the conduct of Van
Artevelde was ruled by one predominant idea: to secure free
and fair commercial intercourse for Flanders with England,
while observing a general neutrality in the war between the kings
of England and France, and to combine so far all the communes
of Flanders in one and the same policy. And he succeeded
in this twofold purpose. On April 29, 1338, the representatives
of all the communes of Flanders&mdash;the city of Bruges
numbering among them a hundred and eight deputies&mdash;repaired
to the castle of M&acirc;le, a residence of Count Louis, and then
James van Artevelde set before the Count what had been resolved
upon among them. The Count submitted, and swore that he
would thenceforth maintain the liberties of Flanders in the state
in which they had hitherto existed. In the month of May
following a deputation, consisting of James van Artevelde and
other burghers appointed by the cities of Ghent, Bruges, and
Ypres scoured the whole of Flanders, from Bailleul to Termonde,
and from Ninove to Dunkirk, "to reconcile the good
folk of the communes to the Count of Flanders, as well for the
Count's honor as for the peace of the country." Lastly, on
June 10, 1338, a treaty was signed at Anvers between the deputies
of the Flemish communes and the English ambassadors,
the latter declaring: "We do all to wit that we have negotiated
the way and substance of friendship with the good folk of the
communes of Flanders, in form and manner hereinafter following:</p>

<p>"First, they shall be able to go and buy the wools and other
merchandise which have been exported from England to Holland,
Zealand, or any other place whatsoever; and all traders
of Flanders who shall repair to the ports of England shall there
be safe and free in their persons and their goods, just as in any
other place where their ventures might bring them together.</p>

<p>"<i>Item</i>, we have agreed with the good folk and with all the
common country of Flanders that they must not mix nor intermeddle
in any way, by assistance in men or arms, in the wars
of our lord the King and the noble Sir Philip of Valois (who
holdeth himself for King of France)."</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>Three articles following regulated in detail the principles laid
down in the first two, and, by another charter, Edward III
ordained that "all stuffs marked with the seal of the city of
Ghent might travel freely in England without being subject
according to ellage and quality to the control to which all foreign
merchandise was subject."</p>

<p>Van Artevelde was right in telling the Flemings that, if they
treated with the King of England, the King of France would be
only the more anxious for their alliance. Philip of Valois and
even Count Louis of Flanders, when they got to know of the
negotiations entered into between the Flemish communes and
King Edward, redoubled their offers and promises to them.
But when the passions of men have taken full possession of
their souls, words of concession and attempts at accommodation
are nothing more than postponements or lies. Philip,
when he heard about the conclusion of a treaty between the
Flemish communes and the King of England, sent word to
Count Louis "that this James van Artevelde must not, on any
account, be allowed to rule or even live, for if it were so for long,
the Count would lose his land." The Count, very much disposed
to accept such advice, repaired to Ghent and sent for
Van Artevelde to come and see him at his hotel. He went, but
with so large a following that the Count was not at the time at
all in a position to resist him. He tried to persuade the Flemish
burgher that "if he would keep a hand on the people so as
to keep them to their love for the King of France, he having
more authority than anyone else for such a purpose, much
good would result to him; mingling, besides, with this address,
some words of threatening import."</p>

<p>Van Artevelde, who was not the least afraid of the threat, and
who at heart was fond of the English, told the Count that he
would do as he had promised the communes. "Hereupon he
left the Count, who consulted his confidants as to what he was to
do in this business, and they counselled him to let them go and
assemble their people, saying that they would kill Van Artevelde
secretly or otherwise. And, indeed, they did lay many traps and
made many attempts against the captain; but it was of no avail,
since all the commonalty was for him." When the rumor of
these projects and these attempts was spread abroad in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>
city, the excitement was extreme, and all the burghers assumed
white hoods, which was the mark peculiar to the members of
the commune when they assembled under their flags; so that
the Count found himself reduced to assuming one, for he was
afraid of being kept captive at Ghent, and, on the pretext of a
hunting-party, he lost no time in gaining his castle of M&acirc;le.</p>

<p>The burghers of Ghent had their minds still filled with their
late alarm when they heard that by order, it was said, of the
King of France&mdash;Count Louis had sent and beheaded at the
castle of Rupelmonde, in the very bed in which he was confined
by his infirmities, their fellow-citizen Sohier of Courtrai,
Van Artevelde's father-in-law, who had been kept for many
months in prison for his intimacy with the English. On the
same day the Bishop of Senlis and the Abbot of St. Denis had
arrived at Tournai, and had superintended the reading out in
the market-place of a sentence of excommunication against the
Ghentese.</p>

<p>It was probably at this date that Van Artevelde in his vexation
and disquietude assumed in Ghent an attitude threatening and
despotic even to tyranny. "He had continually after him,"
says Froissart, "sixty or eighty armed varlets, among whom
were two or three who knew some of his secrets. When he met
a man whom he hated or had in suspicion, this man was at once
killed, for Van Artevelde had given this order to his varlets:
'The moment I meet a man, and make such and such a sign to
you, slay him without delay, however great he may be, without
waiting for more speech.' In this way he had many great
masters slain. And as soon as these sixty varlets had taken
him home to his hotel, each went to dinner at his own house;
and the moment dinner was over they returned and stood before
his hotel and waited in the street until that he was minded
to go and play and take his pastime in the city, and so they
attended him to supper-time.</p>

<p>"And know that each of these hirelings had <i>per diem</i> four
groschen of Flanders for their expenses and wages, and he had
them regularly paid from week to week. And even in the case
of all that were most powerful in Flanders, knights, esquires, and
burghers of the good cities, whom he believed to be favorable
to the Count of Flanders, them he banished from Flanders and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>
levied half their revenues. He had levies made of rents, of dues
on merchandise and all the revenues belonging to the Count,
wherever it might be in Flanders, and he disbursed them at his
will, and gave them away without rendering any account. And
when he would borrow of any burghers on his word for payment,
there was none that durst say him nay. In short there
was never in Flanders, or in any other country, duke, count,
prince, or other who can have had a country at his will as James
van Artevelde had for a long time." It is possible that, as some
historians have thought, Froissart, being less favorable to burghers
than to princes, did not deny himself a little exaggeration in
this portrait of a great burgher-patriot transformed by the force
of events and passions into a demagogic tyrant.</p>

<p>While the Count of Flanders, after having vainly attempted
to excite an uprising against Van Artevelde, was being forced,
in order to escape from the people of Bruges, to mount his
horse in hot haste, at night and barely armed, and to flee away
to St. Omer, Philip of Valois and Edward III were preparing
on either side, for the war which they could see drawing near.
Philip was vigorously at work on the Pope, the Emperor of
Germany, and the princes neighbors of Flanders, in order to
raise obstacles against his rival or rob him of his allies. He
ordered that short-lived meeting of the states-general about
which we have no information left us, save that it voted the
principle that "no talliage could be imposed on the people if
urgent necessity or evident utility should not require it, and
unless by concession of the estates."</p>

<p>Philip, as chief of feudal society rather than of the nation
which was forming itself little by little around the lords, convoked
at Amiens all his vassals great and small, laic or cleric, placing all
his strength in their co&ouml;peration, and not caring at all to associate
the country itself in the affairs of his government. Edward, on
the contrary, while equipping his fleet and amassing treasure at
the expense of the Jews and Lombard usurers, was assembling
his parliament, talking to it "of this important and costly war,"
for which he obtained large subsidies, and accepting, without
making any difficulty, the vote of the commons' house, which
expressed a desire "to consult their constituents upon this subject,
and begged him to summon an early parliament, to which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>
there should be elected, in each county, two knights taken from
among the best landowners of their counties."</p>

<p>The King set out for the Continent; the parliament met
and considered the exigences of the war by land and sea, in
Scotland and in France; traders, shipowners, and mariners
were called and examined; and the forces determined to be
necessary were voted. Edward took the field, pillaging, burning,
and ravaging, "destroying all the country for twelve or
fourteen leagues in extent," as he himself said in a letter to the
Archbishop of Canterbury. When he set foot on French territory,
Count William of Hainault, his brother-in-law and up to
that time his ally, came to him and said that "he would ride
with him no farther, for that his presence was prayed and required
by his uncle the King of France, to whom he bore no
hate, and whom he would go and serve in his own kingdom,
as he had served King Edward on the territory of the Emperor,
whose vicar he was," and Edward wished him "Godspeed!"
Such was the binding nature of feudal ties that the same lord
held himself bound to pass from one camp to another according
as he found himself upon the domains of one or the other
of his suzerains in a war one against the other.</p>

<p>Edward continued his march toward St. Quentin, where
Philip had at last arrived with his allies the kings of Bohemia,
Navarre, and Scotland, "after delays which had given rise to
great scandal and murmurs throughout the whole kingdom."
The two armies, with a strength, according to Froissart, of a
hundred thousand men on the French side, and forty-four
thousand on the English, were soon facing one another, near
Buironfosse, a large burgh of Picardy. A herald came from the
English camp to tell the King of France that the King of England
"demanded of him battle. To which demand," says Froissart,
"the King of France gave willing assent and accepted the day
which was fixed at first for Thursday the 21st, and afterward
for Saturday the 25th of October, 1339."</p>

<p>To judge from the somewhat tangled accounts of the chroniclers
and of Froissart himself, neither of the two kings was very
anxious to come to blows. The forces of Edward were much
inferior to those of Philip; and the former had accordingly
taken up, as it appears, a position which rendered attack difficult<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span>
for Philip. There was much division of opinion in the French
camp. Independently of military grounds, a great deal was
said about certain letters from Robert, King of Naples, "a
mighty necromancer and full of mighty wisdom, it was reported,
who, after having several times cast their horoscopes, had discovered,
by astrology and from experience, that, if his cousin, the
King of France, were to fight the King of England, the former
would be worsted."</p>

<p>"In thus disputing and debating," says Froissart, "the time
passed till full mid-day. A little afterward a hare came leaping
across the fields, and rushed among the French. Those who
saw it began shouting and making a great halloo. Those who
were behind thought that those who were in front were engaging
in battle; and several put on their helmets and gripped their
swords. Thereupon several knights were made; and the Count
of Hainault himself made fourteen, who were thenceforth nicknamed
Knights of the Hare."</p>

<p>Whatever his motive may have been, Philip did not attack;
and Edward promptly began a retreat. They both dismissed
their allies; and during the early days of November Philip fell
back upon St. Quentin, and Edward went and took up his winter-quarters
at Brussels.</p>

<p>For Edward it was a serious check not to have dared to
attack the King whose kingdom he made a pretence of conquering;
and he took it grievously to heart. At Brussels he
had an interview with his allies and asked their counsel. Most
of the princes of the Low Countries remained faithful to him
and the Count of Hainault seemed inclined to go back to him;
but all hesitated as to what he was to do to recover from the
check. Van Artevelde showed more invention and more boldness.
The Flemish communes had concentrated their forces
not far from the spot where the two kings had kept their armies
looking at one another; but they had maintained a strict neutrality,
and at the invitation of the Count of Flanders, who promised
them that the King of France would entertain all their
claims, Artevelde and Breydel, the deputies from Ghent and
Bruges, even repaired to Courtrai to make terms with him. But
as they got there nothing but ambiguous engagements and
evasive promises, they let the negotiation drop, and, while Count<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span>
Louis was on his way to rejoin Philip at St. Quentin, Artevelde
with the deputies from the Flemish communes started for
Brussels.</p>

<p>Edward, who was already living on very confidential terms
with him, told him that "if the Flemings were minded to help
him to keep up the war and go with him whithersoever he would
take them, they should aid him to recover Lille, Douai, and
B&eacute;thune, then occupied by the King of France. Artevelde,
after consulting his colleagues, returned to Edward, and, 'Dear
sir,' said he, 'you have already made such requests to us, and
verily, if we could do so while keeping our honor and faith, we
would do as you demand: but we be bound, by faith and oath,
and on a bond of two millions of florins entered into with the
Pope, not to go to war with the King of France without incurring
a debt to the amount of that sum and a sentence of excommunication;
but if you do that which we are about to say to you, if
you will be pleased to adopt the arms of France, and quarter
them with those of England, and openly call yourself King of
France, we will uphold you for the true King of France; you,
as King of France, shall give us quittance of our faith; and then
we will obey you as King of France, and will go whithersoever
you shall ordain."</p>

<p>This prospect pleased Edward mightily: but "it irked him
to take the name and arms of that of which he had as yet won
no title." He consulted his allies. Some of them hesitated;
but "his most privy and especial friend," Robert d'Artois,
strongly urged him to consent to the proposal. So a French
prince and a Flemish burgher prevailed upon the King of England
to pursue, as in assertion of his avowed rights, the conquest of
the kingdom of France. King, prince, and burgher fixed Ghent
as their place of meeting for the official conclusion of the alliance;
and there, in January, 1340, the mutual engagement was signed
and sealed. The King of England "assumed the arms of
France quartered with those of England," and thenceforth took
the title of King of France.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span></p>
<h2>BATTLES OF SLUYS AND CR&Eacute;CY</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1340-1346</h6>

<h3>SIR JOHN FROISSART<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">47</a></h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>The sea fight of Sluys began the Hundred Years' War between England
and France. It is also memorable as England's first great naval
victory. The origin of the war lay in the Salic Law, which excludes
women from the throne of France. This overruled the claims of Queen
Isabella of England, and her son Edward III in 1328, when the twelve
peers and barons of France unanimously gave the crown to Isabella's
cousin, Philip of Valois, who ascended the throne as Philip VI of
France.</p>

<p>Edward III ingeniously maintained that though the Salic Law prevented
his mother from filling the throne, it did not destroy the rights of
her male descendants, and he early entertained the project of enforcing
this contention; but it was not until 1337 that he felt able to assert formally
his claim to the French crown and to assume the title of king of
France.</p>

<p>The following year, with a considerable body of troops to support his
presumed rights, he crossed to the Continent, and passed the winter at
Antwerp among the Flemings who had taken up his cause, and with
whom, as well as with the Emperor-King of Germany, he effected aggressive
alliances. He made a formal declaration of war in 1339, beginning
hostilities which were prolonged into the Hundred Years' War, and
which as a contest of the English kings for the sovereignty of France
produced a series of important revolutions in the fortunes of that country.</p>

<p>The first serious action of the war was a naval battle at Sluys, near
the Belgian frontier just northeast of Bruges, June 23, 1340. King Edward
and his entire navy sailed from the Thames June 22, and made
straight for Sluys. Sir Hugh Quiriel and other French officers, with
over one hundred and twenty large vessels, were lying near Sluys for the
purpose of disputing the English King's passage. Froissart, with his
usual terseness, has graphically recorded the combat which ensued.</p>

<p>A more important victory was that won in the land battle at Cr&eacute;cy in
1346, which, however, simply paved the way to the capture of Calais, for
it was not until the battle of Poitiers, ten years later, that Edward made
any progress toward the conquest of France. In 1346, after landing with
a force of troops at Cape La Hogue, Edward reduced Cherbourg, Carentan,
and Caen, and, with the intention of crossing the Seine at Rouen,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span>commenced his march on Calais, where he was to be joined by his Flemish
allies. Philip, making a rapid march from Paris to Amiens, had
posted detachments of soldiers along the right bank of the river Somme,
guarding every ford, breaking down every bridge, and gradually shutting
up the invaders in the narrow space between the Somme and the sea.</p>

<p>Edward sent out his marshals with their battalions to find a passage,
but they were unsuccessful, until a peasant led them to the tidal ford of
Blanchetaque. Although desperately opposed by fully twelve thousand
French, under the Norman baron Sir God&eacute;mar du Fay, they effected a
crossing, and, marching on, encamped in the fields near Cr&eacute;cy. The King
of France with the main body of his troops had taken up his quarters in
Abbeville.</p></div>


<h4>BATTLE OF SLUYS</h4>

<p><img src="images/cap_w.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="W" />HEN the King's fleet was almost got to Sluys, they saw so
many masts standing before it that they looked like a
wood. The King asked the commander of his ship what they
could be, who answered that he imagined they must be that
armament of Normans which the King of France kept at sea
and which had so frequently done him much damage, had burned
his good town of Southampton, and taken his large ship the
Christopher. The King replied: "I have for a long time wished
to meet with them, and now, please God and St. George, we
will fight them; for, in truth, they have done me so much mischief
that I will be revenged on them if it be possible."</p>

<p>The King drew up all his vessels, placing the strongest in the
front, and on the wings his archers. Between every two vessels
with archers there was one of men-at-arms. He stationed some
detached vessels as a reserve, full of archers, to assist and help
such as might be damaged. There were in this fleet a great many
ladies from England, countesses, baronesses, and knights' and
gentlemen's wives, who were going to attend on the Queen at
Ghent. These the King had guarded most carefully by three
hundred men-at-arms and five hundred archers.</p>

<p>When the King of England and his marshals had properly
divided the fleet, they hoisted their sails to have the wind on
their quarter, as the sun shone full in their faces, which they
considered might be of disadvantage to them, and stretched out
a little, so that at last they got the wind as they wished. The
Normans, who saw them tack, could not help wondering why
they did so, and said they took good care to turn about, for they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>
were afraid of meddling with them. They perceived, however,
by his banner, that the King was on board, which gave them
great joy, as they were eager to fight with him; so they put their
vessels in proper order, for they were expert and gallant men on
the seas. They filled the Christopher, the large ship which they
had taken the year before from the English, with trumpets and
other warlike instruments, and ordered her to fall upon the English.</p>

<p>The battle then began very fiercely; archers and cross-bowmen
shot with all their might at each other, and the men-at-arms
engaged hand to hand. In order to be more successful,
they had large grapnels, and iron hooks with chains, which they
flung from ship to ship, to moor them to each other. There were
many valiant deeds performed, many prisoners made, and many
rescues. The Christopher, which led the van, was recaptured
by the English, and all in her taken or killed. There were then
great shouts and cries, and the English manned her again with
archers and sent her to fight against the Genoese.</p>

<p>This battle was very murderous and horrible. Combats at
sea are more destructive and obstinate than upon the land, for
it is not possible to retreat or flee&mdash;everyone must abide his fortune
and exert his prowess and valor. Sir Hugh Quiriel and
his companions were bold and determined men, had done much
mischief to the English at sea and destroyed many of their ships;
this combat, therefore, lasted from early in the morning until
noon, and the English were hard pressed, for their enemies were
four to one, and the greater part men who had been used to the
sea.</p>

<p>The King, who was in the flower of his youth, showed himself
on that day a gallant knight, as did the earls of Derby, Pembroke,
Hereford, Huntingdon, Northampton, and Gloucester;
the Lord Reginald Cobham, Lord Felton, Lord Bradestan, Sir
Richard Stafford, the Lord Percy, Sir Walter Manny, Sir Henry
de Flanders, Sir John Beauchamp, Sir John Chandos, the Lord
Delaware, Lucie Lord Malton, and the Lord Robert d'Artois,
now called Earl of Richmond.</p>

<p>I cannot remember all the names of those who behaved so
valiantly in the combat; but they did so well that, with some
assistance from Bruges and those parts of the country, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>
French were completely defeated, and all the Normans and the
others killed or drowned, so that not one of them escaped. This
was soon known all over Flanders; and when it came to the two
armies before Thin-l'Ev&ecirc;que, the Hainaulters were as much rejoiced
as their enemies were dismayed.</p>

<p>After the King had gained this victory, which was on the eve
of St. John's Day, he remained all that night on board of his ship
before Sluys, and there were great noises with trumpets and all
kinds of other instruments. The Flemings came to wait on him,
having heard of his arrival and what deeds he had performed.
The King inquired of the citizens of Bruges after Jacob van
Artevelde, and they told him he was gone to the aid of the Earl
of Hainault with upward of sixty thousand men, against the
Duke of Normandy. On the morrow, which was Midsummer
Day, the King and his fleet entered the port. As soon as they
were landed, the King, attended by crowds of knights, set out
on foot on a pilgrimage to our Lady of Ardemburg, where he
heard mass and dined. He then mounted his horse and went
that day to Ghent, where the Queen was, who received him
with great joy and kindness. The army and baggage, with the
attendants of the King, followed him by degrees to the same
place.</p>


<h4>BATTLE OF CR&Eacute;CY</h4>

<p>The two battalions of the marshals came, on Friday in the
afternoon, to where the King was, and they fixed their quarters,
all three together, near Cr&eacute;cy in Ponthieu. The King of England,
who had been informed that the King of France was following
him, in order to give him battle, said to his people:
"Let us post ourselves here, for we will not go farther before we
have seen our enemies. I have good reason to wait for them on
this spot; as I am now upon the lawful inheritance of my lady
mother, which was given her as her marriage portion, and I am
resolved to defend it against my adversary, Philip de Valois."
On account of his not having more than an eighth part of the
forces which the King of France had, his marshals fixed upon
the most advantageous situation, and the army went and took
possession of it. He then sent his scouts toward Abbeville, to
learn if the King of France meant to take the field this Friday,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>
but they returned and said they saw no appearance of it; upon
which he dismissed his men to their quarters with orders to be
in readiness by times in the morning and to assemble in the
same place. The King of France remained all Friday in Abbeville,
waiting for more troops. He sent his marshals, the Lord
of St. Venant and Lord Charles of Montmorency, out of Abbeville,
to examine the country and get some certain intelligence
of the English. They returned about vespers with information
that the English were encamped on the plain. That night the
King of France entertained at supper in Abbeville all the princes
and chief lords. There was much conversation relative to war;
and the King entreated them after supper that they would always
remain in friendship with each other; that they would
be friends without jealousy, and courteous without pride. The
King was still expecting the Earl of Savoy, who ought to have
been there with a thousand lances, as he had been well paid for
them at Troyes in Champaign, three months in advance.</p>

<p>The King of England encamped this Friday in the plain,
for he found the country abounding in provisions, but, if they
should have failed, he had plenty in the carriages which attended
on him. The army set about furbishing and repairing their
armor, and the King gave a supper that evening to the earls and
barons of his army, where they made good cheer. On their
taking leave the King remained alone with the lords of his bedchamber;
he retired into his oratory, and, falling on his knees
before the altar, prayed to God that if he should combat his
enemies on the morrow, he might come off with honor. About
midnight he went to bed and, rising early the next day, he
and the Prince of Wales heard mass and communicated. The
greater part of his army did the same, confessed, and made
proper preparations. After mass, the King ordered his men to
arm themselves, and assemble on the ground he had before fixed
on. He had enclosed a large park near a wood, on the rear of his
army, in which he placed all his baggage wagons and horses.
This park had but one entrance; his men-at-arms and archers
remained on foot.</p>

<p>The King afterward ordered, through his constable and his
two marshals, that the army should be divided into three battalions.
In the first he placed the young Prince of Wales, and with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>
him the earls of Warwick and Oxford, Sir Godfrey de Harcourt,
the Lord Reginald Cobham, Lord Thomas Holland, Lord
Stafford, Lord Mauley, the Lord Delaware, Sir John Chandos,
Lord Bartholomew Burgherst, Lord Robert Neville, Lord
Thomas Clifford, Lord Bourchier, Lord Latimer, and many
other knights and squires. There might be, in this first division,
about eight hundred men-at-arms, two thousand archers, and a
thousand Welshmen. They advanced in regular order to their
ground, each lord under his banner and pennon and in the
centre of his men. In the second battalion were the Earl of
Northampton, the Earl of Arundel, the lords Roos, Willoughby,
Basset, St. Albans, Sir Lewis Tufton, Lord Multon, Lord Lascels,
and many others; amounting, in the whole, to about eight
hundred men-at-arms and twelve hundred archers. The third
battalion was commanded by the King, and was composed of
about seven hundred men-at-arms and two thousand archers.</p>

<p>The King then mounted a small palfrey, having a white
wand in his hand, and, attended by his two marshals on each side
of him, he rode at a footpace through all the ranks, encouraging
and entreating the army that they would guard his honor and
defend his right. He spoke this so sweetly and with such a
cheerful countenance that all who had been dispirited were
directly comforted by seeing and hearing him. When he had
thus visited all the battalions it was near ten o'clock; he retired
to his own division, and ordered them all to eat heartily and drink
a glass after. They ate and drank at their ease, and, having
packed up pots, barrels, etc., in the carts they returned to their
battalions according to the marshals' orders, and seated themselves
on the ground, placing their helmets and bows before
them, that they might be the fresher when their enemies should
arrive.</p>

<p>On Saturday the King of France rose betimes, and heard
mass in the monastery of St. Peter's in Abbeville, where he was
lodged; having ordered his army to do the same, he left that
town after sunrise. When he had marched about two leagues
from Abbeville, and was approaching the enemy, he was advised
to form his army in order of battle and to let those on foot march
forward that they might not be trampled on by the horses. The
King, upon this, sent off four knights, Lord Moyne of Bastleberg,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>
Lord of Noyers, Lord of Beaujeu, and the Lord of Aubigny,
who rode so near to the English that they could clearly distinguish
their position. The English plainly perceived they were
come to reconnoitre them; however, they took no notice of it,
but suffered them to return unmolested. When the King of
France saw them coming back, he halted his army; and the
knights, pushing through the crowd, came near the King, who
said to them, "My lords, what news?" They looked at each
other, without opening their mouths, for neither chose to speak
first. At last the King addressed himself to the Lord Moyne,
who was attached to the King of Bohemia, and had performed
very many gallant deeds, so that he was esteemed one of the
most valiant knights in Christendom. Lord Moyne said: "Sir,
I will speak, since it pleases you to order me, but under the correction
of my companions. We have advanced far enough to
reconnoitre your enemies. Know, then, that they are drawn up
in three battalions, and are waiting for you. I would advise, for
my part&mdash;submitting, however, to better counsel&mdash;that you halt
your army here and quarter them for the night; for before the
rear shall come up and the army be properly drawn out, it will
be very late; your men will be tired and in disorder, while they
will find your enemies fresh and properly arrayed. On the
morrow you may draw up your army more at your ease and may
reconnoitre at leisure on what part it will be most advantageous
to begin the attack; for, be assured, they will wait for you."
The King commanded that it should be so done, and the two
marshals rode, one toward the front, and the other to the rear,
crying out, "Halt banners, in the name of God and St. Denis."
Those that were in the front halted, but those behind said they
would not halt until they were as forward as the front. When
the front perceived the rear pressing on they pushed forward, and
neither the King nor the marshals could stop them, but they
marched without any order until they came in sight of their
enemies. As soon as the foremost rank saw them they fell back
at once in great disorder, which alarmed those in the rear, who
thought they had been fighting. There was then space and
room enough for them to have passed forward, had they been
willing so to do; some did so, but others remained shy. All the
roads between Abbeville and Cr&eacute;cy were covered with common<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span>
people, who, when they were come within three leagues of their
enemies, drew their swords, bawling out, "Kill, kill," and with
them were many great lords that were eager to make show of
their courage. There is no man&mdash;unless he had been present&mdash;that
can imagine or describe truly the confusion of that day;
especially the bad management and disorder of the French,
whose troops were out of number.</p>

<p>The English were drawn up in three divisions and seated on
the ground. On seeing their enemies advance they rose up and
fell into their ranks. That of the Prince was the first to do so,
whose archers were formed in the manner of a portcullis, or
harrow, and the men-at-arms in the rear. The earls of Northampton
and Arundel, who commanded the second division, had
posted themselves in good order on his wing, to assist and succor
the Prince if necessary. You must know that these kings, earls,
barons, and lords of France did not advance in any regular
order, but one after the other, or any way most pleasing to themselves.
As soon as the King of France came in sight of the
English his blood began to boil, and he cried out to his marshals,
"Order the Genoese forward and begin the battle, in the name
of God and St. Denis." There were about fifteen thousand
Genoese cross-bowmen, but they were quite fatigued, having
marched on foot that day six leagues, completely armed and with
their cross-bows. They told the constable they were not in a fit
condition to do any great things that day in battle. The Earl of
Alen&ccedil;on, hearing this, said, "This is what one gets by employing
such scoundrels, who fall off when there is any need for
them." During this time a heavy rain fell, accompanied by
thunder and a very terrible eclipse of the sun, and before this
rain a great flight of crows hovered in the air over all those battalions,
making a loud noise. Shortly afterward it cleared up
and the sun shone very bright, but the Frenchmen had it on
their faces and the English on their backs. When the Genoese
were somewhat in order and approached the English they set
up a loud shout<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> in order to frighten them, but they remained
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>quite still and did not seem to attend to it. They then set up a
second shout and advanced a little forward, but the English
never moved.</p>


<p>They hooted a third time, advancing with their cross-bows
presented and began to shoot. The English archers then advanced
one step forward and shot their arrows with such force
and quickness that it seemed as if it snowed. When the Genoese
felt these arrows, which pierced their arms, heads, and
through their armor, some of them cut the strings of their cross-bows;
others flung them on the ground and all turned about
and retreated quite discomfited. The French had a large body
of men-at-arms on horseback, richly dressed, to support the
Genoese. The King of France seeing them thus fall back cried
out, "Kill me those scoundrels, for they stop up our road without
any reason." You would then have seen the above-mentioned
men-at-arms lay about them, killing all they could of
these runaways.</p>

<p>The English continued shooting as vigorously and quickly
as before; some of their arrows fell among the horsemen, who
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>were sumptuously equipped, and, killing and wounding many,
made them caper and fall among the Genoese, so that they were
in such confusion they could never rally again. In the English
army there were some Cornish and Welshmen on foot who had
armed themselves with large knives. These, advancing through
the ranks of the men-at-arms and archers, who made way for
them, came upon the French when they were in this danger, and,
falling upon earls, barons, knights, and squires, slew many; at
which the King of England was afterward much exasperated.
The valiant King of Bohemia was slain there. He was called
Charles of Luxembourg, for he was the son of the gallant king
and emperor Henry of Luxembourg. Having heard the order
of the battle, he inquired where his son, Lord Charles, was.
His attendants answered that they did not know, but believed
he was fighting. The King said to them: "Gentlemen, you are
all my people, my friends and brethren-at-arms this day; therefore,
as I am blind,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> I request of you to lead me so far into the
engagement that I may strike one stroke with my sword." The
knights replied that they would directly lead him forward, and,
in order that they might not lose him in the crowd, they fastened
all the reins of their horses together and put the King at their
head, that he might gratify his wish and advance toward the
enemy. Lord Charles of Bohemia&mdash;who already signed his
name as King of Germany and bore the arms&mdash;had come in
good order to the engagement, but when he perceived that it was
likely to turn out against the French he departed. The King,
his father, had rode in among the enemy, and made good use of
his sword, for he and his companions had fought most gallantly.
They had advanced so far that they were all slain, and on the
morrow they were found on the ground, with their horses all tied
together.</p>

<p>The Earl of Alen&ccedil;on advanced in regular order upon the
English, to fight with them; as did the Earl of Flanders in
another part. These two lords, with their detachments&mdash;coasting,
as it were, the archers&mdash;came to the Prince's battalion,
where they fought valiantly for a length of time. The King of
France was eager to march to the place were he saw their ban<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>ners
displayed, but there was a hedge of archers before him.
He had that day made a present of a handsome black horse to
Sir John of Hainault, who had mounted on it a knight called Sir
John de Fusselles, that bore his banner. The horse ran off with
him and forced its way through the English army, and, when
about to return, stumbled and fell into a ditch and severely
wounded him. He would have been dead if his page had not
followed him round the battalions and found him unable to rise.
He had not, however, any other hinderance than from his horse;
for the English did not quit the ranks that day to make prisoners.
The page alighted and raised him up, but he did not return
the way he came, as he would have found it difficult from the
crowd. This battle, which was fought on the Saturday, between
La Broyes and Cr&eacute;cy, was very murderous and cruel, and many
gallant deeds of arms were performed that were never known.
Toward evening many knights and squires of the French had
lost their masters. They wandered up and down the plain,
attacking the English in small parties. They were soon destroyed,
for the English had determined that day to give no quarter
nor hear of ransom from anyone.</p>


<p>Early in the day some French, Germans, and Savoyards
had broken through the archers of the Prince's battalion and
had engaged with the men-at-arms; upon which the second
battalion came to his aid, otherwise he would have been hard
pressed. The first division, seeing the danger they were in, sent
a knight in great haste to the King of England, who was posted
upon an eminence near a windmill. On the knight's arrival
he said: "Sir, the Earl of Warwick, Lord Reginald Cobham,
and the others who are about your son are vigorously attacked
by the French. They entreat that you would come to their assistance
with your battalion, for, if their numbers should increase,
they fear he will have too much to do."</p>

<p>The King replied, "Is my son dead, unhorsed, or so badly
wounded that he cannot support himself?"</p>

<p>"Nothing of the sort, thank God," rejoined the knight, "but
he is in so hot an engagement that he has great need of your
help." The King answered: "Now, Sir Thomas, return back
to those that sent you, and tell them from me not to send again
for me this day, or expect that I shall come, let what will happen,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span>
as long as my son has life; and say that I command them to let
the boy win his spurs; for I am determined, if it please God,
that all the glory and honor of this day shall be given to him
and to those into whose care I have intrusted him." The
knight returned to his lords, and related the King's answer,
which mightily encouraged them and made them repent they
had ever sent such a message.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">50</a></p>

<p>It is a certain fact that Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who was
in the Prince's battalion, having been told by some of the English
that they had seen the banner of his brother engaged in the
battle against him, was exceedingly anxious to save him; but he
was too late, for he was left dead on the field, and so was the
Earl of Aumarle, his nephew. On the other hand, the earls of
Alen&ccedil;on and of Flanders were fighting lustily under their banners
and with their own people, but they could not resist the
force of the English, and were slain, as well as many other
knights and squires that were attending on or accompanying
them. The Earl of Blois, nephew to the King of France, and
the Duke of Lorraine, his brother-in-law, with their troops,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>made a gallant defence; but they were surrounded by a troop
of English and Welsh and slain in spite of their prowess. The
Earl of St. Pol and the Earl of Auxerre were also killed, as well
as many others.</p>


<p>Late after vespers, the King of France had not more about
him than sixty men&mdash;every one included. Sir John of Hainault,
who was of the number, had once remounted the King; for
his horse had been killed under him by an arrow. He said to the
King: "Sir, retreat while you have an opportunity and do not
expose yourself so simply. If you have lost this battle, another
time you will be the conqueror." After he had said this, he took
the bridle of the King's horse and led him off by force, for he had
before entreated him to retire. The King rode on until he came
to the castle of La Broyes, where he found the gates shut, for it
was very dark. The King ordered the governor of it to be summoned.
He came upon the battlements and asked who it was
that called at such an hour. The King answered: "Open,
open, governor! It is the fortune of France!" The governor,
hearing the King's voice, immediately descended, opened the
gate and let down the bridge. The King and his company
entered the castle, but he had only with him five barons, Sir
John of Hainault, Lord Charles of Montmorency, Lord Beaujeu,
Lord Aubigny, and Lord Montfort. The King would not
bury himself in such a place as that, but, having taken some
refreshments, set out again with his attendants about midnight,
and rode on, under the direction of guides&mdash;who were well
acquainted with the country&mdash;until about daybreak, when he
came to Amiens, where he halted. The English never quitted
their ranks in pursuit of anyone, but remained on the field,
guarding their position and defending themselves against all
who attacked them. The battle was ended at the hour of vespers.</p>

<p>When, on Saturday night, the English heard no more hooting
or shouting, nor any more crying out to particular lords or
their banners, they looked upon the field as their own and their
enemies as beaten. They made great fires, and lighted torches
because of the obscurity of the night. King Edward then came
down from his post, who all that day had not put on his helmet,
and with his whole battalion advanced to the Prince of Wales,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>
whom he embraced in his arms and kissed, and said: "Sweet
son, God give you good perseverance; you are my son, for most
loyally have you acquitted yourself this day. You are worthy
to be a sovereign." The Prince bowed down very low and humbled
himself, giving all the honor to the King, his father. The
English, during the night, made frequent thanksgivings to the
Lord for the happy issue of the day, and without rioting, for the
King had forbidden all riot or noise. On Sunday morning there
was so great a fog that one could scarcely see the distance of half
an acre. The King ordered a detachment from the army, under
the command of the two marshals&mdash;consisting of about five
hundred lances and two thousand archers&mdash;to make an excursion
and see if there were any bodies of French troops collected
together. The quota of troops from Rouen and Beauvais had
that morning left Abbeville and St. Ricquier in Ponthieu to join
the French army, and were ignorant of the defeat of the preceding
evening. They met this detachment, and, thinking they must
be French, hastened to join them.</p>

<p>As soon as the English found who they were, they fell upon
them and there was a sharp engagement. The French soon
turned their backs and fled in great disorder. There were slain
in this flight in the open fields, under hedges and bushes, upward
of seven thousand; and had it been clear weather, not one
soul would have escaped.</p>

<p>A little time afterward this same party fell in with the
Archbishop of Rouen and the great Prior of France, who were
also ignorant of the discomfiture of the French, for they had
been informed that the King was not to fight before Sunday.
Here began a fresh battle; for those two lords were well attended
by good men-at-arms. However, they could not withstand
the English, but were almost all slain, with the two chiefs
who commanded them; very few escaping. In the morning the
English found many Frenchmen who had lost their road on
Saturday and had lain in the open fields, not knowing what was
become of the King or their own leaders. The English put to
the sword all they met; and it has been assured to me for fact
that of foot soldiers, sent from the cities, towns, and municipalities,
there were slain, this Sunday morning, four times as
many as in the battle of Saturday.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span>This detachment, which had been sent to look after the
French, returned as the King was coming from mass, and related
to him all that they had seen and met with. After he had been
assured by them that there was not any likelihood of the French
collecting another army, he sent to have the number and condition
of the dead examined. He ordered on this business Lord
Reginald Cobham, Lord Stafford, and three heralds to examine
their arms, and two secretaries to write down all the names.
They took much pains to examine all the dead, and were the
whole day in the field of battle, not returning but just as the King
was sitting down to supper. They made him a very circumstantial
report of all they had observed, and said they had found
eighty banners, the bodies of eleven princes, twelve hundred
knights, and about thirty thousand common men.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span></p>
<h2>MODERN RECOGNITION OF SCENIC BEAUTY</h2>

<h3>CROWNING OF PETRARCH AT ROME</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1341</h6>

<h3>JACOB BURCKHARDT</h3>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The beauty of nature, of natural scenery amid mountains, fields, and
lakes, seems to have passed unheeded during early medi&aelig;val times.
Even in the ancient days of classic culture it apparently attracted very
little notice, except from an occasional poet. The present attitude of enthusiasm,
which leads thousands of tourists to flock to Switzerland or to
Niagara every year, is wholly a modern development. This development
of what is almost a new sense in man certainly deserves notice. To fix
an exact date for its beginning is, of course, impossible, but it is generally
regarded as a product of the Italian Renaissance, and Burckhardt,
seeking for its slow unfolding, traces it back to Petrarch, who, in his poetry,
speaks of nature repeatedly.</p>

<p>Petrarch's poetry was so highly valued by the Italians that they unanimously
agreed to confer upon the author a laurel crown. This was a
revival of the old Greek method of honoring poets, and as such it was
felt by the Italians a specially fitting way to proclaim their reviving interest
in art. So a great public gathering was arranged at Rome, and the
laurel was with elaborate ceremonies placed on Petrarch's brow.</p>

<p>The recipient of this new and distinguished honor is regarded as second
only to Dante in Italian literature. In addition to his world-famed
sonnets to Laura, he wrote much-admired Latin poems, and was a scholar
of high repute. His enthusiasm for the ancient Greek and Latin authors
made him the central figure in that revival of classic learning which at
this time began in Italy.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_p.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="P" />ETRARCH, who lives in the memory of most people nowadays
chiefly as a great Italian poet, owed his fame among his
contemporaries far rather to the fact that he was a kind of living
representative of antiquity, that he imitated all styles of Latin
poetry, endeavored by his voluminous historical and philosophical
writings not to supplant, but to make known, the works of
the ancients, and wrote letters that, as treatises on matters of
antiquarian interest, obtained a reputation which to us is unintelligible,
but which was natural enough in an age without hand-books.
Petrarch himself trusted and hoped that his Latin<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>
writings would bring him fame with his contemporaries and
with posterity, and thought so little of his Italian poems that, as
he often tells us, he would gladly have destroyed them if he
could have succeeded thereby in blotting them out from the
memory of men.</p>

<p>It was the same with Boccaccio. For two centuries, when
but little was known of the <i>Decameron</i> north of the Alps, he was
famous all over Europe simply on account of his Latin compilations
on mythology, geography, and biography. One of these,
<i>de Genealogia Deorum</i>, contains in the fourteenth and fifteenth
books a remarkable appendix, in which he discusses the position
of the then youthful humanism with regard to the age. We
must not be misled by his exclusive references to <i>poesia</i>, as
closer observation shows that he means thereby the whole mental
activity of the poet-scholars. This it is whose enemies he so
vigorously combats&mdash;the frivolous ignoramuses who have no
soul for anything but debauchery; the sophistical theologian to
whom Helicon, the Castalian fountain, and the grove of Apollo
were foolishness; the greedy lawyers, to whom poetry was a superfluity,
since no money was to be made by it; finally the mendicant
friars, described periphrastically, but clearly enough, who
made free with their charges of paganism and immorality. Then
follow the defence of poetry, the proof that the poetry of the
ancients and of their modern followers contains nothing mendacious,
the praise of it, and especially of the deeper and allegorical
meanings which we must always attribute to it, and of that calculated
obscurity which is intended to repel the dull minds of
the ignorant.</p>

<p>And finally, with a clear reference to his own scholarly work,
the writer justifies the new relation in which his age stood to paganism.
The case was wholly different, he pleads, when the
Early Church had to fight its way among the heathen. Now&mdash;praised
be Jesus Christ!&mdash;true religion was strengthened, paganism
destroyed, and the victorious Church in possession of the
hostile camp. It was now possible to touch and study paganism
almost (<i>fere</i>) without danger. Boccaccio, however, did not hold
this liberal view consistently. The ground of his apostasy lay
partly in the mobility of his character, partly in the still powerful
and widespread prejudice that classical pursuits were unbecoming<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>
in a theologian. To these reasons must be added the
warning given him in the name of the dead Pietro Petroni by
the monk Gioacchino Ciani to give up his pagan studies under
pain of early death. He accordingly determined to abandon
them, and was only brought back from this cowardly resolve by
the earnest exhortations of Petrarch, and by the latter's able demonstration
that humanism was reconcilable with religion.</p>

<p>There was thus a new cause in the world, and a new class of
men to maintain it. It is idle to ask if this cause ought not to
have stopped short in its career of victory, to have restrained itself
deliberately, and conceded the first place to purely national
elements of culture. No conviction was more firmly rooted in
the popular mind than that antiquity was the highest title to
glory which Italy possessed.</p>

<p>There was a symbolical ceremony familiar to this generation
of poet-scholars which lasted on into the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, though losing the higher sentiment which inspired it&mdash;the
coronation of the poets with the laurel wreath. The origin
of this system in the Middle Ages is obscure, and the ritual of
the ceremony never became fixed. It was a public demonstration,
an outward and visible expression of literary enthusiasm,
and naturally its form was variable. Dante, for instance, seems
to have understood it in the sense of a half-religious consecration;
he desired to assume the wreath in the baptistery of San
Giovanni, where, like thousands of other Florentine children, he
had received baptism. He could, says his biographer, have anywhere
received the crown in virtue of his fame, but desired it nowhere
but in his native city, and therefore died uncrowned.
From the same source we learn that the usage was till then uncommon,
and was held to be inherited by the ancient Romans
from the Greeks. The most recent source to which the practices
could be referred is to be found in the Capitoline contests
of musicians, poets, and other artists, founded by Domitian in
imitation of the Greeks and celebrated every five years, which
may possibly have survived for a time the fall of the Roman
Empire; but as few other men would venture to crown themselves,
as Dante desired to do, the question arises, To whom did
this office belong? Albertino Mussato was crowned at Padua
in 1310 by the Bishop and the rector of the university.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span>The University of Paris, the rector of which was then a Florentine,
1341, and the municipal authorities of Rome competed
for the honor of crowning Petrarch. His self-elected examiner,
King Robert of Anjou, would gladly have performed the ceremony
at Naples, but Petrarch preferred to be crowned on the
Capitol by the senator of Rome. This honor was long the highest
object of ambition, and so it seemed to Jacobus Pizinga, an
illustrious Sicilian magistrate. Then came the Italian journey
of Charles IV, whom it amused to flatter the vanity of ambitious
men, and impress the ignorant multitude by means of gorgeous
ceremonies. Starting from the fiction that the coronation of
poets was a prerogative of the old Roman emperors, and consequently
was no less his own, he crowned, May 15, 1355, the
Florentine scholar Zanobi della Strada at Pisa, to the annoyance
of Petrarch, who complained that the barbarian laurel had
dared adorn the man loved by the Ausonian muses, and to the
great disgust of Boccaccio, who declined to recognize this <i>laurea
Pisana</i> as legitimate. Indeed, it might be fairly asked with what
right this stranger, half Slavonic by birth, came to sit in judgment
on the merits of Italian poets. But from henceforth the
emperors crowned poets whenever they went on their travels;
and in the fifteenth century the popes and other princes assumed
the same right, till at last no regard whatever was paid to place
or circumstances.</p>

<p>Outside the sphere of scientific investigation, there is another
way to draw near to nature. The Italians are the first
among modern peoples by whom the outward world was seen
and felt as something beautiful. The power to do so is always
the result of a long and complicated development, and its origin
is not easily detected, since a dim feeling of this kind may exist
long before it shows itself in poetry and painting, and thereby
becomes conscious of itself. Among the ancients, for example,
art and poetry had gone through the whole circle of human interests
before they turned to the representation of nature, and
even then the latter filled always a limited and subordinate place.
And yet, from the time of Homer downward, the powerful impression
made by nature upon man is shown by countless verses
and chance expressions. The Germanic races which founded
their states on the ruins of the Roman Empire were thoroughly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>
and specially fitted to understand the spirit of natural scenery;
and though Christianity compelled them for a while to see in
the springs and mountains, in the lakes and woods, which they
had till then revered, the working of evil demons, yet this transitional
conception was soon outgrown.</p>

<p>By the year 1200, at the height of the Middle Ages, a genuine,
hearty enjoyment of the external world was again in existence,
and found lively expression in the minstrelsy of different
nations, which gives evidence of the sympathy felt with all the
simple phenomena of nature&mdash;spring with its flowers, the green
fields, and the woods. But these pictures are all foreground,
without perspective. Even the crusaders, who travelled so far
and saw so much, are not recognizable as such in these poems.
The epic poetry, which describes armor and costumes so fully,
does not attempt more than a sketch of outward nature; and
even the great Wolfram von Eschenbach scarcely anywhere
gives us an adequate picture of the scene on which his heroes
move. From these poems it would never be guessed that their
noble authors in all countries inhabited or visited lofty castles,
commanding distant prospects. Even in the Latin poems of the
wandering clerks, we find no traces of a distant view&mdash;of landscape
properly so called; but what lies near is sometimes described
with a glow and splendor which none of the knightly
minstrels can surpass.</p>

<p>To the Italian mind, at all events, nature had by this time
lost its taint of sin, and had shaken off all trace of demoniacal
powers. St. Francis of Assisi, in his <i>Hymn to the Sun</i>, frankly
praises the Lord for creating the heavenly bodies and the four
elements.</p>

<p>The unmistakable proofs of a deepening effect of nature on
the human spirit begin with Dante. Not only does he awaken
in us by a few vigorous lines the sense of the morning airs and
the trembling light on the distant ocean, or of the grandeur of
the storm-beaten forest, but he makes the ascent of lofty peaks,
<i>with</i> the only possible object of enjoying the view&mdash;the first man,
perhaps, since the days of antiquity who did so. In Boccaccio
we can do little more than infer how country scenery affected
him; yet his pastoral romances show his imagination to have
been filled with it.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>But the significance of nature for a receptive spirit is fully
and clearly displayed by Petrarch&mdash;one of the first truly modern
men. That clear soul&mdash;who first collected from the literature of
all countries evidence of the origin and progress of the sense
of natural beauty, and himself, in his <i>Ansichten der Natur</i>,
achieved the noblest masterpiece of description&mdash;Alexander von
Humboldt, has not done full justice to Petrarch; and, following
in the steps of the great reaper, we may still hope to glean a
few ears of interest and value.</p>

<p>Petrarch was not only a distinguished geographer&mdash;the first
map of Italy is said to have been drawn by his direction&mdash;and
not only a reproducer of the sayings of the ancients, but felt
himself the influence of natural beauty. The enjoyment of nature
is, for him, the favorite accompaniment of intellectual pursuits;
it was to combine the two that he lived in learned retirement
at Vaucluse and elsewhere, that he from time to time fled
from the world and from his age. We should do him wrong by
inferring from his weak and undeveloped power of describing
natural scenery that he did not feel it deeply. His picture, for
instance, of the lovely Gulf of Spezzia and Porto Venere, which
he inserts at the end of the sixth book of the <i>Africa</i>, for the reason
that none of the ancients or moderns had sung of it, is no more
than a simple enumeration, but the descriptions in letters to his
friends of Rome, Naples, and other Italian, cities in which he
willingly lingered, are picturesque and worthy of the subject.
Petrarch is also conscious of the beauty of rock scenery, and is
perfectly able to distinguish the picturesqueness from the utility
of nature. During his stay among the woods of Reggio, the sudden
sight of an impressive landscape so affected him that he resumed
a poem which he had long laid aside. But the deepest
impression of all was made upon him by the ascent of Mont
Ventoux, near Avignon. An indefinable longing for a distant
panorama grew stronger and stronger in him, till at length the
accidental sight of a passage in Livy, where King Philip, the
enemy of Rome, ascends the Haemus, decided him. He thought
that what was not blamed in a gray-headed monarch might be
well excused in a young man of private station.</p>

<p>The ascent of a mountain for its own sake was unheard of,
and there could be no thought of the companionship of friends<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span>
or acquaintances. Petrarch took with him only his younger
brother and two country people from the last place where he
halted. At the foot of the mountain an old herdsman besought
him to turn back, saying that he himself had attempted to climb
it fifty years before, and had brought home nothing but repentance,
broken bones, and torn clothes, and that neither before nor
after had anyone ventured to do the same. Nevertheless, they
struggled forward and upward, till the clouds lay beneath their
feet, and at last they reached the top. A description of the view
from the summit would be looked for in vain, not because the
poet was insensible to it, but, on the contrary, because the impression
was too overwhelming. His whole past life, with all its
follies, rose before his mind; he remembered that ten years ago
that day he had quitted Bologna a young man, and turned a
longing gaze toward his native country; he opened a book which
then was his constant companion, the <i>Confessions</i> of St. Augustine,
and his eye fell on the passage in the tenth chapter, "and
men go forth, and admire lofty mountains and broad seas and
roaring torrents and the ocean and the course of the stars, and
forget their own selves while doing so." His brother, to whom
he read these words, could not understand why he closed the
book and said no more.</p>

<p>Some decades later, about 1360, Fazio degli Uberti describes,
in his rhyming geography, the wide panorama from the mountains
of Auvergne, with the interest, it is true, of the geographer
and antiquarian only, but still showing clearly that he himself
had seen it. He must, however, have ascended higher peaks,
since he is familiar with facts which only occur at a height of
ten thousand feet or more above the sea&mdash;mountain-sickness
and its accompaniments&mdash;of which his imaginary comrade Solinus
tries to cure him with a sponge dipped in essence. The
ascents of Parnassus and Olympus, of which he speaks, are perhaps
only fictions.</p>

<p>In the fifteenth century, the great masters of the Flemish
school, Hubert and Johann van Eyck, suddenly lifted the veil
from nature. Their landscapes are not merely the fruit of an
endeavor to reflect the real world in art, but have, even if expressed
conventionally, a certain poetical meaning&mdash;in short, a
soul. Their influence on the whole art of the West is undeniable,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>
and extended to the landscape-painting of the Italians, but
without preventing the characteristic interest of the Italian eye
for nature from finding its own expression.</p>

<p>On this point, as in the scientific description of nature,
&AElig;neas Sylvius is again one of the most weighty voices of his
time. Even if we grant the justice of all that has been said
against his character, we must, nevertheless, admit that in few
other men was the picture of the age and its culture so fully reflected,
and that few came nearer to the normal type of the men
of the early Renaissance. It may be added parenthetically that
even in respect to his moral character he will not be fairly
judged if we listen solely to the complaints of the German
Church, which his fickleness helped to balk of the council it so
ardently desired.</p>

<p>He here claims our attention as the first who not only enjoyed
the magnificence of the Italian landscape, but described it
with enthusiasm down to its minutest details. The ecclesiastical
state and the South of Tuscany&mdash;his native home&mdash;he knew
thoroughly, and after he became pope he spent his leisure during
the favorable season chiefly in excursions to the country.
Then at last the gouty man was rich enough to have himself
carried in a litter through the mountains and valleys; and when
we compare his enjoyments with those of the popes who succeeded
him, Pius, whose chief delight was in nature, antiquity,
and simple but noble architecture, appears almost a saint. In
the elegant and flowing Latin of his <i>Commentaries</i> he freely tells
us of his happiness.</p>

<p>His eye seems as keen and practised as that of any modern
observer. He enjoys with rapture the panoramic splendor of the
view from the summit of the Alban hills&mdash;from the Monte Cavo&mdash;whence
he could see the shores of St. Peter from Terracina
and the promontory of Circe as far as Monte Argentaro, and the
wide expanse of country round about, with the ruined cities of
the past, and with the mountain chains of central Italy beyond;
and then his eye would turn to the green woods in the hollows
beneath, and the mountain lakes among them. He feels the
beauty of the position of Todi, crowning the vineyards and olive-clad
slopes, looking down upon distant woods and upon the valley
of the Tiber, where towns and castles rise above the winding<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>
river. The lovely hills about Siena, with villas and monasteries
on every height, are his own home, and his descriptions of them
are touched with a peculiar feeling. Single picturesque glimpses
charm him, too, like the little promontory of Capo di Monte
that stretches out into the Lake of Bolsena. "Rocky steps," we
read, "shaded by vines, descend to the water's edge, where the
evergreen oaks stand between the cliffs, alive with the song of
thrushes." On the path round the Lake of Nemi, beneath the
chestnuts and fruit-trees, he feels that here, if anywhere, a poet's
soul must awake&mdash;here in the hiding-place of Diana! He often
held consistories or received ambassadors under huge old chestnut-trees,
or beneath the olives on the greensward by some
gurgling spring. A view like that of a narrowing gorge, with a
bridge arched boldly over it, awakens at once his artistic sense.
Even the smallest details give him delight through something
beautiful, or perfect, or characteristic in them&mdash;the blue fields
of waving flax, the yellow gorge which covers the hills, even tangled
thickets, or single trees, or springs, which seem to him like
wonders of nature.</p>

<p>The height of his enthusiasm for natural beauty was reached
during his stay on Monte Amiata, in the summer of 1462, when
plague and heat made the lowlands uninhabitable. Half way
up the mountain, in the old Lombard monastery of San Salvatore,
he and his court took up their quarters. There, between
the chestnuts which clothe the steep declivity, the eye may wander
over all Southern Tuscany, with the towers of Siena in the
distance. The ascent of the highest peak he left to his companions,
who were joined by the Venetian envoy; they found at
the top two vast blocks of stone one upon the other&mdash;perhaps the
sacrificial altar of a prehistorical people&mdash;and fancied that in
the far distance they saw Corsica and Sardinia rising above the
sea.</p>

<p>In the cool air of the hills, among the old oaks and chestnuts,
on the green meadows where there were no thorns to wound the
feet and no snakes or insects to hurt or to annoy, the Pope passed
days of unclouded happiness. For the <i>segnatura</i>, which took
place on certain days of the week, he selected on each occasion
some new shady retreat "<i>novas in convallibus fontes et novas inveniens
umbras, qu&aelig; dubiam jacerent electionem</i>." At such times<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span>
the dogs would perhaps start a great stag from his lair, who,
after defending himself a while with hoofs and antlers, would fly
at last up the mountain. In the evening the Pope was accustomed
to sit before the monastery on the spot from which the
whole valley of the Paglia was visible, holding lively conversations
with the cardinals. The courtiers, who ventured down
from the heights on their hunting expeditions, found the heat
below intolerable, and the scorched plains like a very hell, while
the monastery, with its cool, shady woods, seemed like an abode
of the blessed.</p>

<p>All this is genuine modern enjoyment, not a reflection of antiquity.
As surely as the ancients themselves felt in the same
manner, so surely, nevertheless, were the scanty expressions of
the writers whom Pius knew insufficient to awaken in him such
enthusiasm.</p>

<p>The second great age of Italian poetry, which now followed at
the end of the fifteenth century, as well as the Latin poetry of
the same period, is rich in proofs of the powerful effect of nature
on the human mind. The first glance at the lyric poets of that
time will suffice to convince us. Elaborate descriptions, it is true,
of natural scenery are very rare, for the reason that, in this energetic
age, the novels and the lyric or epic poetry had something
else to deal with. Bojardo and Ariosto paint nature vigorously,
but as briefly as possible, and with no effort to appeal by their
descriptions to the feelings of the reader, which they endeavor
to reach solely by their narrative and characters.</p>

<p>Letter-writers and the authors of philosophical dialogues
are, in fact, better evidences of the growing love of nature than
the poets. The novelist Bandello, for example, observes rigorously
the rules of his department of literature; he gives us in
his novels themselves not a word more than is necessary on the
natural scenery amid which the action of his tales takes place,
but in the dedications which always precede them we meet with
charming descriptions of nature as the setting for his dialogues
and social pictures. Among letter-writers, Aretino unfortunately
must be named as the first who has fully painted in words the
splendid effect of light and shadow in an Italian sunset.</p>

<p>We sometimes find the feeling of the poets, also, attaching
itself with tenderness to graceful scenes of country life. Tito<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>
Strozza, about the year 1480, describes in a Latin elegy the
dwelling of his mistress. We are shown an old ivy-clad house,
half hidden in trees, and adorned with weather-stained frescoes
of the saints, and near it a chapel, much damaged by the violence
of the river Po, which flowed hard by; not far off, the
priest ploughs his few barren roods with borrowed cattle. This
is no reminiscence of the Roman elegists, but true modern sentiment.</p>

<p>It may be objected that the German painters at the beginning
of the sixteenth century succeed in representing with perfect
mastery these scenes of country life, as, for instance, Albrecht
Durer, in his engraving of the prodigal son. But it is one thing
if a painter, brought up in a school of realism, introduces such
scenes, and quite another thing if a poet, accustomed to an
ideal or mythological framework, is driven by inward impulse
into realism. Besides which, priority in point of time is here,
as in the descriptions of country life, on the side of the Italian
poets.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span></p>
<h2>RIENZI'S REVOLUTION IN ROME</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1347</h6>

<h3>R. LODGE</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>When for nearly forty years Rome had been deserted by the popes,
who had betaken themselves in 1309 to a long residence at Avignon,
France, and when the Eternal City was virtually without an imperial
government&mdash;the Teutonic emperors having likewise abandoned her&mdash;she
fell back upon the memories of her great past, recalling the glories of
her ancient supremacy and the means whereby it had been established
and maintained. Whatever might promise to restore it she was ready to
welcome.</p>

<p>At this time the real masters of Rome were the princes or barons
dwelling in their fortified castles outside or in their strong palaces within
the city. Over the northern district, near the Quirinal, reigned the celebrated
old family of the Colonnas; while along the Tiber, from the Campo-di-Fiore
to the Church of St. Peter, extended the sway of the new
family of the Orsini. Other members of the nobility, in the country,
held their seats in small fortified cities or castles. Under such domination
Rome had become almost deserted. "The population of the seven-hilled
city had come down to about thirty thousand souls." When at
peace with one another&mdash;which was rarely&mdash;the barons exercised over
the citizens and serfs a combined tyranny, while the farmers, travellers,
and pilgrims were made victims of their plunder. At this period Petrarch&mdash;that
"first modern man"&mdash;wrote to Pope Clement VI that
Rome had become the abode of demons, the receptacle of all crimes, a
hell for the living.</p>

<p>"It was in these circumstances that a momentary revival of order and
liberty was effected by the most extraordinary adventurer of an age that
was prolific in adventurers." This was Cola Di Rienzi, who was born in
Rome about 1313, and who is sometimes styled "an Italian patriot." In
his ambitious endeavor to reinstate the C&aelig;sarean power in Italy he appears
alternately in the figure of a hero and the character of a charlatan.
Believing himself the founder of a new era, he was inflamed by his successes,
and ended in "mystical extravagances and follies which could
not fail to cause his ruin."</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_c.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="C" />OLA DI RIENZI was born of humble parents, though he
afterward tried to gratify his own vanity and to gain the
ear of Charles IV by claiming to be the bastard son of Henry
VII. A wrong which he could not venture to avenge excited<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>
his bitter hostility against the baronage, while the study of Livy
and other classical writers inspired him with regretful admiration
for the glories of ancient Rome.</p>

<p>He succeeded in attracting notice by his personal beauty
and by the rather turgid eloquence which was his chief talent.
In 1342 he took the most prominent part in an embassy from
the citizens to Clement VI; and though he failed to induce the
Pope to return to Rome, which at that time he seems to have
regarded as the panacea for the evils of the time, he gained sufficient
favor at Avignon to be appointed papal notary.</p>

<p>From this time he deliberately set himself to raise the people
to open resistance against their oppressors, while he disarmed
the suspicions of the nobles by intentional buffoonery and extravagance
of conduct. On May 20, 1347, the first blow was
struck. Rienzi, with a chosen band of conspirators, and accompanied
by the papal vicar, who had every interest in weakening
the baronage, proceeded to the Capitol, and, amid the applause
of the mob, promulgated the laws of the <i>buono stato</i>.</p>

<p>He himself took the title of tribune, in order to emphasize
his championship of the lower classes. The most important of
his laws were for the maintenance of order. Private garrisons
and fortified houses were forbidden. Each of the thirteen districts
was to maintain an armed force of a hundred infantry
and twenty-five horsemen. Every port was provided with a
cruiser for the protection of merchandise, and the trade on the
Tiber was to be secured by a river police.</p>

<p>The nobles watched the progress of this astonishing revolution
with impotent surprise. Stefano Colonna, who was absent
on the eventful day, expressed his scorn of the mob and their
leader. But a popular attack on his palace convinced him of
his error and forced him to fly from the city. Within fifteen
days the triumph of Rienzi seemed to be complete, when the
proudest nobles of Rome submitted and took an oath to support
the new constitution. But the suddenness of his success was
enough to turn a head which was never of the strongest.</p>

<p>The Tribune began to dream of restoring to the Roman Republic
its old supremacy. And for a moment even this dream
seemed hardly chimerical. Europe was really dazzled by the
revival of its ancient capital. Louis of Hungary and Joanna of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>
Naples submitted their quarrel to Rienzi's arbitration. Thus
encouraged, he set no bounds to his ambition. He called upon
the Pope and cardinals to return at once to Rome. He summoned
Louis and Charles, the two claimants to the Imperial dignity,
to appear before his throne and submit to his tribunal.</p>

<p>His arrogance was shown in the pretentious titles which he
assumed and in the gorgeous pomp with which he was accompanied
on public and even on private occasions. On August
15th, after bathing in the porphyry font in which the emperor
Constantine had been baptized, he was crowned with seven
crowns representing the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost. His most
loyal admirer prophesied disaster when the Tribune ventured on
this occasion to blasphemously compare himself with Christ.</p>

<p>Rienzi's government deteriorated with his personal character.
It had at first been liberal and just; it became arbitrary and even
treacherous. His personal timidity made him at once harsh and
vacillating. The heads of the great families, whom he had invited
to a banquet, were seized and condemned to death on a
charge of conspiracy. But a sudden terror of the possible consequences
of his action caused him to relent, and he released his
victims just as they were preparing for execution. His leniency
was as ill-timed as his previous severity. The nobles could no
longer trust him, and their fear was diminished by the weakness
which they despised while they profited by it. They retired
from Rome and concerted measures for the overthrow of their
enemy.</p>

<p>The first attack, which was led by Stefano Colonna, was
repulsed almost by accident; but Rienzi, who had shown more
cowardice than generalship, disgusted his supporters by his
indecent exultation over the bodies of the slain. And there was
one fatal ambiguity in Rienzi's position. He had begun by
announcing himself as the ally and champion of the papacy, and
Clement VI had been willing enough to stand by and watch the
destruction of the baronage. But the growing independence
and the arrogant pretensions of the Tribune exasperated the
Pope. A new legate was despatched to Italy to denounce and
excommunicate Rienzi as a heretic. The latter had no longer
any support to lean upon. When a new attack was threatened,
the people sullenly refused to obey the call to arms. Rienzi had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>
not sufficient courage to risk a final struggle. On December
15th he abdicated and retired in disguise from Rome. His rise
to power, his dazzling triumph, and his downfall were all comprised
within the brief period of seven months.</p>

<p>For the next few years Rienzi disappeared from view. According
to his own account he was concealed in a cave in the
Apennines, where he associated with some of the wilder members
of the sect of the Fraticelli and probably imbibed some of their
tenets. Rome relapsed into anarchy, and men's minds were
distracted from politics by the ravages of the black death. The
great jubilee held in Rome in 1350 became a kind of thanksgiving
service of those whom the plague had spared.</p>

<p>It is said that Rienzi himself visited the scene of his exploits
without detection among the crowds of pilgrims. But he was
destined to reappear in a more public and disastrous manner.
In his solitude his courage and his ambition revived, and he
meditated new plans for restoring freedom to Rome and to Italy.
The allegiance to the Church, which he had professed in 1347,
was weakened by the conduct of Clement VI and by the influence
of the Fraticelli, and he resolved in the future to ally himself
with the secular rather than with the ecclesiastical power, with
the Empire rather than with the papacy. In August, 1351, he
appeared in disguise in Prague and demanded an audience
of Charles IV. To him he proposed the far-reaching scheme
which he had formed during his exile.</p>

<p>The Pope and the whole body of clergy were to be deprived
of their temporal power; the petty tyrants of Italy were to be
driven out; and the Emperor was to fix his residence in Rome
as the supreme ruler of Christendom. All this was to be accomplished
by Rienzi himself at his own cost and trouble.
Charles IV listened with some curiosity to a man whose career
had excited such universal interest, but he was the last man to be
carried away by such chimerical suggestions.</p>

<p>The introduction into the political proposals of some of the
religious and communistic ideas of the Fraticelli gave the Emperor
a pretext for committing Rienzi to the Archbishop of
Prague for correction and instruction. The Archbishop communicated
with the Pope, and on the demand of Clement VI
Charles agreed to hand Rienzi over to the papal court on condition<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>dition
that his life should be spared. In 1352 Rienzi was conveyed
to Avignon and thrust into prison. He owed his life
perhaps less to the Emperor's request than to the opportune
death of Clement VI in this year.</p>

<p>The new Pope, Innocent VI, was more independent of French
control than his immediate predecessors. The French King
was fully occupied with internal disorders and with the English
war. Thus the Pope was able to give more attention to
Italian politics, which were sufficiently pressing. The independence
and anarchy of the Papal States constituted a serious problem,
but the danger of their subjection to a foreign power was
still more serious. In 1350 the important city of Bologna had
been seized by the Visconti of Milan, and the progress of this
powerful family threatened to absorb the whole of the Romagna.
Innocent determined to resist their encroachments and at the
same time to restore the papal authority, and in 1353 he intrusted
this double task to Cardinal Albornoz.</p>

<p>Albornoz, equally distinguished as a diplomatist and as a
military commander, resolved to ally the cause of the papacy
with that of liberty. His programme was to overthrow the tyrants
as the enemies both of the people and of the popes, and
to restore municipal self-government under papal protection.
His attention was first directed to the city of Rome, which, after
many vicissitudes since 1347, had fallen under the influence of
a demagogue named Baroncelli.</p>

<p>Baroncelli had revived to some extent the schemes of Rienzi,
but had declared openly against papal rule. To oppose this new
tribune, Albornoz conceived the project of using the influence
of Rienzi, whose rule was now regretted by the populace that had
previously deserted him. The Pope was persuaded to release
Rienzi from prison and to send him to Rome, where the effect
of his presence was almost magical. The Romans flocked to
welcome their former liberator, and he was reinstalled in power
with the title of senator, conferred upon him by the Pope. But
his character was not improved by adversity, and his rule was
more arbitrary and selfish than it had been before.</p>

<p>The execution of the <i>condottiere</i>, Fra Moreale, was an act of
ingratitude as well as of treachery. Popular favor was soon
alienated from a ruler who could no longer command either<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>
affection or respect, and, in a mob rising, Rienzi was put to death,
October 8, 1354. But his return had served the purpose of Albornoz.
Rome was preserved to the papacy, and the cardinal
could proceed in safety with his task of subduing the independent
tyrants of Romagna.</p>

<p>Central Italy had not yet witnessed the general introduction
of mercenaries, and the native populations still fought their own
battles. The policy of exciting revolts among the subject citizens
was completely successful, and by 1360 almost the whole of Romagna
had submitted to the papal legate. His triumph was
crowned in this year, when, by skilful use of quarrels among the
Visconti princes, he succeeded in recovering Bologna.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span></p>
<h2>BEGINNING AND PROGRESS OF THE RENAISSANCE</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">Fourteenth to Sixteenth Century</span></h6>

<h3>JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>The new birth or resurrection known as the "Renaissance" is usually
considered to have begun in Italy in the fourteenth century, though some
writers would date its origin from the reign of Frederick II, 1215-1250;
and by this Prince&mdash;the most enlightened man of his age&mdash;it was at least
anticipated. Well versed in languages and science, he was a patron of
scholars, whom he gathered about him, from all parts of the world, at
his court in Palermo.</p>

<p>At all events the Renaissance was heralded through the recovery by
Italian scholars of Greek and Roman classical literature. When the
movement began, the civilization of Greece and Rome had long been
exerting a partial influence, not only upon Italy, but on other parts of
medi&aelig;val Europe as well. But in Italy especially, when the wave of barbarism
had passed, the people began to feel a returning consciousness of
their ancient culture, and a desire to reproduce it. To Italians the Latin
language was easy, and their country abounded in documents and monumental
records which symbolized past greatness.</p>

<p>The modern Italian spirit was produced through the combination of
various elements, among which were the political institutions brought by
the Lombards from Germany, the influence of chivalry and other northern
forms of civilization, and the more immediate power of the Church.
That which was foreshadowed in the thirteenth century became in the
fourteenth a distinct national development, which, as Symonds, its most
discerning interpreter, shows us, was constructing a model for the whole
western world.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE word "renaissance" has of late years received a more
extended significance than that which is implied in our
English equivalent&mdash;the "revival of learning." We use it to denote
the whole transition from the Middle Ages to the modern
world; and though it is possible to assign certain limits to the
period during which this transition took place, we cannot fix on
any dates so positively as to say between this year and that the
movement was accomplished. To do so would be like trying to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>
name the days on which spring in any particular season began
and ended. Yet we speak of spring as different from winter and
from summer.</p>

<p>The truth is that in many senses we are still in mid-Renaissance.
The evolution has not been completed. The new life is
our own and is progressive. As in the transformation scene of
some pantomime, so here the waning and the waxing shapes are
mingled; the new forms, at first shadowy and filmy, gain upon
the old; and now both blend; and now the old scene fades into
the background; still, who shall say whether the new scene be
finally set up?</p>

<p>In like manner we cannot refer the whole phenomena of the
Renaissance to any one cause or circumstance, or limit them
within the field of any one department of human knowledge.
If we ask the students of art what they mean by the Renaissance,
they will reply that it was the revolution effected in architecture,
painting, and sculpture by the recovery of antique
monuments. Students of literature, philosophy, and theology
see in the Renaissance that discovery of manuscripts, that passion
for antiquity, that progress in philology and criticism,
which led to a correct knowledge of the classics, to a fresh taste
in poetry, to new systems of thought, to more accurate analysis,
and finally to the Lutheran schism and the emancipation of the
conscience. Men of science will discourse about the discovery
of the solar system by Copernicus and Galileo, the anatomy of
Vesalius, and Harvey's theory of the circulation of the blood.
The origination of a truly scientific method is the point which
interests them most in the Renaissance. The political historian,
again, has his own answer to the question. The extinction of
feudalism, the development of the great nationalities of Europe,
the growth of monarchy, the limitation of the ecclesiastical authority,
and the erection of the papacy into an Italian kingdom,
and in the last place the gradual emergence of that sense
of popular freedom which exploded in the Revolution: these are
the aspects of the movement which engross his attention.</p>

<p>Jurists will describe the dissolution of legal fictions based
upon the False Decretals, the acquisition of a true text of the
Roman code, and the attempt to introduce a rational method
into the theory of modern iurisprudence, as well as to commence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span>
the study of international law. Men whose attention
has been turned to the history of discoveries and inventions will
relate the exploration of America and the East, or will point to
the benefits conferred upon the world by the arts of printing
and engraving, by the compass and the telescope, by paper and
by gunpowder; and will insist that at the moment of the Renaissance
all the instruments of mechanical utility started into
existence, to aid the dissolution of what was rotten and must
perish, to strengthen and perpetuate the new and useful and life-giving.</p>

<p>Yet neither any one of these answers, taken separately, nor
indeed all of them together, will offer a solution of the problem.
By the term "renaissance," or new birth, is indicated a natural
movement, not to be explained by this or that characteristic,
but to be accepted as an effort of humanity for which at length
the time had come, and in the onward progress of which we still
participate. The history of the Renaissance is not the history
of arts or of sciences or of literature or even of nations. It is
the history of the attainment of self-conscious freedom by the
human spirit manifested in the European races. It is no mere
political mutation, no new fashion of art, no restoration of
classical standards of taste. The arts and the inventions, the
knowledge and the books which suddenly became vital at the
time of the Renaissance, had long lain neglected on the shores
of the dead sea which we call the Middle Ages. It was not
their discovery which caused the Renaissance. But it was the
intellectual energy, the spontaneous outburst of intelligence,
which enabled mankind at that moment to make use of them.
The force then generated still continues, vital and expansive, in
the spirit of the modern world.</p>

<p>How was it, then, that at a certain period, about fourteen
centuries after Christ, to speak roughly, humanity awoke as it
were from slumber and began to live? That is a question which
we can but imperfectly answer. The mystery of organic life defeats
analysis. Whether the subject of our inquiry be a germ-cell,
or a phenomenon so complex as the commencement of
a new religion, or the origination of a new disease, or a new
phase in civilization, it is alike impossible to do more than to
state the conditions under which the fresh growth begins, and to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>
point out what are its manifestations. In doing so, moreover,
we must be careful not to be carried away by words of our own
making. Renaissance, Reformation, and Revolution are not
separate things, capable of being isolated; they are moments in
the history of the human race which we find it convenient to
name; while history itself is one and continuous, so that our utmost
endeavors to regard some portion of it, independently of
the rest, will be defeated.</p>

<p>A glance at the history of the preceding centuries shows that,
after the dissolution of the fabric of the Roman Empire, there
was no possibility of any intellectual revival. The barbarous
races which had deluged Europe had to absorb their barbarism;
the fragments of Roman civilization had either to be destroyed
or assimilated; the Germanic nations had to receive culture
and religion from the effete people they had superseded.
It was further necessary that the modern nationalities should
be defined, that the modern languages should be formed, that
peace should be secured to some extent, and wealth accumulated,
before the indispensable <i>milieu</i> for a resurrection of the
free spirit of humanity could exist. The first nation which fulfilled
these conditions was the first to inaugurate the new era.
The reason why Italy took the lead in the Renaissance was that
Italy possessed a language, a favorable climate, political freedom,
and commercial prosperity, at a time when other nations
Were still semibarbarous. Where the human spirit had been
buried in the decay of the Roman Empire, there it arose upon
the ruins of that Empire; and the papacy&mdash;- called by Hobbes the
ghost of the dead Roman Empire, seated, throned, and crowned,
upon the ashes thereof&mdash;to some extent bridged over the gulf between
the two periods.</p>

<p>Keeping steadily in sight the truth that the real quality of
the Renaissance was intellectual&mdash;that it was the emancipation
of the reason for the modern world&mdash;we may inquire how
feudalism was related to it. The mental condition of the Middle
Ages was one of ignorant prostration before the idols of
the Church&mdash;dogma and authority and scholasticism. Again,
the nations of Europe during these centuries were bound down
by the brute weight of material necessities. Without the power
over the outer world which the physical sciences and useful arts<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>
communicate, without the ease of life which wealth and plenty
secure, without the traditions of a civilized past, emerging slowly
from a state of utter rawness, each nation could barely do more
than gain and keep a difficult hold upon existence. To depreciate
the work achieved for humanity during the Middle Ages
would be ridiculous. Yet we may point out that it was done
unconsciously&mdash;that it was a gradual and instinctive process of
becoming. The reason, in a word, was not awake; the mind
of man was ignorant of its own treasures and its own capacities.
It is pathetic to think of the medi&aelig;val students poring over a
single ill-translated sentence of Porphyry, endeavoring to extract
from its clauses whole systems of logical science, and torturing
their brains about puzzles more idle than the dilemma
of Buridan's donkey, while all the time, at Constantinople and
at Seville, in Greek and Arabic, Plato and Aristotle were alive,
but sleeping, awaiting only the call of the Renaissance to bid
them speak with voice intelligible to the modern mind. It is no
less pathetic to watch tide after tide of the ocean of humanity
sweeping from all parts of Europe, to break in passionate but
unavailing foam upon the shores of Palestine, whole nations
laying life down for the chance of seeing the walls of Jerusalem,
worshipping the sepulchre whence Christ had risen, loading
their fleet with relics and with cargoes of the sacred earth, while
all the time, within their breasts and brains, the spirit of the
Lord was with them, living but unrecognized, the spirit of freedom
which ere long was destined to restore its birthright to the
world.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the Middle Age accomplished its own work.
Slowly and obscurely, amid stupidity and ignorance, were being
forged the nations and the languages of Europe. Italy, France,
Spain, England, Germany took shape. The actors of the future
drama acquired their several characters, and formed the tongues
whereby their personalities should be expressed. The qualities
which render modern society different from that of the ancient
world were being impressed upon these nations by Christianity,
by the Church, by chivalry, by feudal customs. Then came a
further phase. After the nations had been moulded, their monarchies
and dynasties were established. Feudalism passed by
slow degrees into various forms of more or less defined autocracy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>
In Italy and Germany numerous principalities sprang into
pre&euml;minence; and though the nation was not united under one
head, the monarchical principle was acknowledged. France
and Spain submitted to a despotism, by right of which the king
could say, "<i>L'&eacute;tat c'est moi</i>." England developed her complicated
constitution of popular right and royal prerogative. At
the same time the Latin Church underwent a similar process of
transformation. The papacy became more autocratic. Like
the king the pope began to say, "<i>L'&Eacute;glise c'est moi</i>." This
merging of the medi&aelig;val state and medi&aelig;val church in the
personal supremacy of king and pope may be termed the special
feature of the last age of feudalism which preceded the Renaissance.
It was thus that the necessary milieu was prepared.
The organization of the five great nations, and the levelling of
political and spiritual interests under political and spiritual despots,
formed the prelude to that drama of liberty of which the
Renaissance was the first act, the Reformation the second, the
Revolution the third, and which we nations of the present are
still evolving in the establishment of the democratic idea.</p>

<p>Meanwhile it must not be imagined that the Renaissance
burst suddenly upon the world in the fifteenth century without
premonitory symptoms. Far from that, within the Middle Age
itself, over and over again, the reason strove to break loose
from its fetters. Abelard, in the twelfth century, tried to prove
that the interminable dispute about entities and words was
founded on a misapprehension. Roger Bacon, at the beginning
of the thirteenth century, anticipated modern science, and proclaimed
that man, by use of nature, can do all things. Joachim
of Flora, intermediate between the two, drank one drop of the
cup of prophecy offered to his lips, and cried that "the gospel of
the Father was past, the gospel of the Son was passing, the
gospel of the Spirit was to be." These three men, each in his
own way, the Frenchman as a logician, the Englishman as an
analyst, the Italian as a mystic, divined the future but inevitable
emancipation of the reason of mankind. Nor were there wanting
signs, especially in Provence, that Aphrodite and Ph&oelig;bus
and the Graces were ready to resume their sway. We have,
moreover, to remember the Cathari, the Paterini, the Franticelli,
the Albigenses, the Hussites&mdash;heretics in whom the new<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>
light dimly shone, but who were instantly exterminated by the
Church.</p>

<p>We have to commemorate the vast conception of the emperor
Frederick II, who strove to found a new society of humane
culture in the South of Europe, and to anticipate the advent
of the spirit of modern tolerance. He, too, and all his race were
exterminated by the papal jealousy. Truly we may say with
Michelet that the sibyl of the Renaissance kept offering her
books in vain to feudal Europe. In vain, because the time was
not yet. The ideas projected thus early on the modern world
were immature and abortive, like those headless trunks and
zo&ouml;phytic members of half-moulded humanity which, in the
vision of Empedocles, preceded the birth of full-formed man.
The nations were not ready. Franciscans imprisoning Roger
Bacon for venturing to examine what God had meant to keep
secret; Dominicans preaching crusades against the cultivated
nobles of Provence; popes stamping out the seed of enlightened
Frederick; Benedictines erasing the masterpieces of classical
literature to make way for their own litanies and lurries, or
selling pieces of the parchment for charms; a laity devoted by
superstition to saints and by sorcery to the devil; a clergy sunk
in sensual sloth or fevered with demoniac zeal&mdash;these still ruled
the intellectual destinies of Europe. Therefore the first anticipations
of the Renaissance were fragmentary and sterile.</p>

<p>Then came a second period. Dante's poem, a work of conscious
art, conceived in a modern spirit and written in a modern
tongue, was the first true sign that Italy, the leader of the
nations of the West, had shaken off her sleep. Petrarch followed.
His ideal of antique culture as the everlasting solace
and the universal education of the human race, his lifelong effort
to recover the classical harmony of thought and speech, gave a
direct impulse to one of the chief movements of the Renaissance&mdash;its
passionate outgoing toward the ancient world. After
Petrarch, Boccaccio opened yet another channel for the stream
of freedom. His conception of human existence as a joy to be
accepted with thanksgiving, not as a gloomy error to be rectified
by suffering, familiarized the fourteenth century with that form
of semipagan gladness that marked the real Renaissance.</p>

<p>In Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio Italy recovered the consciousness<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span>
of intellectual liberty. What we call the Renaissance
had not yet arrived; but their achievement rendered its appearance
in due season certain. With Dante the genius of the modern
world dared to stand alone and to create confidently after
its own fashion. With Petrarch the same genius reached forth
across the gulf of darkness, resuming the tradition of a splendid
past. With Boccaccio the same genius proclaimed the beauty
of the world, the goodliness of youth, and strength and love and
life, unterrified by hell, unappalled by the shadow of impending
death.</p>

<p>It was now, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, when
Italy had lost, indeed, the heroic spirit which we admire in
her communes of the thirteenth, but had gained instead ease,
wealth, magnificence, and that repose which springs from long
prosperity, that the new age at last began. Europe was, as it
were, a fallow field, beneath which lay buried the civilization of
the Old World. Behind stretched the centuries of medi&aelig;valism,
intellectually barren and inert. Of the future there were as yet
but faint foreshadowings. Meanwhile, the force of the nations
who were destined to achieve the coming transformation was
unexhausted, their physical and mental faculties were unimpaired.
No ages of enervating luxury, of intellectual endeavor,
of life artificially preserved or ingeniously prolonged, had
sapped the fibre of the men who were about to inaugurate the
modern world. Severely nurtured, unused to delicate living,
these giants of the Renaissance were like boys in their capacity
for endurance, their inordinate appetite for enjoyment. No
generations, hungry, sickly, effete, critical, disillusioned, trod
them down. Ennui and the fatigue that springs from scepticism,
the despair of thwarted effort, were unknown. Their fresh
and unperverted senses rendered them keenly alive to what was
beautiful and natural. They yearned for magnificence and instinctively
comprehended splendor. At the same time the period
of satiety was still far off.</p>

<p>Everything seemed possible to their young energy; nor had
a single pleasure palled upon their appetite. Born, as it were,
at the moment when desires and faculties are evenly balanced,
when the perceptions are not blunted, nor the senses cloyed,
opening their eyes for the first time on a world of wonder, these<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>
men of the Renaissance enjoyed what we may term the first
transcendent springtide of the modern world. Nothing is more
remarkable than the fulness of the life that throbbed in them.
Natures rich in all capacities and endowed with every kind of
sensibility were frequent. Nor was there any limit to the play
of personality in action. We may apply to them what Browning
has written of Sordello's temperament:</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i5">"A football there</span>
<span class="i0">Suffices to upturn to the warm air</span>
<span class="i0">Half-germinating spices, mere decay</span>
<span class="i0">Produces richer life, and day by day</span>
<span class="i0">New pollen on the lily-petal grows,</span>
<span class="i0">And still more labyrinthine buds the rose."</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>During the Middle Ages man had lived enveloped in a cowl.
He had not seen the beauty of the world, or had seen it only to
cross himself, and turn aside and tell his beads and pray. Like
St. Bernard travelling along the shores of Lake Leman, and noticing
neither the azure of the waters nor the luxuriance of the
vines, nor the radiance of the mountains with their robe of sun
and snow, but bending a thought-burdened forehead over the
neck of his mule&mdash;even like this monk, humanity had passed, a
careful pilgrim, intent on the terrors of sin, death, and judgment,
along the highways of the world, and had not known that
they were sightworthy, or that life is a blessing. Beauty is a
snare, pleasure a sin, the world a fleeting show, man fallen and
lost, death the only certainty, judgment inevitable, hell everlasting,
heaven hard to win, ignorance is acceptable to God as
a proof of faith and submission, abstinence and mortification
are the only safe rules of life&mdash;these were the fixed ideas of the
ascetic medi&aelig;val Church. The Renaissance shattered and destroyed
them, rending the thick veil which they had drawn between
the mind of man and the outer world, and flashing the
light of reality upon the darkened places of his own nature.
For the mystic teaching of the Church was substituted culture
in the classical humanities; a new ideal was established, whereby
man strove to make himself the monarch of the globe on which
it is his privilege as well as destiny to live. The Renaissance was
the liberation of humanity from a dungeon, the double discovery
of the outer and the inner world.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span>An external event determined the direction which this outburst
of the spirit of freedom should take. This was the contact
of the modern with the ancient mind, which followed upon
what is called the Revival of Learning. The fall of the Greek
empire in 1453, while it signalized the extinction of the old
order, gave an impulse to the now accumulated forces of the
new. A belief in the identity of the human spirit under all manifestations
was generated. Men found that in classical as well
as biblical antiquity existed an ideal of human life, both moral
and intellectual, by which they might profit in the present. The
modern genius felt confidence in its own energies when it learned
what the ancients had achieved. The guesses of the ancients
stimulated the exertions of the moderns. The whole world's history
seemed once more to be one.</p>

<p>The great achievements of the Renaissance were the discovery
of the world and the discovery of man. Under these two
formulas may be classified all the phenomena which properly
belong to this period. The discovery of the world divides itself
into two branches&mdash;the exploration of the globe, and that systematic
exploration of the universe which is in fact what we call
science. Columbus made known America in 1492; the Portuguese
rounded the Cape in 1497; Copernicus explained the solar
system in 1507. It is not necessary to add anything to this
plain statement, for, in contact with facts of such momentous
import, to avoid what seems like commonplace reflection would
be difficult. Yet it is only when we contrast the ten centuries
which preceded these dates with the four centuries which have
ensued that we can estimate the magnitude of that Renaissance
movement by means of which a new hemisphere has been added
to civilization.</p>

<p>In like manner, it is worth while to pause a moment and
consider what is implied in the substitution of the Copernican
for the Ptolemaic system. The world, regarded in old times as
the centre of all things, the apple of God's eye, for the sake of
which were created sun and moon and stars, suddenly was
found to be one of the many balls that roll round a giant sphere
of light and heat, which is itself but one among innumerable
suns, attended each by a <i>cort&eacute;ge</i> of planets, and scattered&mdash;how,
we know not&mdash;through infinity. What has become of that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>
brazen seat of the old gods, that paradise to which an ascending
Deity might be caught up through clouds, and hidden for a moment
from the eyes of his disciples? The demonstration of the
simplest truths of astronomy destroyed at a blow the legends
that were most significant to the early Christians by annihilating
their symbolism. Well might the Church persecute Galileo
for his proof of the world's mobility. Instinctively she perceived
that in this one proposition was involved the principle of hostility
to her most cherished conceptions, to the very core of her
mythology.</p>

<p>Science was born, and the warfare between scientific positivism
and religious metaphysics was declared. Henceforth
God could not be worshipped under the forms and idols of a
sacerdotal fancy; a new meaning had been given to the words
"God is a Spirit, and they that worship him must worship him
in spirit and in truth." The reason of man was at last able to
study the scheme of the universe, of which he is a part, and to
ascertain the actual laws by which it is governed. Three centuries
and a half have elapsed since Copernicus revolutionized
astronomy. It is only by reflecting on the mass of knowledge
we have since acquired, knowledge not only infinitely curious,
but also incalculably useful in its application to the arts of life,
and then considering how much ground of this kind was acquired
in the ten centuries which preceded the Renaissance, that
we are at all able to estimate the expansive force which was
then generated. Science, rescued from the hands of astrology,
geomancy, alchemy, began her real life with the Renaissance.
Since then, as far as to the present moment, she has never ceased
to grow. Progressive and durable, science may be called the
first-born of the spirit of the modern world.</p>

<p>Thus by the discovery of the world is meant on the one hand
the appropriation by civilized humanity of all corners of the
habitable world, and on the other the conquest by science of all
that we now know about the nature of the universe. In the
discovery of man, again, it is possible to trace a twofold process.
Man in his temporal relations, illustrated by pagan antiquity,
and man in his spiritual relations, illustrated by biblical antiquity:
these are the two regions, at first apparently distinct,
afterward found to be interpenetrative, which the critical and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span>
inquisitive genius of the Renaissance opened for investigation.
In the former of these regions we find two agencies at work&mdash;art
and scholarship. During the Middle Ages the plastic arts, like
philosophy, had degenerated into barren and meaningless scholasticism&mdash;a
frigid reproduction of lifeless forms copied technically
and without inspiration from debased patterns. Pictures
became symbolically connected with the religious feelings of the
people, formulas from which to deviate would be impious in the
artist and confusing to the worshipper. Superstitious reverence
bound the painter to copy the almond eyes and stiff joints of the
saints whom he had adored from infancy; and, even had it been
otherwise, he lacked the skill to imitate the natural forms he
saw around him.</p>

<p>But with the dawning of the Renaissance a new spirit in the
arts arose. Men began to conceive that the human body is noble
in itself and worthy of patient study. The object of the artist
then became to unite devotional feeling and respect for the sacred
legend with the utmost beauty and the utmost fidelity of delineation.
He studied from the nude; he drew the body in every
posture; he composed drapery, invented attitudes, and adapted
the action of his figures and the expression of his faces to the
subject he had chosen. In a word, he humanized the altar-pieces
and the cloister frescoes upon which he worked. In this
way the painters rose above the ancient symbols and brought
heaven down to earth. By drawing Madonna and her son like
living human beings, by dramatizing the Christian history, they
silently substituted the love of beauty and the interests of actual
life for the principles of the Church. The saint or angel became
an occasion for the display of physical perfection, and to introduce
<i>un bel corpo ignudo</i> into the composition was of more moment
to them than to represent the macerations of the Magdalen.
Men thus learned to look beyond the relique and the
host, and to forget the dogma in the lovely forms which
gave it expression. Finally, when the classics came to aid
this work of progress, a new world of thought and fancy,
divinely charming, wholly human, was revealed to their astonished
eyes.</p>

<p>Thus art, which had begun by humanizing the legends of
the Church, diverted the attention of its students from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>
legend to the work of beauty, and lastly, severing itself from the
religious tradition, became the exponent of the majesty and
splendor of the human body. This final emancipation of art
from ecclesiastical trammels culminated in the great age of
Italian painting. Gazing at Michelangelo's prophets in the
Sistine Chapel, we are indeed in contact with ideas originally
religious. But the treatment of these ideas is purely, broadly
human, on a level with that of the sculpture of Phidias. Titian's
"Virgin Received into Heaven," soaring midway between the
archangel who descends to crown her and the apostles who
yearn to follow her, is far less a Madonna Assunta than the apotheosis
of humanity conceived as a radiant mother. Throughout
the picture there is nothing ascetic, nothing mystic, nothing
devotional. Nor did the art of the Renaissance stop here. It
went further, and plunged into paganism. Sculptors and painters
combined with architects to cut the arts loose from their connection
with the Church by introducing a spirit and a sentiment
alien to Christianity.</p>

<p>Through the instrumentality of art, and of all the ideas
which art introduced into daily life, the Renaissance wrought
for the modern world a real resurrection of the body which, since
the destruction of the pagan civilization, had lain swathed up
in hair-shirts and cerements within the tomb of the medi&aelig;val
cloister. It was scholarship which revealed to men the wealth
of their own minds, the dignity of human thought, the value of
human speculation, the importance of human life regarded as a
thing apart from religious rules and dogmas. During the Middle
Ages a few students had possessed the poems of Vergil and
the prose of Boethius&mdash;and Vergil at Mantua, Boethius at Pavia,
had actually been honored as saints&mdash;together with fragments
of Lucan, Ovid, Statius, Cicero, and Horace. The Renaissance
opened to the whole reading public the treasure-houses
of Greek and Latin literature. At the same time the
Bible, in its original tongues, was rediscovered. Mines of oriental
learning were laid bare for the students of the Jewish and Arabic
traditions. What we may call the Aryan and the Semitic
revelations were for the first time subjected to something like a
critical comparison. With unerring instinct the men of the Renaissance
named the voluminous subject-matter of scholarship<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span>
<i>Litter&aelig; Humaniores</i> ("the more human literature"), the literature
that humanizes.</p>

<p>There are three stages in the history of scholarship during
the Renaissance. The first is the age of passionate desire. Petrarch
poring over a Homer he could not understand, and Boccaccio
in his maturity learning Greek, in order that he might
drink from the well-head of poetic inspiration, are the heroes of
this period. They inspired the Italians with a thirst for antique
culture. Next comes the age of acquisition and of libraries.
Nicholas V, who founded the Vatican Library in 1453, Cosmo
de' Medici, who began the Medicean collection a little earlier,
and Poggio Bracciolini, who ransacked all the cities and convents
of Europe for manuscripts, together with the teachers of
Greek, who in the first half of the fifteenth century escaped from
Constantinople with precious freights of classic literature, are
the heroes of this second period. It was an age of accumulation,
of uncritical and indiscriminate enthusiasm. Manuscripts were
worshipped by these men, just as the reliques of the Holy Land
had been adored by their great-grandfathers. The eagerness of
the crusades was revived in this quest of the holy grail of ancient
knowledge. Waifs and strays of pagan authors were
valued like precious gems, revelled in like odoriferous and gorgeous
flowers, consulted like oracles of God, gazed on like the
eyes of a beloved mistress. The good, the bad, and the indifferent
received an almost equal homage. Criticism had not yet
begun. The world was bent on gathering up its treasures,
frantically bewailing the lost books of Livy, the lost songs of
Sappho&mdash;absorbing to intoxication the strong wine of multitudinous
thoughts and passions that kept pouring from those long
buried amphor&aelig; of inspiration.</p>

<p>What is most remarkable about this age of scholarship is the
enthusiasm which pervaded all classes in Italy for antique culture.
Popes and princes, captains of adventure and peasants,
noble ladies and the leaders of the <i>demi-monde</i> alike became
scholars. There is a story told by Infessura which illustrates
the temper of the times with singular felicity. On April 18,
1485, a report circulated in Rome that some Lombard workmen
had discovered a Roman sarcophagus while digging on the
Appian Way. It was a marble tomb, engraved with the inscription<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>
"Julia, Daughter of Claudius," and inside the coffer
lay the body of a most beautiful girl of fifteen years, preserved
by precious unguents from corruption and the injury of time.
The bloom of youth was still upon her cheeks and lips; her
eyes and mouth were half open; her long hair floated round her
shoulders. She was instantly removed&mdash;so goes the legend&mdash;to
the Capitol; and then began a procession of pilgrims from all
the quarters of Rome to gaze upon this saint of the old pagan
world. In the eyes of those enthusiastic worshippers, her
beauty was beyond imagination or description. She was far
fairer than any woman of the modern age could hope to be.
At last Innocent VIII feared lest the orthodox faith should suffer
by this new cult of a heathen corpse. Julia was buried secretly
and at night by his direction, and naught remained in
the Capitol but her empty marble coffin. The tale, as told
by Infessura, is repeated in Matarazzo and in Nantiporto with
slight variations. One says that the girl's hair was yellow, another
that it was of the glossiest black. What foundation for
the legend may really have existed need not here be questioned.
Let us rather use the <i>mythus</i> as a parable of the ecstatic devotion
which prompted the men of that age to discover a form of
unimaginable beauty in the tomb of the classic world.</p>

<p>Then came the third age of scholarship&mdash;the age of the
critics, philologers, and printers. What had been collected by
Poggio and Aurispa had now to be explained by Ficino, Poliziano,
and Erasmus. They began their task by digesting and
arranging the contents of the libraries. There were then no
short cuts of learning, no comprehensive lexicons, no dictionaries
of antiquities, no carefully prepared <i>thesauri</i> of mythology
and history. Each student had to hold in his brain the whole
mass of classical erudition. The text and the canon of Homer,
Plato, Aristotle, and the tragedians had to be decided. Greek
type had to be struck. Florence, Venice, Basel, and Paris
groaned with printing-presses. The Aldi, the Stephani, and
Froben toiled by night and day, employing scores of scholars,
men of supreme devotion and of mighty brain, whose work it
was to ascertain the right reading of sentences, to accentuate,
to punctuate, to commit to the press, and to place, beyond the
reach of monkish hatred or of envious time, that everlasting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>
solace of humanity which exists in the classics. All subsequent
achievements in the field of scholarship sink into insignificance
beside the labors of these men, who needed genius, enthusiasm,
and the sympathy of Europe for the accomplishment of their
titanic task. Vergil was printed in 1470, Homer in 1488, Aristotle
in 1498, Plato in 1512. They then became the inalienable
heritage of mankind. But what vigils, what anxious expenditure
of thought, what agonies of doubt and expectation, were
endured by those heroes of humanizing scholarship, whom we
are apt to think of merely as pedants! Which of us now warms
and thrills with emotion at hearing the name of Aldus Manutius
or of Henricus Stephanus or of Johannes Froben? Yet this we
surely ought to do; for to them we owe in a great measure the
freedom of our spirit, our stores of intellectual enjoyment, our
command of the past, our certainty of the future of human culture.</p>

<p>This third age in the history of the Renaissance scholarship
may be said to have reached its climax in Erasmus; for by this
time Italy had handed on the torch of learning to the northern
nations. The publication of his <i>Adagia</i> in 1500 marks the advent
of a more critical and selective spirit, which from that date onward
has been gradually gaining strength in the modern mind.
Criticism, in the true sense of accurate testing and sifting, is one
of the points which distinguish the moderns from the ancients;
and criticism was developed by the process of assimilation,
comparison, and appropriation, which was necessary in the
growth of scholarship. The ultimate effect of this recovery of
classic culture was, once and for all, to liberate the intellect.
The modern world was brought into close contact with the free
virility of the ancient world, and emancipated from the thraldom
of improved traditions. The force to judge and the desire
to create were generated. The immediate result in the sixteenth
century was an abrupt secession of the learned, not merely
from monasticism, but also from the true spirit of Christianity.
The minds of the Italians assimilated paganism. In their
hatred of medi&aelig;val ignorance, in their loathing of cowled and
cloistered fools, they flew to an extreme, and affected the manner
of an irrevocable past. This extravagance led of necessity
to a reaction&mdash;in the North, of Puritanism; in the South, to what<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>
has been termed the Counter-Reformation effected under Spanish
influences in the Latin Church. But Christianity, that
most precious possession of the modern world, was never seriously
imperilled by the classical enthusiasm of the Renaissance;
nor, on the other hand, was the progressive emancipation of the
reason materially retarded by the reaction it produced.</p>

<p>The transition at this point to the third branch in the discovery
of man, the revelation to the consciousness of its own
spiritual freedom, is natural. Not only did scholarship restore
the classics and encourage literary criticism; it also restored the
text of the Bible, and encouraged theological criticism. In the
wake of theological freedom followed a free philosophy, no
longer subject to the dogmas of the Church. To purge the
Christian faith from false conceptions, to liberate the conscience
from the tyranny of priests, and to interpret religion to the reason,
has been the work of the last centuries; nor is this work
as yet by any means accomplished. On the one side, Descartes
and Bacon and Spinoza and Locke are sons of the Renaissance,
champions of new-found philosophical freedom; on the other
side, Luther is a son of the Renaissance, the herald of new-found
religious freedom. The whole movement of the Reformation
is a phase in that accelerated action of the modern mind
which at its commencement we call the Renaissance. It is a
mistake to regard the Reformation as an isolated phenomenon,
or as a mere effort to restore the Church to purity. The Reformation
exhibits, in the region of religious thought and national
politics, what the Renaissance displays in the sphere of culture,
art, and science&mdash;the recovered energy and freedom of humanity.
We are too apt to treat of history in parcels, and to
attempt to draw lessons from detached chapters in the biography
of the human race. To observe the connection between
the several stages of a progressive movement of the human
spirit, and to recognize that the forces at work are still active, is
the true philosophy of history.</p>

<p>The Reformation, like the revival of science and of culture,
had its medi&aelig;val anticipations and foreshadowings. The heretics
whom the Church successfully combated in North Italy,
in France, and in Bohemia were the precursors of Luther. The
scholars prepared the way in the fifteenth century. Teachers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>
of Hebrew, founders of Hebrew type&mdash;Reuchlin in Germany,
Alexander in Paris, Von Hutten as a pamphleteer, and Erasmus
as a humanist&mdash;contribute each a definite momentum. Luther,
for his part, incarnates the spirit of revolt against tyrannical
authority, urges the necessity of a return to the essential truth of
Christianity as distinguished from the idols of the Church, and
asserts the right of the individual to judge, interpret, criticise,
and construct opinion for himself. The veil which the Church
had interposed between humanity and God was broken down.
The freedom of the conscience was established. The principles
involved in what we call the Reformation were momentous.
Connected on the one side with scholarship and the study of
texts, it opened the path for modern biblical criticism. Connected
on the other side with intolerance of mere authority, it
led to what has since been named rationalism&mdash;the attempt to
reconcile the religious tradition with the reason, and to define
the logical ideas that underlie the conceptions of the popular
religious conscience. Again, by promulgating the doctrine of
personal freedom, and by connecting itself with national politics,
the Reformation was linked historically to the Revolution.
It was the Puritan Church in England, stimulated by the patriotism
of the Dutch Protestants, which established our constitutional
liberty and introduced in America the general principle
of the equality of men. This high political abstraction, latent
in Christianity, evolved by criticism, and promulgated as a gospel
in the second half of the eighteenth century, was externalized
in the French Revolution. The work that yet remains to
be accomplished for the modern world is the organization of
society in harmony with democratic principles.</p>

<p>Thus what the word Renaissance really means is new birth
to liberty&mdash;the spirit of mankind recovering consciousness and
the power of self-determination, recognizing the beauty of the
outer world and of the body through art, liberating the reason
in science and the conscience in religion, restoring culture to the
intelligence, and establishing the principle of political freedom.
The Church was the schoolmaster of the Middle Ages. Culture
was the humanizing and refining influence of the Renaissance.
The problem for the present and the future is how, through
education, to render culture accessible to all&mdash;to break down that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span>
barrier which in the Middle Ages was set between clerk and
layman, and which in the intermediate period has arisen between
the intelligent and ignorant classes. Whether the Utopia
of a modern world in which all men shall enjoy the same social,
political, and intellectual advantages be realized or not, we cannot
doubt that the whole movement of humanity, from the Renaissance
onward, has tended in this direction. To destroy the
distinctions, mental and physical, which nature raises between
individuals, and which constitute an actual hierarchy, will always
be impossible. Yet it may happen that in the future no
civilized man will lack the opportunity of being physically and
mentally the best that God has made him.</p>

<p>It remains to speak of the instruments and mechanical inventions
which aided the emancipation of the spirit in the modern
age. Discovered over and over again, and offered at intervals
to the human race at various times and on divers soils, no
effective use was made of these material resources until the fifteenth
century. The compass, discovered according to tradition
by Gioja of Naples in 1302, was employed by Columbus for the
voyage to America in 1492. The telescope, known to the Arabians
in the Middle Ages, and described by Roger Bacon in
1250, helped Copernicus to prove the revolution of the earth in
1530, and Galileo to substantiate his theory of the planetary
system. Printing, after numerous useless revelations to the
world of its resources, became an art in 1438; and paper,
which had long been known to the Chinese, was first made of
cotton in Europe about 1000 and of rags in 1319. Gunpowder
entered into use about 1320. As employed by the Genius of the
Renaissance, each one of these inventions became a lever by
means of which to move the world. Gunpowder revolutionized
the art of war. The feudal castle, the armor of the knight and
his battle-horse, the prowess of one man against a hundred, and
the pride of aristocratic cavalry trampling upon ill-armed militia,
were annihilated by the flashes of the cannon. Courage
became more a moral than a physical quality. The victory was
delivered to the brain of the general. Printing has established,
as indestructible, all knowledge, and disseminated, as the common
property of everyone, all thought; while paper has made
the work of printing cheap. Such reflections as these, however,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>
are trite and must occur to every mind. It is far more to the
purpose to repeat that not the inventions, but the intelligence
that used them, the conscious calculating spirit of the modern
world, should rivet our attention when we direct it to the phenomena
of the Renaissance.</p>

<p>In the work of the Renaissance all the great nations of Europe
shared. But it must never be forgotten that, as a matter
of history, the true Renaissance began in Italy. It was there
that the essential qualities which distinguish the modern from
the ancient and the medi&aelig;val world were developed. Italy
created that new spiritual atmosphere of culture and of intellectual
freedom which has been the life-breath of the European
races. As the Jews are called the chosen and peculiar people
of divine revelation, so may the Italians be called the chosen
and peculiar vessels of the prophecy of the Renaissance. In
art, in scholarship, in science, in the mediation between antique
culture and the modern intellect, they took the lead,
handing to Germany and France and England the restored
humanities complete. Spain and England have since done
more for the exploration and colonization of the world. Germany
achieved the labor of the Reformation almost single-handed.
France has collected, centralized, and diffused intelligence
with irresistible energy. But if we return to the first
origins of the Renaissance, we find that, at a time when the rest
of Europe was inert, Italy had already begun to organize the
various elements of the modern spirit, and to set the fashion
whereby the other great nations should learn and live.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span></p>
<h2>THE BLACK DEATH RAVAGES EUROPE</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1348</h6>

<h3>J. F. C. HECKER<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">51</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;GIOVANNI BOCCACCIO</h3>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Different parts of the oriental world have been mentioned as the
probable locality of the first appearance of the plague or pestilence
known as the "black death," but its origin is most generally referred to
China, where, at all events, it raged violently about 1333, when it was accompanied
at its outbreak by terrestrial and atmospheric phenomena of
a destructive character, such as are said to have attended the first appearance
of Asiatic cholera and other spreading and deadly diseases;
from which it has been conjectured that through these convulsions deleterious
foreign substances may have been projected into the atmosphere.</p>

<p>But while for centuries the nature and causes of the black death have
been subjects of medical inquiry in all countries, it remained for our own
time to discover a more scientific explanation than those previously advanced.
The malady is now identified by pathologists with the bubonic
plague, which at intervals still afflicts India and other oriental lands, and
has in recent years been a cause of apprehension at more than one American
seaport.</p>

<p>It is called <i>bubonic</i>&mdash;from the Greek <i>boubon</i> ("groin")&mdash;because it
attacks the lymphatic glands of the groins, armpits, neck, and other parts
of the body. Among its leading symptoms are headache, fever, vertigo,
vomiting, prostration, etc., with dark purple spots or a mottled appearance
upon the skin. Death in severe cases usually occurs within forty-eight
hours. Bacteriologists are now generally agreed that the disorder
is due to a bacillus identified by investigators both in India and in western
countries.</p>

<p>The first historic appearance of the black death in Europe was at
Constantinople, <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 543. But far more widespread and terrible were its
ravages in the fourteenth century, when they were almost world-wide.
Of the dreadful visitation in Europe then, we are fortunate to have the
striking account of Dr. Hecker, which follows.</p>

<p>The name "black death" was given to the disease in the more northern
parts of Europe&mdash;from the dark spots on the skin above mentioned&mdash;while
in Italy it was called <i>la mortalega grande</i> ("the great mortality").
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>From Italy came almost the only credible accounts of the manner of
living, and of the ruin caused among the people in their more private
life, during the pestilence; and the subjoined account of what was seen
in Florence is of special interest as being from no less an eye-witness
than Boccaccio.</p></div>

<h4>J. F. C. HECKER</h4>


<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE nature of the first plague in China is unknown. We
have no certain intelligence of the disease until it entered
the western countries of Asia. Here it showed itself as the
oriental plague with inflammation of the lungs; in which form
it probably also may have begun in China&mdash;that is to say, as a
malady which spreads, more than any other, by contagion; a
contagion that in ordinary pestilences requires immediate contact,
and only under unfavorable circumstances of rare occurrence
is communicated by the mere approach to the sick.</p>

<p>The share which this cause had in the spreading of the plague
over the whole earth was certainly very great; and the opinion
that the black death might have been excluded from Western
Europe, by good regulations, similar to those which are now in
use, would have all the support of modern experience, provided
it could be proved that this plague had been actually imported
from the East; or that the oriental plague in general, whenever
it appears in Europe, has its origin in Asia or Egypt. Such a
proof, however, can by no means be produced so as to enforce
conviction. The plague was, however, known in Europe before
nations were united by the bonds of commerce and social
intercourse; hence there is ground for supposing that it sprung
up spontaneously, in consequence of the rude manner of living
and the uncultivated state of the earth; influences which peculiarly
favor the origin of severe diseases. We need not go back
to the earlier centuries, for the fourteenth itself, before it had
half expired, was visited by five or six pestilences.</p>

<p>If, therefore, we consider the peculiar property of the plague,
that in countries which it has once visited it remains for a long
time in a milder form, and that the epidemic influences of 1342,
when it had appeared for the last time, were particularly favorable
to its unperceived continuance, till 1348, we come to the
notion that in this eventful year also, the germs of plague existed
in Southern Europe, which might be vivified by atmospherical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span>
deteriorations. Thus, at least in part, the black plague may
have originated in Europe itself. The corruption of the atmosphere
came from the East; but the disease itself came not upon
the wings of the wind, but was only excited and increased by the
atmosphere where it had previously existed.</p>

<p>This source of the black plague was not, however, the only
one; for, far more powerful than the excitement of the latent
elements of the plague by atmospheric influences was the effect
of the contagion communicated from one people to another,
on the great roads, and in the harbors of the Mediterranean.
From China, the route of the caravans lay to the north of the
Caspian Sea, through Central Asia to Tauris. Here ships were
ready to take the produce of the East to Constantinople, the
capital of commerce and the medium of connection between
Asia, Europe, and Africa. Other caravans went from India to
Asia Minor, and touched at the cities south of the Caspian Sea,
and lastly from Bagdad, through Arabia to Egypt; also the
maritime communication on the Red Sea, from India to Arabia
and Egypt, was not inconsiderable. In all these directions
contagion made its way; and doubtless Constantinople and the
harbors of Asia Minor are to be regarded as the <i>foci</i> of infection;
whence it radiated to the most distant seaports and islands.</p>

<p>To Constantinople the plague had been brought from the
northern coast of the Black Sea, after it had depopulated the
countries between those routes of commerce and appeared as
early as 1347, in Cyprus, Sicily, Marseilles, and some of the seaports
of Italy. The remaining islands of the Mediterranean,
particularly Sardinia, Corsica, and Majorca, were visited in succession.
<i>Foci</i> of contagion existed also in full activity along
the whole southern coast of Europe; when, in January, 1348, the
plague appeared in Avignon, and in other cities in the South of
France and North of Italy, as well as in Spain.</p>

<p>The precise days of its eruption in the individual towns are
no longer to be ascertained; but it was not simultaneous; for
in Florence the disease appeared in the beginning of April; in
Cesena, the 1st of June; and place after place was attacked
throughout the whole year; so that the plague, after it had passed
through the whole of France and Germany, where, however, it
did not make its ravages until the following year, did not break<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span>
out till August in England; where it advanced so gradually that
a period of three months elapsed before it reached London. The
northern kingdoms were attacked by it in 1349; Sweden, indeed,
not until November of that year, almost two years after
its eruption in Avignon. Poland received the plague in 1349,
probably from Germany, if not from the northern countries;
but in Russia it did not make its appearance until 1351, more
than three years after it had broken out in Constantinople.
Instead of advancing in a northwesterly direction from Tauris
and from the Caspian Sea, it had thus made the great circuit of
the Black Sea, by way of Constantinople, Southern and Central
Europe, England, the northern kingdoms and Poland, before it
reached the Russian territories; a phenomenon which has not
again occurred with respect to more recent pestilences originating
in Asia.</p>

<p>We have no certain measure by which to estimate the ravages
of the black plague. Let us go back for a moment to the fourteenth
century. The people were yet but little civilized. Human
life was little regarded; governments concerned not themselves
about the numbers of their subjects, for whose welfare it was
incumbent on them to provide. Thus, the first requisite for
estimating the loss of human life&mdash;namely, a knowledge of the
amount of the population&mdash;is altogether wanting.</p>

<p>Cairo lost daily, when the plague was raging with its greatest
violence, from ten thousand to fifteen thousand, being as many
as, in modern times, great plagues have carried off during their
whole course. In China, more than thirteen millions are said
to have died; and this is in correspondence with the certainly
exaggerated accounts from the rest of Asia. India was depopulated.
Tartary, the Tartar kingdom of Kaptschak, Mesopotamia,
Syria, Armenia, were covered with dead bodies; the Kurds
fled in vain to the mountains. In Caramania and C&aelig;sarea,
none was left alive. On the roads, in the camps, in the caravansaries,
unburied bodies were seen; and a few cities only
remained, in an unaccountable manner, free. In Aleppo, five
hundred died daily; twenty-two thousand people and most of
the animals were carried off in Gaza within six weeks. Cyprus
lost almost all its inhabitants; and ships without crews were
often seen in the Mediterranean, as afterward in the North Sea,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>
driving about and spreading the plague wherever they went on
shore. It was reported to Pope Clement, at Avignon, that
throughout the East, probably with the exception of China,
twenty-three million eight hundred and forty thousand people
had fallen victims to the plague.</p>

<p>Lubeck, which could no longer contain the multitudes that
flocked to it, was thrown into such consternation on the eruption
of the plague that the citizens destroyed themselves, as if in
frenzy. When the plague ceased, men thought they were still
wandering among the dead, so appalling was the livid aspect
of the survivors, in consequence of the anxiety they had undergone,
and the unavoidable infection of the air. Many other
cities probably presented a similar appearance; and small country
towns and villages, estimated at two hundred thousand population,
were bereft of all their inhabitants.</p>

<p>In many places in France not more than two out of twenty
of the inhabitants were left alive. Two queens, one bishop, and
great numbers of other distinguished persons fell a sacrifice to
it, and more than five hundred a day died in the H&ocirc;tel-Dieu,
under the faithful care of the religious women, whose disinterested
courage, in this age of horror, displayed the most beautiful
traits of human virtue.</p>

<p>The church-yards were soon unable to contain the dead, and
many houses, left without inhabitants, fell to ruins. In Avignon,
the Pope found it necessary to consecrate the Rhone, that bodies
might be thrown into the river without delay, as the church-yards
would no longer hold them.</p>

<p>In Vienna, where for some time twelve hundred inhabitants
died daily, the interment of corpses in the church-yards
and within the churches as forthwith prohibited, and the
dead were then arranged in layers, by thousands, in six large
pits outside the city. In many places it was rumored that
plague patients were buried alive, and thus the horror of the
distressed people was everywhere increased. In Erfurt, after
the church-yards were filled, twelve thousand corpses were
thrown into eleven great pits; and the like might be stated with
respect to all the larger cities. Funeral ceremonies, the last consolation
of the survivors, were everywhere impracticable.</p>

<p>In all Germany there seem to have died only one million<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>
two hundred and forty-four thousand four hundred and thirty-four
inhabitants; this country, however, was more spared than
others. Italy was most severely visited. It is said to have lost
half its inhabitants; in Sardinia and Corsica, according to the
account of John Villani, who was himself carried off by the
black plague, scarcely a third part of the population remained
alive; and the Venetians engaged ships at a high rate to retreat
to the islands; so that, after the plague had carried off three-fourths
of her inhabitants, their proud city was left forlorn and
desolate. In Florence it was prohibited to publish the numbers
of the dead and to toll the bells at their funerals, in order that
the living might not abandon themselves to despair.</p>

<p>In England most of the great cities suffered incredible losses;
above all, Yarmouth, in which seven thousand and fifty-two
died; Bristol, Oxford, Norwich, Leicester, York, and London,
where, in one burial-ground alone, there were interred upward
of fifty thousand corpses, arranged in layers, in large pits. It
is said that in the whole country scarcely a tenth part remained
alive. Morals were deteriorated everywhere, and public worship
was, in a great measure, laid aside, in many places the
churches being bereft of their priests. The instruction of the
people was impeded, covetousness became general; and when
tranquillity was restored, the great increase of lawyers was
astonishing, to whom the endless disputes regarding inheritances
offered a rich harvest. The want of priests, too, throughout the
country, operated very detrimentally upon the people. The
lower classes were most exposed to the ravages of the plague,
while the houses of the nobility were, in proportion, much more
spared. The sittings of parliament, of the king's bench, and of
most of the other courts were suspended as long as the malady
raged.</p>

<p>Ireland was much less heavily visited than England. The
disease seems to have scarcely reached the mountainous districts
of that kingdom; and Scotland, too, would, perhaps, have
remained free had not the Scots availed themselves of the misfortune
of the English, to make an irruption into their territory,
which terminated in the destruction of their army, by the plague
and by the sword, and the extension of the pestilence, through
those who escaped, over the whole country.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>In England the plague was soon accompanied by a fatal
murrain among the cattle. Of what nature this murrain may
have been can no more be determined than whether it originated
from communication with the plague patients or from
other causes. There was everywhere a great rise in the price
of food. For a whole year, until it terminated in August,
1349, the black plague prevailed and everywhere poisoned the
springs of comfort and prosperity. In other countries it generally
lasted only half a year, but returned frequently in individual
places. Spain was uninterruptedly ravaged by the black
plague till after the year 1350, to which the frequent internal
feuds and the wars with the Moors not a little contributed.
Alfonso XI, whose passion for war carried him too far, died of
it at the siege of Gibraltar, March 26, 1350. He was the only
king in Europe who fell a sacrifice to it. The mortality seems
to have been less in Spain than in Italy, and about as considerable
as in France.</p>

<p>The whole period during which the black plague raged with
destructive violence in Europe was, with the exception of Russia,
from 1347 to 1350. The plagues which in the sequel often
returned until 1383, we do not consider as belonging to the
"great mortality."</p>

<p>The premature celebration of the Jubilee, to which Clement
VI cited the faithful to Rome 1350, during the great epidemic,
caused a new eruption of the plague, from which it is said that
scarcely one in a hundred of the pilgrims escaped. Italy was,
in consequence, depopulated anew; and those who returned
spread poison and corruption of morals in all directions.</p>

<p>The changes which occurred about this period in the North
of Europe are sufficiently memorable. In Sweden two princes
died&mdash;Haken and Canute, half-brothers of King Magnus; and
in Westgothland alone four hundred and sixty-six priests. The
inhabitants of Iceland and Greenland found in the coldness of
their inhospitable climate no protection against the southern
enemy who had penetrated to them from happier countries.
The plague wrought great havoc among them. In Denmark
and Norway, however, people were so occupied with their own
misery that the accustomed voyages to Greenland ceased.</p>

<p>In Russia the black plague did not break out until 1351,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>
after it had already passed through the South and North of Europe.
The mortality was extraordinarily great. In Russia, too,
the voice of nature was silenced by fear and horror. In the
hour of danger, fathers and mothers deserted their children,
and children their parents.</p>

<p>Of all the estimates of the number of lives lost in Europe,
the most probable is that altogether a fourth part of the inhabitants
were carried off. It may be assumed, without exaggeration,
that Europe lost during the black death twenty-five million inhabitants.</p>

<p>That her nations could so quickly recover from so fearful a
visitation, and, without retrograding more than they actually did,
could so develop their energies in the following century, is a
most convincing proof of the indestructibility of human society
as a whole. To assume, however, that it did not suffer any
essential change internally, because in appearance everything
remained as before, is inconsistent with a just view of cause and
effect. Many historians seem to have adopted such an opinion;
hence, most of them have touched but superficially on the
"great mortality" of the fourteenth century. We for our part
are convinced that in the history of the world the black death is
one of the most important events which have prepared the way
for the present state of Europe.</p>

<p>He who studies the human mind with attention, and forms
a deliberate judgment on the intellectual powers which set people
and states in motion, may, perhaps, find some proofs of this
assertion in the following observations. At that time the advancement
of the hierarchy was, in most countries, extraordinary;
for the Church acquired treasures and large properties in
land, even to a greater extent than after the crusades; but experience
has demonstrated that such a state of things is ruinous
to the people, and causes them to retrograde, as was evinced on
this occasion.</p>

<p>After the cessation of the black plague, a greater fecundity
in women was everywhere remarkable; marriages were prolific;
and double and treble births were more frequent than at other
times. After the "great mortality" the children were said to
have got fewer teeth than before; at which contemporaries
were mightily shocked, and even later writers have felt surprise.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>
Some writers of authority published their opinions on this subject.
Others copied from them, without seeing for themselves,
and thus the world believed in the miracle of an imperfection in
the human body which had been caused by the black plague.</p>

<p>The people gradually consoled themselves after the sufferings
which they had undergone; the dead were lamented and forgotten;
and in the stirring vicissitudes of existence the world belonged
to the living.</p>

<p>The mental shock sustained by all nations during the prevalence
of the black plague is without parallel and beyond description.
In the eyes of the timorous, danger was the certain
harbinger of death; many fell victims to fear on the first appearance
of the distemper, and the most stout-hearted lost their confidence.
The pious closed their accounts with the world; their
only remaining desire was for a participation in the consolations
of religion. Repentance seized the transgressor, admonishing
him to consecrate his remaining hours to the exercise of Christian
virtues. Children were frequently seen, while laboring under
the plague, breathing out their spirit with prayer and songs of
thanksgiving. An awful sense of contrition seized Christians
everywhere; they resolved to forsake their vices, to make restitution
for past offences, before they were summoned hence, to seek
reconciliation with their Maker, and to avert, by self-chastisement,
the punishment due to their former sins.</p>

<p>Human nature would be exalted could the countless noble
actions which, in times of most imminent danger, were performed
in secret, be recorded for future generations. They,
however, have no influence on the course of worldly events.
They are known only to silent eye-witnesses, and soon fall into
oblivion. But hypocrisy, illusion, and bigotry stalk abroad
undaunted; they desecrate what is noble, they pervert what is
divine, to the unholy purposes of selfishness; which hurries along
every good feeling in the false excitement of the age. Thus
it was in the years of this plague.</p>

<p>In the fourteenth century the monastic system was still in
its full vigor, the power of the religious orders and brotherhoods
was revered by the people, and the hierarchy was still formidable
to the temporal power. It was, therefore, in the natural
constitution of society that bigoted zeal, which in such times<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span>
makes a show of public acts of penance, should avail itself of the
semblance of religion. But this took place in such a manner
that unbridled, self-willed penitence degenerated into luke-warmness,
renounced obedience to the hierarchy, and prepared a fearful
opposition to the Church, paralyzed as it was by antiquated
forms.</p>

<p>While all countries were filled with lamentations and woe,
there first arose in Hungary, and afterward in Germany, the
Brotherhood of the Flagellants, called also the Brethren of the
Cross, or Cross-bearers, who took upon themselves the repentance
of the people for the sins they had committed, and offered
prayers and supplications for the averting of this plague. This
order consisted chiefly of persons of the lower class, who were
either actuated by sincere contrition or who joyfully availed
themselves of this pretext for idleness and were hurried along
with the tide of distracting frenzy. But as these brotherhoods
gained in repute, and were welcomed by the people with veneration
and enthusiasm, many nobles and ecclesiastics ranged
themselves under their standard; and their bands were not unfrequently
augmented by children, honorable women, and nuns.</p>

<p>They marched through the cities with leaders and singers,
their heads covered as far as the eyes, their look fixed on the
ground, with every token of contrition and mourning. They
were robed in sombre garments, with red crosses on the breast,
back, and cap, and bore triple scourges, tied in three or four
knots, in which points of iron were fixed. Tapers and magnificent
banners of velvet and cloth of gold were carried before
them; wherever they made their appearance they were welcomed
by the ringing of bells, and the people flocked from all
quarters to listen to their hymns and witness their penance.</p>

<p>In 1349 two hundred Flagellants first entered Strasburg,
where they were hospitably lodged by the citizens. Above a
thousand joined the brotherhood, which now separated into two
bodies, for the purpose of journeying to the north and to the
south. Adults and children left their families to accompany
them; till, at length, their sanctity was questioned and the doors
of houses and churches were closed against them. At Spires
two hundred boys, of twelve years of age and under, constituted
themselves into a brotherhood of the Cross, in imitation of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>
children who, about a hundred years before, had united, at the
instigation of some fanatic monks, for the purpose of recovering
the Holy Sepulchre. All the inhabitants of this town were
carried away by the delusion; they conducted the strangers to
their houses with songs of thanksgiving, to regale them for the
night. The women embroidered banners for them, and all were
anxious to augment their pomp; and at every succeeding pilgrimage
their influence and reputation increased.</p>

<p>All Germany, Hungary, Poland, Bohemia, Silesia, and Flanders
did homage to them; and they at length became as formidable
to the secular as to the ecclesiastical power. The influence
of this fanaticism was great and threatening. The appearance,
in itself, was not novel. As far back as the eleventh century
many believers in Asia and Southern Europe afflicted themselves
with the punishment of flagellation.</p>

<p>The author of the solemn processions of the Flagellants is
said to have been St. Anthony of Padua (1231). In 1260 the
Flagellants appeared in Italy as <i>Devoti</i>. "When the land was
polluted by vices and crimes, an unexampled spirit of remorse
suddenly seized the minds of the Italians. The fear of Christ
fell upon all; noble and lowly, old and young, and even children
of five years of age marched through the streets with no covering
but a scarf round the waist. They each carried a scourge
of leathern thongs, which they applied to their limbs, amid sighs
and tears, with such violence that the blood flowed from the
wounds. Not only during the day, but even by night and in the
severest winter, they traversed the cities with burning torches and
banners, in thousands and tens of thousands, headed by their
priests, and prostrated themselves before the altars. The melancholy
chant of the penitent alone was heard; enemies were reconciled;
men and women vied with each other in splendid works
of charity, as if they dreaded that divine omnipotence would
pronounce on them the doom of annihilation."</p>

<p>But at length the priests resisted this dangerous fanaticism,
without being able to extirpate the illusion, which was advantageous
to the hierarchy, as long as it submitted to its
sway.</p>

<p>The processions of the Brotherhood of the Cross undoubtedly
promoted the spreading of the plague; and it is evident that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>
the gloomy fanaticism which gave rise to them would infuse a
new poison into the already desponding minds of the people.</p>

<p>Still, however, all this was within the bounds of barbarous
enthusiasm; but horrible were the persecutions of the Jews,
which were committed in most countries with even greater exasperation
than in the twelfth century, during the first crusades.
In every destructive pestilence the common people at first attribute
the mortality to poison. On whom, then, was vengeance
so likely to fall as on the Jews, the usurers and the strangers
who lived at enmity with the Christians? They were everywhere
suspected of having poisoned the wells<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> or infected the
air, and were pursued with merciless cruelty.</p>

<p>These bloody scenes, which disgraced Europe in the fourteenth
century, are a counterpart to a similar mania of the age
which was manifested in the persecutions of witches and sorcerers;
and, like these, they prove that enthusiasm, associated with
hatred and leagued with the baser passions, may work more
powerfully upon whole nations than religion and legal order;
nay, that it even knows how to profit by the authority of both,
in order the more surely to satiate with blood the swords of long-suppressed
revenge.</p>

<p>The persecution of the Jews commenced in September and
October, 1348, at Chillon, on the Lake of Geneva, where the
first criminal proceedings were instituted against them, after
they had long before been accused by the people of poisoning
the wells; similar scenes followed in Bern and in Freiburg, in
1349. Under the influence of excruciating suffering, the tortured
Jews confessed themselves guilty of the crime imputed to
them; and it being affirmed that poison had in fact been found
in a well at Zofingen, this was deemed a sufficient proof to convince
the world; and the persecution of the abhorred culprits
thus appeared justifiable.</p>

<p>Already in the autumn of 1348 a dreadful panic, caused by
this supposed poisoning, seized all nations; in Germany, especially,
the springs and wells were built over, that nobody might
drink of them or employ their contents for culinary purposes;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>and for a long time the inhabitants of numerous towns and
villages used only river-and rain-water. The city gates were
also guarded with the greatest caution: only confidential persons
were admitted; and if medicine or any other article which
might be supposed to be poisonous was found in the possession
of a stranger&mdash;and it was natural that some should have these
things by them for private use&mdash;he was forced to swallow a portion
of it. By this trying state of privation, distrust, and suspicion
the hatred against the supposed poisoners became greatly
increased, and often broke out in popular commotions, which
only served still further to infuriate the wildest passions.</p>


<p>The noble and the mean fearlessly bound themselves by an
oath to extirpate the Jews by fire and sword, and to snatch
them from their protectors, of whom the number was so small
that throughout all Germany but few places can be mentioned
where these unfortunate people were not regarded as outlaws
and martyred and burned. Solemn summonses were issued
from Bern to the towns of Basel, Freiburg in Breisgau, and
Strasburg, to pursue the Jews as poisoners. The burgomasters
and senators, indeed, opposed this requisition; but in Basel the
populace obliged them to bind themselves by an oath to burn
the Jews and to forbid persons of that community from entering
their city for the space of two hundred years. Upon this, all
the Jews in Basel, whose number could not have been inconsiderable,
were enclosed in a wooden building, constructed for
the purpose, and burned, together with it, upon the mere outcry
of the people, without sentence or trial, which, indeed, would
have availed them nothing. Soon after the same thing took place
at Freiburg.</p>

<p>A regular diet was held at Bennefeld, in Alsace, where the
bishops, lords, and barons, as also deputies of the counties and
towns, consulted how they should proceed with regard to the
Jews; and when the deputies of Strasburg&mdash;not, indeed, the
bishop of this town, who proved himself a violent fanatic&mdash;spoke
in favor of the persecuted, as nothing criminal was substantiated
against them, a great outcry was raised, and it was
vehemently asked why, if so, they had covered their wells and
removed their buckets? A sanguinary decree was resolved
upon, of which the populace, who obeyed the call of the nobles<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>
and superior clergy, became but the too willing executioners.
Wherever the Jews were not burned they were at least banished;
and so being compelled to wander about, they fell into the hands
of the country people, who, without humanity and regardless of
all laws, persecuted them with fire and sword.</p>

<p>At Eslingen, the whole Jewish community burned themselves
in their synagogue; and mothers were often seen throwing their
children on the pile, to prevent their being baptized, and then
precipitating themselves into the flames. In short, whatever
deeds fanaticism, revenge, avarice, and desperation, in fearful
combination, could instigate mankind to perform, were executed
in 1349, throughout Germany, Italy, and France, with impunity
and in the eyes of all the world. It seemed as if the plague gave
rise to scandalous acts and frantic tumults, not to mourning and
grief; and the greater part of those who, by their education and
rank, were called upon to raise the voice of reason, themselves
led on the savage mob to murder and to plunder.</p>

<p>The humanity and prudence of Clement VI must on this occasion
also be mentioned to his honor. He not only protected
the Jews at Avignon, as far as lay in his power, but also issued
two bulls in which he declared them innocent, and he admonished
all Christians, though without success, to cease from such
groundless persecutions. The emperor Charles IV was also favorable
to them, and sought to avert their destruction wherever
he could; but he dared not draw the sword of justice, and even
found himself obliged to yield to the selfishness of the Bohemian
nobles, who were unwilling to forego so favorable an opportunity
of releasing themselves from their Jewish creditors, under favor
of an imperial mandate. Duke Albert of Austria burned and
pillaged those of his cities which had persecuted the Jews&mdash;a
vain and inhuman proceeding which, moreover, is not exempt
from the suspicion of covetousness; yet he was unable, in his
own fortress of Kyberg, to protect some hundreds of Jews, who
had been received there, from being barbarously burned by the
inhabitants.</p>

<p>Several other princes and counts, among whom was Ruprecht
of the Palatinate, took the Jews under their protection, on the
payment of large sums; in consequence of which they were
called "Jew-masters," and were in danger of being attacked<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span>
by the populace and by their powerful neighbors. These persecuted
and ill-used people&mdash;except, indeed, where humane individuals
took compassion on them at their own peril, or when
they could command riches to purchase protection&mdash;had no
place of refuge left but the distant country of Lithuania, where
Boleslav V, Duke of Poland, 1227-1279, had before granted
them liberty of conscience; and King Casimir the Great, 1333-1370,
yielding to the entreaties of Esther, a favorite Jewess,
received them, and granted them further protection; on which
account that country is still inhabited by a great number of
Jews, who by their secluded habits have, more than any people
in Europe, retained the manners of the Middle Ages.</p>


<h4>GIOVANNI BOCCACCIO</h4>

<p>When the evil had become universal in Florence, the hearts
of all the inhabitants were closed to feelings of humanity. They
fled from the sick and all that belonged to them, hoping by these
means to save themselves. Others shut themselves up in their
houses, with their wives, their children and households, living
on the most costly food, but carefully avoiding all excess. None
was allowed access to them; no intelligence of death or sickness
was permitted to reach their ears; and they spent their time in
singing and music and other pastimes.</p>

<p>Others, on the contrary, considered eating and drinking to
excess, amusements of all descriptions, the indulgence of every
gratification, and an indifference to what was passing around
them as the best medicine, and acted accordingly. They wandered
day and night from one tavern to another, and feasted
without moderation or bounds. In this way they endeavored
to avoid all contact with the sick, and abandoned their houses
and property to chance, like men whose death-knell had already
tolled.</p>

<p>Amid this general lamentation and woe, the influence and
authority of every law, human and divine, vanished. Most of
those who were in office had been carried off by the plague, or
lay sick, or had lost so many members of their families that
they were unable to attend to their duties; so that thenceforth
everyone acted as he thought proper. Others, in their mode
of living, chose a middle course. They ate and drank what<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span>
they pleased, and walked abroad; carrying odoriferous flowers,
herbs, or spices, which they smelt at from time to time, in order
to invigorate the brain and to avert the baneful influence of the
air, infected by the sick and by the innumerable corpses of those
who had died of the plague. Others carried their precaution
still further, and thought the surest way to escape death was by
flight. They therefore left the city; women as well as men
abandoning their dwellings and their relations, and retiring into
the country. But of these, also, many were carried off, most of
them alone and deserted by all the world, themselves having
previously set the example.</p>

<p>Thus it was that one citizen fled from another&mdash;a neighbor
from his neighbors&mdash;a relation from his relations; and in the
end, so completely had terror extinguished every kindlier feeling
that the brother forsook the brother, the sister the sister,
the wife her husband, and at last even the parent his own offspring,
and abandoned them, unvisited and unsoothed, to their
fate. Those, therefore, that stood in need of assistance fell a
prey to greedy attendants; who, for an exorbitant recompense,
merely handed the sick their food and medicine, remained with
them in their last moments, and then not unfrequently became
themselves victims to their avarice, and lived not to enjoy their
extorted gain.</p>

<p>Propriety and decorum were extinguished among the helpless
sick. Females of rank seemed to forget their natural bashfulness,
and committed the care of their persons, indiscriminately,
to men and women of the lowest order. No longer were women,
relatives or friends, found in the houses of mourning, to share
the grief of the survivors; no longer was the corpse accompanied
to the grave by neighbors and a numerous train of priests, carrying
wax tapers and singing psalms, nor was it borne along by
other citizens of equal rank. Many breathed their last without
a friend to comfort them in their last moments; and few indeed
were they who departed amid the lamentations and tears of their
friends and kindred.</p>

<p>Instead of sorrow and mourning, appeared indifference, frivolity,
and mirth; this being considered, especially by the females,
as conducive to health. Seldom was the body followed
by even ten or twelve attendants; and instead of the usual bearers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>
and sextons, hirelings of the lowest of the populace undertook
the office for the sake of gain; and accompanied by only a
few priests, and often without a single taper, it was borne to the
very nearest church, and lowered into the first grave that was
not already too full to receive it. Among the middling classes,
and especially among the poor, the misery was still greater.
Poverty or negligence induced most of these to remain in their
dwellings or in the immediate neighborhood; and thus they fell
by thousands; and many ended their lives in the streets by day
and by night.</p>

<p>The stench of putrefying corpses was often the first indication
to their neighbors that more deaths had occurred. The survivors,
to preserve themselves from infection, generally had the
bodies taken out of the houses and laid before the doors, where
the early morn found them in heaps, exposed to the affrighted
gaze of the passing stranger. It was no longer possible to have
a bier for every corpse&mdash;three or four were generally laid together;
husband and wife, father and mother, with two or three
children, were frequently borne to the grave on the same bier;
and it often happened that two priests would accompany a coffin,
bearing the cross before it, and be joined on the way by several
other funerals; so that instead of one, there were five or six
bodies for interment.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span></p>
<h2>FIRST TURKISH DOMINION IN EUROPE</h2>

<h3>TURKS SEIZE GALLIPOLI</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1354</h6>

<h3>JOSEPH VON HAMMER-PURGSTALL<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">53</a></h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>During the early years of the fourteenth century a new Mahometan
realm was established on the ruins of the Seljukian and Byzantine power
in Asia Minor. Osman,<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> or Othman, the founder of this realm, which is
regarded as the original Ottoman empire, subdued a great part of Asia
Minor, and in the year of his death 1326, his son Orkhan captured Prusa
(now Brusa) and Nicomedia. In 1330 he took Nic&aelig;a&mdash;then second only
to Constantinople in the Greek or Byzantine empire&mdash;and six years later
he defeated the Turkish Prince of Karasi, the ancient Mysia, and annexed
his territory, including the capital, Berghama, the ancient Pergamus,
to the Ottoman dominions, thus securing nearly the whole of North-western
Asia Minor.</p>

<p>During the reign of Orkhan the Ottomans made frequent passages of
the Hellespont for the purpose of extending their power into Europe.
After fifteen invasions without any permanent conquest, in 1354 Orkhan
and his son Suleiman perceived an opportunity by which they prepared
themselves to profit&mdash;civil war was raging in the Byzantine empire,
where John Pal&aelig;ologus was striving to deprive the emperor Cantacuzenus
of his throne.</p>

<p>The plan whereby the Ottomans secured a foothold in Europe which
soon enabled them to establish a permanent sovereignty on the peninsula
of Gallipoli was executed by Suleiman with a military skill which gave
his name a conspicuous place in Turkish history.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_o.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="O" />N the meridional shore of the Sea of Marmora, at the entrance
of the Hellespont, is perceived the peninsula of Kapoutaghi&mdash;the
ancient, almost insular Cyzicus, a Milesian colony.
At the neck of the isthmus, where it joins the mainland,
there where are seen to-day the ruins of Aidindjik, formerly
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span>arose Cyzicus, a city celebrated in the history of Persia and of
Rome, of ancient Greece and of the Byzantine empire. This
port, one of the most commercial of the Asiatic coast, possessed,
like Rhodes, Marseilles, and Carthage, two military arsenals
and an immense granary, each placed under the special superintendence
of an architect. The annals of this town have been
enriched by the passage of the Argonauts and of the Goths, by
the siege of Mithridates and by the assistance received from the
Romans under the leadership of Lucullus.</p>


<p>Granted its freedom by the latter as a reward for its fidelity,
Cyzicus was shortly afterward deprived of its privileges for having
neglected the service of the temple of Augustus. Under the
Byzantines it became the capital of the province of Hellespont
and the metropolitan see of Mysia and of all the territory of
Troy. On Mount Dyndimos, at the gates of Cyzicus, arose the
temple of the great mother, the goddess Ida, whose worship had
been established by the Argonauts, and who was venerated
at Cyzicus as at Pessinunte, in the form of an a&euml;rolite, a sacred
stone, which under the reign of King Attalus was carried to
Rome, and installed in the city by all the matrons, preceded by
Scipio the Younger. The inhabitants of the peninsula adored
also Cybele, Proserpine, and Jupiter, who, according to a fabulous
tradition, had given the town of Cyzicus to the wife of
Pluto, as dower. Emperor Hadrian embellished this town with
the largest and the finest of the temples of paganism. The
columns of this edifice, all of one piece, were four ells (fifteen and
one-half feet) in circumference and fifty ells (one hundred and
ninety-five feet) in height.</p>

<p>In 1354 Suleiman, the son of Orkhan, Governor of ancient
Mysia, a province recently conquered by the Turks, was seized
with admiration by the aspect of the majestic ruins of Cyzicus.
The broken columns, the marbles prone on the sward, recalled
to him the ruins of the palace of the Queen of Saba Balkis,
erected by the order of Solomon, the remains of Istakhr (Persepolis),
and of Tadmor (Palmyra). One evening when seated
by the sea-shore, he saw, by the light of the moon (Aidindjik,
the crescent moon), the porticoes and peristyles reflected in the
waves. Clouds passed along the surface of the sea, and he
imagined that he saw these ruined palaces and temples arise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span>
from the deep, and a fleet navigate the waters. Around him
arose mysterious voices whose sound mingled with the murmur
of the waves, while the moon, which at this moment shone in the
east, seemed to unite Asia and Europe by a silver ribbon. It
was she who, emerging formerly from the bosom of Edebali,<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">55</a>
had come to hide herself in that of Osman. The remembrance
of the fantastic vision, which had presaged a universal domination
to his ancestor, inflamed the courage of Suleiman, and
made him resolve to unite Europe and Asia by transporting the
Ottoman power from the shores of Asia Minor to the strands
of the Greek empire, and thus to realize the dream of Osman.</p>

<p>Suleiman consulted immediately with Adjebeg, Ghazi-Fazil,
Ewrenos, and Hadji-Ilbeki, ancient vizier of the Prince of Karasi,
who had been his assistants in the government of Mysia. All
confirmed him in his resolution. Adjebeg and Ghazi-Fazil
the same night went to Gouroudjouk and took ship to make a
reconnaissance in the environs of Tzympe, situated a league
and a half from Gallipoli, opposite Gouroudjouk. A Greek
prisoner whom they brought with them to Asia informed Suleiman
of the abandoned and unprepared state of the place, and
offered himself as a guide to surprise the garrison. Suleiman
immediately had two rafts constructed of trees united by thongs
of bull skins, and made the attempt the following night, with
thirty-nine of his most intrepid companions in arms. Arrived
before the fortress, they scaled the walls by mounting on an
immense dung-heap, and took possession of it easily, owing to
the inhabitants being all absent in the fields engaged in harvesting.
Suleiman then hastened to send to Asia all the ships
which he found in the port, to transport soldiers to Tzympe;
and three days after, the fortress contained a garrison of three
thousand Ottomans.</p>

<p>In the mean while Cantacuzenus, unable to resist any longer
the forces assembled against him by his young rival, John Pal&aelig;ologus,
asked the assistance of Orkhan. Orkhan sent him
the conqueror of Tzympe, an auxiliary whose support later
became more troublesome to the Emperor than it was useful
against his enemy. Ten thousand Turkish cavaliers disem<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>barked
near Ainos, at the <i>embouchure</i> of Maritza (Hebrus),
defeated the auxiliary troops which John Pal&aelig;ologus had drawn
from M&oelig;sia and from the Triballiens, ravaged Bulgaria, and
repassed into Asia, loaded with spoil.</p>


<p>Cantacuzenus, more at his ease after the departure of the
conquering horde, negotiated with Suleiman the ransom of
Tzympe. Scarcely had he sent the ten thousand ducats agreed
upon, when a commissary of the Ottoman Prince arrived bringing
him the keys; but at the same time a terrific earthquake
devastated the towns on the Thracian coasts. The inhabitants
who did not find death in the destruction of their dwellings went
with the garrisons to seek refuge against the destroying scourge
and the barbarity of the Turks in the towns and the castles
which the catastrophe had spared. But torrents of rain, snow,
and a glacial temperature killed the women and the children
on the road. As to the men, they fell into the power of Orkhan's
soldiers, who were awaiting their passage. Thus the Ottomans
found a powerful auxiliary in the warring elements. From that
time they believed that God himself favored their projects.
Adjebeg and Ghazi-Fazil, whom Suleiman had left in front of
Gallipoli, penetrated into that town by the large breaches that
the earthquake had made in the walls, and took possession of it,
owing to the confusion which reigned among the inhabitants.</p>

<p>Gallipoli, the key of the Hellespont, the commercial <i>entrep&ocirc;t</i>
of the Black Sea and of the Mediterranean, is celebrated in
history by the siege that it sustained against Philip of Macedon,
and by the revolt of the Catalans or Mogabars who, half a
century before the disaster, braved with impunity the power of
the Greek Emperor and made it the centre of their piracies.
The tombs of the two Ottoman chiefs are still seen to-day.
These two mausoleums are much visited by Mussulman pilgrims,
and the reason of this pious veneration is due to the fact
that here in this sacred place lie the ashes of the two generations
to whom the Ottoman empire owes the conquest of a town, the
possession of which facilitated the passing of the Turks into
Europe. For the same reason all the surrounding country, which,
during the blockade of the town, Adjebeg and his lieutenant
Ghazi-Fazil had put to fire and sword, received the name of
Adje Owa. The two beys, taking advantage of the terror caused<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span>
by so many disasters, penetrated into the deserted towns and established
themselves.</p>

<p>On the news of these conquests Suleiman, who then was at
Bigha (Peg&aelig;), refused to restore Tzympe, and, far from being
contented with the peaceful possession of the territory invaded
by his hordes, dreamed of extending the boundaries, and for
this purpose sent over to Europe numerous colonies of Turks
and Arabs. One of his first cares was to raise the walls of
Gallipoli and other strong places devastated by the earthquake;
among the number were Konour, whose commander, called
Calaconia by the Ottoman historians, was hanged by order of
Suleiman at the doors of the castle; the fort of Boulair, before
which Suleiman received, as a presage of his future glory, the
bonnet of a dervish Mewlewi; Malgara, renowned for its trade
in honey; Ipsala (ancient Cypsella) on the Marizza; and lastly
Rodosto, now Tekourtaghi, ancient residence of Besus, King
of Thrace, and the place of exile where died in modern times
the Hungarian Francis Rakoczy, Prince of Transylvania, and
his partisans. All these towns and strong places fell into the
power of the Ottomans in the course of the year 1357; they
served them as starting-bases for their excursions, which they
pushed as far as Hireboli (Chariupolis) and Tschorli (Tzurulum).</p>

<p>Cantacuzenus, too weak to stop the progress of the Turks,
complained of this violation of the peace. Orkhan excused his
son, saying that it was not force of arms which had opened the
gates of the towns of the Greek empire, but the divine will
manifested by the earthquake. The Emperor made representations
that he was not agitating to know whether it was by the
gates or by the breaches that Suleiman had penetrated into the
places in question, but whether or not he possessed them legitimately.
Orkhan then asked a delay for reflection, and subsequently
promised that he would request his son to return the
towns that he occupied, if Cantacuzenus, on his side, would
engage to pay him a sum of forty thousand ducats. At the
same time he invited him to an interview to meet Suleiman on
the Gulf of Nicomedia. But the Sultan pretending to be ill, the
Emperor returned to Byzantium, without having obtained anything.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span>Orkhan now found himself in one of the happiest of political
situations. The division of sovereign authority between Cantacuzenus
and his pupil John Pal&aelig;ologus, and their continual
wars, allowed him to address one or the other according as his
interests and the circumstances demanded. It was thus that
John Pal&aelig;eologus, ally of the Genoese, undertook to deliver from
captivity to Phoceus, the son of Orkhan, Khalil or Kasim, whom
the governor Calothes surrendered for a ransom of one hundred
thousand pieces of gold and the concession of the glorious title
of Panhypersebastos ("very venerable"). The service that John
had rendered did not prevent Orkhan from sending to Abydos
a body of troops to rescue the son of Cantacuzenus, Mathias,
then at war with the Bulgarians.</p>

<p>From the epoch when the Ottomans made durable conquests
in the Greek empire, Asia each spring threw new hordes into
Europe, until the time when the successors of Orkhan had extended
their domination from the shores of the Sea of Marmora
to those of the Danube.</p>

<p>The conquest of Gallipoli, which had opened the gate of the
Greek empire and the whole of the European continent to the
Ottomans, was announced by "letters of victory" to the neighboring
princes of Orkhan, whose father had divided with Osman
the heritage of the Seljukian sultans. The use of these "letters
of victory" has been preserved to this day in Turkey, and their
style, already so pompous in the days of Orkhan, has become
so proudly emphatic that this kind of document to-day is not
the least curious of those which belong to the annals of the Turkish
nation.</p>

<p>Orkhan left to his son, Suleiman Pacha, and Hadji-Ilbeki
the charge of preserving the conquests made in Europe; Suleiman
established his residence at Gallipoli, and Ilbeki at Konour.
The first overran the country as far as Demitoka; the second as
far as Tschorli and Hireboli. Adjebeg received in fief the valley
which still bears his name.</p>

<p>But Suleiman enjoyed for only a few years the fruits of his
conquests. One day while hunting wild geese between Boulair
and Sidi-Kawak, that is to say near the palatine of the
Cid, and following at a gallop the flight of his falcon, he fell
so violently from his horse (1359) as to be instantly killed. His<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span>
body was deposited, not in the mausoleum of the Osman family
at Prusa, where he had caused a mosque to be erected in the
quarter of the confectioners, but near the mosque of Boulair,
also founded by him. Orkhan, to perpetuate the exploits of his
son, caused a tomb to be built to his memory on the shore of the
Hellespont, the only one which, during more than a century,
was erected in memory of an Ottoman prince on Greek soil.
Of all the sepulchres of Turkish heroes which the national
historians mention with holy respect, that of the founder of
the Ottoman power in Europe is the most venerated and the
most frequented by pilgrims. It is still to be seen to the north
of the embouchure of the Hellespont.</p>

<p>Tradition attributes yet another victory to Suleiman after
his death. At the head of a troop of celestial heroes, mounted on
white horses, encircled by a brilliant aureole, he is said to have
vanquished an army of infidels. The love of the marvellous,
so general among orientals, the leaning which all people have
to make heaven intervene in the deeds relating to their origin,
alone can explain this tradition, for it would be useless to seek
any historic fact which could have given it birth. According
to this tradition, thirty thousand Christians appeared in the
Hellespont on a fleet of sixty-one vessels; one half disembarked
at Touzla and the other at Sidi-Kawak; it was this latter body
which was cut in pieces by the celestial troop led by Suleiman.
The Ottoman historians who relate this miracle have evidently
borrowed the apparition of these vessels from the First or the
Second Crusade of the Europeans against the Turks, and have
transported them from the waters of Smyrna to those of Gallipoli,
for the greater glory of Suleiman Pacha. Neither the history
of Byzantium nor that of the crusades offers the slightest trace
of this event.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span></p>
<h2>CONSPIRACY AND DEATH OF MARINO
FALIERI AT VENICE</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1355</h6>

<h3>MRS. MARGARET OLIPHANT</h3>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Marino Falieri was born at Venice about 1278, and was elected doge
in 1354. For many years the government of the republic, under an oligarchy,
had been arbitrarily dominated by the Council of Ten, an assembly
that, after serving a special purpose for which it was created, was
declared permanent in 1325 and became a formidable tribunal. Professing
to guard the republic the Ten in fact destroyed its liberties, disposed
of its finances, overruled the constitutional legislators, suppressed
and excluded the popular element from all voice in public affairs, and
finally reduced the nominal prince&mdash;the doge&mdash;to a mere puppet or an ornamental
functionary, still called "head of the state."</p>

<p>At the time when Falieri entered upon his dogeship the city in all
quarters was pervaded by the spies of this great oligarchy, which seized
and imprisoned citizens, and even put them to death, secretly, without
itself being answerable to any authority. The most notable event in the
annals of this extraordinary Venetian government is that which forms
the story of Marino Falieri himself. His conspiracy with the plebeians
to assassinate the oligarchs and make himself actual ruler of the state had
the double motive of a personal grievance and the sense of a political
wrong.</p>

<p>The fate of this old man has been made the subject of tragedies by
Byron (1820), Casimir Delavigne (1829), and Swinburne (1885). The novel,
<i>Doge und Dogaressa</i>, by Ernst Theodor Hoffmann, was inspired by the
same dramatic figure. Of historical accounts, the following&mdash;in Mrs.
Oliphant's best manner&mdash;is justly regarded as the most impressive which
has hitherto appeared in English.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_m.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="M" />ARINO FALIERI had been an active servant of Venice
through a long life. He had filled almost all the great
offices which were intrusted to her nobles. He had governed
her distant colonies, accompanied her armies in that position of
<i>proveditore</i>, omnipotent civilian critic of all the movements of
war, which so much disgusted the generals of the republic. He
had been ambassador at the courts of both emperor and pope,
and was serving his country in that capacity at Avignon when
the news of his election reached him.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>It is thus evident that Falieri was not a man used to the
position of a lay figure, although at seventy-six the dignified
retirement of a throne, even when so encircled with restrictions,
would seem not inappropriate. That he was of a haughty and
hasty temper seems apparent. It is told of him that, after
waiting long for a bishop to head a procession at Treviso where
he was <i>podesta</i> ("chief magistrate"), he astonished the tardy
prelate by a box on the ear when he finally appeared, a punishment
for keeping the authorities waiting.</p>

<p>Old age to a statesman, however, is in many cases an advantage
rather than a defect, and Falieri was young in vigor and
character, and still full of life and strength. He was married
a second time to presumably a beautiful wife much younger
than himself, though the chroniclers are not agreed even on the
subject of her name, whether she was a Gradenigo or a Contarini.
The well-known story of young Steno's insult to this lady and
to her old husband has found a place in all subsequent histories,
but there is no trace of it in the unpublished documents of the
state.</p>

<p>The story goes that Michel Steno, one of those young and
insubordinate gallants who are a danger to every aristocratic
state, having been turned out of the presence of the Dogaressa
for some unseemly freedom of behavior, wrote upon the chair
of the Doge in boyish petulance an insulting taunt, such as
might well rouse a high-tempered old man to fury. According
to Sanudo, the young man, on being brought before the Forty,<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">56</a>
confessed that he had thus avenged himself in a fit of passion;
and regard having been had to his age and the "heat of love"
which had been the cause of his original misdemeanor&mdash;a reason
seldom taken into account by the tribunals of the state&mdash;he
was condemned to prison for two months, and afterward to
be banished for a year from Venice.</p>

<p>The Doge took this light punishment greatly amiss, considering
it, indeed, as a further insult.</p>

<p>Sabellico says not a word of Michel Steno, or of this definite
cause of offence, and Romanin quotes the contemporary records
to show that though <i>Alcuni zovanelli fioli de gentiluomini di
Venetia</i> are supposed to have affronted the Doge, no such story
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>finds a place in any of them. But the old man thus translated
from active life and power, soon became bitterly sensible in his
new position that he was <i>senza parentado</i>, with few relations, and
flouted by the <i>giovinastri</i>, the dissolute young gentlemen who
swaggered about the Broglio in their finery, strong in the support
of fathers and uncles.</p>

<p>That he found himself, at the same time, shelved in his new
rank, powerless, and regarded as a nobody in the state where
hitherto he had been a potent signior&mdash;mastered in every action
by the secret tribunal, and presiding nominally in councils
where his opinion was of little consequence&mdash;is evident. And
a man so well acquainted, and so long, with all the proceedings
of the state, who had seen consummated the shutting out of the
people, and since had watched through election after election
a gradual tightening of the bonds round the feet of the doge,
would naturally have many thoughts when he found himself the
wearer of that restricted and diminished crown.</p>

<p>He could not be unconscious of how the stream was going,
nor unaware of that gradual sapping of privilege and decreasing
of power which even in his own case had gone further than with
his predecessor. Perhaps he had noted with an indignant mind
the new limits of the <i>promissione</i>, a narrower charter than ever,
when he was called upon to sign it. He had no mind, we may
well believe, to retire thus from the administration of affairs.
And when these giovinastri, other people's boys, the scum of
the gay world, flung their unsavory jests in the face of the old
man who had no son to come after him, the silly insults so lightly
uttered, so little thought of, the natural scoff of youth at old age,
stung him to the quick.</p>

<p>Old Falieri's heart burned within him at his own injuries
and those of his old comrades. How he was induced to head
the conspiracy, and put his crown, his life, and honor on the
cast, there is no further information. His fierce temper, and
the fact that he had no powerful house behind him to help to
support his case, probably made him reckless. In April, 1355,
six months after his arrival in Venice as doge, the smouldering
fire broke out. Two of the conspirators were seized with compunction
on the eve of the catastrophe and betrayed the plot&mdash;one
with a merciful motive to serve a patrician he loved, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>
other with perhaps less noble intentions&mdash;and, without a blow
struck, the conspiracy collapsed. There was no real heart in it,
nothing to give it consistence; the hot passion of a few men
insulted, the variable gaseous excitement of wronged commoners,
and the ambition&mdash;if it was ambition&mdash;of one enraged and
affronted old man, without an heir to follow him or anything
that could make it worth his while to conquer.</p>

<p>An enterprise more wild was never undertaken. It was
the passionate stand of despair against force so overwhelming
as to make mad the helpless, yet not submissive, victims.
The Doge, who no doubt in former days had felt it
to be a mere affair of the populace, a thing with which a noble
ambassador and proveditore had nothing to do, a struggle beneath
his notice, found himself at last, with fury and amazement,
to be a fellow-sufferer caught in the same toils. There
seems no reason to believe that Falieri consciously staked the
remnant of his life on the forlorn hope of overcoming that awful
and pitiless power, with any real hope of establishing his own
supremacy. His aspect is rather that of a man betrayed by
passion, and wildly forgetful of all possibility in his fierce attempt
to free himself and get the upper hand. One cannot but feel in
that passion of helpless age and unfriendedness, something of
the terrible disappointment of one to whom the real situation
of affairs had never been revealed before; who had come home
triumphant to reign like the doges of old, and, only after the
ducal cap was on his head and the palace of the state had become
his home, found out that the doge&mdash;like the unconsidered
plebeian&mdash;had been reduced to bondage; his judgment and experience
put aside in favor of the deliberations of a secret tribunal,
and the very boys, when they were nobles, at liberty to
jeer at his declining years.</p>

<p>The lesser conspirators, all men of the humbler sort&mdash;Calendario,
the architect, who was then at work upon the palace,
a number of seamen, and other little-known persons&mdash;were
hanged; not like the greater criminals, beheaded between the
columns, but strung up&mdash;a horrible fringe&mdash;along the side of
the palazzo. The fate of Falieri himself is too generally known
to demand description. Calmed by the tragic touch of fate,
the Doge bore all the humiliations of his doom with dignity,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>
and was beheaded at the head of the stairs where he had sworn
the promissione on first assuming the office of doge.</p>

<p>What a contrast was this from that triumphant day when
probably he felt that his reward had come to him after the long
and faithful service of years. Death stills disappointment as
well as rage, and Falieri is said to have acknowledged the justice
of his sentence. He had never made any attempt to justify or
defend himself, but frankly and at once avowed his guilt and
made no attempt to escape from its penalties. His body was
conveyed privately to the Church of St. Giovanni and St. Paolo,
the great "Zanipolo"&mdash;with which all visitors to Venice are
familiar&mdash;and was buried in secrecy and silence in the <i>atrio</i> of
a little chapel behind the great church&mdash;where no doubt for centuries
the pavement was worn by many feet with little thought
of those who lay below. Even from that refuge his bones have
been driven forth, but his name remains in the corner of the
Hall of the Great Council, where&mdash;with a certain dramatic affectation&mdash;the
painter-historians have painted a black veil
across the vacant place. "This is the place of Marino Falieri,
beheaded for his crimes," is all the record left of the Doge disgraced.</p>

<p>Was it a crime? The question is one which it is difficult
to discuss with any certainty. That Falieri desired to establish&mdash;as
so many had done in other cities&mdash;an independent
despotism in Venice, seems entirely unproved. It was the prevailing
fear; the one suggestion which alarmed everybody and
made sentiment unanimous. But one of the special points
which are recorded by the chroniclers as working in him to
madness, was that he was <i>senza parentado</i>&mdash;without any backing
of relationship or allies&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, sonless, with no one to come
after him. How little likely then was an old man to embark on
such a desperate venture for self-aggrandizement merely. He
had, indeed, a nephew who was involved in his fate, but apparently
not so deeply as to expose him to the last penalty of the law.</p>

<p>The incident altogether points more to a sudden outbreak
of the rage and disappointment of an old public servant coming
back from his weary labors for the state in triumph and satisfaction
to what seemed the supreme reward; and finding himself<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>
no more than a puppet in the hands of remorseless masters,
subject to the scoffs of the younger generation, with his eyes
opened by his own suffering, perceiving for the first time what
justice there was in the oft-repeated protest of the people, and
how they and he alike were crushed under the iron heel of that
oligarchy to which the power of the people and that of the Prince
were equally obnoxious. The chroniclers of his time were so
much at a loss to find any reason for such an attempt on the part
of a man, <i>non abbiando alcum propinquo</i>, that they agree in attributing
it to diabolical inspiration.</p>

<p>It was more probably that fury which springs from a sense of
wrong, which the sight of the wrongs of others raised to frenzy,
and that intolerable impatience of the impotent which is more
harsh in its hopelessness than the greatest hardihood. He could
not but die for it, but there seems no more reason to characterize
this impossible attempt as deliberate treason than to give the
same name to many an alliance formed between prince and people
in other regions&mdash;the king and commons of the early Stuarts,
for example&mdash;against the intolerable exactions and cruelty
of an aristocracy too powerful to be faced alone by either.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span></p>
<h2>CHARLES IV OF GERMANY PUBLISHES
HIS GOLDEN BULL</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1356</h6>

<h3>SIR ROBERT COMYN</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>The Golden Bull of Charles IV of Germany, Emperor of the Holy
Roman Empire, first published at the Diet of Nuremberg in 1356, was a
charter&mdash;sometimes called the "Magna Charta of Germany"&mdash;regulating
the election of the emperor. It was called "golden" because the seal attached
to the parchment on which it was engrossed was of gold instead
of the customary lead. In a diet at Metz in the same year six additional
clauses were promulgated.</p>

<p>By some historians the origin of the imperial electoral college is assigned
to the year 1125, when at the election of Lothair II certain of the
nobles and church dignitaries made a selection of candidates to be voted
for. But until the promulgation of the Golden Bull the constitution and
prerogatives of the college were never definitely ascertained.</p>

<p>The personal traits and the languid reign of Charles IV have been
treated by historians with derision. He forgot the general welfare of the
empire in his eagerness to enrich his own house and aggrandize his paternal
kingdom of Bohemia. The one remarkable law which emanated from
him, and whereby alone his reign is distinguished in the constitutional
history of the empire, is that embodied in the Golden Bull. By this instrument
the dignity of the electors was greatly enhanced, and the disputes
which had arisen between members of the same house as to their
right of suffrage were terminated. The number of electors was absolutely
restricted to seven.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_a.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="A" />FTER a solemn invocation of the Trinity, a reprobation of
the seven deadly sins, and a pointed allusion to the seven
candlesticks and the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost, the Golden
Bull proceeds to the subject of the imperial election. It provides,
in the first place, for the safe conduct of the seven electors
to and from Frankfort-on-the-Main, which is fixed as the place
of election; it directs the archbishop of Mainz to summon the
electors upon the death of the emperor, and regulates the manner
in which their proxies are to be appointed; it enjoins the
citizens of Frankfort to protect the assembled electors; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>
forbids them to admit any stranger into the city during the
election.</p>

<p>It next prescribes the form of oath to be taken by the electors;
and also forbids them to quit the city before the completion
of the election; and after thirty days restricts their diet to bread
and water. A majority of votes is to decide the election; and
in case any elector obtain three votes, his own vote is to be taken
in his favor.</p>

<p>The precedence of the electors is thus settled: First, the
archbishops of Mainz, Cologne, and Treves; then the King of
Bohemia, the Count Palatine, the Duke of Saxony, and the
Margrave of Brandenburg. The Elector of Treves is to vote
first; then the Elector of Cologne; then the secular electors;
and the Elector of Mainz is finally to collect the votes and deliver
his own.</p>

<p>The Elector of Cologne is to perform the coronation. At all
feasts the Margrave of Brandenburg, as grand chamberlain, is
to present the Emperor with water to wash; the King of Bohemia,
as cup-bearer, is to offer the goblet of wine; the Count
Palatine, as grand steward, is to set the first dish on the table;
and the Duke of Saxony is to officiate as grand marshal.</p>

<p>The Count Palatine and the Duke of Saxony are declared
vicars of the empire during the vacancy of the throne. An exclusive
jurisdiction is guaranteed to the electors; and their precedence
over all other princes of Germany is enforced.</p>

<p>The right of voting is vested in the eldest son of a deceased
elector, provided he have attained the age of eighteen; and
during the minority, the guardianship and vote are vested in
the next kinsman of the deceased.</p>

<p>If one of the lay electorates become vacant by default of
heirs, it shall revert to the Emperor, and be by him disposed
of&mdash;Bohemia excepted, where the vacancy is to be supplied by
ancient mode of election.</p>

<p>The electors are invested with the possession of all mines
discovered within their respective territories. They are authorized
to give refuge to the Jews, and to receive dues payable
within their states. They are also privileged to coin money,
and to purchase lands subject to the feudal rights of the sovereign.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>A yearly assembly of the electors, in one of the imperial
cities, is enjoined.</p>

<p>All privileges granted to any city or community prejudicial
to the rights of the electors are revoked. All fraudulent resignations
of fiefs by vassals, with intent to attack their lords, are
declared void. All leagues, associations, and confederacies,
not sanctioned by law, are made punishable by fine; and all
burgesses and subjects of princes and nobles are to adhere to
their original subjection, and not to claim any rights or exemptions
as burgesses of any city unless actually domiciled
therein.</p>

<p>Challenges, with design of destroying another's property or
committing any outrage, are prohibited; and all challenges are
to be given three days before the onset.</p>

<p>The forms of summoning electors, and of their delegation
of proxies, are laid down. And the right of voting, as well as
all other rights, is declared inseparably incident to the electoral
principality.</p>

<p>On grand occasions the Duke of Saxony is to carry the
sword; the Count Palatine, the globe; the Margrave of Brandenburg,
the sceptre. In celebrating mass before the Emperor,
the benedictions are to be pronounced by the senior spiritual
elector present.</p>

<p>All persons conspiring against the lives of the electors are
declared guilty of leze-majesty, and shall forfeit their lives and
possessions. The lives of their sons, though justly forfeited,
are spared only by the particular bounty of the Emperor; but
they are declared incapable of holding any property, honor, or
dignity, and doomed to perpetual poverty. The daughters are
permitted to enjoy one-fourth of their mother's succession.</p>

<p>The secular principalities, Bohemia, the Palatinate, the
duchy of Saxony, and the margravate of Brandenburg, are
declared indivisible and entire, descendible in the male line.</p>

<p>On all the solemn occasions the electors shall attend the
Emperor, and the arch-chancellors shall carry the seals. And
the bull then proceeds minutely to point out the manner in
which the electors are to exercise their ministerial functions at
the imperial banquet; and regulates the order and disposition
of the imperial and electoral tables.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>Frankfort is again declared as the place of election; Aix-la-Chapelle,
of coronation; and Nuremberg, for holding the first
royal court.</p>

<p>The electors are exempted from all payments on receiving
their fiefs from their sovereign. But other princes are to pay
certain fees, etc., to the imperial officers.</p>

<p>Lastly, the secular electors are enjoined to instruct their sons
in the Latin, Italian, and Slavonic tongues.</p>

<p>At the final promulgation of the bull in the Diet of Metz the
Emperor and Empress feasted, in the presence of the dauphin
(Charles V) and the legate of Pope Innocent VI, with all the
pageantry and ceremonies prescribed by the new ordinances.
The imperial tables were spread in the grand square of the city;
Rudolph, Duke of Saxe-Wittenberg, attended with a silver
measure of oats, and marshalled the order of the company;
Louis II, Margrave of Brandenburg, presented to the Emperor
the golden basin, with water and fair napkins; Rupert, Count
Palatine, placed the first dish upon the table; and the Emperor's
brother, Wenceslaus, representing the King of Bohemia, officiated
as cup-bearer. Lastly, the princes of Schwarzburg and
the deputy huntsman came with three hounds amid the loud
din of horns, and carried up a stag and a boar to the table of the
Emperor.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span></p>
<h2>INSURRECTION OF THE JACQUERIE IN
FRANCE</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1358</h6>

<h3>SIR JOHN FROISSART</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>The defeat of the French under King John II, at Poitiers, by the
British forces of Edward, the Black Prince, September 19, 1356, aroused
great indignation among the common people of France, with scorn of the
nobility; for these leaders, with an army of sixty thousand, had fled before
an enemy whom they outnumbered seven to one. In the next assembly
of the states-general the bourgeois obtained a preponderance so
intolerable to the nobles that they withdrew to their homes. A little
later the deputies of the clergy also retired, leaving only the representatives
of the cities&mdash;among whom the supremacy of the members from
Paris was generally accepted&mdash;to deal with the affairs of the kingdom.</p>

<p>At this point appeared a man who in an age "so uncivilized and sombre,"
says Pierre Robiquet, "by wonderful instinct laid down and nearly
succeeded in obtaining the adoption of the essential principles on which
modern society is founded&mdash;the government of the country by elected
representatives, taxes voted by representatives of the taxpayers, abolition
of privileges founded upon right of birth, extension of political rights to
all citizens, and subordination of traditional sovereignty to that of the
nation." This man was &Eacute;tienne Marcel, provost of the merchants of
Paris&mdash;that is to say, mayor of the municipality, whom eminent historians
have called the greatest personage of the fourteenth century. During
a career of three years his name dominates French history&mdash;a brief
ascendency, but of potent influence. His endeavor, in Thierry's view,
"was, as it were, a premature attempt at the grand designs of Providence,
and the mirror of the bloody changes of fortune through which
those designs were destined to advance to their accomplishment under
the impulse of human passions."</p>

<p>After the disaster of Poitiers, Marcel finished the fortifications of
Paris and barricaded the streets, and in the assembly there he presided
over the bourgeois&mdash;the Third Estate. In the growing conflict between
the two other estates&mdash;nobles and clergy&mdash;and the third, Marcel armed
the bourgeois and began an open revolution, thus organizing the commune
for carrying out his designs. The nobles were meanwhile laying
heavier miseries upon the peasantry, and in the spring of 1358 occurred
the rising of the Jacquerie, here described by Froissart, whose brilliant
narrative is to be read in the light of modern critical judgment, which re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>gards
it as an exaggeration both of the numbers of the insurgents and
their atrocities, while Froissart had no capacity for understanding the
conditions which explain, if they do not also justify, the present revolt.</p>

<p>This outbreak, to which Marcel gave his support, was enough to ruin
his cause, and he died in a massacre, July 31, 1358, having failed "because
the time was not yet ripe," and because the violence to which he
lent his sanction was overcome by stronger violence.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_a.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="A" /> MARVELLOUS and great tribulation befell the kingdom
of France, in Beauvoisis, Brie, upon the river Marne, in
the Laonnois, and in the neighborhood of Soissons. Some of
the inhabitants of the country towns assembled together in
Beauvoisis, without any leader; they were not at first more than
one hundred men. They said that the nobles of the kingdom
of France, knights and squires, were a disgrace to it, and that it
would be a very meritorious act to destroy them all; to which
proposition everyone assented, and added, shame befall him
that should be the means of preventing the gentlemen from being
wholly destroyed. They then, without further counsel, collected
themselves in a body, and with no other arms than the staves
shod with iron which some had, and others with knives, marched
to the house of a knight who lived near, and, breaking it open,
murdered the knight, his lady, and all the children, both great
and small; they then burned the house.</p>

<p>After this, their second expedition was to the strong castle of
another knight, which they took, and, having tied him to a stake,
many of them violated his wife and daughter before his eyes;
they then murdered the lady, her daughter, and the other children,
and last of all the knight himself, with much cruelty. They
destroyed and burned his castle. They did the like to many
castles and handsome houses; and their numbers increased so
much that they were in a short time upward of six thousand.
Wherever they went they received additions, for all of their
rank in life followed them, while everyone else fled, carrying off
with them their ladies, damsels, and children ten or twenty
leagues distant, where they thought they could place them in security,
leaving their houses, with all their riches in them.</p>

<p>These wicked people, without leader and without arms,
plundered and burned all the houses they came to, murdered
every gentleman, and violated every lady and damsel they could
find. He who committed the most atrocious actions, and such<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>
as no human creature would have imagined, was the most applauded
and considered as the greatest man among them. I
dare not write the horrible and inconceivable atrocities they
committed on the persons of the ladies.</p>

<p>Among other infamous acts they murdered a knight, and,
having fastened him to a spit, roasted him before the eyes of his
wife and his children, and forced her to eat some of her husband's
flesh, and then knocked her brains out. They had chosen a
king among them, who came from Clermont in Beauvoisis. He
was elected as the worst of the bad, and they denominated him
"Jacques Bonhomme."<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">57</a></p>

<p>These wretches burned and destroyed in the county of
Beauvoisis, and at Corbie, Amiens, and Montdidier, upward
of sixty good houses and strong castles. By the acts of such
traitors in the country of Brie and thereabout, it behooved every
lady, knight, and squire, having the means of escape, to fly to
Meaux, if they wished to preserve themselves from being insulted
and afterward murdered. The Duchess of Normandy, the
Duchess of Orleans, and many other ladies had adopted this
course. These cursed people thus supported themselves in the
countries between Paris, Noyon, and Soissons, and in all the
territory of Coucy, in the County of Valois. In the bishoprics
of Noyon, Laon, and Soissons there were upward of one hundred
castles and good houses of knights and squires destroyed.</p>

<p>When the gentlemen of Beauvoisis, Corbie, Vermandois,
and of the lands where these wretches were associated, saw
to what lengths their madness had extended, they sent for succor
to their friends in Flanders, Hainault, and Bohemia; from
which places numbers soon came and united themselves with
the gentlemen of the country. They began therefore to kill and
destroy these wretches wherever they met them, and hung them
up by troops on the nearest trees. The King of Navarre even
destroyed in one day, near Clermont in Beauvoisis, upward of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>three thousand; but they were by this time so much increased
in numbers that, had they been all together, they would have
amounted to more than one hundred thousand. When they
were asked for what reason they acted so wickedly, they replied,
they knew not, but they did so because they saw others do it, and
they thought that by this means they should destroy all the nobles
and gentlemen in the world.</p>

<p>At this period the Duke of Normandy, suspecting the King
of Navarre, the provost of merchants and those of his faction&mdash;for
they were always unanimous in their sentiments&mdash;set out
from Paris, and went to the bridge at Charenton-upon-Marne,
where he issued a special summons for the attendance of the
crown vassals, and sent a defiance to the provost of merchants
and to all those who should support him. The provost, being
fearful he would return in the night-time to Paris&mdash;which was
then unenclosed&mdash;collected as many workmen as possible from
all parts, and employed them to make ditches all around Paris.
He also surrounded it by a wall with strong gates. For the
space of one year there were three hundred workmen daily
employed; the expense of which was equal to maintaining an
army. I must say that to surround with a sufficient defence
such a city as Paris was an act of greater utility than any provost
of merchants had ever done before; for otherwise it would have
been plundered and destroyed several times by the different factions.</p>

<p>At the time these wicked men were overrunning the country,
the Earl of Foix, and his cousin the Captal of Buch were returning
from a crusade in Prussia. They were informed, on their
entering France, of the distress the nobles were in; and they
learned at the city of Chalons that the Duchess of Orleans and
three hundred other ladies, under the protection of the Duke
of Orleans, were fled to Meaux on account of these disturbances.
The two knights resolved to go to the assistance of these ladies,
and to re&euml;nforce them with all their might, notwithstanding the
Captal was attached to the English; but at that time there was a
truce between the two kings. They might have in their company
about sixty lances.</p>

<p>They were most cheerfully received, on their arrival at Meaux,
by the ladies and damsels; for these Jacks and peasants of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span>
Brie had heard what number of ladies, married and unmarried,
and young children of quality were in Meaux; they had united
themselves with those of Valois and were on their road thither.
On the other hand, those of Paris had also been informed of the
treasures Meaux contained, and had set out from that place in
crowds. Having met the others, they amounted together to
nine thousand men. Their forces were augmenting every step
they advanced.</p>

<p>They came to the gates of the town, which the inhabitants
opened to them and allowed them to enter; they did so in such
numbers that all the streets were quite filled, as far as the market-place,
which is tolerably strong, but it required to be guarded,
though the river Marne nearly surrounds it. The noble dames
who were lodged there, seeing such multitudes rushing toward
them, were exceedingly frightened. On this, the two lords and
their company advanced to the gate of the market-place, which
they had opened, and, marching under the banners of the Earl
of Foix and Duke of Orleans, and the pennon of the Captal of
Buch, posted themselves in front of this peasantry, who were
badly armed.</p>

<p>When these banditti perceived such a troop of gentlemen, so
well equipped, sally forth to guard the market-place, the foremost
of them began to fall back. The gentlemen then followed
them, using their lances and swords. When they felt the weight
of their blows, they, through fear, turned about so fast they fell
one over the other. All manner of armed persons then rushed
out of the barriers, drove them before them, striking them down
like beasts, and clearing the town of them; for they kept neither
regularity nor order, slaying so many that they were tired.
They flung them in great heaps into the river. In short, they
killed upward of seven thousand. Not one would have escaped
if they had chosen to pursue them farther.</p>

<p>On the return of the men-at-arms, they set fire to the town of
Meaux, burned it; and all the peasants they could find were shut
up in it, because they had been of the party of the Jacks. Since
this discomfiture which happened to them at Meaux, they never
collected again in any great bodies; for the young Enguerrand
de Coucy had plenty of gentlemen under his orders, who destroyed
them, wherever they could be met with, without mercy.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span></p>
<h2>CONQUESTS OF TIMUR THE TARTAR</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1370-1405</h6>

<h3>EDWARD GIBBON</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Timur, better known as Tamerlane ("Timur the Lame"), was born in
Central Asia&mdash;probably in the village of Sebzar, near Samarkand, in
Transoxiana (Turkestan). He is supposed to have been descended from
a follower of Genghis Khan, founder of the Mongol empire; or, as some
say, directly, by the mother's side, from Genghis himself. He is the
Tamerlaine or Tamburlaine of Marlowe and other dramatists. Gibbon
introduces him in the <i>Decline and Fall</i>, apparently because fascinated
with the subject, although he gives as a historical reason the fact that
Timur's triumph in Asia delayed the final fall of Constantinople&mdash;taken
by the Turks in 1453.</p>

<p>In early youth the future ruler of so vast an empire was engaged in
struggles for ascendency with the petty chiefs of rival tribes. His boundless
ambition early conceived the conquest and monarchy of the world;
his wish was "to live in the memory and esteem of future ages." He
was born in a period of anarchy, when the crumbling kingdoms of the
Asiatic dynasties were no longer able to resist the adventurous spirit
determined to occupy the new field of military triumph which opened before
him. At the age of twenty-five Timur was hailed as the deliverer of
his country. When he chose Samarkand as the capital of his dominion,
he declared his purpose to make that dominion embrace the whole habitable
earth; and at the height of his power he ruled from the Great Wall
of China to the centre of Russia on the north, while his sovereignty extended
to the Mediterranean and the Nile on the west, and on the east to
the sources of the Ganges. In his own person he united twenty-seven
different sovereignties, and nine several dynasties of kings gave place to
the unparalleled conqueror, who won by the sword a larger portion of the
globe than Cyrus or Alexander, C&aelig;sar or Attila, Genghis Khan, Charlemagne,
or Napoleon.</p>

<p>It was believed in the family and empire of Timur that he himself
composed the <i>Commentaries</i> of his life and the <i>Institutions</i> of his government,
which, however, were probably the work of his secretaries. These
manuscripts have been of great service to historians in their study of
Timur's career.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_a.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="A" />T the age of thirty-four, and in a general diet, Timur was
invested with imperial command, but he affected to revere
the house of Genghis; and while the emir Timur reigned over
Zagatai and the East, a nominal khan served as a private officer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>
in the armies of his servant. Without expatiating on the victories
of thirty-five campaigns, without describing the lines of march
which he repeatedly traced over the continent of Asia, I shall
briefly represent Timur's conquests in Persia, Tartary, and India,
and from thence proceed to the more interesting narrative
of his Ottoman war.</p>

<p>No sooner had Timur reunited to the patrimony of Zagatai
the dependent countries of Karizme and Kandahar than he
turned his eyes toward the kingdoms of Iran or Persia. From
the Oxus to the Tigris that extensive country was without a
lawful sovereign. Peace and justice had been banished from
the land above forty years; and the Mongol invader might
seem to listen to the cries of an oppressed people. Their petty
tyrants might have opposed him with confederate arms: they
separately stood and successively fell; and the difference of
their fate was only marked by the promptitude of submission
or the obstinacy of resistance. Ibrahim, Prince of Shirwan or
Albania, kissed the footstool of the imperial throne. His
peace offerings of silks, horses, and jewels were composed,
according to the Tartar fashion, each article of nine pieces; but
a critical spectator observed that there were only eight slaves.
"I myself am the ninth," replied Ibraham, who was prepared
for the remark: and his flattery was rewarded by the smile of
Timur.</p>

<p>Shah Mansur, Prince of Fars, or the proper Persia, was one
of the least powerful, but most dangerous, of his enemies. In
a battle under the walls of Shiraz, he broke, with three or four
thousand soldiers, the <i>coul</i>, or main body, of thirty thousand
horse, where the Emperor fought in person. No more than
fourteen or fifteen guards remained near the standard of Timur;
he stood firm as a rock, and received on his helmet two weighty
strokes of a cimeter; the Mongols rallied; the head of Mansur
was thrown at his feet; and he declared his esteem of the valor
of a foe by extirpating all the males of so intrepid a race. From
Shiraz his troops advanced to the Persian Gulf; and the richness
and weakness of Ormus were displayed in an annual tribute
of six hundred thousand dinars of gold.</p>

<p>Bagdad was no longer the city of peace, the seat of the caliphs;
but the noblest conquest of Khulagu could not be overlooked<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>
by his ambitious successor. The whole course of the Tigris and
Euphrates, from the mouth to the sources of those rivers, was
reduced to his obedience; he entered Edessa; and the Turcomans
of the black sheep were chastised for the sacrilegious
pillage of a caravan of Mecca. In the mountains of Georgia
the native Christians still braved the law and the sword of
Mahomet; by three expeditions he obtained the merit of the
<i>gazie</i>, or holy war; and the Prince of Tiflis became his proselyte
and friend.</p>

<p>A just retaliation might be urged for the invasion of Turkestan,
or the Eastern Tartary. The dignity of Timur could
not endure the impunity of the Getes: he passed the Sihun,
subdued the kingdom of Kashgar, and marched seven times
into the heart of their country. His most distant camp was two
months' journey to the northeast of Samarkand; and his emirs,
who traversed the river Irtysh, engraved in the forests of Siberia
a rude memorial of their exploits. The conquest of Kiptchak,
or the Western Tartary, was founded on the double motive
of aiding the distressed and chastising the ungrateful. Toctamish,
a fugitive prince, was entertained and protected in his
court; the ambassadors of Auruss Khan were dismissed with a
haughty denial, and followed on the same day by the armies of
Zagatai; and their success established Toctamish in the Mongol
empire of the North.</p>

<p>But, after a reign of ten years, the new Khan forgot the merits
and the strength of his benefactor&mdash;the base usurper, as he
deemed him, of the sacred rights of the house of Genghis.
Through the gates of Derbent he entered Persia at the head of
ninety thousand horse: with the innumerable forces of Kiptchak,
Bulgaria, Circassia, and Russia, he passed the Sihun, burned
the palaces of Timur, and compelled him, amid the winter
snows, to contend for Samarkand and his life. After a mild
expostulation and a glorious victory the Emperor resolved on
revenge; and by the east and the west of the Caspian and the
Volga he twice invaded Kiptchak with such mighty powers
that thirteen miles were measured from his right to his left
wing. In a march of five months they rarely beheld the footsteps
of man; and their daily subsistence was often trusted to the
fortune of the chase. At length the armies encountered each<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span>
other; but the treachery of the standard-bearer, who, in the
heat of action, reversed the imperial standard of Kiptchak,
determined the victory of the Zagatais and Toctamish&mdash;I speak
the language of the <i>Institutions</i>&mdash;gave the tribe of Toushi to the
wind of desolation. He fled to the Christian Duke of Lithuania,
again returned to the banks of the Volga, and, after fifteen
battles with a domestic rival, at last perished in the wilds of
Siberia.</p>

<p>The pursuit of a flying enemy carried Timur into the tributary
provinces of Russia; a duke of the reigning family was
made prisoner amid the ruins of his capital; and Yelets, by
the pride and ignorance of the orientals, might easily be confounded
with the genuine metropolis of the nation. Moscow
trembled at the approach of the Tartar. Ambition and prudence
recalled him to the south, the desolate country was exhausted,
and the Mongol soldiers were enriched with an immense
spoil of precious furs, of linen of Antioch, and of ingots
of gold and silver. On the banks of the Don, or Tanais, he
received a humble deputation from the consuls and merchants
of Egypt, Venice, Genoa, Catalonia, and Biscay, who occupied
the commerce and city of Tana, or Azov, at the mouth of the
river. They offered their gifts, admired his magnificence, and
trusted his royal word. But the peaceful visit of an emir, who
explored the state of the magazines and harbor, was speedily
followed by the destructive presence of the Tartars. The city
of Tana was reduced to ashes; the Moslems were pillaged and
dismissed; but all the Christians who had not fled to their
ships were condemned either to death or slavery. Revenge
prompted him to burn the cities of Sarai and Astrakhan, the
monuments of rising civilization; and his vanity proclaimed
that he had penetrated to the region of perpetual daylight, a
strange phenomenon, which authorized his Mahometan doctors
to dispense with the obligation of evening prayer.</p>

<p>When Timur first proposed to his princes and emirs the invasion
of India or Hindustan, he was answered by a murmur
of discontent: "The rivers! and the mountains and deserts!
and the soldiers clad in armor! and the elephants, destroyers
of men!" But the displeasure of the Emperor was more
dreadful than all these terrors; and his superior reason was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span>
convinced that an enterprise of such tremendous aspect was
safe and easy in the execution. He was informed by his spies
of the weakness and anarchy of Hindustan: the <i>subahs</i> of the
provinces had erected the standard of rebellion; and the perpetual
infancy of Sultan Mahmud was despised even in the
harem of Delhi. The Mongol army moved in three great divisions,
and Timur observes with pleasure that the ninety-two squadrons
of a thousand horse most fortunately corresponded with
the ninety-two names or epithets of the prophet Mahomet.</p>

<p>Between the Jihun and the Indus they crossed one of the
ridges of mountains which are styled by the Arabian geographers
the "Stony Girdles of the Earth." The highland robbers
were subdued or extirpated; but great numbers of men and
horses perished in the snow; the Emperor himself was let down
a precipice on a portable scaffold&mdash;the ropes were one hundred
and fifty cubits in length&mdash;and before he could reach the bottom,
this dangerous operation was five times repeated. Timur
crossed the Indus at the ordinary passage of Attock, and successively
traversed, in the footsteps of Alexander, the Punjab,
or five rivers, that fall into the master stream. From Attock
to Delhi the high road measures no more than six hundred
miles; but the two conquerors deviated to the southeast; and the
motive of Timur was to join his grandson, who had achieved
by his command the conquest of Multan. On the eastern bank
of the Hyphasis, on the edge of the desert, the Macedonian
hero halted and wept; the Mongol entered the desert, reduced
the fortress of Batnir, and stood in arms before the gates of
Delhi, a great and flourishing city, which had subsisted three
centuries under the dominion of the Mahometan kings.</p>

<p>The siege, more especially of the castle, might have been a
work of time; but he tempted, by the appearance of weakness,
the Sultan Mahmud and his wazir to descend into the plain,
with ten thousand cuirassiers, forty thousand of his foot-guards,
and one hundred and twenty elephants, whose tusks are said
to have been armed with sharp and poisoned daggers. Against
these monsters, or rather against the imagination of his troops,
he condescended to use some extraordinary precautions of fire
and a ditch, of iron spikes and a rampart of bucklers; but the
event taught the Mongols to smile at their own fears; and as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span>
soon as these unwieldy animals were routed, the inferior species
(the men of India) disappeared from the field. Timur made his
triumphal entry into the capital of Hindustan, and admired,
with a view to imitate, the architecture of the stately mosque;
but the order or license of a general pillage and massacre polluted
the festival of his victory. He resolved to purify his
soldiers in the blood of the idolaters, or Gentoos, who still surpass,
in the proportion of ten to one, the numbers of the Moslems.
In this pious design he advanced one hundred miles
to the northeast of Delhi, passed the Ganges, fought several
battles by land and water, and penetrated to the famous rock
of Cupele, the statue of the cow,<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> that <i>seems</i> to discharge the
mighty river, whose source is far distant among the mountains
of Tibet. His return was along the skirts of the northern hills;
nor could this rapid campaign of one year justify the strange
foresight of his emirs, that their children in a warm climate
would degenerate into a race of Hindus.</p>

<p>It was on the banks of the Ganges that Timur was informed,
by his speedy messengers, of the disturbances which had arisen
on the confines of Georgia and Anatolia, of the revolt of the
Christians, and the ambitious designs of the sultan Bajazet.
His vigor of mind and body was not impaired by sixty-three
years and innumerable fatigues; and, after enjoying some
tranquil months in the palace of Samarkand, he proclaimed a
new expedition of seven years into the western countries of Asia.
To the soldiers who had served in the Indian war he granted
the choice of remaining at home or following their prince;
but the troops of all the provinces and kingdoms of Persia were
commanded to assemble at Ispahan and wait the arrival of the
imperial standard. It was first directed against the Christians
of Georgia, who were strong only in their rocks, their castles,
and the winter season; but these obstacles were overcome
by the zeal and perseverance of Timur: the rebels submitted
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>to the tribute or the <i>Koran</i>; and if both religions boasted of their
martyrs, that name is more justly due to the Christian prisoners,
who were offered the choice of abjuration or death.</p>


<p>On his descent from the hills the Emperor gave audience
to the first ambassadors of Bajazet, and opened the hostile correspondence
of complaints and menaces, which fermented two
years before the final explosion. Between two jealous and
haughty neighbors, the motives of quarrel will seldom be wanting.
The Mongol and Ottoman conquests now touched each
other in the neighborhood of Erzerum and the Euphrates; nor
had the doubtful limit been ascertained by time and treaty.
Each of these ambitious monarchs might accuse his rival of
violating his territory, of threatening his vassals and protecting
his rebels; and, by the name of rebels, each understood the
fugitive princes, whose kingdoms he had usurped and whose
life or liberty he implacably pursued. In their victorious career
Timur was impatient of an equal, and Bajazet was ignorant of a
superior.</p>

<p>In his first expedition, Timur was satisfied with the siege
and destruction of Sebaste, a strong city on the borders of
Anatolia. He then turned aside to the invasion of Syria and
Egypt, where the military republic of the mamelukes still
reigned. The Syrian emirs were assembled at Aleppo to repel
the invasion; they confided in the fame and discipline of the
mamelukes, in the temper of their swords and lances of the
purest steel of Damascus, in the strength of their walled cities,
and in the populousness of sixty thousand villages; and instead
of sustaining a siege, they threw open their gates and arrayed
their forces in the plain. But these forces were not cemented
by virtue and union, and some powerful emirs had been seduced
to desert or betray their more loyal companions. Timur's
front was covered with a line of Indian elephants, whose turrets
were filled with archers and Greek fire; the rapid evolutions
of his cavalry completed the dismay and disorder; the Syrian
crowds fell back on each other; many thousands were stifled
or slaughtered in the entrance of the great street; the Mongols
entered with the fugitives; and after a short defence the impregnable
citadel of Aleppo was surrendered by cowardice or
treachery. Among the suppliants and captives, Timur distinguished<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span>
the doctors of the law, whom he invited to the dangerous
honor of a personal conference. The Mongol Prince was
a zealous Mussulman; but his Persian schools had taught him
to revere the memory of Ali and Hasan; and he had imbibed
a deep prejudice against the Syrians as the enemies of the
son of the daughter of the apostle of God. To these doctors
he proposed a captious question, which the casuists of
Samarkand and Herat were incapable of resolving. "Who are
the true martyrs, of those who are slain on my side or on
that of my enemies?" But he was silenced, or satisfied, by the
dexterity of one of the cadis of Aleppo, who replied, in the words
of Mahomet himself, that the motive, not the ensign, constitutes
the martyr; and that the Moslems of either party who fight
only for the glory of God may deserve that sacred appellation.
The true succession of the caliphs was a controversy of a still
more delicate nature; and the frankness of a doctor, too honest
for his situation, provoked the Emperor to exclaim: "Ye are
as false as those of Damascus: Moawiyah was a usurper, Yezid
a tyrant, and Ali alone is the lawful successor of the Prophet."
A prudent explanation restored his tranquillity, and he passed
to a more familiar topic of conversation. "What is your age?"
said he to the cadi. "Fifty years." "It would be the age of
my eldest son: you see me here," continued Timur, "a poor,
lame, decrepit mortal. Yet by my arms has the Almighty
been pleased to subdue the kingdoms of Iran, Turan, and the
Indies. I am not a man of blood; and God is my witness that
in all my wars I have never been the aggressor, and that my
enemies have always been the authors of their own calamity."
During this peaceful conversation the streets of Aleppo streamed
with blood and re&euml;choed with the cries of mothers and children,
with the shrieks of violated virgins. The rich plunder that
was abandoned to his soldiers might stimulate their avarice;
but their cruelty was enforced by the peremptory command
of producing an adequate number of heads, which, according
to his custom, were curiously piled in columns and pyramids.
The Mongols celebrated the feast of victory, while the surviving
Moslems passed the night in tears and in chains.</p>

<p>I shall not dwell on the march of the destroyer from Aleppo
to Damascus, where he was rudely encountered, and almost<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span>
overthrown, by the armies of Egypt. A retrograde motion was
imputed to his distress and despair; one of his nephews deserted
to the enemy; and Syria rejoiced in the tale of his defeat, when
the Sultan was driven, by the revolt of the mamelukes, to escape
with precipitation and shame to his palace of Cairo. Abandoned
by their Prince, the inhabitants of Damascus still defended
their walls; and Timur consented to raise the siege if they
would adorn his retreat with a gift or ransom, each article of
nine pieces. But no sooner had he introduced himself into
the city, under color of a truce, than he perfidiously violated
the treaty, imposed a contribution of ten millions of gold, and
animated his troops to chastise the posterity of those Syrians
who had executed, or approved, the murder of the grandson of
Mahomet. After a period of seven centuries Damascus was reduced
to ashes, because a Tartar was moved by religious zeal
to avenge the blood of an Arab.</p>

<p>The losses and fatigues of the campaign obliged Timur to
renounce the conquest of Palestine and Egypt; but in his
return to the Euphrates he delivered Aleppo to the flames
and justified his pious motive by the pardon and reward of
two thousand sectaries of Ali, who were desirous to visit the
tomb of his son. I have expatiated on the personal anecdotes
which mark the character of the Mongol hero, but I shall
briefly mention that he erected, on the ruins of Bagdad, a pyramid
of ninety thousand heads; again visited Georgia; encamped
on the banks of the Araxes; and proclaimed his resolution of
marching against the Ottoman Emperor. Conscious of the importance
of the war, he collected his forces from every province;
eight hundred thousand men were enrolled on his military
list, but the splendid commands of five and ten thousand horse
may be rather expressive of the rank and pension of the chiefs
than of the genuine number of effective soldiers. In the pillage
of Syria the Mongols had acquired immense riches; but
the delivery of their pay and arrears for seven years more firmly
attached them to the imperial standard.</p>

<p>During this diversion of the Mongol arms, Bajazet had
two years to collect his forces for a more serious encounter.
They consisted of four hundred thousand horse and foot whose
merit and fidelity were of an unequal complexion. We may<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span>
discriminate the janizaries, who have been gradually raised to
an establishment of forty thousand men; a national cavalry (the
<i>spahis</i> of modern times); twenty thousand cuirassiers of Europe,
clad in black and impenetrable armor; the troops of Anatolia,
whose princes had taken refuge in the camp of Timur:
and a colony of Tartars, whom he had driven from Kiptchak,
and to whom Bajazet had assigned a settlement in the plains
of Adrianople. The fearless confidence of the Sultan urged him
to meet his antagonist; and, as if he had chosen that spot for
revenge, he displayed his banner near the ruins of the unfortunate
Sebaste.</p>

<p>In the mean while Timur moved from the Araxes through
the countries of Armenia and Anatolia. His boldness was
secured by the wisest precautions; his speed was guided by
order and discipline; and the woods, the mountains, and the
rivers were diligently explored by the flying squadrons, who
marked his road and preceded his standard. Firm in his plan
of fighting in the heart of the Ottoman kingdom, he avoided
their camp, dexterously inclined to the left, occupied C&aelig;sarea,
traversed the salt desert and the river Halys, and invested
Angora; while the Sultan, immovable and ignorant in his post,
compared the Tartar swiftness to the crawling of a snail. He
returned on the wings of indignation to the relief of Angora;
and as both generals were alike impatient for action, the plains
round that city were the scene of a memorable battle, which
has immortalized the glory of Timur and the shame of Bajazet.</p>

<p>For this signal victory the Mongol Emperor was indebted
to himself, to the genius of the moment, and the discipline of
thirty years. He had improved the tactics, without violating
the manners, of his nation, whose force still consisted in the
missile weapons and rapid evolutions of a numerous cavalry.
From a single troop to a great army, the mode of attack was
the same; a foremost line first advanced to the charge, and was
supported in a just order by the squadrons of the great vanguard.
The general's eye watched over the field, and at his command
the front and rear of the right and left wings successively
moved forward in their several divisions, and in a direct or
oblique line; the enemy was pressed by eighteen or twenty attacks;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>
and each attack afforded a chance of victory. If they
all proved fruitless or unsuccessful, the occasion was worthy of
the Emperor himself, who gave the signal of advancing to the
standard and main body, which he led in person. But in the
battle of Angora, the main body itself was supported, on the
flanks and in the rear, by the bravest squadrons of the reserve,
commanded by the sons and grandsons of Timur. The conqueror
of Hindustan ostentatiously showed a line of elephants,
the trophies rather than the instruments of victory; the use of the
Greek fire was familiar to the Mongols and Ottomans; but had
they borrowed from Europe the recent invention of gunpowder
and cannon, the artificial thunder, in the hands of either nation,
must have turned the fortune of the day. In that day Bajazet
displayed the qualities of a soldier and a chief; but his genius
sunk under a stronger ascendant; and, from various motives, the
greatest part of his troops failed him in the decisive moment.
His rigor and avarice had provoked a mutiny among the Turks;
and even his son Solyman too hastily withdrew from the field.
The forces of Anatolia, loyal in their revolt, were drawn away
to the banners of their lawful princes. His Tartar allies had
been tempted by the letters and emissaries of Timur, who
reproached their ignoble servitude under the slaves of their
fathers; and offered to their hopes the dominion of their new,
or the liberty of their ancient, country. In the right wing of
Bajazet the cuirassiers of Europe charged with faithful hearts
and irresistible arms; but these men of iron were soon broken
by an artful flight and headlong pursuit; and the janizaries,
alone, without cavalry or missile weapons, were encompassed
by the circle of the Mongol hunters. Their valor was at length
oppressed by heat, thirst, and the weight of numbers; and the
unfortunate Sultan, afflicted with the gout in his hands and
feet, was transported from the field on the fleetest of his horses.
He was pursued and taken by the titular Khan of Zagatai;
and, after his capture and the defeat of the Ottoman powers,
the kingdom of Anatolia submitted to the conqueror, who
planted his standard at Kiotahia, and dispersed on all sides
the ministers of rapine and destruction. Mirza Mehemmed
Sultan, the eldest and best beloved of his grandsons, was
despatched to Bursa, with thirty thousand horse; and such was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>
his youthful ardor that he arrived with only four thousand at
the gates of the capital, after performing in five days a march
of two hundred and thirty miles. Yet fear is still more rapid
in its course; and Solyman, the son of Bajazet, had already
passed over to Europe with the royal treasure. The spoil, however,
of the palace and city was immense; the inhabitants had
escaped; but the buildings, for the most part of wood, were
reduced to ashes. From Bursa, the grandson of Timur advanced
to Nice, even yet a fair and flourishing city; and the
Mongol squadrons were only stopped by the waves of the Propontis.
The same success attended the other mirzas and emirs
in their excursions, and Smyrna, defended by the zeal and
courage of the Rhodian knights, alone deserved the presence
of the Emperor himself. After an obstinate defence, the place
was taken by storm; all that breathed was put to the sword; and
the heads of the Christian heroes were launched from the engines,
on board of two caracks, or great ships of Europe, that rode at
anchor in the harbor. The Moslems of Asia rejoiced in their
deliverance from a dangerous and domestic foe and a parallel
was drawn between the two rivals, by observing that Timur,
in fourteen days, had reduced a fortress which had sustained
seven years the siege, or at least the blockade, of Bajazet.</p>

<p>The "iron cage" in which Bajazet was imprisoned by Timur,
so long and so often repeated as a moral lesson, is now rejected
as a fable by the modern writers, who smile at the vulgar credulity.
They appeal with confidence to the Persian history of
Sherefeddin Ali, according to which has been given to our curiosity
in a French version, and from which I shall collect and
abridge, a more specious narrative of this memorable transaction.
No sooner was Timur informed that the captive Ottoman
was at the door of his tent than he graciously stepped
forward to receive him, seated him by his side, and mingled
with just reproaches a soothing pity for his rank and misfortune.</p>

<p>"Alas!" said the Emperor, "the decree of fate is now accomplished
by your own fault; it is the web which you have
woven, the thorns of the tree which yourself have planted. I
wished to spare, and even to assist, the champion of the Moslems.
You braved our threats; you despised our friendship;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>
you forced us to enter your kingdom with our invincible armies.
Behold the event. Had you vanquished, I am not ignorant of
the fate which you reserved for myself and my troops. But I
disdain to retaliate; your life and honor are secure; and I shall
express my gratitude to God by my clemency to man."</p>

<p>The royal captive showed some signs of repentance, accepted
the humiliation of a robe of honor, and embraced with tears
his son Musa, who, at his request, was sought and found among
the captives of the field. The Ottoman princes were lodged in a
splendid pavilion; and the respect of the guards could be surpassed
only by their vigilance. On the arrival of the harem
from Bursa, Timur restored the queen Despina and her daughter
to their father and husband; but he piously required that the
Servian princess, who had hitherto been indulged in the profession
of Christianity, should embrace, without delay, the religion
of the Prophet. In the feast of victory, to which Bajazet was
invited, the Mongol Emperor placed a crown on his head and
a sceptre in his hand, with a solemn assurance of restoring him
with an increase of glory to the throne of his ancestors. But
the effect of this promise was disappointed by the Sultan's
untimely death. Amid the care of the most skilful physicians,
he expired of an apoplexy, about nine months after his defeat.
The victor dropped a tear over his grave; his body, with royal
pomp, was conveyed to the mausoleum which he had erected
at Bursa; and his son Musa, after receiving a rich present of
gold and jewels, of horses and arms, was invested by a patent
in red ink with the kingdom of Anatolia.</p>

<p>Such is the portrait of a generous conqueror, which has
been extracted from his own memorials and dedicated to his
son and grandson, nineteen years after his decease; and, at a
time when the truth was remembered by thousands, a manifest
falsehood would have implied a satire on his real conduct.
Weighty, indeed, is this evidence, adopted by all the Persian
histories; yet flattery, more especially in the East, is base and
audacious; and the harsh and ignominious treatment of Bajazet
is attested by a chain of witnesses.</p>

<p>I am satisfied that Sherefeddin Ali has faithfully described
the first ostentatious interview, in which the conqueror, whose
spirits were harmonized by success, affected the character of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>
generosity. But his mind was insensibly alienated by the unseasonable
arrogance of Bajazet; and Timur betrayed a design
of leading his royal captive in triumph to Samarkand. An attempt
to facilitate his escape, by digging a mine under the
tent, provoked the Mongol Emperor to impose a harsher restraint;
and in his perpetual marches, an iron cage on a wagon
might be invented, not as a wanton insult, but as a rigorous
precaution. But the strength of Bajazet's mind and body fainted
under the trial, and his premature death might, without injustice,
be ascribed to the severity of Timur.</p>

<p>From the Irtysh and Volga to the Persian Gulf, and from
the Ganges to Damascus and the Archipelago, Asia was in
the hands of Timur; his armies were invincible, his ambition
was boundless, and his zeal might aspire to conquer and convert
the Christian kingdoms of the West, which already trembled
at his name. He touched the utmost verge of the land; but an
insuperable, though narrow, sea rolled between the two continents
of Europe and Asia; and the lord of so many myriads
of horse was not master of a single galley. The two passages
of the Bosporus and Hellespont, of Constantinople and Gallipoli,
were possessed, the one by the Christians, the other by the Turks.
On this great occasion they forgot the difference of religion,
to act with union and firmness in the common cause; the
double straits were guarded with ships and fortifications; and
they separately withheld the transports which Timur demanded
of either nation, under the pretence of attacking their enemy.
At the same time they soothed his pride with tributary gifts
and suppliant embassies, and prudently tempted him to retreat
with the honors of victory. Solyman, the son of Bajazet, implored
his clemency for his father and himself; accepted, by a
red patent, the investiture of the kingdom of Romania, which
he already held by the sword; and reiterated his ardent wish of
casting himself in person at the feet of the king of the world.
The Greek Emperor&mdash;either John or Manuel&mdash;submitted to pay
the same tribute which he had stipulated with the Turkish
Sultan, and ratified the treaty by an oath of allegiance, from
which he could absolve his conscience so soon as the Mongol
arms had retired from Anatolia. But the fears and fancy of
nations ascribed to the ambitious Tamerlane a new design of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>
vast and romantic compass; a design of subduing Egypt and
Africa, marching from the Nile to the Atlantic Ocean, entering
Europe by the Straits of Gibraltar, and, after imposing his yoke
on the kingdoms of Christendom, of returning home by the
deserts of Russia and Tartary. This remote, and perhaps
imaginary, danger was averted by the submission of the Sultan
of Egypt, the honors of the prayer and the coin attested at
Cairo the supremacy of Timur; and a rare gift of a giraffe, or camelopard,
and nine ostriches, represented at Samarkand the
tribute of the African world. Our imagination is not less
astonished by the portrait of a Mongol, who, in his camp before
Smyrna, meditates, and almost accomplishes, the invasion of
the Chinese empire. Timur was urged to this enterprise by
national honor and religious zeal. He received a perfect map
and description of the unknown regions, from the source of
Irtysh to the Wall of China. During the preparations, the
Emperor achieved the final conquest of Georgia; passed the
winter on the banks of the Araxes; appeased the troubles of
Persia; and slowly returned to his capital, after a campaign
of four years and nine months.</p>

<p>On the throne of Samarkand he displayed, in a short repose,
his magnificence and power; listened to the complaints of the
people; distributed a just measure of rewards and punishments;
employed his riches in the architecture of palaces and temples;
and gave audience to the ambassadors of Egypt, Arabia, India,
Tartary, Russia, and Spain, the last of whom presented a
suit of tapestry which eclipsed the pencil of the oriental artists.
A general indulgence was proclaimed; every law was relaxed,
every pleasure was allowed; the people was free, the sovereign
was idle; and the historian of Timur may remark that, after
devoting fifty years to the attainment of empire, the only happy
period of his life was the two months in which he ceased to
exercise his power.</p>

<p>But he soon awakened to the cares of government and war.
The standard was unfurled for the invasion of China; the emirs
made their report of two hundred thousand, the select and
veteran soldiers of Iran and Turan; their baggage and provisions
were transported by five hundred great wagons and an
immense train of horses and camels; and the troops might<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>
prepare for a long absence, since more than six months were
employed in the tranquil journey of a caravan from Samarkand
to Peking. Neither age nor the severity of the winter could
retard the impatience of Timur; he mounted on horseback,
passed the Sihun on the ice, marched seventy-six parasangs
(three hundred miles) from his capital, and pitched his last camp
in the neighborhood of Otrar, where he was expected by the
angel of death. Fatigue and the indiscreet use of iced water
accelerated the progress of his fever; and the conqueror of
Asia expired in the seventieth year of his age, 1405, thirty-five
years after he had ascended the throne of Zagatai. His
designs were lost; his armies were disbanded; China was saved;
and, fourteen years after his decease, the most powerful of his
children sent an embassy of friendship and commerce to the
court of Peking.</p>

<p>The fame of Timur has pervaded the East and West; his
posterity is still invested with the imperial title; and the admiration
of his subjects, who revered him almost as a deity, may be
justified in some degree by the praise or confession of his bitterest
enemies. Although he was lame of a hand and foot, his form
and stature were not unworthy of his rank; and his vigorous
health, so essential to himself and to the world, was corroborated
by temperance and exercise. In his familiar discourse he was
grave and modest; and if he was ignorant of the Arabic language,
he spoke with fluency and elegance the Persian and Turkish
idioms. It was his delight to converse with the learned on
topics of history and science; and the amusement of his leisure
hours was the game of chess, which he improved or corrupted
with new refinements.</p>

<p>In his religion he was a zealous, though not perhaps an orthodox,
Mussulman; but his sound understanding may tempt
us to believe that a superstitious reverence for omens and prophecies,
for saints and astrologers, was only affected as an instrument
of policy. In the government of a vast empire, he stood
alone and absolute, without a rebel to oppose his power, a favorite
to seduce his affections, or a minister to mislead his judgment.</p>

<p>Timur might boast that at his accession to the throne Asia
was the prey of anarchy and rapine, while under his prosperous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>
monarchy a child, fearless and unhurt, might carry a purse
of gold from the East to the West. Such was his confidence
of merit that from this reformation he derived an excuse for
his victories and a title to universal dominion. The four following
observations will serve to appreciate his claim to the
public gratitude; and perhaps we shall conclude that the Mongol
Emperor was rather the scourge than the benefactor of
mankind. If some partial disorders, some local oppressions,
were healed by the sword of Timur, the remedy was far more
pernicious than the disease. By their rapine, cruelty, and discord
the petty tyrants of Persia might afflict their subjects;
but whole nations were crushed under the footsteps of the reformer.
The ground which had been occupied by flourishing
cities was often marked by his abominable trophies&mdash;by columns,
or pyramids of human heads. Astrakhan, Karizme, Delhi,
Ispahan, Bagdad, Aleppo, Damascus, Bursa, Smyrna, and a
thousand others were sacked or burned or utterly destroyed
in his presence and by his troops; and perhaps his conscience
would have been startled if a priest or philosopher had dared to
number the millions of victims whom he had sacrificed to the
establishment of peace and order. His most destructive wars
were rather inroads than conquests. He invaded Turkestan,
Kiptchak, Russia, Hindustan, Syria, Anatolia, Armenia, and
Georgia, without a hope or a desire of preserving those distant
provinces. From thence he departed laden with spoil; but he
left behind him neither troops to awe the contumacious nor
magistrates to protect the obedient natives. When he had
broken the fabric of their ancient government, he abandoned
them in their evils which his invasion had aggravated or caused;
nor were these evils compensated by any present or possible
benefits. The kingdoms of Transoxiana and Persia were the
proper field which he labored to cultivate and adorn as the
perpetual inheritance of his family. But his peaceful labors
were often interrupted, and sometimes blasted, by the absence
of the conqueror. While he triumphed on the Volga or the
Ganges, his servants, and even his sons, forgot their master
and their duty. The public and private injuries were poorly
redressed by the tardy rigor or inquiry and punishment; and
we must be content to praise the <i>Institutions</i> of Timur as the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>
specious idea of a perfect monarchy. Whatsoever might be the
blessings of his administration, they evaporated with his life.
To reign, rather than to govern, was the ambition of his children
and grandchildren&mdash;the enemies of each other and of the people.
A fragment of the empire was upheld with some glory by Sharokh,
his youngest son; but after his decease the scene was again involved
in darkness and blood; and before the end of a century
Transoxiana and Persia were trampled by the Usbegs from the
north, and the Turcomans of the black and white sheep.
The race of Timur would have been extinct if a hero, his descendant
in the fifth degree, had not fled before the Usbeg arms
to the conquest of Hindustan. His successors&mdash;the great Mongols&mdash;extended
their sway from the mountains of Cashmere to
Cape Comorin, and from Kandahar to the Gulf of Bengal.
Since the reign of Aurungzebe, their empire has been dissolved;
their treasures of Delhi have been rifled by a Persian robber;
and the richest of their kingdoms is now possessed by a company
of Christian merchants, of a remote island in the Northern
Ocean.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span></p>
<h2>DANCING MANIA OF THE MIDDLE AGES</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1374</h6>

<h3>J. F. C. HECKER<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">59</a></h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>The black death, which originated in Central China about 1333, appeared
on the Mediterranean littoral in 1347, ravaged the island of Cyprus,
made the circuit of the Mediterranean countries, spread throughout Europe
northward as far as Iceland, and in 1357 appeared in Russia, where
it seems to have been checked by the barrier of the Caucasus.</p>

<p>Scarce had its effects subsided, and the graves of its 25,000,000 victims
were hardly closed, when it was followed by an epidemic of the
dance of St. John, or St. Vitus, which like a demoniacal plague appeared
in Germany in 1347, and spread over the whole empire and throughout
the neighboring countries. The dance was characterized by wild leaping,
furious screaming, and foaming at the mouth, which gave to the individuals
affected all the appearance of insanity.</p>

<p>The epidemic was not confined to particular localities, but was propagated
by the sight of the sufferers, and for over two centuries excited the
astonishment of contemporaries. The Netherlands and France were
equally affected; in Italy the disease became known as <i>tarantism</i>, it
being supposed to proceed from the bite of the tarantula, a venomous
spider. Like the St. Vitus' dance in Germany, tarantism spread by sympathy,
increasing in severity as it took a wider range; the chief cure was
music, which seemed to furnish magical means for exorcising the malady
of the patients.</p>

<p>The epidemic subsided in Central Europe in the seventeenth century,
but diseases approximating to the original dancing mania have occurred
at various periods in many parts of Europe, Africa, and the United
States. Nathaniel Pearce, an eye-witness, who resided nine years in
Abyssinia early in the nineteenth century, gives a graphic account of a
similar epidemic there, called <i>tigretier</i>, from the Tigr&eacute; district, in which
it was most prevalent. In France, from 1727 to 1790, an epidemic prevailed
among the Convulsionnaires, who received relief from brethren in
the faith known as Secourists, very much after the rough methods administered
to the St. John's dancers and to the <i>tarantati</i>. About the
same period nervous epidemics of a similar character, largely propagated
by sympathy, were very prevalent in the Shetland Islands and in various
parts of Scotland, but were for the most part eradicated by cold-water
immersion.</p>
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>
An epidemic of <i>chorea sancti Viti</i>, recorded by Felix Robertson of
Tennessee (Philadelphia, 1805), found vent in an unparalleled blaze of
enthusiastic religion, which spread with lightning-like rapidity in almost
every part of Tennessee and Kentucky, and in various parts of Virginia,
in 1800, being distinguished by uncontrollable and infectious muscular
contractions, gesticulations, crying, laughing, shouting, and singing. To
similar epidemics are attributed the uncontrollable acts which, till late in
the nineteenth century, were a feature of North American camp meetings
for divine service in the open air, and which exhibited the same form of
mental disturbance as did the St. Vitus' dance in medi&aelig;val Europe.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_s.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="S" />O early as the year 1374, assemblages of men and women
were seen at Aix-la-Chapelle who had come out of Germany,
and who, united by one common delusion, exhibited to
the public both in the streets and in the churches the following
strange spectacle. They formed circles hand in hand, and, appearing
to have lost all control over their senses, continued dancing,
regardless of the bystanders, for hours together in wild
delirium, until at length they fell to the ground in a state of exhaustion.
They then complained of extreme oppression, and
groaned as if in the agonies of death, until they were swathed in
cloths bound tightly round their waists, upon which they again
recovered, and remained free from complaint until the next attack.
This practice of swathing was resorted to on account of
the tympany which followed these spasmodic ravings, but the
bystanders frequently relieved patients in a less artificial manner,
by thumping and trampling upon the parts affected. While
dancing they neither saw nor heard, being insensible to external
impressions through the senses, but were haunted by visions,
their fancies conjuring up spirits whose names they shrieked
out; and some of them afterward asserted that they felt as if
they had been immersed in a stream of blood, which obliged
them to leap so high. Others, during the paroxysm, saw the
heavens open and the Saviour enthroned with the Virgin Mary,
according as the religious notions of the age were strangely and
variously reflected in their imaginations.</p>

<p>Where the disease was completely developed, the attack
commenced with epileptic convulsions. Those affected fell to
the ground senseless, panting and laboring for breath. They
foamed at the mouth, and suddenly springing up began their
dance amid strange contortions. Yet the malady doubtless made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>
its appearance very variously, and was modified by temporary
or local circumstances, whereof non-medical contemporaries but
imperfectly noted the essential particulars, accustomed as they
were to confound their observation of natural events with their
notions of the world of spirits.</p>

<p>It was but a few months ere this demoniacal disease had
spread from Aix-la-Chapelle, where it appeared in July, over
the neighboring Netherlands. In Li&egrave;ge, Utrecht, Tongres, and
many other towns of Belgium the dancers appeared with garlands
in their hair, and their waists girt with cloths, that they
might, as soon as the paroxysm was over, receive immediate
relief on the attack of the tympany. This bandage was, by the
insertion of a stick, easily twisted tight. Many, however, obtained
more relief from kicks and blows, which they found numbers
of persons ready to administer; for, wherever the dancers
appeared, the people assembled in crowds to gratify their curiosity
with the frightful spectacle. At length the increasing number
of the affected excited no less anxiety than the attention that
was paid to them. In towns and villages they took possession of
the religious houses; processions were everywhere instituted on
their account and masses were said and hymns were sung, while
the disease itself, of the demoniacal origin of which no one entertained
the least doubt, excited everywhere astonishment and
horror. In Li&egrave;ge the priests had recourse to exorcisms, and endeavored,
by every means in their power, to allay an evil which
threatened so much danger to themselves; for the possessed,
assembling in multitudes, frequently poured forth imprecations
against them and menaced their destruction. They intimidated
the people also to such a degree that there was an express ordinance
issued that no one should make any but square-toed
shoes, because these fanatics had manifested a morbid dislike to
the pointed shoes which had come into fashion immediately
after the "great mortality," in 1350. They were still more irritated
at the sight of red colors, the influence of which on the disordered
nerves might lead us to imagine an extraordinary accordance
between this spasmodic malady and the condition of
infuriated animals; but in the St. John's dancers this excitement
was probably connected with apparitions consequent upon their
convulsions. There were likewise some of them who were unable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span>
to endure the sight of persons weeping. The clergy seemed
to become daily more and more confirmed in their belief that
those who were affected were a kind of sectarians, and on this
account they hastened their exorcisms as much as possible, in
order that the evil might not spread among the higher classes,
for hitherto scarcely any but the poor had been attacked, and
the few people of respectability among the laity and clergy who
were to be found among them were persons whose natural frivolity
was unable to withstand the excitement of novelty, even
though it proceeded from a demoniacal influence. Some of the
affected had indeed themselves declared, when under the influence
of priestly forms of exorcism, that, if the demons had been
allowed only a few weeks more time, they would have entered
the bodies of the nobility and princes, and through these have
destroyed the clergy. Assertions of this sort, which those possessed
uttered while in a state which may be compared with that
of magnetic sleep, obtained general belief, and passed from
mouth to mouth with wonderful additions. The priesthood
were, on this account, so much the more zealous in their endeavors
to anticipate every dangerous excitement of the people, as if
the existing order of things could have been seriously threatened
by such incoherent ravings. Their exertions were effectual, for
exorcism was a powerful remedy in the fourteenth century; or
it might perhaps be that this wild infatuation terminated in consequence
of the exhaustion which naturally ensued from it; at
all events, in the course of ten or eleven months the St. John's
dancers were no longer to be found in any of the cities of Belgium.
The evil, however, was too deeply rooted to give way
altogether to such feeble attacks.</p>

<p>A few months after this dancing malady had made its appearance
at Aix-la-Chapelle, it broke out at Cologne, where the
number of those possessed amounted to more than five hundred,
and about the same time at Metz, the streets of which place are
said to have been filled with eleven hundred dancers. Peasants
left their ploughs, mechanics their workshops, housewives their
domestic duties, to join the wild revels, and this rich commercial
city became the scene of the most ruinous disorder. Secret desires
were excited, and but too often found opportunities for wild
enjoyment; and numerous beggars, stimulated by vice and misery,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>
availed themselves of this new complaint to gain a temporary
livelihood. Girls and boys quitted their parents, and
servants their masters, to amuse themselves at the dances of those
possessed, and greedily imbibed the poison of mental infection.
Gangs of idle vagabonds, who understood how to imitate to the
life the gestures and convulsions of those really affected, roved
from place to place seeking maintenance and adventures, and
thus, wherever they went, spreading this disgusting spasmodic
disease like a plague; for in maladies of this kind the susceptible
are infected as easily by the appearance as by the reality. At last
it was found necessary to drive away these mischievous guests,
who were equally inaccessible to the exorcisms of the priests and
the remedies of the physicians. It was not, however, until after
four months that the Rhenish cities were able to suppress these
impostors, which had so alarmingly increased the original evil.
In the mean time, when once called into existence, the plague
crept on, and found abundant food in the tone of thought which
prevailed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and even,
though in a minor degree, throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth,
causing a permanent disorder of the mind, and exhibiting,
in those cities to whose inhabitants it was a novelty, scenes
as strange as they were detestable.</p>

<p>Strasburg was visited by the dancing plague, or St. Vitus'
dance,<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> in the year 1418, and the same infatuation existed among
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>the people there as in the towns of Belgium and the Lower
Rhine. Many who were seized at the sight of those affected,
excited attention at first by their confused and absurd behavior,
and then by their constantly following the swarms of
dancers. These were seen day and night passing through the
streets, accompanied by musicians playing on bagpipes, and by
innumerable spectators attracted by curiosity, to which were
added anxious parents and relations, who came to look after
those among the misguided multitude who belonged to their
respective families. Imposture and profligacy played their part
in this city also, but the morbid delusion itself seems to have
predominated. On this account religion could only bring provisional
aid, and therefore the town council benevolently took an
interest in the afflicted. They divided them into separate parties,
to each of which they appointed responsible superintendents
to protect them from harm and perhaps also to restrain their
turbulence. They were thus conducted on foot and in carriages
to the chapels of St. Vitus, hear Zabern and Rotestein, where
priests were in attendance to work upon their misguided minds
by masses and other religious ceremonies. After divine worship
was completed, they were led in solemn procession to the altar,
where they made some small offering of alms, and where it is
probable that many were, through the influence of devotion
and the sanctity of the place, cured of this lamentable aberration.
It is worthy of observation, at all events, that the dancing mania
did not recommence at the altars of the saint, and that from him
alone assistance was implored, and through his miraculous interposition
a cure was expected, which was beyond the reach of
human skill. The personal history of St. Vitus is by no means
unimportant in this matter. He was a Sicilian youth, who, together
with Modestus and Crescentia, suffered martyrdom at
the time of the persecution of the Christians, under Diocletian,
in the year 303. The legends respecting him are obscure, and
he would certainly have been passed over without notice among
the innumerable apocryphal martyrs of the first centuries, had
not the transfer of his body to St. Denis, and thence, in the year
836, to Corvey, raised him to a higher rank. From this time
forth, it may be supposed that many miracles were manifested
at his new sepulchre, which were of essential service in confirming<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>
the Roman faith among the Germans, and St. Vitus was
soon ranked among the fourteen saintly helpers (<i>Nothhelfer</i> or
<i>Apotheker</i>). His altars were multiplied, and the people had recourse
to them in all kinds of distresses, and revered him as a
powerful intercessor. As the worship of these saints was, however,
at that time stripped of all historical connections, which
were purposely obliterated by the priesthood, a legend was invented
at the beginning of the fifteenth century, or perhaps even
so early as the fourteenth, that St. Vitus had, just before he bent
his neck to the sword, prayed to God that he might protect from
the dancing mania all those who should solemnize the day of
his commemoration, and fast upon its eve, and that thereupon
a voice from heaven was heard, saying, "Vitus, thy prayer is
accepted." Thus St. Vitus became the patron saint of those
afflicted with the dancing plague, as St. Martin of Tours was at
one time the succorer of persons in smallpox.</p>


<p>The connection which John the Baptist had with the dancing
mania of the fourteenth century was of a totally different
character. He was originally far from being a protecting saint
to those who were attacked, or one who would be likely to give
them relief from a malady considered as the work of the devil.
On the contrary, the manner in which he was worshipped afforded
an important and very evident cause for its development.
From the remotest period, perhaps even so far back as the
fourth century, St. John's Day was solemnized with all sorts of
strange and rude customs, of which the originally mystical meaning
was variously disfigured among different nations by super-added
relics of heathenism. Thus the Germans transferred to
the festival of St. John's Day an ancient heathen usage, the kindling
of the <i>Nodfyr</i>, which was forbidden them by St. Boniface,
and the belief subsists even to the present day that people and
animals that have leaped through these flames, or their smoke,
are protected for a whole year from fevers and other diseases, as
if by a kind of baptism by fire. Bacchanalian dances, which have
originated in similar causes among all the rude nations of the
earth, and the wild extravagancies of a heated imagination, were
the constant accompaniments of this half-heathen, half-Christian
festival. At the period of which we are treating, however,
the Germans were not the only people who gave way to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>
ebullitions of fanaticism in keeping the festival of St. John the
Baptist. Similar customs were also to be found among the nations
of Southern Europe and of Asia,<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> and it is more than probable
that the Greeks transferred to the festival of John the Baptist,
who is also held in high esteem among the Mahometans, a
part of their Bacchanalian mysteries, an absurdity of a kind
which it but too frequently met with in human affairs. How far
a remembrance of the history of St. John's death may have had
an influence on this occasion we would leave learned theologians
to decide. It is of importance here to add only that in
Abyssinia, a country entirely separated from Europe, where
Christianity has maintained itself in its primeval simplicity
against Mahometanism, John is to this day worshipped as protecting
saint of those who are attacked with the dancing malady.
In these fragments of the dominion of mysticism and superstition,
historical connection is not to be found.</p>

<p>When we observe, however, that the first dancers in Aix-la-Chapelle
appeared in July with St. John's name in their mouths,
the conjecture is probable that the wild revels of St. John's Day,
<span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1374, gave rise to this mental plague, which thenceforth
has visited so many thousands with incurable aberration of mind
and disgusting distortions of body.</p>

<p>This is rendered so much the more probable because some
months previously the districts in the neighborhood of the Rhine
and the Maine had met with great disasters. So early as February
both these rivers had overflowed their banks to a great
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>extent; the walls of the town of Cologne, on the side next the
Rhine, had fallen down, and a great many villages had been
reduced to the utmost distress. To this was added the miserable
condition of Western and Southern Germany. Neither law nor
edict could suppress the incessant feuds of the barons, and in
Franconia especially the ancient times of club law appeared to
be revived. Security of property there was none; arbitrary will
everywhere prevailed; corruption of morals and rude power
rarely met with even a feeble opposition; whence it arose that
the cruel, but lucrative, persecutions of the Jews were in many
places still practised, through the whole of this century, with
their wonted ferocity. Thus, throughout the western parts of
Germany, and especially in the districts bordering on the Rhine,
there was a wretched and oppressed populace; and if we take
into consideration that among their numerous bands many
wandered about whose consciences were tormented with the
recollection of the crimes which they had committed during the
prevalence of the black plague, we shall comprehend how their
despair sought relief in the intoxication of an artificial delirium.
There is hence good ground for supposing that the frantic celebration
of the festival of St. John, <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1374, only served to
bring to a crisis a malady which had been long impending; and
if we would further inquire how a hitherto harmless usage,
which like many others had but served to keep up superstition,
could degenerate into so serious a disease, we must take into
account the unusual excitement of men's minds and the consequences
of wretchedness and want. The bowels, which in many
were debilitated by hunger and bad food, were precisely the
parts which in most cases were attacked with excruciating pain,
and the tympanitic state of the intestines points out to the intelligent
physician an origin of the disorder which is well worth
consideration.</p>



<p>The dancing mania of the year 1374 was, in fact, no new disease,
but a phenomenon well known in the Middle Ages, of which
many wondrous stories were traditionally current among the
people. In the year 1237, upward of a hundred children were
said to have been suddenly seized with this disease at Erfurt,
and to have proceeded dancing and jumping along the road to
Arnstadt. When they arrived at that place they fell exhausted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>
to the ground, and, according to an account of an old chronicle,
many of them, after they were taken home by their parents,
died, and the rest remained affected to the end of their lives
with the permanent tremor. Another occurrence was related
to have taken place on the Mosel bridge at Utrecht, on June
17, 1278, when two hundred fanatics began to dance, and would
not desist until a priest passed who was carrying the host to a
person that was sick, upon which, as if in punishment of their
crime, the bridge gave way, and they were all drowned. A similar
event also occurred, so early as the year 1027, near the convent
church of Kolbig, not far from Bernburg. According to an
oft-repeated tradition, eighteen peasants, some of whose names
are still preserved, are said to have disturbed divine service on
Christmas Eve by dancing and brawling in the church-yard,
whereupon the priest, Ruprecht, inflicted a curse upon them,
that they should dance and scream for a whole year without
ceasing. This curse is stated to have been completely fulfilled,
so that the unfortunate sufferers at length sank knee deep into
the earth, and remained the whole time without nourishment,
until they were finally released by the intercession of two pious
bishops. It is said that upon this they fell into a deep sleep,
which lasted three days, and that four of them died; the rest
continuing to suffer all their lives from a trembling of their limbs.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">62</a>
It is not worth while to separate what may have been true and
what the addition of crafty priests in this strangely distorted
story. It is sufficient that it was believed, and related with astonishment
and horror, throughout the Middle Ages, so that,
when there was any exciting cause for this delirious raving, and
wild rage for dancing, it failed not to produce its effects upon
men whose thoughts were given up to a belief in wonders and
apparitions.</p>

<p>This disposition of mind, altogether so peculiar to the
Middle Ages, and which, happily for mankind, has yielded to
an improved state of civilization and the diffusion of popular
instruction, accounts for the origin and long duration of this
extraordinary mental disorder. The good sense of the people
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span>recoiled with horror and aversion from this heavy plague, which,
whenever malevolent persons wished to curse their bitterest
enemies and adversaries, was long after used as a malediction.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">63</a>
The indignation also that was felt by the people at large against
the immorality of the age was proved by their ascribing this
frightful affliction to the inefficacy of baptism by unchaste
priests, as if innocent children were doomed to atone, in after
years, for this desecration of the sacrament administered by
unholy hands. We have already mentioned what perils the
priests in the Netherlands incurred from this belief. They now,
indeed, endeavored to hasten their reconciliation with the irritated
and at that time very degenerate people by exorcisms,
which, with some, procured them greater respect than ever, because
they thus visibly restored thousands of those who were
affected. In general, however, there prevailed a want of confidence
in their efficacy, and then the sacred rites had as little
power in arresting the progress of this deeply rooted malady as
the prayers and holy services subsequently had at the altars of
the greatly revered martyr St. Vitus. We may, therefore, ascribe
it to accident merely, and to a certain aversion to this demoniacal
disease, which seemed to lie beyond the reach of human
skill, that we meet with but few and imperfect notices of
the St. Vitus' dance in the second half of the fifteenth century.
The highly colored descriptions of the sixteenth century contradict
the notion that this mental plague had in any degree diminished
in its severity, and not a single fact is to be found which
supports the opinion that any one of the essential symptoms of
the disease, not even excepting the tympany, had disappeared,
or that the disorder itself had become milder in its attacks. The
physicians never, as it seems, throughout the whole of the fifteenth
century, undertook the treatment of the dancing mania,
which, according to the prevailing notions, appertained exclusively
to the servants of the Church. Against demoniacal disorders
they had no remedies, and though some at first did promulgate
the opinion that the malady had its origin in natural
circumstances, such as a hot temperament, and other causes
named in the phraseology of the schools, yet these opinions were
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span>
the less examined, as it did not appear worth while to divide
with a jealous priesthood the care of a host of fanatical vagabonds
and beggars.</p>

<p>It was not until the beginning of the sixteenth century that
the St. Vitus' dance was made the subject of medical research,
and stripped of its unhallowed character as a work of demons.
This was effected by Paracelsus, that mighty, but as yet scarcely
comprehended, reformer of medicine, whose aim it was to withdraw
diseases from the pale of miraculous interpositions and
saintly influences, and explain their causes upon principles deduced
from his knowledge of the human frame. "We will not,
however, admit that the saints have power to inflict diseases, and
that these ought to be named after them, although many there
are who in their theology lay great stress on this supposition,
ascribing them rather to God than to nature, which is but idle
talk. We dislike such nonsensical gossip as is not supported
by symptoms, but only by faith, a thing which is not human,
whereon the gods themselves set no value."</p>

<p>Such were the words which Paracelsus addressed to his contemporaries,
who were as yet incapable of appreciating doctrines
of this sort; for the belief in enchantment still remained everywhere
unshaken, and faith in the world of spirits still held men's
minds in so close a bondage that thousands were, according to
their own conviction, given up as a prey to the devil; while, at
the command of religion as well as of law, countless piles were
lighted, by the flames of which human society was to be purified.</p>

<p>Paracelsus divides the St. Vitus' dance into three kinds:
First, that which arises from imagination (<i>Vitista</i>, <i>chorea imaginativa</i>,
<i>&aelig;stimativa</i>), by which the original dancing plague is to
be understood; secondly, that which arises from sensual desires,
depending on the will (<i>chorea lasciva</i>); thirdly, that which
arises from corporeal causes (<i>chorea naturalis</i>, <i>coacta</i>), which,
according to a strange notion of his own, he explained by maintaining
that in certain vessels which are susceptible of an internal
pruriency, and thence produce laughter, the blood is set in
commotion, in consequence of an alteration in the vital spirits,
whereby involuntary fits of intoxicating joy, and a propensity to
dance, are occasioned. To this notion he was, no doubt, led
from having observed a milder form of St. Vitus' dance, not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>
uncommon in his time, which was accompanied by involuntary
laughter, and which bore a resemblance to the hysterical laughter
of the moderns, except that it was characterized by more
pleasurable sensations, and by an extravagant propensity to
dance. There was no howling, screaming, and jumping, as in
the severer form; neither was the disposition to dance by any
means insuperable. Patients thus affected, although they had
not a complete control over their understandings, yet were sufficiently
self-possessed, during the attack, to obey the directions
which they received. There were even some among them who
did not dance at all, but only felt an involuntary impulse to allay
the internal sense of disquietude, which is the usual forerunner
of an attack of this kind, by laughter, and quick walking carried
to the extent of producing fatigue. This disorder, so different
from the original type, evidently approximates to the modern
chorea, or rather is in perfect accordance with it, even to the
less essential symptom of laughter. A mitigation in the form of
the dancing mania had thus clearly taken place at the commencement
of the sixteenth century.</p>

<p>On the communication of the St. Vitus' dance by sympathy,
Paracelsus, in his peculiar language, expresses himself with great
spirit, and shows a profound knowledge of the nature of sensual
impressions, which find their way to the heart&mdash;the seat of joys
and emotions&mdash;which overpower the opposition of reason; and
while "all other qualities and natures" are subdued, incessantly
impel the patient, in consequence of his original compliance,
and his all-conquering imagination, to imitate what he has seen.
On his treatment of the disease we cannot bestow any great
praise, but must be content with the remark that it was in conformity
with the notions of the age in which he lived. For the
first kind, which often originated in passionate excitement, he
had a mental remedy, the efficacy of which is not to be despised,
if we estimate its value in connection with the prevalent opinions
of those times. The patient was to make an image of himself
in wax or resin, and by an effort of thought to concentrate all
his blasphemies and sins in it. "Without the intervention of
any other person, to set his whole mind and thoughts concerning
these oaths in the image;" and when he had succeeded in
this, he was to burn the image, so that not a particle of it should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>
remain.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> In all this there was no mention made of St. Vitus, or
any of the other mediatory saints, which is accounted for by the
circumstance, that, at this time, an open rebellion against the
Romish Church had begun, and the worship of saints was by
many rejected as idolatrous. For the second kind of St. Vitus'
dance, Paracelsus recommended harsh treatment and strict
fasting. He directed that the patients should be deprived of
their liberty, placed in solitary confinement, and made to sit in
an uncomfortable place, until their misery brought them to their
senses and to a feeling of penitence. He then permitted them
gradually to return to their accustomed habits. Severe corporal
chastisement was not omitted; but, on the other hand, angry
resistance on the part of the patient was to be sedulously avoided,
on the ground that it might increase his malady, or even destroy
him; moreover, where it seemed proper, Paracelsus allayed the
excitement of the nerves by immersion in cold water. On the
treatment of the third kind we shall not here enlarge. It was to
be effected by all sorts of wonderful remedies, composed of the
quintessences; and it would require, to render it intelligible, a
more extended exposition of peculiar principles than suits our
present purpose.</p>

<p>About this time the St. Vitus' dance began to decline, so
that milder forms of it appeared more frequently, while the severer
cases became more rare; and even in these, some of the
important symptoms gradually disappeared. Paracelsus makes
no mention of the tympanites as taking place after the attacks,
although it may occasionally have occurred; and Schenck von
Graffenberg, a celebrated physician of the latter half of the sixteenth
century, speaks of this disease as having been frequent
only in the time of his forefathers.</p>


<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span></p>
<h2>ELECTION OF ANTIPOPE CLEMENT VII</h2>

<h3>BEGINNING OF THE GREAT SCHISM</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1378</h6>

<h3>HENRY HART MILMAN</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>In 1308 Pope Clement V, a Frenchman, under the influence of King
Philip the Fair, of France, transferred the papal chair from Rome to
Avignon, a possession of the holy see beyond the Alps, in Philip's dominions.
The sojourn there of Clement and his successors, which continued
until 1376, is known as the "Babylonish captivity" of the popes.</p>

<p>Rome, from the first, was angry at this loss of supremacy, and aimed
at recovering her prestige; and throughout the Christian world&mdash;France
alone excepted&mdash;it was regarded as a scandal that the chair of St. Peter
should rest on any soil but that of the Eternal City; but the French
kings, and the cardinals of France&mdash;outnumbering all others in the sacred
college&mdash;were determined to retain the pontifical seat in their own territory.</p>

<p>During the pontificate of Gregory XI (1371-1378) Italy was torn by civil
dissensions; the "free companies"&mdash;bands of organized marauders&mdash;ravaged
the country with fire and sword, plundering Guelf and Ghibelline
alike. Gregory's legates in the government of the ecclesiastical
states rendered themselves so odious to the people by their immorality
and rapacity that a league of the more powerful political factions was
formed for throwing off the yoke of the "absentee" papal rulers. This
was the beginning of the War of Liberation (1375) that was to shake the
papal power in Italy to its very foundations.</p>

<p>Gregory saw that, in order to preserve even a vestige of temporal
power in the Italian states, he must act with crushing vigor. He therefore
sent the cardinal legate, Robert, of Geneva&mdash;afterward Antipope
Clement VII&mdash;into Italy with a company of Breton adventurers dreaded
for their ferocity, and trained to plunder in the terrible wars of France.
In spite of the atrocities committed by Robert and his hirelings, the revolt
continued with unabated fury, and at last Gregory was constrained
to return in person to Italy with the purpose of pacifying the turbulent
forces. He entered Rome, January 17, 1377; but after a year of futile
effort he died, leaving the confusion worse than he found it.</p>

<p>Since, according to ecclesiastical law, the election of a new pope must
be held at the place of the last pontiff's decease, great clamor arose
among the Romans, whose demands were seconded throughout Europe,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>for the election of a Roman pope and the ending of the "Babylonish captivity."
The history of the Great Schism and election of the rival pontiffs
is nowhere to be found in better form of narrative than that of
Milman, which here follows.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_g.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="G" />REGORY XI had hardly expired when Rome burst out
into a furious tumult. A Roman pope, at least an Italian
pope, was the universal outcry. The conclave must be overawed;
the hateful domination of a foreign, a French pontiff,
must be broken up, and forever. This was not unforeseen. Before
his death Gregory XI had issued a bull conferring the amplest
powers on the cardinals to choose, according to their wisdom,
the time and the place for the election. It manifestly
contemplated their retreat from the turbulent streets of Rome to
some place where their deliberations would not be overborne,
and the predominant French interest would maintain its superiority.
On the other hand there were serious and not groundless
apprehensions that the fierce Breton and Gascon bands, at the
command of the French cardinals, might dictate to the conclave.
The Romans not only armed their civic troops, but sent to Tivoli,
Velletri, and the neighboring cities; a strong force was mustered
to keep the foreigners in check.</p>

<p>Throughout the interval between the funeral of Gregory
and the opening of the conclave, the cardinals were either too
jealously watched, or thought it imprudent to attempt flight.
Sixteen cardinals were present at Rome, one Spaniard, eleven
French, four Italians. The ordinary measures were taken for
opening the conclave in the palace near St. Peter's. Five Romans,
two ecclesiastics and three laymen, and three Frenchmen
were appointed to wait upon and to guard the conclave. The
Bishop of Marseilles represented the great chamberlain, who
holds the supreme authority during the vacancy of the popedom.
The chamberlain, the Archbishop of Arles, brother of the Cardinal
of Limoges, had withdrawn into the castle of St. Angelo,
to secure his own person and to occupy that important fortress.</p>

<p>The nine solemn days fully elapsed, on the 7th of April they
assembled for the conclave. At that instant (inauspicious
omen!) a terrible flash of lightning, followed by a stunning peal
of thunder, struck through the hall, burning and splitting some
of the furniture. The hall of conclave was crowded by a fierce<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span>
rabble, who refused to retire. After about an hour's strife, the
Bishop of Marseilles, by threats, by persuasion, or by entreaty,
had expelled all but about forty wild men, armed to the teeth.
These ruffians rudely and insolently searched the whole building;
they looked under the beds, they examined the places of
retreat. They would satisfy themselves whether any armed men
were concealed, whether there was any hole, or even drain
through which the cardinals could escape. All the time they
shouted: "A Roman pope! we will have a Roman pope!"
Those without echoed back the savage yell. Before long appeared
two ecclesiastics, announcing themselves as delegated by
the commonalty of Rome; they demanded to speak with the
cardinals. The cardinals dared not refuse. The Romans represented,
in firm but not disrespectful language, that for seventy
years the holy Roman people had been without their pastor, the
supreme head of Christendom. In Rome were many noble and
wise ecclesiastics equal to govern the Church: if not in Rome,
there were such men in Italy.</p>

<p>They intimated that so great were the fury and determination
of the people that, if the conclave should resist, there might be a
general massacre, in which probably they themselves, assuredly
the cardinals, would perish. The cardinals might hear from
every quarter around them the cry: "A Roman pope! if not a
Roman, an Italian!" The cardinals replied, that such aged and
reverend men must know the rules of the conclave; that no
election could be by requisition, favor, fear, or tumult, but by
the interposition of the Holy Ghost. To reiterated persuasions
and menaces they only said: "We are in your power; you may
kill us, but we must act according to God's ordinance. To-morrow
we celebrate the mass for the descent of the Holy Ghost; as
the Holy Ghost directs, so shall we do." Some of the French
uttered words which sounded like defiance. The populace
cried: "If ye persist to do despite to Christ, if we have not a
Roman pope, we will hew these cardinals and Frenchmen in
pieces."</p>

<p>At length the Bishop of Marseilles was able to entirely clear
the hall. The cardinals sat down to a plentiful repast; the
doors were finally closed. But all the night through they heard
in the streets the unceasing clamor: "A Roman pope, a Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>
pope!" Toward the morning the tumult became more fierce and
dense. Strange men had burst into the belfry of St. Peter's;
the clanging bells tolled as if all Rome was on fire.</p>

<p>Within the conclave, the tumult, if less loud and clamorous,
was hardly less general. The confusion without and terror
within did not allay the angry rivalry, or suspend that subtle
play of policy peculiar to the form of election. The French interest
was divided; within this circle there was another circle.
The single diocese of Limoges, favored as it had been by more
than one pope, had almost strength to dictate to the conclave.
The Limousins put forward the Cardinal de St. Eustache.
Against these the leader was the Cardinal Robert of Geneva,
whose fierce and haughty demeanor and sanguinary acts as
legate had brought so much of its unpopularity on the administration
of Gregory XI. With Robert were the four Italians and
three French cardinals. Rather than a Limousin, Robert would
even consent to an Italian. They on the one side, the Limousins
on the other, had met secretly before the conclave: the eight
had sworn not on any account to submit to the election of a
traitorous Limousin.</p>

<p>All the sleepless night the cardinals might hear the din at the
gate, the yells of the people, the tolling of the bells. There was
constant passing and repassing from each other's chamber,
intrigues, altercations, man&oelig;uvres, proposals advanced and
rejected, promises of support given and withdrawn. Many
names were put up. Of the Romans within the conclave two
only were named, the old Cardinal of St. Peter's, the Cardinal
Jacobo Orsini. The Limousins advanced in turn almost every
one of their faction; no one but himself thought of Robert of
Geneva.</p>

<p>In the morning the disturbance without waxed more terrible.
A vain attempt was made to address the populace by the three
cardinal priors; they were driven from the windows with loud
derisive shouts, "A Roman! A Roman!" For now the alternative
of an Italian had been abandoned; a Roman, none but a
Roman, would content the people. The madness of intoxication
was added to the madness of popular fury. The rabble had
broken open the Pope's cellar and drunk his rich wines. In the
conclave the wildest projects were started. The Cardinal Orsini<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>
was to dress up a Minorite friar (probably a Spiritual) in the
papal robes, to show him to the people, and so for themselves to
effect their escape to some safe place and proceed to a legitimate
election. The cardinals, from honor or from fear, shrunk from
this trick.</p>

<p>At length both parties seemed to concur. Each claimed
credit for first advancing the name&mdash;which most afterward
repudiated&mdash;of the Archbishop of Bari, a man of repute for
theologic and legal erudition, an Italian, but a subject of the
Queen of Naples, who was also Countess of Provence. They
came to the nomination. The Cardinal of Florence proposed
the Cardinal of St. Peter's. The Cardinal of Limoges arose:
"The Cardinal of St. Peter's is too old. The Cardinal of Florence
is of a city at war with the holy see. I reject the Cardinal
of Milan as the subject of the Visconti, the most deadly enemy
of the Church. The Cardinal Orsini is too young, and we must
not yield to the clamor of the Romans. I vote for Bartholomew
Prignani, Archbishop of Bari." All was acclamation; Orsini
alone stood out; he aspired to be the pope of the Romans.</p>

<p>But it was too late; the mob was thundering at the gates,
menacing death to the cardinals, if they had not immediately a
Roman pontiff. The feeble defences sounded as if they were
shattering down; the tramp of the populace was almost heard
within the hall. They forced or persuaded the aged Cardinal of
St. Peter's to make a desperate effort to save their lives. He
appeared at the window, hastily attired in what either was or
seemed to be the papal stole and mitre. There was a jubilant
and triumphant cry: "We have a Roman pope, the Cardinal of
St. Peter's. Long live Rome! Long live St. Peter!" The populace
became even more frantic with joy than before with wrath.
One band hastened to the Cardinal's palace, and, according to
the strange usage, broke in, threw the furniture into the streets,
and sacked it from top to bottom. Those around the hall of
conclave, aided by the connivance of some of the cardinals' servants
within, or by more violent efforts of their own, burst in in
all quarters. The supposed pope was surrounded by eager adorers;
they were at his feet; they pressed his swollen, gouty hands
till he shrieked from pain, and began to protest, in the strongest
language, that he was not the pope.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>The indignation of the populace at this disappointment was
aggravated by an unlucky confusion of names. The Archbishop
was mistaken for John of Bari, of the bedchamber of the late
pope, a man of harsh manners and dissolute life, an object of
general hatred. Five of the cardinals, Robert of Geneva, Acquasparta,
Viviers, Poitou, and De Verny, were seized in their
attempt to steal away, and driven back, amid contemptuous
hootings, by personal violence. Night came on again; the populace,
having pillaged all the provisions in the conclave, grew
weary of their own excesses. The cardinals fled on all sides.
Four left the city; Orsini and St. Eustache escaped to Vicovaro,
Robert of Geneva to Zagarolo, St. Angelo to Guardia; six,
Limoges, D'Aigrefeuille, Poitou, Viviers, Brittany, and Marmoutiers,
to the castle of St. Angelo; Florence, Milan, Montmayeur,
Gland&egrave;ve, and Luna, to their own strong fortresses.</p>

<p>The Pope lay concealed in the Vatican. In the morning the
five cardinals in Rome were assembled round him. A message
was sent to the bannerets of Rome, announcing his election.
The six cardinals in St. Angelo were summoned; they were
hardly persuaded to leave their place of security; but without
their presence the Archbishop would not declare his assent to
his elevation. The Cardinal of Florence, as dean, presented the
Pope-elect to the sacred college, and discoursed on the text,
"Such ought he to be, an undefiled high-priest." The Archbishop
began a long harangue, "Fear and trembling have come
upon me, the horror of great darkness." The Cardinal of Florence
cut short the ill-timed sermon, demanding whether he
accepted the pontificate. The Archbishop gave his assent; he
took the name of Urban VI. <i>Te Deum</i> was intoned; he was
lifted to the throne. The fugitives returned to Rome. Urban
VI was crowned on Easter Day, in the Church of St. John
Lateran. All the cardinals were present at the august ceremony.
They announced the election of Urban VI to their brethren who
had remained in Avignon. Urban himself addressed the usual
encyclic letters, proclaiming his elevation, to all the prelates in
Christendom.</p>

<p>None could determine how far the nomination of the Archbishop
of Bari was free and uncontrolled by the terrors of the
raging populace; but the acknowledgment of Urban VI by all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span>
the cardinals, at his inauguration in the holy office&mdash;their assistance
at his coronation without protest, when some at least might
have been safe beyond the walls of Rome&mdash;their acceptance of
honors, as by the cardinals of Limoges, Poitou, and Aigrefeuille&mdash;the
homage of all&mdash;might seem to annul all possible irregularity
in the election, to confirm irrefragably the legitimacy
of his title.</p>

<p>Not many days had passed, when the cardinals began to
look with dismay and bitter repentance on their own work. "In
Urban VI," said a writer of these times (on the side of Urban as
rightful pontiff), "was verified the proverb&mdash;None is so insolent
as a low man suddenly raised to power." The high-born,
haughty, luxurious prelates, both French and Italian, found that
they had set over themselves a master resolved not only to redress
the flagrant and inveterate abuses of the college and of the
hierarchy, but also to force on his reforms in the most hasty and
insulting way. He did the harshest things in the harshest
manner.</p>

<p>The Archbishop of Bari, of mean birth, had risen by the
virtues of a monk. He was studious, austere, humble, a diligent
reader of the Bible, master of the canon law, rigid in his fasts;
he wore haircloth next his skin. His time was divided between
study, prayer, and business, for which he had great aptitude.
From the poor bishopric of Acherontia he had been promoted
to the archbishopric of Bari, and had presided over the papal
chancery in Avignon. The monk broke out at once on his elevation
in the utmost rudeness and rigor, but the humility
changed to the most offensive haughtiness. Almost his first act
was a public rebuke in his chapel to all the bishops present for
their desertion of their dioceses. He called them perjured
traitors. The Bishop of Pampeluna boldly repelled the charge;
he was at Rome, he said, on the affairs of his see. In the full
consistory Urban preached on the text, "I am the Good Shepherd,"
and inveighed in a manner not to be mistaken against the
wealth and luxury of the cardinals. Their voluptuous banquets
were notorious&mdash;Petrarch had declaimed against them. The
Pope threatened a sumptuary law that they should have but
one dish at their table: it was the rule of his own order. He
was determined to extirpate simony. A cardinal who should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>
receive presents he menaced with excommunication. He affected
to despise wealth. "Thy money perish with thee!" he
said to a collector of the papal revenue. He disdained to conceal
the most unpopular schemes; he declared his intention not
to leave Rome. To the petition of the bannerets of Rome for a
promotion of cardinals, he openly avowed his design to make so
large a nomination that the Italians should resume their ascendency
over the Ultramontanes. The Cardinal of Geneva turned
pale and left the consistory. Urban declared himself determined
to do equal justice between man and man, between the
kings of France and England. The French cardinals, and those
in the pay of France, heard this with great indignation.</p>

<p>The manners of Urban were even more offensive than his
acts. "Hold your tongue!" "You have talked long enough!"
were his common phrases to his mitred counsellors. He called
the Cardinal Orsini a fool. He charged the Cardinal of St.
Marcellus of Amiens, on his return from his legation in Tuscany,
with having robbed the treasures of the Church. The
charge was not less insulting for its justice. The Cardinal
of Amiens, instead of allaying the feuds of France and England,
which it was his holy mission to allay, had inflamed them
in order to glut his own insatiable avarice by draining the
wealth of both countries in the Pope's name. "As Archbishop
of Bari, you lie," was the reply of the high-born Frenchman.
On one occasion such high words passed with the Cardinal of
Limoges that but for the interposition of another cardinal the
Pope would have rushed on him, and there had been a personal
conflict.</p>

<p>Such were among the stories of the time. Friends and foes
agree in attributing the schism, at least the immediate schism,
to the imprudent zeal, the imperiousness, the ungovernable
temper of Pope Urban. The cardinals among themselves talked
of him as mad; they began to murmur that it was a compulsory,
therefore invalid, election.</p>

<p>The French cardinals were now at Anagni: they were
joined by the Cardinal of Amiens, who had taken no part in the
election, but who was burning under the insulting words of the
Pope, perhaps not too eager to render an account of his legation.
The Pope retired to Tivoli; he summoned the cardinals to that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>
city. They answered that they had gone to large expenses
in laying in provisions and making preparations for their residence
in Anagni; they had no means to supply a second sojourn
in Tivoli. The Pope, with his four Italian cardinals,
passed two important acts as sovereign pontiff. He confirmed
the election of Wenceslaus, son of Charles IV, to the empire;
he completed the treaty with Florence by which the republic
paid a large sum to the see of Rome. The amount was seventy
thousand florins in the course of the year, one hundred and
eighty thousand in four years, for the expenses of the war.
They were relieved from ecclesiastical censures, under which
this enlightened republic, though Italian, trembled, even from a
pope of doubtful title. Their awe showed perhaps the weakness
and dissensions in Florence rather than the papal power.</p>

<p>The cardinals at Anagni sent a summons to their brethren
inviting them to share in their counsels concerning the compulsory
election of the successor to Gregory XI. Already the
opinions of great legists had been taken; some of them, that of
the famous Baldus, may still be read. He was in favor of the
validity of the election.</p>

<p>But grave legal arguments and ecclesiastical logic were not
to decide a contest which had stirred so deeply the passions and
interests of two great factions. France and Italy were at strife for
the popedom. The Ultramontane cardinals would not tamely
abandon a power which had given them rank, wealth, luxury,
virtually the spiritual supremacy of the world, for seventy years.
Italy, Rome, would not forego the golden opportunity of resuming
the long-lost authority. On the 9th of August the cardinals
at Anagni publicly declared, they announced in encyclic letters
addressed to the faithful in all Christendom, that the election
of Urban VI was carried by force and the fear of death; that
through the same force and fear he had been inaugurated, enthroned,
and crowned; that he was an apostate, an accursed
antichrist. They pronounced him a tyrannical usurper of the
popedom, a wolf that had stolen into the fold. They called upon
him to descend at once from the throne which he occupied without
canonical title; if repentant, he might find mercy; if he persisted
he would provoke the indignation of God, of the apostles
St. Peter and St. Paul, and all of the saints, for his violation of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>
the Spouse of Christ, the common Mother of the Faithful. It was
signed by thirteen cardinals. The more pious and devout were
shocked at this avowal of cowardice; cardinals who would not
be martyrs in the cause of truth and of spiritual freedom condemned
themselves.</p>

<p>But letters and appeals to the judgment of the world, and
awful maledictions, were not their only resources. The fierce
Breton bands were used to march and to be indulged in their
worst excesses under the banner of the Cardinal of Geneva. As
Ultramontanists it was their interest, their inclination, to espouse
the Ultramontane cause. They arrayed themselves to advance
and join the cardinals at Anagni. The Romans rose to oppose
them; a fight took place near the Ponte Salario, three hundred
Romans lay dead on the field.</p>

<p>Urban VI was as blind to cautious temporal as to cautious
ecclesiastical policy. Every act of the Pope raised him up new
enemies. Joanna, Queen of Naples, had hailed the elevation of
her subject the Archbishop of Bari. Naples had been brilliantly
illuminated. Shiploads of fruit and wines, and the more solid
gift of twenty thousand florins, had been her oblations to the
Pope. Her husband, Otho of Brunswick, had gone to Rome to
pay his personal homage. His object was to determine in his own
favor the succession to the realm. The reception of Otho was
cold and repulsive; he returned in disgust. The Queen eagerly
listened to suspicions, skilfully awakened, that Urban meditated
the resumption of the fief of Naples, and its grant to the rival
house of Hungary. She became the sworn ally of the cardinals
at Anagni. Honorato Gaetani, Count of Fondi, one of the most
turbulent barons of the land, demanded of the Pontiff twenty
thousand florins advanced on loan to Gregory XI. Urban not
only rejected the claim, declaring it a personal debt of the late
Pope, not of the holy see, he also deprived Gaetani of his fief, and
granted it to his mortal enemy, the Count San Severino. Gaetani
began immediately so seize the adjacent castles in Campania,
and invited the cardinals to his stronghold at Fondi. The Archbishop
of Arles, chamberlain of the late Pope, leaving the castle
of St. Angelo under the guard of a commander who long refused
all orders from Pope Urban, brought to Anagni the jewels and
ornaments of the papacy, which had been carried for security<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>
to St. Angelo. The prefect of the city, De Vico, Lord of Viterbo,
had been won over by the Cardinal of Amiens.</p>

<p>The four Italian cardinals still adhered to Pope Urban.
They labored hard to mediate between the conflicting parties.
Conferences were held at Zagarolo and other places; when the
French cardinals had retired to Fondi, the Italians took up their
quarters at Subiaco. The Cardinal of St. Peter's, worn out with
age and trouble, withdrew to Rome, and soon after died. He
left a testamentary document declaring the validity of the election
of Urban. The French cardinals had declared the election
void; they were debating the next step. Some suggested the
appointment of a coadjutor. They were now sure of the support
of the King of France, who would not easily surrender his
influence over a pope at Avignon, and of the Queen of Naples,
estranged by the pride of Urban, and secretly stimulated by the
Cardinal Orsini, who had not forgiven his own loss of the tiara.
Yet even now they seemed to shrink from the creation of an
antipope. Urban precipitated and made inevitable this disastrous
event. He was now alone; the Cardinal of St. Peter's was
dead; Florence, Milan, and the Orsini stood aloof; they seemed
only to wait to be thrown off by Urban, to join the adverse faction.
Urban at first declared his intention to create nine cardinals;
he proceeded at once, and without warning, to create
twenty-six.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> By this step the French and Italian cardinals together
were now but an insignificant minority. They were instantly
one. All must be risked or all lost.</p>

<p>On September 20th, at Fondi, Robert of Geneva was elected
pope in the presence of all the cardinals (except St. Peter's) who
had chosen, inaugurated, enthroned, and for a time obeyed
Urban VI. The Italians refused to give their suffrages, but entered
no protest. They retired into their castles and remained
aloof from the schism. Orsini died before long at Tagliacozzo.
The qualifications which, according to his partial biographer,
recommended the Cardinal of Geneva, were rather those of a
successor to John Hawkwood or to a duke of Milan, than of the
apostles. Extraordinary activity of body and endurance of fatigue,
courage which would hazard his life to put down the
intrusive pope, sagacity and experience in the temporal affairs
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>of the Church; high birth, through which he was allied with most
of the royal and princely houses of Europe; of austerity, devotion,
learning, holiness, charity, not a word. He took the name
of Clement VII; the Italians bitterly taunted the mockery of
this name, assumed by the captain of the Breton Free Companies&mdash;by
the author, it was believed, of the massacre at Cesena.</p>


<p>So began the schism which divided Western Christendom for
thirty-eight years. Italy, excepting the kingdom of Joanna of
Naples, adhered to her native pontiff; Germany and Bohemia
to the pontiff who had recognized King Wenceslaus as emperor;
England to the pontiff hostile to France;<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Hungary to the pontiff
who might support her pretentions to Naples; Poland and
the Northern kingdoms, with Portugal, espoused the same cause.
France at first stood almost alone in support of her subject, of a
pope at Avignon instead of at Rome. Scotland only was with
Clement, because England was with Urban. So Flanders was
with Urban because France was with Clement. The uncommon
abilities of Peter di Luna, the Spanish cardinal (afterward better
known under a higher title), detached successively the Spanish
kingdoms, Castile, Aragon, and Navarre, from allegiance to
Pope Urban.</p>


<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span></p>
<h2>GENOESE SURRENDER TO VENETIANS</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1380</h6>

<h3>HENRY HALLAM</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Prolonged commercial rivalry between Genoa and Venice brought
them to a state of bitter jealousy which led to furious wars. In the second
half of the twelfth century Genoa established her power on the Black
Sea, and aimed at a commercial monopoly in that region. This aroused
the Venetians to anger and led to open hostilities. The first war growing
out of these antagonisms between the two republics began in 1257, and
throughout the rest of the thirteenth century hostilities were almost continuous.</p>

<p>In 1351 the Venetians formed an alliance against Genoa with the
Greeks and Aragonese, and, in the ensuing war, the advantage gained by
Genoa was confirmed by a treaty of peace in 1355. But this peace lasted
only until 1378, when a dispute arose between Genoa and Venice in relation
to the island of Tenedos, in the &AElig;gean Sea, of which the Venetians
had taken possession.</p>

<p>The Venetians, having denounced Genoa as false to all its oaths and
obligations, formally declared war in April, after several acts of hostility
had occurred in the Levant. Of all the wars between the rival states, this
was the most remarkable and led to the most important consequences.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_g.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="G" />ENOA did not stand alone in this war. A formidable confederacy
was raised against Venice, which had given provocation
to many enemies. Of this Francis Carrara, seignior
of Padua, and the King of Hungary were the leaders. But the
principal struggle was, as usual, upon the waves. During the
winter of 1378 a Genoese fleet kept the sea, and ravaged the
shores of Dalmatia. The Venetian armament had been weakened
by an epidemic disease, and when Vittor Pisani, their
admiral, gave battle to the enemy, he was compelled to fight
with a hasty conscription of landsmen against the best sailors
in the world.</p>

<p>Entirely defeated, and taking refuge at Venice with only seven
galleys, Pisani was cast into prison, as if his ill-fortune had been
his crime. Meanwhile the Genoese fleet, augmented by a strong
re&euml;nforcement, rode before the long natural ramparts that separate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span>
the lagunes of Venice from the Adriatic. Six passages intersect
the islands which constitute this barrier, besides the
broader outlets of Brondolo and Fossone, through which the
waters of the Brenta and the Adige are discharged. The Lagoon
itself, as is well known, consists of extremely shallow water,
unnavigable for any vessel except along the course of artificial
and intricate passages.</p>

<p>Notwithstanding the apparent difficulties of such an enterprise,
Pietro Doria, the Genoese admiral, determined to reduce
the city. His first successes gave him reason to hope. He forced
the passage, and stormed the little town of Chioggia, built
upon the inside of the isle bearing that name, about twenty-five
miles south of Venice. Nearly four thousand prisoners fell
here into his hands&mdash;an augury, as it seemed, of a more splendid
triumph.</p>

<p>In the consternation this misfortune inspired at Venice, the
first impulse was to ask for peace. The ambassadors carried
with them seven Genoese prisoners, as a sort of peace-offering
to the admiral, and were empowered to make large and humiliating
concessions, reserving nothing but the liberty of Venice.
Francis Carrara strongly urged his allies to treat for peace. But
the Genoese were stimulated by long hatred, and intoxicated by
this unexpected opportunity of revenge. Doria, calling the
ambassadors into council, thus addressed them: "Ye shall
obtain no peace from us, I swear to you, nor from the lord of
Padua, till first we have put a curb in the mouths of those wild
horses that stand upon the place of St. Mark. When they are
bridled you shall have enough of peace. Take back with you
your Genoese captives, for I am coming within a few days to
release both them and their companions from your prisons."</p>

<p>When this answer was reported to the senate, they prepared
to defend themselves with the characteristic firmness of their
government. Every eye was turned toward a great man unjustly
punished, their admiral, Vittor Pisani. He was called out of
prison to defend his country amid general acclamations. Under
his vigorous command the canals were fortified or occupied
by large vessels armed with artillery; thirty-four galleys were
equipped; every citizen contributed according to his power; in
the entire want of commercial resources&mdash;for Venice had not a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>
merchant-ship during this war&mdash;private plate was melted; and
the senate held out the promise of ennobling thirty families who
should be most forward in this strife of patriotism.</p>

<p>The new fleet was so ill-provided with seamen that for some
months the admiral employed them only in man&oelig;uvring along
the canals. From some unaccountable supineness, or more
probably from the insuperable difficulties of the undertaking,
the Genoese made no assault upon the city. They had, indeed,
fair grounds to hope its reduction by famine or despair. Every
access to the Continent was cut off by the troops of Padua; and
the King of Hungary had mastered almost all the Venetian
towns in Istria and along the Dalmatian coast. The doge
Contarini, taking the chief command, appeared at length with
his fleet near Chioggia, before the Genoese were aware. They
were still less aware of his secret design. He pushed one of the
large round vessels, then called <i>cocche</i>, into the narrow passage
of Chioggia which connects the Lagoon with the sea, and, mooring
her athwart the channel, interrupted that communication.
Attacked with fury by the enemy, this vessel went down on the
spot, and the Doge improved his advantage by sinking loads of
stones until the passage became absolutely unnavigable.</p>

<p>It was still possible for the Genoese fleet to follow the principal
canal of the Lagoon toward Venice and the northern passages,
or to sail out of it by the harbor of Brondolo; but, whether
from confusion or from miscalculating the dangers of their position,
they suffered the Venetians to close the canal upon them
by the same means they had used at Chioggia, and even to place
their fleet in the entrance of Brondolo so near to the Lagoon
that the Genoese could not form their ships in line of battle.
The circumstances of the two combatants were thus entirely
changed. But the Genoese fleet, though besieged in Chioggia,
was impregnable, and their command of the land secured them
from famine.</p>

<p>Venice, notwithstanding her unexpected success, was still
very far from secure; it was difficult for the Doge to keep his
position through the winter; and if the enemy could appear in
open sea, the risks of combat were extremely hazardous. It is
said that the senate deliberated upon transporting the seat of
their liberty to Candia, and that the Doge had announced his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>
intention to raise the siege of Chioggia, if expected succors did
not arrive by January 1, 1380. On that very day Carlo Zeno,
an admiral who, ignorant of the dangers of his country, had
been supporting the honor of her flag in the Levant and on the
coast of Liguria, appeared with a re&euml;nforcement of eighteen
galleys and a store of provisions.</p>

<p>From that moment the confidence of Venice revived. The
fleet, now superior in strength to the enemy, began to attack
them with vivacity. After several months of obstinate resistance,
the Genoese&mdash;whom their republic had ineffectually
attempted to relieve by a fresh armament&mdash;blocked up in the
town of Chioggia, and pressed by hunger, were obliged to surrender.
Nineteen galleys only, out of forty-eight, were in good
condition; and the crews were equally diminished in the ten
months of their occupation of Chioggia. The pride of Genoa
was deemed to be justly humbled; and even her own historian
confesses that God would not suffer so noble a city as Venice to
become the spoil of a conqueror.</p>

<p>Though the capture of Chioggia did not terminate the war,
both parties were exhausted, and willing, next year, to accept
the mediation of the Duke of Savoy. By the peace of Turin,
Venice surrendered most of her territorial possessions to the
King of Hungary. That Prince and Francis Carrara were the
only gainers. Genoa obtained the isle of Tenedos, one of the
original subjects of dispute&mdash;a poor indemnity for her losses.
Though, upon a hasty view, the result of this war appears more
unfavorable to Venice, yet in fact it is the epoch of the decline
of Genoa. From this time she never commanded the ocean with
such navies as before; her commerce gradually went into decay;
and the fifteenth century&mdash;the most splendid in the annals
of Venice&mdash;is, till recent times, the most ignominious in
those of Genoa. But this was partly owing to internal dissensions,
by which her liberty, as well as glory, was for a while
suspended.</p>

<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span></p>
<h2>REBELLION OF WAT TYLER</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1381</h6>

<h3>JOHN LINGARD</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Richard II, of England, at eleven years of age, succeeded to a heritage
of foreign complications and wars, which were a legacy from the
reign of his grandfather, Edward III.</p>

<p>At the request of the commons, the lords, in the King's name, appointed
nine persons to be a permanent council, and it was resolved that
during the King's minority the appointment of all the chief officers of
the crown should be with the parliament. The administration was conducted
in the King's name, and the whole system was for some years kept
together by the secret authority of the King's uncles, especially of the
Duke of Lancaster, who was in reality the regent.</p>

<p>France, Scotland, and Castile continued their hostilities against England,
and during the first two years of Richard's reign the ministers had
no difficulty in obtaining ample grants of money to carry on the wars. In
the third year the expense of the campaign in Brittany compelled them
to solicit yet additional aid.</p>

<p>Various methods of taxation failing to raise the amount required, the
commons, in great discontent, demanded alterations in the council, and
after long debate reluctantly consented to the imposition of a new and
unusual tax of three groats<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> on every person, male and female, above fifteen
years of age. For the relief of the poor it was provided that in the
cities and towns the aggregate amount should be divided among the inhabitants
according to their abilities, so that no individual should pay
less than one groat, or more than sixty groats for himself and his wife.
Parliament thereupon was dismissed; but the collection of the tax gave
rise to an insurrection which threatened the life of the King and the existence
of the government.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_a.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="A" />T this period [1381] a secret ferment seems to have pervaded
the mass of the people in many nations of Europe. Men
were no longer willing to submit to the impositions of their
rulers, or to wear the chains which had been thrown round the
necks of their fathers by a warlike and haughty aristocracy.
We may trace this awakening spirit of independence to a variety
of causes, operating in the same direction; to the progressive
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>improvement of society, the gradual diffusion of knowledge, the
increasing pressure of taxation, and above all to the numerous
and lasting wars by which Europe had lately been convulsed.
Necessity had often compelled both the sovereigns and nobles to
court the good-will of the people; the burghers in the towns and
inferior tenants in the country had learned, from the repeated
demands made upon them, to form notions of their own importance;
and the archers and foot-soldiers, who had served for
years in the wars, were, at their return home, unwilling to sit
down in the humble station of bondmen to their former lords.
In Flanders the commons had risen against their Count Louis,
and had driven him out of his dominions; in France the populace
had taken possession of Paris and Rouen, and massacred
the collectors of the revenue. In England a spirit of discontent
agitated the whole body of the villeins, who remained in almost
the same situation in which we left them at the Norman Conquest.
They were still attached to the soil, talliable at the will
of the lord, and bound to pay the fines for the marriage of their
females, to perform customary labor, and to render the other
servile prestations incident to their condition. It is true that in
the course of time many had obtained the rights of freemen.
Occasionally the king or the lord would liberate at once all the
bondmen on some particular domain, in return for a fixed rent
to be yearly assessed on the inhabitants.</p>


<p>But the progress of emancipation was slow; the improved
condition of their former fellows served only to embitter the
discontent of those who still wore the fetters of servitude; and
in many places the villeins formed associations for their mutual
support, and availed themselves of every expedient in their
power to free themselves from the control of their lords. In the
first year of Richard's reign a complaint was laid before parliament
that in many districts they had purchased exemplifications
out of the <i>Domesday Book</i> in the king's court, and under
a false interpretation of that record had pretended to be discharged
of all manner of servitude both as to their bodies and
their tenures, and would not suffer the officers of their lords
either to levy distress or to do justice upon them. It was in vain
that such exemplifications were declared of no force, and that
commissions were ordered for the punishment of the rebellious.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>
The villeins, by their union and perseverance, contrived to intimidate
their lords, and set at defiance the severity of the law. To
this resistance they were encouraged by the diffusion of the doctrines
so recently taught by Wycliffe, that the right of property
was founded in grace, and that no man, who was by sin a
traitor to God, could be entitled to the services of others; at the
same time itinerant preachers sedulously inculcated the natural
equality of mankind, and the tyranny of artificial distinctions;
and the poorer classes, still smarting under the exactions of the
late reign, were by the impositions of the new tax wound up to
a pitch of madness. Thus the materials had been prepared; it
required but a spark to set the whole country in a blaze.</p>

<p>It was soon discovered that the receipts of the treasury would
fall short of the expected amount; and commissions were issued
to different persons to inquire into the conduct of the collectors,
and to compel payment from those who had been favored or
overlooked. One of these commissioners, Thomas de Bampton,
sat at Brentwood in Essex; but the men of Fobbings refused
to answer before him; and when the chief justice of the
common pleas attempted to punish their contumacy, they compelled
him to flee, murdered the jurors and clerks of the commission,
and, carrying their heads upon poles, claimed the support
of the nearest townships. In a few days all the commons
of Essex were in a state of insurrection, under the command of
a profligate priest, who had assumed the name of Jack Straw.</p>

<p>The men of Kent were not long behind their neighbors in
Essex. At Dartford one of the collectors had demanded the tax
for a young girl, the daughter of a tyler. Her mother maintained
that she was under the age required by the statute; and
the officer was proceeding to ascertain the fact by an indecent
exposure of her person, when her father, who had just returned
from work, with a stroke of his hammer beat out the offender's
brains. His courage was applauded by his neighbors. They
swore that they would protect him from punishment, and by
threats and promises secured the cooperation of all the villages
in the western division of Kent.</p>

<p>A third party of insurgents was formed by the men of
Gravesend, irritated at the conduct of Sir Simon Burley. He
had claimed one of the burghers as his bondman, refused to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>
grant him his freedom at a less price than three hundred pounds,
and sent him a prisoner to the castle of Rochester. With the
aid of a body of insurgents from Essex, the castle was taken and
the captive liberated. At Maidstone they appointed Wat the
tyler, of that town, leader of the commons of Kent, and took
with them an itinerant preacher of the name of John Ball, who
for his seditious and heterodox harangues had been confined by
order of the archbishop. The mayor and aldermen of Canterbury
were compelled to swear fidelity to the good cause; several
of the citizens were slain; and five hundred joined them in their
intended march toward London. When they reached Blackheath
their numbers are said to have amounted to one hundred
thousand men. To this lawless and tumultuous multitude Ball
was appointed preacher, and assumed for the text of his first
sermon the following lines:</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"When Adam delved and Eve span,</span>
<span class="i0">Who was then the gentleman?"</span>
</div>
</div>

<p>He told them that by nature all men were born equal; that
the distinction of bondage and freedom was the invention of
their oppressors, and contrary to the views of their Creator; that
God now offered them the means of recovering their liberty, and
that, if they continued slaves, the blame must rest with themselves;
that it was necessary to dispose of the archbishop, the
earls and barons, the judges, lawyers, and questmongers; and
that when the distinction of ranks was abolished, all would be
free, because all would be of the same nobility and of equal
authority. His discourse was received with shouts of applause
by his infatuated hearers, who promised to make him, in defiance
of his own doctrines, archbishop of Canterbury and chancellor
of the realm.</p>

<p>By letters and messengers the knowledge of these proceedings
was carefully propagated through the neighboring counties.
Everywhere the people had been prepared; and in a few
days the flame spread from the southern coast of Kent to the
right bank of the Humber. In all places the insurgents regularly
pursued the same course. They pillaged the manors of
their lords, demolished the houses, and burned the court rolls;
cut off the heads of every justice and lawyer and juror who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span>
fell into their hands; and swore all others to be true to King
Richard and the commons; to admit of no king of the name of
John; and to oppose all taxes but fifteenths, the ancient tallage
paid by their fathers. The members of the council saw, with
astonishment, the sudden rise and rapid spread of the insurrection;
and, bewildered by their fears and ignorance, knew not
whom to trust or what measures to pursue.</p>

<p>The first who encountered the rabble on Blackheath was the
Princess of Wales, the King's mother, on her return from a pilgrimage
to Canterbury. She liberated herself from danger by
her own address; and a few kisses from "the fair maid of Kent"
purchased the protection of the leaders, and secured the respect
of their followers. She was permitted to join her son, who, with
his cousin Henry, Earl of Derby, Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury
and Chancellor, Sir Robert Hales, master of the Knights
of St. John and treasurer, and about one hundred sergeants
and knights had left the castle of Windsor, and repaired for
greater security to the Tower of London. The next morning
the King in his barge descended the river to receive the petitions
of the insurgents. To the number of ten thousand, with
two banners of St. George, and sixty pennons, they waited his
arrival at Rotherhithe; but their horrid yells and uncouth appearance
so intimidated his attendants, that instead of permitting
him to land, they took advantage of the tide, and returned
with precipitation. Tyler and Straw, irritated by this disappointment,
led their men into Southwark, where they demolished
the houses belonging to the Marshalsea and the king's
bench, while another party forced their way into the palace of
the Archbishop at Lambeth, and burned the furniture with the
records belonging to the chancery.</p>

<p>The next morning they were allowed to pass in small companies,
according to their different townships, over the bridge
into the city. The populace joined them; and as soon as they
had regaled themselves at the cost of the richer inhabitants, the
work of devastation commenced. They demolished Newgate,
and liberated the prisoners; plundered and destroyed the magnificent
palace of the Savoy, belonging to the Duke of Lancaster;
burned the temple with the books and records; and despatched
a party to set fire to the house of the Knights Hospitallers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>
at Clerkenwell, which had been lately built by Sir
Robert Hales. To prove, however, that they had no views of
private emolument, a proclamation was issued forbidding any
one to secrete part of the plunder; and so severely was the prohibition
enforced that the plate was hammered and cut into
small pieces, the precious stones were beaten to powder, and
one of the rioters, who had concealed a silver cup in his bosom,
was immediately thrown, with his prize, into the river. To every
man whom they met they put the question, "With whom holdest
thou?" and unless he gave the proper answer, "With King
Richard and the commons," he was instantly beheaded. But
the principal objects of their cruelty were the natives of Flanders.
They dragged thirteen Flemings out of one church, seventeen
out of another, and thirty-two out of the Vintry, and
struck off their heads with shouts of triumph and exultation.
In the evening, wearied with the labor of the day, they dispersed
through the streets, and indulged in every kind of debauchery.</p>

<p>During this night of suspense and terror, the Princess of
Wales held a council with the ministers in the Tower. The
King's uncles were absent; the garrison, though perhaps able
to defend the place, was too weak to put down the insurgents;
and a resolution was taken to try the influence of promises and
concession. In the morning the Tower Hill was seen covered
with an immense multitude, who prohibited the introduction of
provisions, and with loud cries demanded the heads of the
chancellor and treasurer. In return, a herald ordered them,
by proclamation, to retire to Mile End, where the King would
assent to all their demands. Immediately the gates were thrown
open. Richard with a few unarmed attendants rode forward;
the best intentioned of the crowd followed him, and at Mile End
he saw himself surrounded with sixty thousand petitioners.
Their demands were reduced to four: the abolition of slavery;
the reduction of the rent of land to fourpence the acre; the free
liberty of buying and selling in all fairs and markets; and a
general pardon for past offences. A charter to that effect was
engrossed for each parish and township; during the night thirty
clerks were employed in transcribing a sufficient number of
copies; they were sealed and delivered in the morning; and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>
whole body, consisting chiefly of the men of Essex and Hertfordshire,
retired, bearing the King's banner as a token that they
were under his protection.</p>

<p>But Tyler and Straw had formed other and more ambitious
designs. The moment the King was gone, they rushed, at the
head of four hundred men, into the Tower. The Archbishop,
who had just celebrated mass, Sir Robert Hales, William Apuldore,
the King's confessor, Legge, the farmer of the tax, and
three of his associates, were seized, and led to immediate execution.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">68</a>
As no opposition was offered, they searched every part
of the Tower, burst into the private apartment of the Princess,
and probed her bed with their swords. She fainted, and was
carried by her ladies to the river, which she crossed in a covered
barge. The royal wardrobe, a house in Carter Lane, was selected
for her residence.</p>

<p>The King joined his mother at the wardrobe; and the next
morning, as he rode through Smithfield with sixty horsemen,
encountered Tyler at the head of twenty thousand insurgents.
Three different charters had been sent to that demagogue, who
contemptuously refused them all. As soon as he saw Richard,
he made a sign to his followers to halt, and boldly rode up to the
King. A conversation immediately began. Tyler, as he talked,
affected to play with his dagger; at last he laid his hand on the
bridle of his sovereign; but at the instant Walworth, the Lord
Mayor, jealous of his design, plunged a short sword into his
throat. He spurred his horse, rode about a dozen yards, fell to
the ground, and was despatched by Robert Standish, one of the
King's esquires. The insurgents, who witnessed the transaction,
drew their bows to revenge the fall of their leader, and Richard
would inevitably have lost his life had he not been saved by his
own intrepidity. Galloping up to the archers he exclaimed:
"What are ye doing, my lieges? Tyler was a traitor. Come
with me, and I will be your leader." Wavering and disconcerted,
they followed him into the fields of Islington, whither a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>force of one thousand men-at-arms, which had been collected
by the Lord Mayor and Sir Robert Knowles, hastened to protect
the young King; and the insurgents, falling on their knees, begged
for mercy. Many of the royalists demanded permission to punish
them for their past excesses; but Richard firmly refused,
ordered the suppliants to return to their homes, and by proclamation
forbade, under pain of death, any stranger to pass the
night in the city.</p>

<p>On the southern coast the excesses of the insurgents reached
as far as Winchester; on the eastern, to Beverley and Scarborough;
and, if we reflect that in every place they rose about the
same time, and uniformly pursued the same system, we may
discover reason to suspect that they acted under the direction
of some acknowledged though invisible leader. The nobility
and gentry, intimidated by the hostility of their tenants, and distressed
by contradictory reports, sought security within the fortifications
of their castles. The only man who behaved with
promptitude and resolution was Henry Spenser, the young and
warlike Bishop of Norwich. In the counties of Norfolk, Cambridge,
and Huntington tranquillity was restored and preserved
by this singular prelate, who successively exercised the offices
of general, judge, and priest. In complete armor he always led
his followers to the attack; after the battle he sat in judgment
on his prisoners; and before execution he administered to them
the aids of religion. But as soon as the death of Tyler and the
dispersion of the men of Kent and Essex were known, thousands
became eager to display their loyalty; and knights and
esquires from every quarter poured into London to offer their
services to the King. At the head of forty thousand horse he
published proclamations, revoking the charters of manumission
which he had granted, commanding the villeins to perform
their usual services, and prohibiting illegal assemblies and associations.
In several parts the commons threatened to renew
the horrors of the late tumult in defence of their liberties; but
the approach of the royal army dismayed the disaffected in
Kent; the loss of five hundred men induced the insurgents of
Essex to sue for pardon; and numerous executions in different
counties effectually crushed the spirit of resistance. Among the
sufferers were Lister and Westbroom, who had assumed the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>
title and authority of kings in Norfolk and Suffolk; and Straw
and Ball, the itinerant preachers, who have been already mentioned,
and whose sermons were supposed to have kindled and
nourished the insurrection.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">69</a></p>

<p>When the parliament met, the two houses were informed by
the Chancellor, that the King had revoked the charters of emancipation,
which he had been compelled to grant to the villeins,
but at the same time wished to submit to their consideration
whether it might not be wise to abolish the state of bondage
altogether. The minds of the great proprietors were not, however,
prepared for the adoption of so liberal a measure; and
both lords and commons unanimously replied that no man
could deprive them of the services of their villeins without their
consent; that they had never given that consent, and never
would be induced to give it, either through persuasion or violence.
The King yielded to their obstinacy; and the charters
were repealed by authority of parliament. The commons next
deliberated, and presented their petitions. They attributed the
insurrection to the grievances suffered by the people from: 1.
The purveyors, who were said to have exceeded all their predecessors
in insolence and extortion; 2. From the rapacity of the
royal officers in the chancery and exchequer, and the courts of
king's bench and common pleas; 3. From the banditti, called
maintainers, who, in different counties, supported themselves
by plunder, and, arming in defence of each other, set at defiance
all the provisions of the law; and 4. From the repeated aids
and taxes, which had impoverished the people and proved of no
service to the nation. To silence these complaints, a commis<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>sion
of inquiry was appointed; the courts of law and the King's
household were subjected to regulations of reform, and severe
orders were published for the immediate suppression of illegal
associations. But the demand of a supply produced a very interesting
altercation. The commons refused, on the ground
that the imposition of a new tax would goad the people to a second
insurrection. They found it, however, necessary to request
of the King a general pardon for all illegal acts committed in the
suppression of the insurgents, and received for answer that it
was customary for the commons to make their grants before
the King bestowed his favors. When the subsidy was again
pressed on their attention they replied that they should take
time to consider it, but were told that the King would also take
time to consider of their petition. At last they yielded; the tax
upon wool, wool-fells, and leather was continued for five years,
and in return a general pardon was granted for all loyal subjects,
who had acted illegally in opposing the rebels, and for the great
body of the insurgents, who had been misled by the declamations
of the demagogues.</p>


<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span></p>
<h2>WYCLIFFE TRANSLATES THE BIBLE INTO
ENGLISH</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1382</h6>

<h3>J. PATERSON SMYTH</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>It may safely be said that no greater service has been rendered at
once to religion and to literature than the translation of the Bible into the
English tongue. This achievement did not indeed, like that of Luther's
German translation, come as it were by a single stroke. Luther's Bible
caused him to be regarded as the founder of the present literary language
of Germany&mdash;New High German&mdash;which his translation permanently established.
The English Bible, on the other hand, was the growth of
centuries. But to the contributions of able hands through many generations,
during which the English language itself passed through a wonderful
formative development, the incomparable beauty of King James'
version owes its existence, and our literature its greatest ornaments.</p>

<p>It is impossible to say when the first translation of any part of the
Bible into English was made. No English Bible of earlier date than the
fourteenth century has ever been found. But translations, even of the
whole Bible, older than Wcyliffe's are, by at least two eminent witnesses,
said to have existed. "As for olde translacions, before Wycliffe's
time," says Sir Thomas More, "they remain lawful and be in some folkes
handes." "The hole byble," he declares (<i>Dyalogues</i>, p. 138, ed. 1530),
"was long before Wycliffe's days, by vertuous and well learned men,
translated into the English tong." And Cranmer, in his prologue to the
second edition of the "Great Bible," bears testimony equally explicit to
the translation of Scripture "in the Saxons tongue." And when that language
"waxed olde and out of common usage," he says, the Bible "was
again translated into the newer language." There has never been any
means of testing these statements, which were probably due to some inexplicable
error. Abundant evidence exists relating to many Saxon and
later translations of various parts of the Bible before the time of Wycliffe.
Among the most notable of the early translators were the Venerable Bede
and Alfred the Great. Some portions of Scripture were likewise translated
into Anglo-Norman in the thirteenth century. Some of the early
fragments are still preserved in English libraries.</p>

<p>Three versions of the Psalter in English, from the early years of the
fourteenth century, still exist, one of which was by Richard Rolle, the
Yorkshire hermit, who also translated the New Testament.</p>

<p>But so far as known, the first complete Bible in English was the work
of John Wycliffe, assisted by Nicholas de Hereford&mdash;whom some would
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>name first in this partnership, though the product of their joint labors is
known as "Wycliffe's Bible."</p>

<p>John Wycliffe, the "Morning Star of the Reformation," was born
near Richmond, Yorkshire, about 1324. He became a fellow, and later
master of Balliol College, Oxford, afterward held several rectorships&mdash;the
last being that of Lutterworth, upon which he entered in 1374. For
opposing the papacy and certain church doctrines and practices, he was
condemned by the university, and his followers&mdash;known as Lollards&mdash;were
persecuted. Something of his life in connection with these matters
is fitly dealt with by Smyth in connection with his account of the famous
translation.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_a.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="A" />FTER the early Anglo-Saxon versions comes a long pause in
the history of Bible translation. Amid the disturbance resulting
from the Danish invasion there was little time for thinking
of translations and manuscripts; and before the land had
fully regained its quiet the fatal battle of Hastings had been
fought, and England lay helpless at the Normans' feet. The
higher Saxon clergy were replaced by the priests of Normandy,
who had little sympathy with the people over whom they came,
and the Saxon manuscripts were contemptuously flung aside as
relics of a rude barbarism. The contempt shown to the language
of the defeated race quite destroyed the impulse to English
translation, and the Norman clergy had no sympathy with
the desire for spreading the knowledge of the Scriptures among
the people, so that for centuries those Scriptures remained in
England a "spring shut up, a fountain sealed."</p>

<p>Yet this time must not be considered altogether lost, for during
those centuries England was becoming fitted for an English
Bible. The future language of the nation was being formed;
the Saxon and Norman French were struggling side by side;
gradually the old Saxon grew unintelligible to the people; gradually
the French became a foreign tongue, and with the fusion
of the two races a language grew up which was the language of
united England.</p>

<p>Passing, then, from the quiet death-beds of Alfred and of
Bede, we transfer ourselves to the great hall of the Blackfriars'
monastery, London, on a dull, warm May day in 1378, amid
purple robes and gowns of satin and damask, amid monks and
abbots, and bishops and doctors of the Church, assembled for
the trial of John Wycliffe, the parish priest of Lutterworth.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>The great hall, crowded to its heavy oaken doors, witnesses
to the interest that is centred in the trial, and all eyes are fixed
on the pale, stern old man who stands before the dais silently
facing his judges. He is quite alone, and his thoughts go back,
with some bitterness, to his previous trial, when the people
crowded the doors shouting for their favorite, and John of
Gaunt and the Lord Marshal of England were standing by his
side. He has learned since then not to put his trust in princes.
The power of his enemies has rapidly grown; even the young
King (Richard II) has been won over to their cause, and patrons
and friends have drawn back from his side, whom the
Church has resolved to crush.</p>

<p>The judges have taken their seats, and the accused stands
awaiting the charges to be read, when suddenly there is a quick
cry of terror. A strange rumbling sound fills the air, and the
walls of the judgment hall are trembling to their base&mdash;the monastery
and the city of London are being shaken by an earthquake!
Friar and prelate grow pale with superstitious awe.
Twice already has this arraignment of Wycliffe been strangely
interrupted. Are the elements in league with this enemy of the
Church? Shall they give up the trial?</p>

<p>"No!" thunders Archbishop Courtenay, rising in his place.
"We shall not give up the trial. This earthquake but portends
the purging of the kingdom; for as there are in the bowels of
the earth noxious vapors which only by a violent earthquake
can be purged away, so are these evils brought by such men
upon this land which only by a very earthquake can ever be
removed. Let the trial go forward!"</p>

<p>What think you, reader, were the evils which this pale ascetic
had wrought, needing a very earthquake to cleanse them
from the land? Had he falsified the divine message to the people
in his charge? Was he turning men's hearts from the worship
of God? Was his priestly office disgraced by carelessness
or drunkenness or impurity of life?</p>

<p>Oh, no. Such faults could be gently judged at the tribunal
in the Blackfriars' hall. Wycliffe's was a far more serious
crime. He had dared to attack the corruptions of the Church,
and especially the enormities of the begging friars; he had indignantly
denounced pardons and indulgences and masses for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>
the soul as part of a system of gigantic fraud; and worst of all,
he had filled up the cup of his iniquity by translating the Scriptures
into the English tongue; "making it," as one of the chroniclers
angrily complains, "common and more open to laymen
and to women than it was wont to be to clerks well learned and
of good understanding. So that the pearl of the Gospel is trodden
under foot of swine."</p>

<p>The feeling of his opponents will be better understood if we
notice the position of the Church in England at the time. The
meridian of her power had been already passed. Her clergy as
a class were ignorant and corrupt. Her people were neglected,
except for the money to be extorted by masses and pardons, "as
if," to quote the words of an old writer, "God had given his
sheep, not to be pastured, but to be shaven and shorn." This
state of things had gone on for centuries, and the people like
dumb, driven cattle had submitted. But those who could discern
the signs of the times must have seen now that it could not
go on much longer. The spread of education was rapidly increasing,
several new colleges having been founded in Oxford
during Wycliffe's lifetime. A strong spirit of independence, too,
was rising among the people. Already Edward III and his
parliament had indignantly refused the Pope's demand for the
annual tribute to be sent to Rome. It was evident that a crisis
was near. And, as if to hasten the crisis, the famous schism of
the papacy had placed two popes at the head of the Church, and
all Christendom was scandalized by the sight of the rival "vicars
of Jesus Christ" anathematizing each other from Rome and
Avignon, raising armies and slaughtering helpless women and
children, each for the aggrandizing of himself.</p>

<p>The minds of men in England were greatly agitated, and Wycliffe
felt that at such a time the firmest charter of the Church
would be the open Bible in her children's hands; the best exposure
of the selfish policy of her rulers, the exhibiting to the
people the beautiful, self-forgetting life of Jesus Christ as recorded
in the Gospels. "The sacred Scriptures," he said, "are
the property of the people, and one which no one should be
allowed to wrest from them. Christ and his apostles converted
the world by making known the Scriptures to men in a form
familiar to them, and I pray with all my heart that through<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>
doing the things contained in this book we may all together
come to the everlasting life." This Bible translation he placed
far the first in importance of all his attempts to reform the English
Church, and he pursued his object with a vigor and against
an opposition that remind one of the old monk of Bethlehem
and his Bible a thousand years before.</p>

<p>The result of the Blackfriars' synod was that after three
days' deliberation Wycliffe's teaching was condemned, and at a
subsequent meeting he himself was excommunicated. He returned
to his quiet parsonage at Lutterworth&mdash;for his enemies
dared not yet proceed to extremities&mdash;and there, with his pile of
old Latin manuscripts and commentaries, he labored on at the
great work of his life, till the whole Bible was translated into
the "modir tongue," and England received for the first time in
her history a complete version of the Scriptures in the language
of the people.</p>

<p>And scarce was his task well finished when, like his great
predecessor Bede, the brave old priest laid down his life. He
himself had expected that a violent death would have finished
his course. His enemies were many and powerful; the Primate,
the King, and the Pope were against him&mdash;with the friars,
whom he had so often and so fiercely defied; so that his destruction
seemed but a mere question of time. But while his enemies
were preparing to strike, the old man "was not, for God
took him."</p>

<p>It was the close of the old year, the last Sunday of 1384, and
his little flock at Lutterworth were kneeling in hushed reverence
before the altar, when suddenly, at the time of the elevation
of the sacrament, he fell to the ground in a violent fit of the
palsy, and never spoke again until his death on the last day of
the year.</p>

<p>In him England lost one of her best and greatest sons, a
patriot sternly resenting all dishonor to his country, a reformer
who ventured his life for the purity of the Church and the
freedom of the Bible&mdash;an earnest, faithful "parson of a country
town," standing out conspicuously among the clergy of the
time.</p>

<div class="poem">
<div class="poem">
<span class="i0">"For Crist&egrave;'s lore and his apostles twelve</span>
<span class="i0">He taughte&mdash;and first he folwede it himselve."</span>
</div>
</div>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>Here is a choice specimen from one of the monkish writers
of the time describing his death: "On the feast of the passion of
St. Thomas of Canterbury, John Wycliffe, the organ of the
devil, the enemy of the Church, the idol of heretics, the image
of hypocrites, the restorer of schism, the storehouse of lies, the
sink of flattery, being struck by the horrible judgment of God,
was seized with the palsy throughout his whole body, and that
mouth which was to have spoken huge things against God and
his saints, and holy Church, was miserably drawn aside, and
afforded a frightful spectacle to beholders; his tongue was
speechless and his head shook, showing painfully plainly that
the curse which God had thundered forth against Cain was also
inflicted on him."</p>

<p>Some time after his death a petition was presented to the
Pope, which to his honor he rejected, praying him to order Wycliffe's
body to be taken out of consecrated ground and buried
in a dunghill. But forty years after, by a decree of the Council
of Constance, the old reformer's bones were dug up and burned,
and the ashes flung into the little river Swift which "runneth
hard by his church at Lutterworth." And so, in the often-quoted
words of old Fuller, "as the Swift bear them into the
Severn, and the Severn into the narrow seas, and they again
into the ocean, thus the ashes of Wycliffe is an emblem of his
doctrine, which is now dispersed all over the world."</p>

<p>But it is with his Bible translation that we are specially concerned.
As far as we can learn, the whole Bible was not translated
by the reformer. About half the Old Testament is ascribed
to Nicholas de Hereford, one of the Oxford leaders of
the Lollards; the remainder, with the whole of the New Testament,
being done by Wycliffe himself. About eight years
after its completion the whole was revised by Richard Purvey,
his curate and intimate friend, whose manuscript is still
in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. Purvey's preface
is a most interesting old document, and shows not only that
he was deeply in earnest about his work, but that he
thoroughly understood the intellectual and moral conditions
necessary for its success.</p>

<p>"A simpel creature," he says, "hath translated the Scripture
out of Latin into Englische. First, this simpel creature had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>
much travayle with divers fellows and helpers to gather many old
Bibles and other doctors and glosses to make one Latin Bible.
Some deal true and then to study it anew the texte and any
other help he might get, especially Lyra on the Old Testament,
which helped him much with this work. The third time to
counsel with olde grammarians and old divines of hard words
and hard sentences how they might best be understood and
translated, the fourth time to translate as clearly as he could to
the sense, and to have many good fellows and cunnying at the
correcting of the translacioun. A translator hath great nede to
studie well the sense both before and after, and then also he hath
nede to live a clene life and be full devout in preiers, and have
not his wit occupied about worldli things that the Holy Spyrit
author of all wisdom and cunnynge and truthe dresse him for
his work and suffer him not to err." And he concludes with
the prayer, "God grant to us all grace to ken well and to kepe
well Holie Writ, and to suffer joiefulli some paine for it at the
laste."</p>

<p>Like all the earlier English translations, Wycliffe's Bible
was based on the Latin Vulgate of St. Jerome; and this is the
great defect in his work, as compared with the versions that
followed. He was not capable of consulting the original Greek
and Hebrew even if he had access to them&mdash;in fact, there was
probably no man in England at the time capable of doing so;
and therefore, though he represents the Latin faithfully and
well, he of course handed on its errors as faithfully as its perfections.
But, such as it is, it is a fine specimen of fourteenth-century
English. He translated not for scholars or for nobles,
but for the plain people, and his style was such as suited those
for whom he wrote&mdash;plain, vigorous, homely, and yet with all
its homeliness full of a solemn grace and dignity, which made
men feel that they were reading no ordinary book. He uses
many striking expressions, such as (II Tim. ii. 4): "No man
holding knighthood to God, wlappith himself with worldli
nedes;" and many of the best-known phrases in our present
Bible originated with him; <i>e.g.</i>, "the beame and the mote,"
"the depe thingis of God," "strait is the gate and narewe is the
waye," "no but a man schall be born againe," "the cuppe of
blessing which we blessen," etc.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span><a href="images/gospel.png">Here is a specimen from Wycliffe's Gospels:</a></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p><b>In thilke dayes came Joon Baptist prechynge in the
desert of Jude, saying, Do ye penaunce: for the kyngdom
of heuens shall neigh. Forsothe this is he of whom
it is said by Ysaye the prophete, A voice of a cryinge in
desert, make ye redy the wayes of the Lord, make ye
rightful the pathes of hym. Forsothe that like Joon hadde
cloth of the beeris of cameylis and a girdil of skyn about
his leendis; sothely his mete weren Iocustis and hony of
the wode. Thanne Jerusalem wente out to hym, and al
Jude, and al the cuntre aboute Jordan, and thei weren
crystened of hym in in Jordon, knowlechynge there synnes.</b></p></div>

<p>It is somewhere recorded that at a meeting in Yorkshire
recently a long passage of Wycliffe's Bible was read, which was
quite intelligible throughout to those who heard.</p>

<p>It will be seen that this specimen (Matt. iii. 1-6) is not divided
into verses. Verse division belongs to a much later period,
and, though convenient for reference, it sometimes a good deal
spoils the sense. The division into chapters appears in Wycliffe's
as in our own Bibles. This chapter division had shortly
before been made by a cardinal Hugo, for the purpose of a
Latin concordance, and its convenience brought it quickly into
use. But, like the verse division, it is often very badly done, the
object aimed at seeming to be uniformity of length rather than
any natural division of the subject. Sometimes a chapter
breaks off in the middle of a narrative or an argument, and,
especially in St. Paul's epistles, the incorrect division often
becomes misleading. The removal as far as possible of these
divisions is one of the advantages of the Revised Version to be
noticed later on.</p>

<p>The book had a very wide circulation. While the Anglo-Saxon
versions were confined for the most part to the few religious
houses where they were written, Wycliffe's Bible, in spite
of its disadvantage of being only manuscript, was circulated
largely through the kingdom; and, though the cost a good deal
restricted its possession to the wealthier classes, those who could
not hope to possess it gained access to it too, as well through
their own efforts as through the ministrations of Wycliffe's
"pore priestes." A considerable sum was paid for even a few
sheets of the manuscript, a load of hay was given for permission<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>
to read it for a certain period one hour a day,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> and those who
could not afford even such expenses adopted what means they
could. It is touching to read such incidents as that of one Alice
Collins, sent for to the little gatherings "to recite the Ten Commandments
and parts of the epistles of SS. Paul and Peter,
which she knew by heart." "Certes," says old John Foxe in his
<i>Book of Martyrs</i>, "the zeal of those Christian days seems much
superior to this of our day, and to see the travail of them may
well shame our careless times."</p>

<p>But it was at a terrible risk such study was carried on. The
appearance of Wycliffe's Bible aroused at once fierce opposition.
A bill was brought into parliament to forbid the circulation
of the Scriptures in English; but the sturdy John of Gaunt
vigorously asserted the right of the people to have the Word of
God in their own tongue; "for why," said he, "are we to be
the dross of the nations?" However, the rulers of the Church
grew more and more alarmed at the circulation of the book. At
length Archbishop Arundel, a zealous but not very learned prelate,
complained to the Pope of "that pestilent wretch, John
Wycliffe, the son of the old Serpent, the forerunner of Antichrist,
who had completed his iniquity by inventing a new
translation of the Scriptures"; and, shortly after, the Convocation
of Canterbury forbade such translations, under penalty of
the major excommunication.</p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>"God grant us," runs the prayer in the old Bible preface,
"to ken and to kepe well Holie Writ, and to suffer joiefulli some
paine for it at the laste." What a meaning that prayer must
have gained when the readers of the book were burned with the
copies round their necks, when men and women were executed
for teaching their children the Lord's Prayer and Ten Commandments
in English, when husbands were made to witness
against their wives, and children forced to light the death-fires
of their parents, and possessors of the banned Wycliffe Bible
were hunted down as if they were wild beasts!</p>

<p>Thus did Wycliffe, in his effort for the spread of the Gospel
of Peace, bring, like his Master fourteen centuries before, "not
peace, but a sword." Every bold attempt to let in the light on
long-standing darkness seems to result first in a fierce opposition
from the evil creatures that delight in the darkness, and the
weak creatures weakened by dwelling in it so long. It is not till
the driving back of the evil and the strengthening of the weak,
as the light gradually wins its way, that the true results can be
seen. It is, to use a simile of a graceful modern writer,<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> "As
when you raise with your staff an old flat stone, with the grass
forming a little hedge, as it were, around it as it lies. Beneath
it, what a revelation! Blades of grass flattened down, colorless,
matted together, as if they had been bleached and ironed;
hideous crawling things; black crickets with their long filaments
sticking out on all sides; motionless, slug-like creatures;
young larv&aelig;, perhaps more horrible in their pulpy stillness than
in the infernal wriggle of maturity. But no sooner is the stone
turned and the wholesome light of day let in on this compressed
and blinded community of creeping things than all of them that
have legs rush blindly about, butting against each other and
everything else in their way, and end in a general stampede to
underground retreats from the region poisoned by sunshine.
Next year you will find the grass growing fresh and green where
the stone lay&mdash;the ground-bird builds her nest where the beetle
had his hole&mdash;the dandelion and the buttercup are growing
there, and the broad fans of insect-angels open and shut over
their golden disks as the rhythmic waves of blissful consciousness
pulsate through their glorified being.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>"The stone is ancient error, the grass is human nature borne
down and bleached of all its color by it, the shapes that are
found beneath are the crafty beings that thrive in the darkness,
and the weak organizations kept helpless by it. He who turns
the stone is whosoever puts the staff of truth to the old lying
incubus, whether he do it with a serious face or a laughing one.
The next year stands for the coming time. Then shall the nature
which had lain blanched and broken rise in its full stature
and native lines in the sunshine. Then shall God's minstrels
build their nests in the hearts of a new-born humanity. Then
shall beauty&mdash;divinity taking outline and color&mdash;light upon the
souls of men as the butterfly, image of the beatified spirit rising
from the dust, soars from the shell that held a poor grub, which
would never have found wings unless that stone had been
lifted."</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span></p>
<h2>THE SWISS WIN THEIR INDEPENDENCE</h2>

<h3>BATTLE OF SEMPACH</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1386-1389</h6>

<h3>F. Grenfell Baker</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>For two generations after the victory of the Swiss over the Austrians
at Morgarten (1315), which was followed by the renewal of the Swiss Confederation
of 1291, the leagued cantons were favored with growth and internal
development. To the original cantons&mdash;Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden&mdash;were
added (1332-1353) Lucerne, Zurich, Glarus, Zug, and Bern.
The Confederation acknowledged no superior but the Emperor of Germany.</p>

<p>In 1375 there was an irruption into Switzerland of a horde of irregular
soldiers under Enguerrand de Courcy, son-in-law of Edward III of
England. The mother of De Courcy was a daughter of Leopold I,
Duke of Austria, and through her De Courcy claimed several Swiss
towns. As the present Austrian Duke, Leopold II, who held nominal
suzerainty over Switzerland, refused to give them up, De Courcy invaded
Swiss territory with a large force and a fury which at first threw the
country into panic. But at last the Swiss recovered their old spirit of
bravery, and in many severe encounters they either killed or chased out
of the country the whole ruthless host of invaders.</p>

<p>This war is known in Swiss chronicles as the <i>Guglerkrieg</i>, either from
the pointed spikes on the helmets of the Swiss soldiers or from the cowls
which many of them wore. It is also called the "English War," although
De Courcy's men were nearly all from the Continent and Wales.</p>

<p>The Swiss soon had need of their old military prowess, which this
defence of their country against foreign invaders had freshly put to the
proof. By the victory of Sempach, July 9, 1386, their independence was
practically won, and by later acts of valor and statesmanship they made
it secure for many years.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_a.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="A" />USTRIA'S conduct soon began once more to disturb the
Swiss, and to threaten a renewal of hostilities. Her first
act of importance was the conquest of the Tyrol, after which,
under pretence of benefiting the pilgrims to Einsiedeln,<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> but in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>reality to separate Glarus from Zurich, she built a bridge across
the lake at Rapperschwyl. The possession of this bridge by
Austria acted as a perpetual hinderance to Zurich's trade with the
South, and was accordingly greatly resented by the city. Austria's
position, as ruler in so many burghs that, from their situation
and the nationality of their inhabitants, were essentially
Swiss, also acted as a never-ending source of trouble. Her rule
was both harsh and unjust, and, as a result, her local governors
were extremely unpopular. In 1386 the anti-Austrian feeling
in Switzerland had grown to such a pitch that popular outbreaks
against her authority were, in many centres, of frequent
occurrence, and war appeared inevitable.</p>


<p>From Lucerne came the final troubles that precipitated the
country again into a conflict with Austria. Previous to the
actual declaration of war, constant collisions in the neighborhood
of Lucerne had for some time past taken place, with all
the horrors and savagery of war. In 1385 a body of men from
Lucerne attacked and demolished the castle town of Rothenburg,
the residence of an Austrian bailie. Next, both Entlibuch
and Sempach, at the instigation of Lucerne, revolted against
her Austrian rulers, expelled the bailies, and entered into alliances
with the city. Lucerne herself commenced extending her
territories by the purchase of Wiggis, and&mdash;contrary to her
treaty stipulations&mdash;admitted a number of Austrian subjects
into the privileges of citizenship. Austria retaliated by attacking
Richensee, a small Lucerne town containing a garrison of
some two hundred soldiers. This she carried by assault and
destroyed, massacring the inhabitants of all ages and of both
sexes.</p>

<p>Other reprisals on both sides followed in quick succession,
in which immense numbers of victims perished. Soon both the
Duke, Leopold II, and the Confederates were fully prepared,
and the former took the field with a large army. After menacing
Zurich, the Duke, accompanied by many nobles from
Germany, France, and North Italy, headed some six thousand
picked men, and marched upon Lucerne. On his way he burned
Willisau and several smaller towns, where his troops committed
every form of excess. On July 9th a portion of his forces appeared
before the walls of Sempach, while another division<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span>
menaced Zurich. At Sempach the Confederates mustered to
the help of Lucerne, but were only able to bring about sixteen
hundred men, taken chiefly from the Forest States. In spite of
their disparity in numbers, the Confederates determined to risk
an encounter.</p>

<p>The decisive and brilliant battle of Sempach, the second of
the long roll of victories that mark the prowess of the Swiss, is
thus described by an old writer: "The Swiss order of battle
was angular, one soldier followed by two, these by four, and so
on. The Swiss were all on foot, badly armed, having only their
long swords and their halberds, and boards on their left arms
with which to parry the blows of their adversaries, and they
could at first make no impression on the close ranks of the Austrians,
all bristling with spears. But Anthony zer Pot, of Uri,
cried to his men to strike with their halberds on the shafts of the
spears, which he knew were made hollow to render them lighter,
and, at the same time, Arnold von Winkelried, a knight from
Unterwalden, devoting himself for his country, cried out: 'I'll
open a way for you, Confederates!' and, seizing as many spears
as he could grasp in his arms, dragged them down with his whole
weight and strength upon his own bosom, and thus made an
opening for his countrymen to penetrate the Austrian ranks.</p>

<p>"This act of heroism decided the victory. The Swiss rushed
into the gap made by Winkelried, and, having now come to
close quarters with their enemies, their bodily strength and the
lightness of their equipment gave them a great advantage over
the heavily armed Austrians, who were already fainting under
the heat of a July sun. The very closeness of the array of the
Austrian men-at-arms rendered them incapable either of advancing
or falling back, and, the grooms who held their horses
having taken flight, panic seized them, they broke their ranks,
and were hewed down by the Swiss halberds in frightful numbers.
Duke Leopold was urged by those around him to save his
life, but he scorned the advice, and, seeing the banner of Austria
in danger, rushed to save it, and was killed in the attempt. The
rout then became general, but the Swiss had the humanity, or
the policy, not to pursue their enemies, of whom otherwise not
one, perhaps, would have escaped. The loss of the Austrians
amounted to two thousand men, including six hundred and seventy-six<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span>
noblemen, three hundred and fifty of whom wore coroneted
helmets. Most of them were buried at Koenigsfelden,
with their leader Leopold. The Swiss lost two hundred men in
this memorable battle, the second in which they had defeated
a duke of Austria at the head of his chivalry."</p>

<p>After Sempach the men of Glarus set about making themselves
a free people. One of their first acts was the capture of
Wesen and the expulsion of its Austrian soldiers. This was followed
by a truce, which lasted till 1388, when Leopold's sons
recommenced the war with fresh fury. Wesen was recaptured
by the admission of a number of soldiers in disguise, who
opened the gates to their comrades without and massacred all
the chief Swiss leaders. Some months later the men of Glarus
inflicted a severe defeat on the Austrians at the little town of
Naefels, within their state. In this important combat three hundred
and fifty men of Glarus, together with fifty from Schwyz,
posted themselves on the heights above the town, and, as the
Austrians advanced, suddenly hurled down masses of stones
that soon caused a panic. Then, following the successful tactics
employed at Morgarten, the Swiss rushed down on the disordered
mass&mdash;said to consist of fifteen thousand soldiers, but
probably about half that number&mdash;and dealt death on every
side. A precipitate flight of the invaders followed, but they
were met near Wesen by a fresh body of seven hundred Glarus
peasants, who completed the victory.</p>

<p>Though Bern took no part in the battle of Sempach, after
that victory she entered actively into the war, and overran the
Austrian dependencies in Freiburg and Valengrin. She drove
the Duke's followers out of Rapperschwyl, annexed Nidau and
Bueren, and conquered the upper Simmenthal.</p>

<p>At length, both sides being weary of war and carnage, a
peace was signed for seven years in 1389, with the condition that
Bern should restore Nidau and Bueren. This peace was in 1394
further prolonged for twenty years. These treaties brought
great benefits to Switzerland in many ways. Glarus and Zug
obtained their formal freedom from Austrian rule in payment of
a moderate sum of money; Schwyz received the town and abbey
of Einsiedeln (1397); Lucerne purchased Sempach and Entlibuch
from the Duke, as also other towns; but chief of all, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>
political power of the Hapsburgs came to an end in Switzerland.</p>

<p>An important feature of this period was the lessened influence
of the Emperor of Germany in Swiss affairs, and the gradual
withdrawal of the Swiss from the position they so long occupied
as subject-vassals of the empire. This was especially seen toward
the close of the fourteenth century, when the Emperor, being
pressed for money, sold his rights over several important
Swiss districts to their inhabitants, and thus forfeited all authority
over them.</p>

<p>But chief of all the memorable events of this time was the
close it brought to the long and bloody struggle between Austria
and Switzerland. At length the heroism and persevering patriotism
of the Swiss effected the liberation of their country from
Austrian rule, and henceforth the dukes ceased to attempt to
enforce their claims, and tacitly acknowledged their defeat.
The Swiss states from this period, moreover, began to be known,
not as an unimportant portion of the German empire, but as a
separate country, Die Schweiz, from the prominent part taken
by Schwyz in initiating the freedom of the land.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span></p>
<h2>UNION OF DENMARK, SWEDEN, AND
NORWAY</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1397</h6>

<h3>PAUL C. SINDING</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Canute the Great, King of England and Denmark, by successful wars
added almost the whole of Norway to his dominions. At his death in
1035 his kingdoms were divided, and fell into anarchy and discord for
two centuries, until the tyrant Black Geert, who had driven out Christopher
II, and been for fourteen years the virtual sovereign of Denmark,
was assassinated by the Danish patriot Niels Ebbeson.</p>

<p>Christopher's third son, Waldemar, surnamed Atterdag, because he
used to say when a misfortune happened, "To-morrow it is again day,"
was recalled from Bavaria and crowned king as Waldemar IV. He commenced
at once with vigor and marked success the improvement of the
internal conditions of the country, and strove to encompass his chief ambition,
the reunion of the ancient Danish possessions.</p>

<p>By marrying his daughter Margaret to Hakon VI, King of Norway
and son of Magnus Smek, King of Sweden, Waldemar laid a basis for a
junction of the three great Scandinavian kingdoms. The union was realized
under the administration of his illustrious and sagacious daughter,
Margaret, known as the "Semiramis of the North."</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_w.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="W" />ALDEMAR ATTERDAG left no direct male issue. But
his two grandsons, Albert the Younger, of Mecklenburg,
a son of Ingeborg, Waldemar's eldest daughter, and of Henry
of Mecklenburg; and Olaf, a son of Margaret, his younger
daughter, and of Hakon VI of Norway, were now claiming
the hereditary succession to the throne. One party declared
for Olaf, but, as he was the son of the younger daughter, his
claim was very doubtful. But because the house of Mecklenburg
had acted with hostility toward Denmark, and Olaf
had expectation of Norway and claims to the crown of Sweden,
as a grandson of Magnus Smek, Denmark was, by his
election, in hopes of one day seeing the three crowns united on
the same head. It was therefore not long before this important
affair was determined. The preference was given Olaf, who,
although only six years of age, was, under the name of Olaf V,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span>
elected king of Denmark, under the guardianship of Margaret
his mother; and after the death of his father Hakon VI, he
became also king of Norway, the two kingdoms thus being
united. This union, till the expiration of four hundred and
thirty-four years, was not dissolved. When Olaf V, seven
years after, died in Falsterbo, both kingdoms elected Margaret
their queen, though custom had not yet authorized the election
of a female.</p>

<p>During the reign of this great Princess, who deservedly has
been called the "Semiramis of the North," Denmark and Norway
exercised in Europe an influence the effects of which were
long felt throughout the Scandinavian countries with their vast
extent and rival races. She united wisdom and policy with
courage and determination, had strength of mind to preserve
her rectitude without deviation, and her efforts were crowned
by divine Providence with success. She is justly considered one
of the most illustrious female rulers in history. Her renown
even reached the Byzantine emperor Emanuel Pal&aelig;ologus, who
called her <i>Regina sine exemplo maxima</i>. But under her successors&mdash;destitute
of her high sense of duty, great ability, and
consistent virtue&mdash;her triumphs proved a snare instead of a
blessing. The great union she created dissolved in a short time,
and its downfall was as sudden as its elevation had been extraordinary.
She was born in 1353. Her father was, as we have
seen, Waldemar Atterdag, her mother Queen Hedevig, and she
became queen of Denmark and Norway in 1387. She was no
sooner elected queen of Denmark, and homaged on the hill of
Sliparehog, near Lund, in Ringsted, Odensee, and Wiborg, than
she sailed to Norway to receive their homage. But a remarkable
occurrence is mentioned by historians as occurring about this
time. A report prevailed that King Olaf, the Queen's son, was
not dead; it was propagated by the nobility, and very likely set
on foot by them, in order to punish Margaret for her liberality
to the clergy. An impostor claimed the crown of Denmark and
Norway, and gained credit every day by making discoveries
which could only be known to Olaf and his mother. Margaret,
however, proved him to be a son of Olaf's nurse. Olaf had a
large wart between his shoulders&mdash;a mark which did not appear
on the impostor. The false Olaf was seized, broken on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span>
wheel, and publicly burned at a place between Falsterbo and
Skanor, in Sweden, and Margaret continued uninterruptedly her
regency.</p>

<p>But the Queen, not wishing to contract a new marriage, and
comprehending the importance of having a successor elected to
the throne, proposed her nephew, Eric, Duke of Pomerania.
This proposal the clergy and nobility approved, and they
elected him to be king of Denmark and Norway after Margaret's
death. Meanwhile Albert, King of Sweden, having, on account
of his preference given to German favorites, incurred the
hatred of his people, the Swedes requested Margaret to assist
them against him, which she promised to do if they in return
would make her queen of Sweden. Moreover, Albert had
highly offended the Danish Queen; had, though hardly able
to govern his own kingdom, assumed the title "king of Denmark,"
and laid claim to Norway, too; and when she blamed him
for it he had answered her disdainfully. In a letter he had used
foul and abusive language, calling her "a king without breeches,"
and the "abbot's concubine" (<i>abbedfrillen</i>), on account of
her particular attachment to a certain abbot of Soro, who was
her spiritual director. It is, however, true, that her intimacy
with this monk gave room for some suspicion that her privacies
with him were not all employed about the care of her soul. Afterward,
to ridicule her yet more, King Albert sent her a hone to
sharpen her needles, and swore not to put on his nightcap until
she had yielded to him. But under perilous circumstances Margaret
was never at a loss how to act. She acted here with the
utmost prudence, trying first to gain the favor of the peers of the
state, and solemnly promising to rule according to the Swedish
laws. War now broke out between Albert and Margaret, whose
army was commanded by Jvar Lykke. The encounter of the
two armies&mdash;about twelve thousand men on each side&mdash;took
place at Falkoping, September 21, 1388. A furious battle was
fought, in which the victory for a long while hung in suspense.
But Margaret's good fortune prevailed; Albert was routed and
his army cut to pieces, and Margaret was now mistress of Sweden.</p>

<p>While this was passing, the Queen tarried in Wordingborg
Sjelland, ardently desiring to learn the result. But no sooner did<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>
she hear that the victory was gained, and the Swedish King and
his son Eric taken prisoners, than she hastened to Bahus, in
Sweden, where the King and his son were brought before her.
Lost in joy and amazement at having her enemy in her power,
the Queen now retorted upon King Albert with revilings, and
she made him wear a large nightcap of paper&mdash;a retaliation
proportioned to his offensive words. He and his son were thereupon
brought to Lindholm, a castle in Skane, where they were
kept prisoners for seven years. When they entered the castle, a
dark, square room was assigned them, and when the King said,
"I hope that this torture against a crowned head will only last a
few days," the jailer replied: "I grieve to say that the Queen's
orders are to the contrary; anger not the Queen by any bravado,
else you will be placed in the irons, and if these fail we can have
recourse to sharper means." To the excessive self-love, intemperance,
conceitedness, and want of foresight which had characterized
all his actions, the unhappy Albert had to ascribe his
present situation.</p>

<p>The year following, the Queen stormed the important city of
Calmar, yet siding with the imprisoned King. She made several
wise alliances with Richard II of England, and other potentates,
and concluded a truce for two years with the princes of
Mecklenburg, and the cities of Rostock and Wismar, which had
begun to raise fresh levies in favor of the unfortunate Albert.
This period expired, she laid siege to Stockholm and other fortified
places, of which John, Duke of Mecklenburg, and other
friends of the imprisoned King had become masters. But the
cause of Albert was little forwarded, and Margaret gained ground
every day. She compelled the capital to surrender to her and do
homage to her as its sovereign; whereafter a peremptory peace
was concluded on Good Friday, which restored tranquillity to
the three kingdoms. The imprisoned King and his son were delivered
up to the Hanseatic towns, and they obtained their liberty
for sixty thousand ounces of silver, upon condition that they
should resign all claims to Sweden if the amount were not paid
within three years. As soon as the King and his son were delivered
to the deputies, they solemnly swore to a strict observance
of this article, the Hanse towns engaging themselves to guarantee
the treaty. The money, however, not being paid by the stipulated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>
time, Margaret became undisputed sovereign of Sweden,
the third Scandinavian kingdom.</p>

<p>About this time the "Victuals Brethren," so called because
they brought victuals from the Hanse towns to Stockholm while
besieged, began to imperil Denmark, plundering the Danish and
Norwegian coasts, and destroying all commercial business along
the Baltic. But Margaret ordered the harbors of the maritime
towns to be blockaded, thus putting a quick stop to their cruelties
and piracies. The Queen's principal care was now to visit
the different provinces, to administer justice and redress grievances
of every kind. Among other salutary regulations, the affairs
of commerce were not forgotten. It was, for instance, decreed
that all manner of assistance should be given to foreign
merchants and sailors, particularly in case of misfortune and
shipwreck, without expectation of reward; and that all pirates
should be treated with the greatest rigor.</p>

<p>Eric of Pomerania was, as we have said, elected to be king
of Denmark and Norway after Margaret's death. But wishing
to have him also elected her successor to the Swedish throne,
Margaret brought him to Sweden, and introduced him to the
deputies, one by one, whom she requested to confirm his election
to the succession. The majesty of the Queen's person, the
strength of her arguments, and the sweetness of her eloquence
gained over the deputies, who, on July 22, 1396, elected him at
Morastone by Upsala, to succeed her also in Sweden. But Margaret,
soon discovering his inability and impetuousness, took
pains to remedy these defects, as much as possible, by procuring
for him as a wife the intelligent and virtuous princess Philippa,
a daughter of Henry V of England, and shortly after had
got Catharine, her niece and Eric's sister, married to Prince John,
a son of the German emperor Ruprecht; John being promised
the Scandinavian crowns if Eric of Pomerania should die childless.
Thus having strengthened and consolidated her power by
influential connections and relationships, the Queen, upon whose
head the three northern crowns were actually united, now proceeded
to realize the great plan she had long cherished&mdash;to get a
fundamental law established for a perpetual union of the three
large Scandinavian kingdoms. The realization of this purpose
immortalized her, securing for her the admiration of the world,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span>
whose most eminent historians do not hesitate to surname her
the "Great," and to compare her with the loftiest Greek and Roman
heroes and statesmen.</p>

<p>On June 17, 1397, Margaret summoned to an assembly at
Calmar, in the province of Smaland, Sweden, the clergy and the
nobility of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, and established, by
their aid and consent, a fundamental law. This was the law so
celebrated in the North under the name of the "Union of Calmar,"
and which afterward gave birth to wars between Sweden
and Denmark that lasted a whole century. It consisted of
three articles. The first provided that the three kingdoms should
thenceforward have but one and the same king, who was to be
chosen successively by each of the kingdoms. The second article
imposed upon the sovereign the obligation of dividing his time
equally between the three kingdoms. The third, and most important,
decreed that each kingdom should retain its own laws,
customs, senate, and privileges of every kind; that the highest
officers should be natives; that any alliance concluded with foreign
potentates should be obligatory upon all three kingdoms
when approved by the council of one kingdom; and that, after
the death of the King, his eldest son, or, if the King died childless,
then another wise, intelligent, and able prince, should be
chosen common monarch; and if anyone, because of high treason,
was banished from one kingdom, then he should be banished
from them all. A month after, on the Queen's birthday,
July 13th, a legitimate charter was drawn up, to which the
Queen subscribed and put her seal; on which occasion Eric of
Pomerania was anointed and crowned by the archbishops of
Upsala and Lund as king of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden.
The <i>Te Deum</i> was sung in the churches of Calmar, the assembly
crying out: "<i>H&aelig;cce unio esto perpetua! Longe, longe, longe,
vivat Margarethe, regina Dani&aelig;, Norvegi&aelig; et Sveci&aelig;!</i>"</p>

<p>This strict union of the three large states became a potent
bulwark for their security, and made them, in more than one
century, the arbiter of the European system; the three nations of
the northern peninsula presenting a compact and united front,
that could bid defiance to any foreign aggression.</p>

<p>Although Eric of Pomerania was elected king, and in 1407
passed his minority, Margaret continued governing until the day<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>
of her death. "You have done all well," wrote the people to
her, "and we value your services so highly that we would gladly
grant you everything." The union of the three Scandinavian
kingdoms having been established in Calmar, all her efforts were
now aimed at regaining the duchy of Schleswig, which circumstances
had compelled her to resign to Gerhard IV, Count of
Holstein. For such a reunion with Schleswig a favorable opportunity
appeared, when Gerhard was killed in an expedition
against the Ditmarshers, leaving behind three sons in minority.
Elizabeth, Gerhard's widow, fled to Margaret for succor against
her violent brother-in-law, Bishop Henry of Osnabrueck. Margaret,
fond of fishing in foul water, was very willing to help her,
but availed herself of the opportunity to annex successively different
parts of Schleswig.</p>

<p>The dethroned Swedish King, Albert, never able to forget
his anger toward Margaret or her severity against him, and continually
cherishing a hope of reascending the Swedish throne,
and considering the Union of Calmar a breach of peace, contrived
to make the Swedish people displeased with her, and
thought it a suitable time to revolt from her dominion. He established
a strong camp before Visby, the capital of the island of Gulland,
having six thousand foot and, at some distance, nine thousand
horse. Determined to engage before their junction could
take place, the Queen's commander-in-chief, Abraham Broder,
immediately advanced until in sight of the enemy, and then endeavored
to gain possession of Visby and the ground near by. In
this he was so far successful that Albert and his army had to
leave the camp and conclude a truce. But nevertheless he did
not till after a lapse of seven years give up his hope of remounting
the throne of Sweden, making a final peace with Margaret, and
henceforward living in Gadebush, Mecklenburg, where in 1412
he closed his inglorious life.</p>

<p>Soon after, October 27th, Queen Margaret died on board a
ship in the harbor of Flensburg, at the age of fifty-nine, after an
active and notable reign of thirty-seven years. Her funeral was
attended with the greatest solemnity, and her corpse was brought
to the Cathedral of Roeskilde, where Eric of Pomerania, her successor,
in 1423, caused her likeness to be carved in alabaster.
Her acts show her character. She displayed judiciousness united<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>
with circumspection; wisdom in devising plans, and perseverance
in executing them; skill in gaining the confidence of the
clergy and peasantry, and thereby counterbalancing the imperious
nobility. On the whole she applied herself to the civilization
of her three kingdoms, and to their improvement by excellent
laws, the great aim of which was to undermine the nobility. She
pursued the plan of her great father to recall all rights to the
crown lands, which during the reign of her weak and inefficient
predecessors had been granted to the nobility. The prosecution
of this plan for the perfect subversion of the feudal aristocracy
was unfortunately interrupted by her death; her imprudent and
weak successor having no power to restrain the turbulent spirit
of a factious nobility.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span></p>
<h2>DEPOSITION OF RICHARD II</h2>

<h3>HENRY IV BEGINS THE LINE OF LANCASTER</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1399</h6>

<h3>JOHN LINGARD</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Richard II, son of Edward the Black Prince, succeeded his grandfather,
Edward III, on the throne of England in 1377, when Richard was
but ten years old. During his minority the government was intrusted to
a council of twelve, but for some years it was mainly controlled by Richard's
uncles, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Thomas of Woodstock,
Duke of Gloucester. War with France, then in progress, entailed
great expenditures, which were increased by court extravagance, and at
length burdensome taxes led to popular uprisings. These became most
serious in the great revolt of the peasants led by Wat Tyler, in 1381.
Richard appeared among the insurgents and granted them concessions.</p>

<p>From this time the King became more active in his government, and
in 1386 John of Gaunt withdrew to the Continent. About the same time
the Duke of Gloucester headed a coalition of the baronial party in opposition
to the sovereign; but in 1389 Richard suddenly declared himself
of age and gave a check to their designs. For eight years he ruled with
moderation as a constitutional monarch.</p>

<p>But in 1396 Richard married Isabella, daughter of Charles VI of
France, and henceforth seems to have adopted French ideas, and to have
made pretensions in the direction of absolutism. He proceeded to arbitrary
prosecutions which led to the violent death of several leading
nobles. Richard also quarrelled with Henry, son of John of Gaunt,
whom as Duke of Lancaster he succeeded in 1399. The year before,
Richard had banished Henry for ten years&mdash;fearing him as a possible
rival. The history of the remaining months of Richard's reign is crowded
with the events which rapidly led to the ending of the direct line of the
Plantagenets and the beginning of the line of Lancaster.</p>

<p>In Shakespeare's <i>Richard II</i>&mdash;the first of his historical plays&mdash;the
poet, following Holinshed's chronicle, presents not only a skilful dramatic
construction of the recorded incidents of the reign, but also a finely
discriminated portrait of Richard's much debated character as man and
monarch.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_r.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="R" />ICHARD now saw himself triumphant over all his opponents.
Even his uncles, through affection or fear, seconded all his
measures. He had attained what seems for some time to have
been the great object of his policy. He had placed himself above<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span>
the control of the law. By the grant of a subsidy for life he was
relieved from the necessity of meeting his parliament; with the
aid of his committee, the members of which proved the obsequious
ministers of his will, he could issue what new ordinances he
pleased; and a former declaration by the two houses, that he was
as free as any of his predecessors, was conveniently interpreted
to release him from the obligations of those statutes which
he deemed hostile to the royal prerogative. But he had forfeited
all that popularity which he had earned during the last
ten years; and the security in which he indulged hurried him
on to other acts of despotism, which inevitably led to his ruin.
He raised money by forced loans; he compelled the judges to
expound the law according to his own prejudices or caprice;
he required the former adherents of Gloucester to purchase
and repurchase charters of pardon; and, that he might obtain
a more plentiful harvest of fines and amercements, put at once
seventeen counties out of the protection of the law, under the pretence
that they had favored his enemies.</p>

<p>The Duke of Lancaster did not survive the banishment of
his son more than three months; and the exile expected to succeed
by his attorneys to the ample estates of his father. But
Richard now discovered that his banishment, like an outlawry,
had rendered him incapable of inheriting property. At a great
council, including the committee of parliament, it was held that
the patents granted, both to him and his antagonist, were illegal,
and therefore void; and all the members present were sworn to
support that determination. Henry Bowet, who had procured
the patent for the duke of Hereford, was even condemned, for that
imaginary offence, to suffer the punishment of treason; though,
on account of his character, his life was spared on condition that
he should abjure the kingdom forever.</p>

<p>This iniquitous proceeding seems to have exhausted the
patience of the nation. Henry&mdash;on the death of his father he
had assumed the title of duke of Lancaster&mdash;had long been the
idol of the people; and the voluntary assemblage of thousands
to attend him on his last departure from London might have
warned Richard of the approaching danger. The feeling of
their own wrongs had awakened among them a spirit of resistance;
the new injury offered to their favorite pointed him out<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>
to them as their leader. Consultations were held; plans were
formed; the dispositions of the great lords were sounded; and
the whole nation appeared in a ferment. Yet it was in this
moment, so pregnant with danger, that the infatuated monarch
determined to leave his kingdom. His cousin and heir, the
Earl of March, had been surprised and slain by a party of Irish;
and, in his eagerness to revenge the loss of a relation, he despised
the advice of his friends, and wilfully shut his eyes to the designs
of his enemies.</p>

<p>Having appointed his uncle, the Duke of York, regent during
his absence, the King assisted at a solemn mass at Windsor,
chanted a collect himself, and made his offering. At the door
of the Church he took wine and spices with his young Queen;
and, lifting her up in his arms, repeatedly kissed her, saying,
"Adieu, madam, adieu till we meet again." From Windsor, accompanied
by several noblemen, he proceeded to Bristol, where
the report of plots and conspiracies reached him, and was received
with contempt. At Milford Haven he joined his army,
and, embarking in a fleet of two hundred sail, arrived in a few
days in the port of Waterford. His cousin the Duke of Albemarle
had been ordered to follow with a hundred more; and
three weeks were consumed in waiting for that nobleman, whose
delay was afterward attributed to a secret understanding with
the King's enemies.</p>

<p>At length Richard led his forces from Kilkenny against the
Irish. Several of the inferior chiefs hastened barefoot and with
halters round their necks to implore his mercy; but M'Murchad
spurned the idea of submission, and boasted that he would extirpate
the invaders. He dared not indeed meet them in open
combat; but it was his policy to flee before them, and draw them
into woods and morasses, where they could neither fight with
advantage nor procure subsistence. The want of provisions
and the clamor of the soldiers compelled the King to give up the
pursuit, and to direct his march toward Dublin; and M'Murchad,
when he could no longer impede their progress, solicited and obtained
a parley with the Earl of Gloucester, the commander of
the rear-guard. The chieftain was an athletic man; he came
to the conference mounted on a gray charger, which had cost
him four hundred head of cattle, and brandished with ease and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span>
dexterity a heavy spear in his hand. He seemed willing to become
the nominal vassal of the King of England, but refused
to submit to any conditions. Richard set a price on his head,
proceeded to Dublin, and at the expiration of a fortnight was
joined by the Duke of Albemarle with men and provisions. This
seasonable supply enabled him to recommence the pursuit of
M'Murchad; but while he was thus occupied with objects of
inferior interest in Ireland, a revolution had occurred in England,
which eventually deprived him both of his crown and his life.</p>

<p>When the King sailed to Ireland, Henry of Bolingbroke, the
new Duke of Lancaster, resided in Paris, where he was hospitably
entertained, but at the same time narrowly watched, by the
French monarch. About Christmas he offered his hand to
Marie, one of the daughters of the Duke of Berry. The jealousy
of Richard was alarmed; the Earl of Salisbury hastened to
Paris to remonstrate against the marriage of a daughter of
France with an English "traitor," and, suiting his conduct to his
words, the envoy, having accomplished his object, returned
without deigning to speak to the exile. While Henry was brooding
over these injuries, the late Primate, or nominal Bishop of
St. Andrews, secretly left his house at Cologne, and in the disguise
of a friar procured an interview with the Duke at the Hotel
de Vinchester. The result of their meeting was a determination
to return to England during the King's absence. To elude the
suspicions of the French ministers, Henry procured permission
to visit the Duke of Bretagne; and, on his arrival at Nantes,
hired three small vessels, with which he sailed from Vannes to
seek his fortune in England. His whole retinue consisted only
of the Archbishop, the son of the late Earl of Arundel, fifteen
lances, and a few servants. After hovering for some days on
the eastern coast, he landed at Ravenspur in Yorkshire, and was
immediately joined by the two powerful earls of Northumberland
and Westmoreland; before whom, in the White Friars
at Doncaster, he declared upon oath that his only object
was to recover the honors and estates which had belonged
to his father, and bound himself not to advance any claim to
the crown.</p>

<p>The Duke of York, to whom the King had intrusted the
government during his absence, was accurately informed of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>
motions, and had summoned the retainers of the crown to join
the royal standard at St. Albans. There is, however, reason to
believe that he was not hearty in the cause which it was his duty
to support. He must have viewed with pity the unmerited misfortunes
of one nephew, and have condemned the violent and
thoughtless career of the other; and from the fate of his brother
Gloucester, and the cruel and unjust treatment of the only son
of his brother, John of Gaunt, he could not draw any very flattering
conclusion with respect to the stability of his own family.
Whether it was from suspicion of his fidelity, or from the disinclination
of the chief barons to draw the sword against one who
demanded nothing more than his right, the favorites of Richard
became alarmed for their own safety.</p>

<p>The Earl of Wiltshire, with Bussy and Greene, members of
the committee of parliament, had been appointed to wait on the
young Queen at Wallingford; but they suddenly abandoned
their charge, and fled with precipitation to Bristol. York himself
followed with the army in the same direction. It might be
that, to relieve himself from responsibility, he wished to be in
readiness to deliver up the command on the expected arrival
of Richard from Ireland; but at the same time he left open the
road from Yorkshire to the metropolis, and allowed the adventurer
to pursue his object without impediment. Henry was
already on his march. The snowball increased as it rolled
along, and the small number of forty followers, with whom he
had landed, swelled by the time that he had reached St. Albans
to sixty thousand men. He was preceded by his messengers
and letters, stating not only his own wrongs, but also the grievances
of the people, and affirming that the revenue of the kingdom
had been let out to farm to the rapacity of Scrope, Bussy,
and Greene. In all those lordships which had been the inheritance
of his family he was received with enthusiasm; in London
by a procession of the clergy and people, with addresses of congratulation,
and presents, and offers of service.</p>

<p>His stay in the capital was short. Having flattered the citizens,
and confirmed them in their attachment to his person,
he turned to the west, and entered Evesham, on the same day
on which York reached Berkeley. After an interchange of
messages they met in the church of the castle; and, before they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>
separated, the doom of Richard was sealed. That the regent
consented to the actual deposition of his nephew does not
necessarily follow; he might only have sought his reformation by
putting it out of his power to govern amiss; but he betrayed the
trust which had been reposed to him, united his force with that
of Henry, and commanded Sir Peter Courtenay, who held the
castle of Bristol for the King, to open its gates. That officer,
protesting that he acknowledged no authority in the Duke of
Lancaster, obeyed the mandate of the regent. The next morning
the three fugitives, the Earl of Wiltshire, Bussy, and Greene,
were executed by order of the constable and marshal of the host.
The Duke of York remained at Bristol; Henry with his own
forces proceeded to Chester to secure that city, and awe the men
of Cheshire, the most devoted adherents of the King.</p>

<p>We may now return to Richard in Ireland. It must appear
strange, but Henry had been in England a fortnight before
the King, in consequence, it was said, of the tempestuous
weather, had heard of his landing. The intelligence appears
to have provoked indignation as much as alarm. "Ha!" he
exclaimed, "fair uncle of Lancaster, God reward your soul!
Had I believed you, this man would not have injured me.
Thrice have I pardoned him; this is his fourth offence." But
he referred the matter to his council, and was advised to cross
over to England immediately with the ships which had brought
the re&euml;nforcement under the Duke of Albemarle. That nobleman,
however, insidiously, as it was afterward pretended,
diverted him from this intention. The Earl of Salisbury received
orders to sail immediately with his own retainers, a body
of one hundred men, and to summon to the royal standard the
natives of Wales. Richard promised to follow in the fleet from
Waterford in the course of six days. The Earl obeyed; the
men of Wales and Cheshire answered the call; and a gallant
host collected at Conway.</p>

<p>But Richard appeared not according to his promise; distressing
reports were circulated among the troops; and the
royalists, having waited for him almost a fortnight, disbanded
in spite of the fears and entreaties of their commander. At last,
on the eighteenth day, the King arrived in Milford Haven with
the dukes of Albemarle, Exeter, and Surrey, the Earl of Worcester,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>
the bishops of London, Lincoln, and Carlisle, and several
thousands of the troops who had accompanied him to Ireland.
With such a force, had it been faithful, he might have made a
stand against his antagonist; but on the second morning, when
he arose, he observed from his window that the greater part had
disappeared. A council was immediately summoned, and a
proposal made that the King should flee by sea to Bordeaux;
but the Duke of Exeter objected that to quit the kingdom in
such circumstances was to abdicate the throne. Let them
proceed to the army at Conway. There they might bid defiance
to the enemy; or at all events, as the sea would still be open,
might thence set sail to Guienne. His opinion prevailed; and
at nightfall the King, in the disguise of a Franciscan friar, his
two brothers of Exeter and Surrey, the Earl of Gloucester, the
Bishop of Carlisle, Sir Stephen Scrope, and Sir William Feriby,
with eight others, stole away from the army, and directed their
route toward Conway. Their flight was soon known. The
royal treasure, which Richard left behind him, was plundered;
Albemarle, Worcester, and most of the leaders hastened to pay
their court to Henry; the rest attempted in small bodies to make
their way to their own counties, but were in most instances
plundered and ill-treated by the Welsh.</p>

<p>The royal party with some difficulty, but without any accident,
reached Conway, where, to their utter disappointment,
instead of a numerous force, they found only the Earl of Salisbury
with a hundred men. In this emergency the King's brothers
undertook to visit Henry at Chester, and to sound his intentions;
and during their absence Richard, with the Earl of Salisbury,
examined the castles of Beaumaris and Carnarvon; but
finding them without garrisons or provisions, the disconsolate
wanderers returned to their former quarters.</p>

<p>When the two dukes were admitted into the presence of
Henry, they bent the knee and acquainted him with their message
from the King. He took little notice of Surrey, whom
he afterward confined in the castle, but, leading Exeter aside,
spoke with him in private, and gave him, instead of the hart,
the King's livery, his own badge of the rose. But no entreaties
could induce him to allow them to return. Exeter was observed
to drop a tear when the Duke of Albemarle said to him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>
tauntingly: "Fair cousin, be not angry. If it please God, things
shall go well."</p>

<p>The immediate object of Henry was to secure the royal person.
He was gratified to learn from the envoys the place of
Richard's retreat, and detained them at Chester, that the King,
instead of making his escape, might await their return. His
first care was to take possession of the treasure which the King
had deposited in the strong castle of Holt; his next, to despatch
the Earl of Northumberland at the head of four hundred men-at-arms
and a thousand archers to Conway, with instructions
not to display his force, lest the King should put to sea, but
by artful speeches and promises to draw him out of the
fortress and then make him prisoner. The Earl took possession
in his journey of the castles of Flint and Rhuddlan,
and a few miles beyond the latter, placing his men in concealment
under a rock, rode forward with only five attendants to
Conway.</p>

<p>He was readily admitted, and, to the King's anxious inquiries
about his brothers, replied that he had left them well at
Chester, and had brought a letter from the Duke of Exeter. In
it that nobleman said, or rather was made to say, that full
credit might be given to the offers of the bearer. These offers
were, that Richard should promise to govern and judge his
people by law; that the dukes of Exeter and Surrey, the Earl
of Salisbury, the Bishop of Carlisle, and Maudelin, the King's
chaplain, should submit to a trial in parliament, on the charge
of having advised the assassination of Gloucester; that Henry
should be made grand justiciary of the kingdom, as his ancestors
had been for a hundred years; and that, on the concession
of these terms, the Duke should come to Flint, ask the
King's pardon on his knees, and accompany or follow him to
London. Richard consulted his friends apart. He expressed
his approbation of the articles, but bade them secretly be assured
that no consideration should induce him to abandon
them on their trial, and that he would grasp the first opportunity
of being revenged on his and their enemies&mdash;"for there were
some among them whom he would flay alive; whom he would
never spare for all the gold in the land." Northumberland
was then sworn to the observance of the conditions. He took<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span>
his oath on the host; and, "like Judas," says the writer, "perjured
himself on the body of our Lord."</p>

<p>As Northumberland departed to make arrangements for the
interview at Flint, the King said to him: "I rely, my lord, on
your faith. Remember your oath, and the God who heard it."
Soon afterward he followed with his friends and their servants,
to the number of twenty-two. They came to a steep declivity,
to the left of which was the sea, and on the right a lofty rock
overhanging the road. The King dismounted, and was descending
on foot, when he suddenly exclaimed: "I am betrayed.
God of Paradise, assist me! Do you not see banners and pennons
in the valley?" Northumberland with eleven others met
them at the moment and affected to be ignorant of the circumstance.
"Earl of Northumberland," said the King, "if I
thought you capable of betraying me, it is not too late to return."
"You cannot return," the Earl replied, seizing the King's bridle;
"I have promised to conduct you to the Duke of Lancaster."
By this time he was joined by a hundred lances, and
two hundred archers on horseback; and Richard, seeing it
impossible to escape, exclaimed: "May the God, on whom you
laid your hand, reward you and your accomplices at the last
day!" and then, turning to his friends, added: "We are betrayed;
but remember that our Lord was also sold and delivered
into the hands of his enemies."</p>

<p>They dined at Rhuddlan, and reached Flint in the evening.
The King, as soon as he was left with his friends, abandoned
himself to the reflections which his melancholy situation inspired.
He frequently upbraided himself with his past indulgence
to his present opponent: "Fool that I was!" he exclaimed:
"thrice did I save the life of this Henry of Lancaster.
Once my dear uncle his father, on whom the Lord have mercy!
would have put him to death for his treason and villany. God
of Paradise! I rode all night to save him; and his father delivered
him to me, to do with him as I pleased. How true is
the saying that we have no greater enemy than the man whom
we have preserved from the gallows! Another time he drew
his sword on me, in the chamber of the Queen, on whom God
have mercy! He was also the accomplice of the Duke of Gloucester
and the Earl of Arundel; he consented to my murder,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>
to that of his father, and of all my council. By St. John, I forgave
him all; nor would I believe his father, who more than
once pronounced him deserving of death."</p>

<p>The unfortunate King rose after a sleepless night, heard
mass, and ascended the tower to watch the arrival of his opponent.
At length he saw the army, amounting to eighty
thousand men, winding along the beach till it reached the castle
and surrounded it from sea to sea. He shuddered and wept,
and cursed the Earl of Northumberland, but was called down
by the arrival of Archbishop Arundel, the Duke of Albemarle,
and the Earl of Worcester. They knelt to Richard, who, drawing
the prelate apart, held a long conversation with him. After
their departure he again mounted the tower, and, surveying
the host of his enemies, exclaimed: "Good Lord God! I
commend myself into thy holy keeping, and cry thee mercy,
that thou wouldst pardon all my sins. If they put me to death
I will take it patiently, as thou didst for us all." Northumberland
had ordered dinner, and the Earl of Salisbury, the Bishop
and the two knights, Sir Stephen Scrope and Sir William Feriby,
sat with the King at the same table by his order; for since
they were all companions in misfortune, he would allow no
distinction among them. While he was eating, unknown persons
entered the hall, insulting him with sarcasms and threats.
As soon as he rose, he was summoned into the court to receive
the Duke of Lancaster. Henry came forward in complete armor,
with the exception of his helmet. As soon as he saw
the King he bent his knee, and, advancing a few paces, he repeated
his obeisance with his cap in his hand.</p>

<p>"Fair cousin of Lancaster," said Richard, uncovering himself,
"you are right welcome." "My lord," answered the Duke,
"I am come before my time. But I will show you the reason.
Your people complain that for the space of twenty or two-and-twenty
years you have ruled them rigorously; but, if it please
God, I will help you to govern better." The King replied,
"Fair cousin, since it pleaseth you, it pleaseth us well." Henry
then addressed himself successively to the Bishop and to the
knights, but refused to notice the Earl. The King's horses
were immediately ordered; and two lean and miserable animals
were brought out, on which Richard and Salisbury mounted,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>
and amid the flourish of trumpets and shouts of triumph followed
the Duke into Chester.</p>

<p>At Chester writs were issued in the King's name for the
meeting of parliament and the preservation of the peace.
Henry dismissed the greater part of his army, and prepared to
conduct his prisoner to the capital. At Lichfield Richard
seized a favorable moment to let himself down from his window,
but was retaken in the garden, and from that moment was constantly
guarded by ten or twelve armed men. In the neighborhood
of London they separated. Henry, accompanied by the
mayor and principal citizens, proceeded to St. Paul's, prayed
before the high altar, and wept a few minutes over the tomb of
his father. The King was sent to Westminster, and thence on
the following day to the Tower, and, as he went along, was
greeted with curses and the appellation of "the bastard," a
word of ominous import, and prophetic of his approaching degradation.</p>

<p>When the Duke first landed in England, he had sworn on the
Gospels that his only object was to vindicate his right to the
honors and possessions of the house of Lancaster. If this was
the truth, his ambition had grown with his good-fortune. He
now aspired to exchange the coronet of a duke for the crown
of a king. Can we believe that he would meet with opposition
from his associates, the Percy family? Yet so we are assured.
They, however, by their perfidy, had given themselves a master.
Their retainers had been already dismissed; and the friends of
Richard abhorred them as the worst of traitors. They had
therefore no resource but to submit, and to second the design
of Lancaster. After several consultations it was resolved to
combine a solemn renunciation of the royal authority on the
part of Richard with an act of deposition on the part of the
two houses of parliament, in the hope that those whose scruples
should not be satisfied with the one, might acquiesce in the
other. To obtain the first, the royal captive was assailed with
promises and threats. Generally he abandoned himself to lamentation
and despair; occasionally he exerted that spirit which
he had formerly displayed. "Why am I thus guarded?" he
asked one day. "Am I your king or your prisoner?" "You
are my king, sir," replied the Duke with coolness; "but the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>
council of your realm has thought proper to place a guard about
you."</p>

<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><a name="Richard_II" id="Richard_II"></a><img src=
"images/img4a.jpg" width="500" height="757" alt=
"Richard II resigns the crown of England
to Henry, Duke of Lancaster,
son of John of Gaunt,
at London." title="" />
</div>
<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><img src=
"images/img3a.jpg" width="500" height="819" alt=
"Richard II resigns the crown of England
to Henry, Duke of Lancaster,
son of John of Gaunt,
at London." title="" />
</div>

<p>On the day before the meeting of parliament a deputation
of prelates, barons, knights, and lawyers waited on the captive
in the Tower, and reminded him that in the castle of Conway,
while he was perfectly his own master, he had promised to resign
the crown on account of his own incompetency to govern.
On his reply that he was ready to perform his promise, a paper
was given him to read, in which he was made to absolve all his
subjects from their fealty and allegiance, to renounce of his own
accord all kingly authority, to acknowledge himself incapable
of reigning, and worthy for his past demerits to be deposed,
and to swear by the holy Gospels that he would never act, nor,
as far as in him lay, suffer any other person to act, in opposition
to this resignation. He then added, as from himself, that if it
were in his power to name his successor, he would choose his
cousin of Lancaster, who was present, and to whom he gave his
ring, which he took from his own finger.</p>

<p>Such is the account of this transaction inserted by the order
of Henry in the rolls of parliament; an account the accuracy
of which is liable to strong suspicion. It is difficult to believe
that Richard had so much command over his feelings as to
behave with that cheerfulness which is repeatedly noticed in
the record; and the assertion that he had promised to resign
the crown when he saw Northumberland in the castle
of Conway, is not only contradictory to the statement of the
two eye-witnesses, but also in itself highly improbable. From
the fate of Edward II, with which he had so often been threatened,
he must have known that it was better to flee to his transmarine
dominions, which were still open to him, than to resign
his crown and remain a prisoner in the custody of his successor.</p>

<p>The next day the two houses met amid a great concourse
of people in Westminster hall. The Duke occupied his usual
seat near the throne, which was empty and covered with cloth
of gold. The resignation of the King was read; each member,
standing in his place, signified his acceptance of it aloud; and
the people with repeated shouts expressed their approbation.
Henry now proceeded to the second part of his plan, the act of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>
deposition. For this purpose the coronation oath was first
read; thirty-three articles of impeachment followed, in which
it was contended that Richard had violated that oath; and
thence it was concluded that he had by his misconduct forfeited
his title to the throne. Of the articles, those which bear the
hardest on the King are: the part which he was supposed to
have had in the death of the Duke of Gloucester, his revocation
of the pardons formerly granted to that Prince and his adherents,
and his despotic conduct since the dissolution of parliament.
Of the remainder, some are frivolous; many might,
with equal reason, have been objected to each of his predecessors;
and the others rest on the unsupported assertion of men
whose interest it was to paint him in the blackest colors.</p>

<p>No opposition had been anticipated, nor is any mentioned
on the rolls; but we are told that the Bishop of Carlisle, to the
astonishment of the Lancastrians, rose and demanded for Richard
what ought not to be refused to the meanest criminal,
the right of being confronted with his accusers; and for parliament
what it might justly claim, the opportunity of learning
from the King's own mouth whether the resignation of the
crown, which had been attributed to him, were his own spontaneous
act. If Merks actually made such a speech, he must
have stood alone; no one was found to second it; the house
voted the deposition of Richard; and eight commissioners, ascending
a tribunal erected before the throne, pronounced him
degraded from the state and authority of king, on the ground
that he notoriously deserved such punishment, and had acknowledged
it under his hand and seal on the preceding day. Sir
William Thirnyng, chief justice, was appointed to notify the
sentence to the captive, who meekly replied that he looked not
after the royal authority, but hoped his cousin would be good
lord to him.</p>

<p>The rightful possessor was now removed from the throne.
But, supposing it to be vacant, what pretensions could Henry
of Lancaster advance to it? By the law of succession it belonged
to the descendants of Lionel, the third son of Edward
III; and their claim, it is said, had been formally recognized
in parliament. All waited in anxious suspense till the Duke,
rising from his seat, and forming with great solemnity the sign<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span>
of the cross on his forehead and breast, pronounced the following
words: "In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,
I, Henry of Lancaster, challenge this realm of England, and
the crown, with all the members and appurtenances, as that I
am descended by right line of blood, coming from the good lord
King Henry III, and through that right that God, of his grace,
hath sent me with help of my kin and of my friends to recover
it; the which realm was in point to be undone for default of governance
and undoing of good laws."</p>

<p>In these extraordinary terms did Lancaster advance his
pretensions, artfully intermixing an undefined claim of inheritance<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">73</a>
with those of conquest and expediency, and rather hinting
at each than insisting on either. But, however difficult it
might be to understand the ground, the object of his challenge
was perfectly intelligible. Both houses admitted it unanimously;
and, as a confirmation, Henry produced the ring and
seal which Richard had previously delivered to him. The
Archbishop of Canterbury now took him by the hand, and led
him to the throne. He knelt for a few minutes in prayer on the
steps, arose, and was seated in it by the two archbishops. As
soon as the acclamations had subsided, the Primate, stepping
forward, made a short harangue, in which he undertook to
prove that a monarch in the vigor of manhood was a blessing,
a young and inexperienced prince was a curse to a people. At
the conclusion the King rose. "Sirs," said he, "I thank God,
and you, spiritual and temporal, and all estates of the land; and
do you to wit, it is not my will that no man think that by way of
conquest I would disinherit any man of his heritage, franchises,
or other rights that him ought to have, nor put him out of that
that he has and has had by the good laws and customs of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>realm; except those persons that have been against the good purpose
and the common profit of the realm."</p>


<p>With the authority of Richard had expired that of the parliament
and of the royal officers. Henry immediately summoned
the same parliament to meet again in six days, appointed new
officers of the crown, and as soon as he had received their oaths
retired in state to the royal apartments. Thus ended this
eventful day, with the deposition of Richard of Bordeaux, and
the succession of his cousin, Henry of Bolingbroke.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span></p>
<h2>DISCOVERY OF THE CANARY ISLANDS
AND THE AFRICAN COAST</h2>

<h3>BEGINNING OF NEGRO SLAVE TRADE</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1402</h6>

<h3>SIR ARTHUR HELPS</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>The Canary Islands&mdash;the "Elysian Fields" and "Fortunate Islands"
of antiquity&mdash;have perhaps figured in fabulous lore more extensively than
any others, and have been discovered, invaded, and conquered more frequently
than any country in the world. There has scarcely been a nation
of any maritime enterprise that has not had to do with them, and in one
manner or another made its appearance in them.</p>

<p>During the period following the death of ancient empires, the Canary
Islands lay hidden in the general darkness which fell upon the world.
With the modern revival came new and greater mariners, and the islands
were once more discovered. It is well to note the connection between
these modern rediscoveries and the origin of negro slavery.</p>

<p>In Europe the old pagan slavery existed in many nations, and in the
early Christian centuries underwent many modifications through the advance
of the new religion and civilization. The modern form of slavery
began with the first importation of negroes into Europe, as shown in the
following account, from which it appears that the history of modern slavery
begins with the history of African discovery.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_p.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="P" />ETRARCH is referred to by Viera to prove that the Genoese
sent out an expedition to the Canary Islands. Las Casas
mentions that an English or French vessel bound from France
or England to Spain was driven by contrary winds to these Islands,
and on its return spread abroad in France an account of the
voyage. The information thus obtained&mdash;or perhaps in other
ways of which there is no record&mdash;stimulated Don Luis de la
Cerda, Count of Clermont, great-grandson of Don Alonzo the
Wise of Castile, to seek for the investiture of the crown of the
Canaries, which was given to him with much pomp by Clement
VI, at Avignon, in 1344, Petrarch being present. This sceptre
proved a barren one. The affairs of France, with which state
the new King of the Canaries was connected, drew off his attention;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span>
and he died without having visited his dominions. The
next authentic information that we have of the Canary Islands
is that, in the times of Don Juan I of Castile, and of Don Enrique,
his son, these islands were much visited by the Spaniards.
In 1399, we are told, certain Andalusians, Biscayans, Guipuzcoans,
with the consent of Don Enrique, fitted out an expedition
of five vessels, and making a descent on the island of Lanzarote,
one of the Canaries, took captive the King and Queen, and one
hundred and seventy of the islanders.</p>

<p>Hitherto there had been nothing but discoveries, rediscoveries,
and invasions of these islands; but at last a colonist appears
upon the scene. This was Juan de B&eacute;thencourt, a great
Norman baron, lord of St. Martin le Gaillard in the County of
Eu, of B&eacute;thencourt, of Granville, of Sancerre, and other places
in Normandy, and chamberlain to Charles VI of France. Those
who are at all familiar with the history of that period, and with
the mean and cowardly barbarity which characterized the long-continued
contests between the rival factions of Orleans and
Burgundy, may well imagine that any Frenchman would then
be very glad to find a career in some other country. Whatever
was the motive of Juan de B&eacute;thencourt, he carried out his purpose
in the most resolute manner. Leaving his young wife, and
selling part of his estate, he embarked at Rochelle in 1402, with
men and means for the purpose of conquering, and establishing
himself in, the Canary Islands. It is not requisite to give a minute
description of this expedition. Suffice it to say that B&eacute;thencourt
met with fully the usual difficulties, distresses, treacheries,
and disasters that attach themselves to this race of enterprising
men. After his arrival at the Canaries, finding his means insufficient,
he repaired to the court of Castile, did acts of homage to
the King, Enrique III, and afterward renewed them to his son
Juan II, thereby much strengthening the claim which the Spanish
monarchs already made to the dominion of these islands.
B&eacute;thencourt, returning to the islands with renewed resources,
made himself master of the greater part of them, reduced several
of the natives to slavery, introduced the Christian faith, built
churches, and established vassalage.</p>

<p>On the occasion of quitting his colony in <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1405, he called
all his vassals together, and represented to them that he had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span>
named for his lieutenant and governor Maciot de B&eacute;thencourt,
his relation; that he himself was going to Spain and to Rome to
seek for a bishop for them; and he concluded his oration with
these words: "My loved vassals, great or small, plebeians or nobles,
if you have anything to ask me or to inform me of, if you
find in my conduct anything to complain of, do not fear to
speak; I desire to do favor and justice to all the world." The
assembly he was addressing contained none of the slaves he had
made. We are told, however, and that by eye-witnesses, that
the poor natives themselves bitterly regretted his departure, and,
wading through the water, followed his vessel as far as they
could. After his visit to Spain and to Rome, he returned to his
paternal domains in Normandy, where, while meditating another
voyage to his colony, he died in 1425.</p>

<p>Maciot de B&eacute;thencourt ruled for some time successfully;
but afterward, falling into disputes with the Bishop, and his
affairs generally not prospering, he sold his rights to Prince
Henry of Portugal&mdash;also, as it strangely appears, to another person&mdash;and
afterward settled in Madeira. The claims to the government
of the Canaries were, for many years, in a most entangled
state; and the right to the sovereignty over these islands
was a constant ground of dispute between the crowns of Spain
and Portugal.</p>

<p>Thus ended the enterprise of Juan de B&eacute;thencourt, which,
though it cannot be said to have led to any very large or lasting
results, yet, as it was the first modern attempt of the kind, deserves
to be chronicled before commencing with Prince Henry of
Portugal's long-continued and connected efforts in the same direction.
The events also which preceded and accompanied
B&eacute;thencourt's enterprise need to be recorded, in order to show
the part which many nations, especially the Spaniards, had in
the first discoveries on the coast of Africa.</p>

<p>We now turn to the history of the discoveries made, or rather
caused to be made, by Prince Henry of Portugal. This Prince
was born in 1394. He was the third son of John I of Portugal
and Philippa, the daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster.
That good Plantagenet blood on the mother's side was,
doubtless, not without avail to a man whose life was to be spent
in continuous and insatiate efforts to work out a great idea.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span>
Prince Henry was with his father at the memorable capture of
Ceuta, the ancient Septem, in 1415. This town, which lies opposite
to Gibraltar, was of great magnificence, and one of the
principal marts in that age for the productions of the East. It
was here that the Portuguese nation first planted a firm foot in
Africa; and the date of this town's capture may, perhaps, be
taken as that from which Prince Henry began to meditate further
and far greater conquests. His aims, however, were directed
to a point long beyond the range of the mere conquering
soldier. He was especially learned, for that age of the world,
being skilled in mathematical and geographical knowledge. And
it may be noticed here that the greatest geographical discoveries
have been made by men conversant with the book knowledge of
their own time. A work, for instance, often seen in the hands of
Columbus, which his son mentions as having had much influence
with him, was the learned treatise of Cardinal Petro de
Aliaco (Pierre d'Ailly), the <i>Imago Mundi</i>.</p>

<p>But to return to Prince Henry of Portugal. We learn that
he had conversed much with those who had made voyages in
different parts of the world, and particularly with Moors from
Fez and Morocco, so that he came to hear of the Azeneghis, a
people bordering on the country of the negroes of Jalof. Such
was the scanty information of a positive kind which the Prince
had to guide his endeavors. Then there were the suggestions
and the inducements which to a willing mind were to be found
in the shrewd conjectures of learned men, the fables of chivalry,
and, perhaps, in the confused records of forgotten knowledge
once possessed by Arabic geographers. The story of Prister
John, which had spread over Europe since the crusades, was
well known to the Portuguese Prince. A mysterious voyage of a
certain wandering saint, called St. Brendan, was not without
its influence upon an enthusiastic mind. Moreover, there were
many sound motives urging the Prince to maritime discovery;
among which, a desire to fathom the power of the Moors, a wish
to find a new outlet for traffic, and a longing to spread the
blessings of the faith may be enumerated. The especial reason
which impelled Prince Henry to take the burden of discovery on
himself was that neither mariner nor merchant would be likely
to adopt an enterprise in which there was no clear hope of profit.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span>
It belonged, therefore, to great men and princes, and among such
he knew of no one but himself who was inclined to it.</p>

<p>The map of the world being before us, let us reduce it to the
proportions it filled in Prince Henry's time: let us look at our
infant world. First, take away those two continents, for so we
may almost call them, each much larger than a Europe, to the
far west. Then cancel that square, massive-looking piece to the
extreme southeast; happily there are no penal settlements there
yet. Then turn to Africa: instead of that form of inverted cone
which it presents, and which we now know there are physical
reasons for its presenting, make a cimetar shape of it, by running
a slightly curved line from Juba on the eastern side to Cape
Nam on the western. Declare all below that line unknown.
Hitherto, we have only been doing the work of destruction; but
now scatter emblems of hippogriffs and anthropophagi on the
outskirts of what is left in the map, obeying a maxim, not confined
to the ancient geographers only&mdash;where you know nothing,
place terrors. Looking at the map thus completed, we can hardly
help thinking to ourselves, with a smile, what a small space,
comparatively speaking, the known history of the world has been
transacted in, up to the last four hundred years. The idea of the
universality of the Roman dominions shrinks a little; and we begin
to fancy that Ovid might have escaped his tyrant. The ascertained
confines of the world were now, however, to be more than
doubled in the course of one century; and to Prince Henry of
Portugal, as to the first promoter of these vast discoveries, our
attention must be directed.</p>

<p>This Prince, having once the well-grounded idea in his mind
that Africa did not end where it was commonly supposed,
namely, at Cape Nam (Not), but that there was a world beyond
that forbidding negative, seems never to have rested until he had
made known that quarter of the globe to his own. He fixed his
abode upon the promontory of Sagres, at the southern part of
Portugal, whence, for many a year, he could watch for the rising
specks of white sail bringing back his captains to tell him of new
countries and new men. We may wonder that he never went
himself; but he may have thought that he served the cause better
by remaining at home and forming a centre whence the electric
energy of enterprise was communicated to many discoverers, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>
then again collected from them. Moreover, he was much engaged
in the public affairs of his country. In the course of his
life he was three times in Africa, carrying on war against the
Moors; and at home, besides the care and trouble which the
state of the Portuguese court and government must have given
him, he was occupied in promoting science and encouraging education.</p>

<p>In 1415, as before noticed, he was at Ceuta. In 1418 he was
settled on the promontory of Sagres. One night in that year he
is thought to have had a dream of promise, for on the ensuing
morning he suddenly ordered two vessels to be got ready forthwith,
and to be placed under the command of two gentlemen of
his household, Joham Gon&ccedil;alvez Zarco and Tristam Vaz, whom
he ordered to proceed down the Barbary coast on a voyage of
discovery.</p>

<p>A contemporary chronicler, Azurara, whose work has recently
been discovered and published, tells the story more simply,
and merely states that these captains were young men, who,
after the ending of the Ceuta campaign, were as eager for employment
as the Prince for discovery; and that they were ordered
on a voyage having for its object the general molestation of the
Moors, as well as that of making discoveries beyond Cape Nam.
The Portuguese mariners had a proverb about this cape&mdash;"He
who would pass Cape Not, either will return or not"; intimating
that, if he did not turn before passing the cape, he would
never return at all. On the present occasion it was not destined
to be passed; for these captains, Joham Gon&ccedil;alvez Zarco and
Tristam Vaz, were driven out of their course by storms, and
accidentally discovered a little island, where they took refuge,
and from that circumstance called the island Porto Santo.
"They found there a race of people living in no settled polity,
but not altogether barbarous or savage, and possessing a kindly
and most fertile soil."</p>

<p>I give this description of the first land discovered by Prince
Henry's captains, thinking it would well apply to many other
lands about to be found out by his captains and by other discoverers.
Joham Gon&ccedil;alvez Zarco and Tristam Vaz returned.
Their master was delighted with the news they brought him,
more on account of its promise than its substance. In the same<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>
year he sent them out again, together with a third captain,
named Bartholomew Perestrelo, assigning a ship to each captain.
His object was not only to discover more lands, but also
to improve those which had been discovered. He sent, therefore,
various seeds and animals to Porto Santo. This seems to
have been a man worthy to direct discovery. Unfortunately,
however, among the animals some rabbits were introduced into
the new island; and they conquered it, not for the Prince, but
for themselves. Hereafter, we shall find that they gave his people
much trouble, and caused no little reproach to him.</p>

<p>We come now to the year 1419. Perestrelo, for some unknown
cause, returned to Portugal at that time. After his departure,
Joham Gon&ccedil;alvez Zarco and Tristam Vaz, seeing from
Porto Santo something that seemed like a cloud, but yet different&mdash;the
origin of so much discovery, noting the difference in
the likeness&mdash;built two boats, and, making for this cloud, soon
found themselves alongside a beautiful island, abounding in
many things, but most of all in trees, on which account they gave
it the name of "Madeira" (Wood). The two discoverers entered
the island at different parts. The Prince, their master, afterward
rewarded them with the captaincies of those parts. To
Perestrelo he gave the island of Porto Santo to colonize it. Perestrelo,
however, did not make much of his captaincy, but after
a strenuous contest with the rabbits, having killed an army of
them, died himself. This captain has a place in history as being
the father-in-law of Columbus, who, indeed, lived at Porto Santo
for some time, and here, on new-found land, meditated far
bolder discoveries.</p>

<p>Joham Gon&ccedil;alvez Zarco and Tristam Vaz began the cultivation
of their island of Madeira, but met with an untoward
event at first. In clearing the wood, they kindled a fire among
it, which burned for seven years, we are told; and in the end,
that which had given its name to the island, and which, in the
words of the historian, overshadowed the whole land, became
the most deficient commodity. The captains founded churches
in the island; and the King of Portugal, Don Duarte, gave the
temporalities to Prince Henry, and all the spiritualities to the
Knights of Christ.</p>

<p>While these things were occurring at Madeira and at Porto<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>
Santo, Prince Henry had been prosecuting his general scheme
of discovery, sending out two or three vessels each year, with
orders to go down the coast from Cape Nam, and make what
discoveries they could; but these did not amount to much, for
the captains never advanced beyond Cape Bojador, which is situated
seventy leagues to the south of Cape Nam. This Cape
Bojador was formidable in itself, being terminated by a ridge of
rocks with fierce currents running round them, but was much
more formidable from the fancies which the mariners had
formed of the sea and land beyond it. "It is clear," they were
wont to say, "that beyond this cape there is no people whatever;
the land is as bare as Libya&mdash;no water, no trees, no grass
in it; the sea so shallow that at a league from the land it is
only a fathom deep; the currents so fierce that the ship which
passes that cape will never return;" and thus their theories were
brought in to justify their fears. This outstretcher&mdash;for such is
the meaning of the word <i>bojador</i>&mdash;was, therefore, as a bar
drawn across that advance in maritime discovery which had for
so long a time been the first object of Prince Henry's life.</p>

<p>The Prince had now been working at his discoveries for
twelve years, with little approbation from the generality of persons;
the discovery of these islands, Porto Santo and Madeira,
serving to whet his appetite for further enterprise, but not winning
the common voice in favor of prosecuting discoveries on the
coast of Africa. The people at home, improving upon the reports
of the sailors, said that "the land which the Prince sought
after was merely some sandy place like the deserts of Libya;
that princes had possessed the empires of the world, and yet had
not undertaken such designs as his, nor shown such anxiety to
find new kingdoms; that the men who arrived in those foreign
parts&mdash;if they did arrive&mdash;turned from white into black men;
that the King Don John, the Prince's father, had endowed foreigners
with land in his kingdom, to break it up and cultivate
it&mdash;a thing very different from taking the people out of Portugal,
which had need of them, to bring them among savages to be
eaten, and to place them upon lands of which the mother country
had no need; that the Author of the world had provided
these islands solely for the habitation of wild beasts, of which an
additional proof was that those rabbits the discoverers themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>
had introduced were now dispossessing them of the island.</p>

<p>There is much here of the usual captiousness to be found in
the criticism of bystanders upon action, mixed with a great deal
of false assertion and premature knowledge of the ways of Providence.
Still, it were to be wished that most criticism upon action
was as wise; for that part of the common talk which spoke
of keeping their own population to bring out their own resources
had a wisdom in it which the men of future centuries
were yet to discover throughout the peninsula. Prince Henry,
as may be seen by his perseverance up to this time, was not a
man to have his purposes diverted by such criticism, much of
which must have been, in his eyes, worthless and inconsequent
in the extreme. Nevertheless, he had his own misgivings. His
captains came back one after another with no good tidings of
discovery, but with petty plunder gained, as they returned from
incursions on the Moorish coast.</p>

<p>The Prince concealed from them his chagrin at the fruitless
nature of their attempts, but probably did not feel it less on that
account. He began to think: Was it for him to hope to discover
that land which had been hidden from so many princes? Still,
he felt within himself the incitement of "a virtuous obstinacy,"
which would not let him rest. Would it not, he thought, be ingratitude
to God, who thus moved his mind to these attempts,
if he were to desist from his work, or be negligent in it? He resolved,
therefore, to send out again Gil Eannes, one of his household,
who had been sent the year before, but had returned, like
the rest, having discovered nothing. He had been driven to
the Canary Islands, and had seized upon some of the natives
there, whom he brought back. With this transaction the Prince
had shown himself dissatisfied; and Gil Eannes, now intrusted
again with command, resolved to meet all dangers rather than
to disappoint the wishes of his master. Before his departure,
the Prince called him aside and said: "You cannot meet with
such peril that the hope of your reward shall not be much
greater; and in truth, I wonder what imagination this is that you
have all taken up&mdash;in a matter, too, of so little certainty; for if
these things which are reported had any authority, however little,
I would not blame you so much. But you quote to me the opinions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>
of four mariners, who, as they were driven out of their way
to Frandes or to some other ports to which they commonly navigated,
had not, and could not have used, the needle and the
chart; but do you go, however, and make your voyage without
regard to their opinion,&mdash;and, by the grace of God, you will not
bring out of it anything but honor and profit."</p>

<p>We may well imagine that these stirring words of the Prince
must have confirmed Gil Eannes in his resolve to efface the
stain of his former misadventure. And he succeeded in doing so;
for he passed the dreaded Cape Bojador&mdash;a great event in the
history of African discovery, and one that in that day was considered
equal to a labor of Hercules. Gil Eannes returned to a
grateful and most delighted master. He informed the Prince
that he had landed, and that the soil appeared to him unworked
and fruitful; and, like a prudent man, he could not tell of foreign
plants, but had brought some of them home with him in a
barrel of the new-found earth&mdash;plants much like those which bear
in Portugal the roses of Santa Maria. The Prince rejoiced to
see them, and gave thanks to God, "as if they had been the
fruit and sign of the promised land; and besought Our Lady,
whose name the plants bore, that she would guide and set forth
the doings in this discovery to the praise and glory of God and to
the increase of his holy faith."</p>

<p>After passing the Cape of Bojador there was a lull in Portuguese
discovery, the period from 1434 to 1441 being spent in
enterprises of very little distinctness or importance. Indeed,
during the latter part of this period, the Prince was fully occupied
with the affairs of Portugal. In 1437 he accompanied the
unfortunate expedition to Tangier, in which his brother Ferdinand
was taken prisoner, who afterward ended his days in slavery
to the Moor. In 1438, King Duarte dying, the troubles of
the regency occupied Prince Henry's attention. In 1441, however,
there was a voyage which led to very important consequences.
In that year Antonio Gon&ccedil;alvez, master of the robes
to Prince Henry, was sent out with a vessel to load it with skins
of "sea-wolves," a number of them having been seen, during a
former voyage, in the mouth of a river about fifty-four leagues
beyond Cape Bojador. Gon&ccedil;alvez resolved to signalize his
voyage by a feat that should gratify his master more than the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>
capture of sea-wolves; and he accordingly planned and executed
successfully an expedition for capturing some Azeneghi
Moors, in order, as he told his companions, to take home "some
of the language of that country." Nu&ntilde;o Tristam, another of
Prince Henry's captains, afterward falling in with Gon&ccedil;alvez, a
further capture of Moors was made, and Gon&ccedil;alvez returned to
Portugal with his spoil.</p>

<p>In the same year Prince Henry applied to Pope Martin V,
praying that his holiness would grant to the Portuguese crown
all that it could conquer, from Cape Bojador to the Indies, together
with plenary indulgence for those who should die while
engaged in such conquests. The Pope granted these requests.
"And now," says a Portuguese historian, "with this apostolic
grace, with the breath of royal favor, and already with the applause
of the people, the Prince pursued his purpose with more
courage and with greater outlay."</p>

<p>In 1442 the Moors whom Antonio Gon&ccedil;alvez had captured
in the previous year promised to give black slaves in ransom for
themselves if he would take them back to their own country;
and the Prince, approving of this, ordered Gon&ccedil;alvez to set sail
immediately, "insisting as the foundation of the matter, that if
Gon&ccedil;alvez should not be able to obtain so many negroes (as had
been mentioned) in exchange for the three Moors, yet that he
should take them; for whatever number he should get, he would
gain souls, because the negroes might be converted to the faith,
which could not be managed with the Moors." Gon&ccedil;alvez obtained
ten black slaves, some gold-dust, a target of buffalo-hide,
and some ostrich eggs in exchange for two of the Moors, and,
returning with his cargo, excited general wonderment on account
of the color of the slaves. These, then, we may presume, were
the first black slaves that had made their appearance in the peninsula
since the extinction of the old slavery.</p>

<p>I am not ignorant that there are reasons for alleging that
negroes had before this era been seized and carried to Seville.
The <i>Ecclesiastical and Secular Annals</i> of that city, under the date
1474, record that negro slaves abounded there, and that the
fifths levied on them produced considerable gains to the royal
revenue; it is also mentioned that there had been traffic of this
kind in the days of Don Enrique III, about 1399, but that it had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span>
since then fallen into the hands of the Portuguese. The chronicler
states that the negroes of Seville were treated very kindly
from the time of King Enrique, being allowed to keep their
dances and festivals; and that one of them was named <i>mayoral</i>
of the rest, who protected them against their masters and before
the courts of law, and also settled their own private quarrels.
There is a letter from Ferdinand and Isabella in the year 1474
to a celebrated negro, Juan de Valladolid, commonly called the
"Negro Count," nominating him to this office of mayoral of the
negroes, which runs thus: "For the many good, loyal, and signal
services which you have done us, and do each day, and because
we know your sufficiency, ability, and good disposition,
we constitute you mayoral and judge of all the negroes and mulattoes,
free or slaves, which are in the very loyal and noble city
of Seville, and throughout the whole archbishopric thereof, and
that the said negroes and mulattoes may not hold any festivals
nor pleadings among themselves, except before you, Juan de
Valladolid, negro, our judge and mayoral of the said negroes
and mulattoes; and we command that you, and you only, should
take cognizance of the disputes, pleadings, marriages, and other
things which may take place among them, forasmuch as you are
a person sufficient for that office, and deserving of your power,
and you know the laws and ordinances which ought to be kept,
and we are informed that you are of noble lineage among the said
negroes."</p>

<p>But the above merely shows that in the year 1474 there were
many negroes in Seville, and that laws and ordinances had been
made about them. These negroes might all, however, have been
imported into Seville since the Portuguese discoveries. True it
is that in the times of Don Enrique III, and during B&eacute;thencourt's
occupation of the Canary Islands, slaves from thence
had been brought to France and Spain; but these islanders were
not negroes, and it certainly may be doubted whether any negroes
were imported into Seville previous to 1443.</p>

<p>Returning to the course of Portuguese affairs, a historian of
that nation informs us that the gold obtained by Gon&ccedil;alvez
"awakened, as it always does, covetousness"; and there is no
doubt that it proved an important stimulus to further discovery.
The next year Nu&ntilde;o Tristam went farther down the African<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span>
coast; and, off Adeget, one of the Arguim Islands, captured
eighty natives, whom he brought to Portugal. These, however,
were not negroes, but Azeneghis.</p>

<p>The tide of popular opinion was now not merely turned, but
was rushing in full flow, in favor of Prince Henry and his discoveries.
The discoverers were found to come back rich in
slaves and other commodities; whereas it was remembered that,
in former wars and undertakings, those who had been engaged
in them had generally returned in great distress. Strangers, too,
now came from afar, scenting the prey. A new mode of life, as
the Portuguese said, had been found out; and "the greater part
of the kingdom was moved with a sudden desire to follow this
way to Guinea."</p>

<p>In 1444 a company was formed at Lagos, who received permission
from the Prince to undertake discovery along the coast
of Africa, paying him a certain portion of any gains which they
might make. This has been considered as a company founded
for carrying on the slave trade; but the evidence is by no means
sufficient to show that its founders meant such to be its purpose.
It might rather be compared to an expedition sent out, as we
should say in modern times, with letters of marque, in which,
however, the prizes chiefly hoped for were not ships nor merchandise,
but men. The only thing of any moment, however,
which the expedition accomplished was to attack successfully
the inhabitants of the islands Nar and Tider, and to bring back
about two hundred slaves. I grieve to say that there is no evidence
of Prince Henry's putting a check to any of these proceedings;
but, on the contrary, it appears that he rewarded with
large honors Lan&ccedil;arote, one of the principal men of this expedition,
and received his own fifth of the slaves. Yet I have
scarcely a doubt that the words of the historian are substantially
true&mdash;that discovery, not gain, was still the Prince's leading
idea. We have an account from an eye-witness of the partition
of the slaves brought back by Lan&ccedil;arote, which, as it is the first
transaction of the kind on record, is worthy of notice, more especially
as it may enable the reader to understand the motives of
the Prince and of other men of those times. It is to be found in
the <i>Chronicle</i>, before referred to, of Azurara. The merciful
chronicler is smitten to the heart at the sorrow he witnesses, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>
still believes it to be for good, and that he must not let his mere
earthly commiseration get the better of his piety.</p>

<p>"O thou heavenly Father," he exclaims, "who, with thy
powerful hand, without movement of thy divine essence, governest
all the infinite company of thy holy city, and who drawest
together all the axles of the upper worlds, divided into nine
spheres, moving the times of their long and short periods as it
pleases thee! I implore thee that my tears may not condemn my
conscience, for not its law, but our common humanity, constrains
my humanity to lament piteously the sufferings of these
people (slaves). And if the brute animals, with their mere bestial
sentiments, by a natural instinct, recognize the misfortunes
of their like, what must this by human nature do, seeing thus
before my eyes this wretched company, remembering that I myself
am of the generation of the sons of Adam! The other day,
which was the eighth of August, very early in the morning, by
reason of the heat, the mariners began to bring to their vessels,
and, as they had been commanded, to draw forth those captives
to take them out of the vessel: whom, placed together on
that plain, it was a marvellous sight to behold; for among them
there were some of a reasonable degree of whiteness, handsome
and well made; others less white, resembling leopards in their
color; others as black as Ethiopians, and so ill-formed, as well
in their faces as their bodies, that it seemed to the beholders as
if they saw the forms of a lower hemisphere.</p>

<p>"But what heart was that, how hard soever, which was not
pierced with sorrow, seeing that company: for some had sunken
cheeks, and their faces bathed in tears, looking at each other;
others were groaning very dolorously, looking at the heights of
the heavens, fixing their eyes upon them, crying out loudly, as if
they were asking succor from the Father of nature; others
struck their faces with their hands, throwing themselves on the
earth; others made their lamentations in songs, according to
the customs of their country, which, although we could not understand
their language, we saw corresponded well to the height
of their sorrow. But now, for the increase of their grief, came
those who had the charge of the distribution, and they began to
put them apart one from the other, in order to equalize the portions,
wherefore it was necessary to part children and parents,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>
husbands and wives, and brethren from each other. Neither in
the partition of friends and relations was any law kept, only each
fell where the lot took him. O powerful Fortune! who goest
hither and thither with thy wheels, compassing the things of the
world as it pleaseth thee, if thou canst, place before the eyes of
this miserable nation some knowledge of the things that are to
come after them, that they may receive some consolation in the
midst of their great sadness! and you others who have the business
of this partition, look with pity on such great misery, and
consider how can those be parted whom you cannot disunite!
Who will be able to make this partition without great difficulty?
for while they were placing in one part the children that saw
their parents in another, the children sprang up perseveringly
and fled to them; the mothers enclosed their children in their
arms and threw themselves with them on the ground, receiving
wounds with little pity for their own flesh, so that their offspring
might not be torn from them!</p>

<p>"And so, with labor and difficulty, they concluded the partition,
for, besides the trouble they had with the captives, the
plain was full of people, as well of the place as of the villages
and neighborhood around, who in that day gave rest to their
hands, the mainstay of their livelihood, only to see this novelty.
And as they looked upon these things, some deploring,
some reasoning upon them, they made such a riotous noise as
greatly to disturb those who had the management of this distribution.
The Infante was there upon a powerful horse, accompanied
by his people, looking out his share, but as a man
who for his part did not care for gain, for, of the forty-six souls
which fell to his fifth, he speedily made his choice, as all his
principal riches were in his contentment, considering with great
delight the salvation of those souls which before were lost. And
certainly his thought was not vain, for as soon as they had knowledge
of our language they readily became Christians; and I, who
have made this history in this volume, have seen in the town of
Lagos young men and young women, the sons and grandsons of
those very captives, born in this land, as good and as true Christians
as if they had lineally descended, since the commencement
of the law of Christ, from those who were first baptized."</p>

<p>The good Azurara wished that these captives might have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>
some foresight of the things to happen after their death. I do
not think, however, that it would have proved much consolation
to them to have foreseen that they were almost the first of many
millions to be dealt with as they had been; for, in this year 1444,
Europe may be said to have made a distinct beginning in the
slave trade, henceforth to spread on all sides, like the waves
upon stirred water, and not, like them, to become fainter and
fainter as the circles widen.</p>

<p>In 1445 an expedition was fitted out by Prince Henry himself,
and the command given to Gonsalvo de Cintra, who was
unsuccessful in an attack on the natives near Cape Blanco. He
and some other of the principal men of the expedition lost their
lives. These were the first Portuguese who died in battle on
that coast. In the same year the Prince sent out three other
vessels. The captains received orders from the Infante, Don
Pedro, who was then Regent of Portugal, to enter the river
D'Oro, and make all endeavors to convert the natives to the
faith, and even, if they should not receive baptism, to make peace
and alliance with them. This did not succeed. It is probable
that the captains found negotiation of any kind exceedingly
tame and apparently profitless in comparison with the pleasant
forays made by their predecessors. The attempt, however,
shows much intelligence and humanity on the part of those in
power in Portugal. That the instructions were sincere is proved
by the fact of this expedition returning with only one negro,
gained in ransom, and a Moor who came of his own accord to
see the Christian country.</p>

<p>This same year 1445 is signalized by a great event in the
progress of discovery along the African coast. Dinis Dyaz, called
by Barros and the historians who followed him Dinis Fernandez,
sought employment from the Infante, and, being intrusted by
him with the command of a vessel, pushed boldly down the
coast, and passed the river Sanaga (Senegal), which divides the
Azeneghis&mdash;whom the first discoverers always called Moors&mdash;from
the negroes of Jalof. The inhabitants were much astonished
at the presence of the Portuguese vessel on their coasts,
and at first took it for a fish or a bird or a phantasm; but when
in their rude boats&mdash;hollowed logs&mdash;they neared it, and saw
that there were men in it, judiciously concluding that it was a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>
more dangerous thing than fish or bird or phantasm, they fled.
Dinis Fernandez, however, captured four of them off that
coast, but as his object was discovery, not slave-hunting, he went
on till he discovered Cape Verd, and then returned to his
country, to be received with much honor and favor by Prince
Henry. These four negroes taken by Dinis Fernandez were
the first taken in their own country by the Portuguese. That
the Prince was still engaged in high thoughts of discovery and
conversion we may conclude from observing that he rewarded
and honored Dinis Fernandez as much as if he had brought
him large booty; for the Prince "thought little of whatever he
could do for those who came to him with these signs and tokens
of another greater hope which he entertained."</p>

<p>In this case, as in others, we should do great injustice if we
supposed that Prince Henry had any of the pleasure of a slave-dealer
in obtaining these negroes: it is far more probable that he
valued them as persons capable of furnishing intelligence, and,
perhaps, of becoming interpreters, for his future expeditions.
Not that, without these especial motives, he would have thought
it anything but great gain for a man to be made a slave, if
it were the means of bringing him into communion with the
Church.</p>

<p>After this, several expeditions, which did not lead to much,
occupied the Prince's time till 1447. In that year a fleet, large
for those times, of fourteen vessels, was fitted out at Lagos by
the people there, and the command given by Prince Henry to
Lan&ccedil;arote. The object seems to have been, from a speech that
is recorded of Lan&ccedil;arote's, to make war upon the Azeneghi
Moors, and especially to take revenge for the defeat before mentioned
which Gonsalvo de Cintra suffered in 1445 near Cape
Blanco. That purpose effected, Lan&ccedil;arote went southward, extending
the discovery of the coast to the Gambia. In the course
of his proceedings on that coast we find again that Prince
Henry's instructions insisted much upon the maintenance of
peace with the natives. Another instance of the same disposition
on his part deserves to be especially recorded. The expedition
had been received in a friendly manner at Gomera, one of
the Canary Islands. Notwithstanding this kind reception, some
of the natives were taken prisoners. On their being brought to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>
Portugal, Prince Henry had them clothed and afterward set at
liberty in the place from which they had been taken.</p>

<p>This expedition under Lan&ccedil;arote had no great result. The
Portuguese went a little farther down the coast than they had
ever been before, but they did not succeed in making friends of
the natives, who had already been treated in a hostile manner
by some Portuguese from Madeira. Neither did the expedition
make great spoil of any kind. They had got into feuds with the
natives, and were preparing to attack them, when a storm dissipated
their fleet and caused them to return home.</p>

<p>It appears, I think, from the general course of proceedings
of the Portuguese in those times, that they considered there was
always war between them and the Azeneghi Moors&mdash;that is, in
the territory from Ceuta as far as the Senegal River; but that
they had no declared hostility against the negroes of Jalof, or of
any country farther south, though skirmishes would be sure to
happen from ill-understood attempts at friendship on the one
side, and just or needless fears on the other.</p>

<p>The last public enterprise of which Prince Henry had the
direction was worthy to close his administration of the affairs
relating to Portuguese discovery. He caused two ambassadors
to be despatched to the King of the Cape Verd territory, to
treat of peace and to introduce the Christian faith. One of the
ambassadors, a Danish gentleman, was treacherously killed by
the natives, and upon that the other returned, having accomplished
nothing.</p>

<p>Don Alfonso V, the nephew of Prince Henry, now took the
reins of government, and the future expeditions along the coast
of Africa proceeded in his name. Still it does not appear that
Prince Henry ceased to have power and influence in the management
of African affairs; and the first thing that the King did
in them was to enact that no one should pass Cape Bojador
without a license from Prince Henry. Some time between 1448
and 1454 a fortress was built in one of the islands of Arguim,
which islands had already become a place of bargain for gold
and negro slaves. This was the first Portuguese establishment
on the coast of Africa. It seems that a system of trade was now
established between the Portuguese and the negroes.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span></p>
<h2>COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1414</h6>

<h3>RICHARD LODGE</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>During the forty years of the second great schism in the Roman
Catholic Church, 1378-1417, different parties adhered to different popes,
of whom there were sometimes two or more simultaneously in office.
The French cardinals preferred Avignon&mdash;to which the holy see had been
removed in 1309&mdash;as the seat of the pope, the Italian cardinals preferred
Rome, and two lines of popes were consequently chosen. This division
proved extremely injurious to the papal power and authority.</p>

<p>Meanwhile there were various efforts for reform in the Church, among
the most notable movements being those led by John Wycliffe in England
and John Huss on the Continent. At last a council was called to
decide who was the rightful claimant to the papal throne. The council
assembled at Pisa, Italy, in 1409, but recognized neither of the then rival
popes&mdash;Gregory XII and Benedict XIII&mdash;Alexander V being elected in
their stead. The deposed popes, however, would not give up their rule,
and so the action of the council added to the difficulty, since there were
now three popes instead of two.</p>

<p>Alexander V died ten months after his election, and the cardinals
chose as his successor Cardinal Cossa, who took the name of John
XXIII. The Church remained as much divided as before. In 1412
Pope John, who was a shrewd and politic man, opened at Rome a council
for the reformation of the Church, but there seems to have been little
serious purpose either on the part of John himself or of the ecclesiastics
who assembled; and practically nothing was done.</p>

<p>John was more concerned about his political relations with various
sovereigns. He was at war with Ladislaus, King of Naples, who soon
drove him from Rome. John fled to Florence, and appealed to Sigismund,
Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, for assistance. But the
Emperor would aid him only on condition that the Pope should summon
a new council to some German city, in order to end the schism. At last
John issued a formal summons for a council to meet at Constance on
November 1, 1414. Before it assembled, Ladislaus died, and Sigismund
determined to conduct the council in the interest of his imperial dignity
and that of the German kingship, which he also held.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE Council of Constance, like that of Pisa, had two very obvious
questions to consider: (1) The restoration of unity;
and (2), if the reforming party could have its way, the reform
of the Church in its head and members. But circumstances<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span>
forced the council to consider a third question, which had never
been even touched in the discussions at Pisa. This was reformation
in its widest sense; not merely a constitutional change
in the relations of pope and hierarchy, but a vital change
in dogma and ritual. This question was brought to the front
by the so-called Hussite movement in Bohemia. The fundamental
issues involved were those which have been at the bottom
of most subsequent disputes in the Christian Church.</p>

<p>How far was the Christianity of the day unlike the Christianity
to be found in the record of Christ and his apostles? And
the difference, if any, was it a real and necessary difference consequent
on the development of society, or was it the result of
abuses and innovations introduced by fallible men? The orthodox
took their stand upon the unity and authority of the Church.
The Church was the true foundation of Christ and the inheritor
of his spirit. Therefore what the Church believed and taught,
that alone was the true Christian doctrine; and the forms and
ceremonies of the Church were the necessary aids to faith. The
reformers, on the other hand, looked to Scripture for the fundamental
rules of life and conduct. Any deviation from these rules,
no matter on what authority, must be superfluous and might very
probably be harmful.</p>

<p>The Council of Constance is one of the most notable assemblies
in the history of the world. In the number and fame of
its members, in the importance of its objects, and, above all,
in the dramatic interest of its records, it has few rivals. It is like
the meeting of two worlds, the old and the new, the medi&aelig;val
and the modern. We find there represented views which have
hardly yet been fully accepted, which have occupied the best
minds of succeeding centuries; at the same time, the council
itself and its ceremonial carry us back to the times of the Roman
Empire, when church and state were scarcely yet dual, and when
Christianity was coextensive with one united empire. At Constance
all the ideas, religious and political, of the Middle Ages
seem to be put upon their trial. If that trial had ended in condemnation,
there could be no fitter point to mark the division
between medi&aelig;val and modern history. But the verdict was
acquittal, or at least a partial aquittal; and the old system was
allowed, under modified conditions, a lease of life for another<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>
century. It must not be forgotten that there were great secular
as well as ecclestiasical interests involved in the council. Princes
and nobles were present as well as cardinals and prelates. The
council may be regarded not only as a great assembly of the
Church, but also as a great diet of the medi&aelig;val empire.</p>

<p>The man who had done more than anyone to procure the
summons of the council, and whose interests were most closely
bound up in its success, was Sigismund, King of the Romans
and potential Emperor. He was eager to terminate the schism,
and to bring about such a reform in the Church as would prevent
the recurrence of similar scandals. But his motive in this was
not merely disinterested devotion to the interests of the Church.
He wished to revive the prestige of the Holy Roman Empire, and
to gratify his own personal vanity by posing as the secular head
of Christendom and the arbiter of its disputes. More especially
he wished to restore the authority of the monarchy in Germany,
and to put an end to that anarchic independence of the princes
of which the recent schism was both the illustration and the result.</p>

<p>In pursuing this aim he was confronted by the champions of
"liberty" and princely interests, who were represented at Constance
by the Archbishop of Mainz and Frederick of Hapsburg,
Count of Tyrol. The Archbishop, John of Nassau, had been
prominent in effecting and prolonging the schism in the Empire.
He was a firm supporter of John XXIII, and had no interest in
attending the council except to thwart the designs of the King,
whom he had been the last to accept. Frederick of Tyrol was
the youngest son of that duke Leopold who had fallen at Sempach
in the war with the Swiss. Of his father's possessions Frederick
had inherited Tyrol and the Swabian lands, and the propinquity
of his territories made him a powerful personage at Constance.
His family was the chief rival of the house of Luxemburg for
ascendency in Eastern Germany, and he himself seems to have
cherished a personal grudge against Sigismund. To these enemies
Sigismund could oppose two loyal allies, the elector palatine
Lewis, who had completely abandoned the anti-Luxemburg
policy pursued by his father, Rupert, and Frederick of
Hohenzollern, the most prominent representative of national
sentiment in Germany, who had already given in Brandenburg<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>
an example of that restoration of order which he wished Sigismund
to effect throughout his dominions.</p>

<p>Of the clerical members of the council the most prominent
at the commencement was the pope John XXIII. He had been
forced by his difficulties in Italy to issue the summons, but
as the time for the meeting approached he felt more and more
misgiving. His object was to maintain himself in office; but he
was conscious that neither Sigismund nor the cardinals would
hesitate to throw him over if he stood in the way of the restoration
of unity. He therefore allied himself with Sigismund's opponents,
the Elector of Mainz and Frederick of Tyrol, and spared
no pains to bring about dissension between Sigismund and the
council.</p>

<p>The assembled clergy may be divided roughly into two parties,
the reformers, and the conservative or ultramontane party.
The reformers were not in favor of any radical change in the
Church. They were, if anything, more vehemently opposed
than their antagonists to the doctrines of Wycliffe and Huss.
Such reform as they desired was aristocratic rather than democratic.
They had no intention of weakening the authority of the
Church; but within the Church they desired to remove gross
abuses, and to strengthen the hierarchy as against the papacy.
Their chief contention was that a general council has supreme
authority, even over the pope, and they wished such councils to
meet at regular intervals. By this means papal absolutism
would be limited by a sort of oligarchical parliament within
the Church. The conservatives, on the other hand, consisting
chiefly of the cardinals and Italian prelates, had no wish to alter
a system under which they enjoyed material advantages. Their
object, as it had been at Pisa, was to restore the union of the
Church, but to defeat, or at any rate postpone, any schemes of
reform.</p>

<p>The council was opened on November 5th, but the meeting
was only formal, and no real business was transacted for a
month. Meanwhile Huss had been followed to Constance by
the representatives of the-orthodox party in Bohemia, who
brought a formidable list of charges against the reformer. John
XXIII at once saw in this an opportunity for embroiling the
council with Sigismund. Adroitly keeping himself in the background,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span>
he allowed the cardinals to take the lead in the matter.
They summoned Huss to appear before them, and in spite of his
protest that he was only answerable to the whole council, they
committed him to prison. The news that his safe-conduct had
been so insultingly disregarded reached Sigismund as he was starting
for Constance after the coronation ceremony at Aachen.</p>

<p>He arrived on Christmas Day, and at once demanded that
Huss should be released. The Pope excused himself, and threw
the blame on the cardinals. To the King's right to protect his
subject the cardinals opposed their duty to suppress heresy.
In high dudgeon, Sigismund declared that he would leave the
council to its fate, and actually set out on his return journey.
The Pope was jubilant at the success of his wiles. But Sigismund's
friends, and especially Frederick of Hohenzollern, urged
him not to sacrifice the interests of Germany and of Christendom
for the sake of a heretic. This advice, and the feeling
that his personal reputation was staked on the success of the
council, triumphed. Sigismund returned to Constance, and
Huss remained a prisoner. From this moment John XXIII began
to despair.</p>

<p>The Pope's position became worse when the council, copying
the procedure of the universities, began to discuss matters,
not in a general assembly, but each nation separately. This
deprived John of the advantage which he hoped to gain from the
numerical majority of Italian prelates attending the council.
Four nations organized themselves: Italians, French, Germans,
and English. Over the last three John XXIII had no hold whatever.
To his disgust they treated him, not as the legitimate
pope, whose authority was to be vindicated against his rivals,
but as one of three schismatic popes, whose retirement was a
necessary condition of the restoration of unity. When he tried
to evade their demand, they brought unanswerable charges against
his personal character and threatened to depose him.</p>

<p>He tried to disarm hostility by declaring his readiness to
resign if the other popes would do the same. His promise was
welcomed with enthusiasm, but neither Sigismund nor his supporters
were softened by it. In spite of the vehement protests
of the Elector of Mainz that he would obey no pope but John
XXIII, the proposal was made to proceed to a new election.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span>
John had to fall back upon his last expedient. If he departed
from Constance he might throw the council into fatal confusion;
at the worst he could maintain himself as an antipope, as Gregory
and Benedict had done against the Council of Pisa. His
ally Frederick of Tyrol was prepared to assist him. Frederick
arranged a tournament outside the walls; and while this absorbed
public interest, the Pope escaped from Constance in the
disguise of a groom, and made his way to Schaffhausen, a strong
castle of the Hapsburg Count.</p>

<p>For the moment John XXIII seemed not unlikely to gain his
end. Constance was thrown into confusion by the news of his
flight. The mob rushed to pillage the papal residence. The
Italian and Austrian prelates prepared to leave the city, and the
council was on the verge of dissolution. But Sigismund's zeal
and energy succeeded in averting such a disaster. He restored
order in the city, persuaded the prelates to remain, and took
prompt measures to punish his rebellious vassal. An armed
force under Frederick of Hohenzollern succeeded in capturing
not only John XXIII, but also Frederick of Tyrol. The latter
was compelled to undergo public humiliation, and to hand over
his territories to his suzerain on condition that his life should
be spared. No such exercise of imperial power had been witnessed
in Germany since the days of the Hohenstaufen, and
Sigismund chose this auspicious moment to secure a powerful
supporter within the electoral college by handing over the electorate
of Brandenburg to Frederick of Nuremberg, April 30,
1415. He thus established a dynasty which was destined to
play a great part in German history, and ultimately to create
a new German empire.</p>

<p>The unsuccessful flight of John XXIII not only enabled Sigismund
to assume a more authoritative position in the council
and in Germany; it also sealed his own fate. The council had
no longer any hesitation in proceeding to the formal deposition
of the Pope May 29, 1415. As the two popes who had been
deposed at Pisa had never been recognized at Constance, the
Church was now without a head. But instead of hastening to
fill the vacancy, the council turned aside to the suppression of
heresy and the trial of Huss. On three occasions, the 5th, 7th,
and 8th of June, Huss was heard before a general session. No<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>
point in his teaching excited greater animadversion than his
contention that a priest, whether pope or prelate, forfeited his
office by the commission of mortal sin. With great cunning
his accusers drew him on to extend this doctrine to temporal
princes. This was enough to complete the alienation of Sigismund,
and after the third day's trial he was the first to pronounce
in favor of condemnation. The last obstacle in the way of the
prosecution was thus removed, and Huss was burned in a meadow
outside the city walls on July 6, 1415.</p>

<p>With the death of Huss ends the first and most eventful period
of the Council of Constance. Within these seven or eight
months Sigismund and the reforming party, thanks to the
division of the council into nations, seemed to have gained a
signal success. Sigismund had purchased his triumph by breaking
his pledge to Huss, and for this he was to pay a heavy
penalty in the subsequent disturbances in Bohemia. But for
the moment these were not foreseen, and Sigismund was jubilantly
eager to prosecute his scheme. Warned by the experience
of its predecessor at Pisa, the Council of Constance was careful
not to put too much trust in paper decrees. John XXIII was
not only deposed, but a prisoner. Gregory XII had given a
conditional promise of resignation, and had so few supporters
as to be of slight importance. But Benedict XIII was still strong
in the allegiance of the Spanish kingdoms, and unless they could
be detached from his cause there was little prospect of ending the
schism.</p>

<p>This task Sigismund volunteered to undertake, and he also
proposed to avert the impending war between England and
France, to reconcile the Burgundian and Armagnac parties in
the latter country, and to negotiate peace between the King
of Poland and the Teutonic Knights. It would, indeed, be a
revival of the imperial idea if its representative could thus act
as a general mediator in European quarrels. The council
welcomed the offer with enthusiasm, and showed their loyalty
to Sigismund by deciding to postpone all important questions
till his return. And this decision was actually adhered to.
During the sixteen months of Sigismund's absence&mdash;July 15,
1415, to January 27, 1417&mdash;only two prominent subjects were
considered by the council. One was the trial of Jerome of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span>
Prague, which was a mere corollary of that of Huss, and ended
in a similar sentence. The other was the thorny question raised
by the proposed condemnation of the writings of Jean Petit, a
Burgundian partisan who had defended the murder of the Duke
of Orleans. The leader of the attack upon Jean Petit was Gerson,
the learned and eloquent chancellor of the University of
Paris. But so completely had the matter become a party question,
and so great was the influence of the Duke of Burgundy,
that the council could not be induced to go further than a general
condemnation of the doctrine of lawful tyrannicide; and Gerson's
activity in the matter provoked such ill-will that after the
close of the council he could not venture to return to France,
which was then completely under Burgundian and English domination.</p>

<p>It is impossible to narrate here the story of Sigismund's
journey, though it abounds with illustrations of his impulsive
character and of the attitude of the western states toward the
imperial pretensions. It furnished conclusive proofs, if any
were needed, that however the council, for its own ends, might
welcome the authority of a secular head, national sentiment was
far too strongly developed to give any chance of success to a projected
revival of the medi&aelig;val empire. As regards his immediate
object, Sigismund was able to achieve some results. He failed
to induce Benedict XIII to abdicate, but the quibbles of the
veteran intriguer exhausted the patience of his supporters, and
at a conference at Narbonne the Spanish kings agreed to desert
him and to adhere to the Council of Constance, December, 1415.
But Sigismund's more ambitious schemes came to nothing. So
far from preventing a war between England and France, he only
forwarded an alliance between Henry V and the Duke of Burgundy;
and though he may have done this in the hope of forcing
peace upon France, the result was to make the war more disastrous
and prolonged.</p>

<p>When Sigismund reappeared in Constance, January 27, 1417,
he found that the state of affairs both in Germany and in the
council had altered for the worse. Frederick of Tyrol had returned
to his dominions and had been welcomed by his subjects.</p>

<p>The Archbishop of Mainz had renewed his intrigues, and an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span>
attempt had even been made to release John XXIII. With the
Elector Palatine, formerly his loyal supporter, Sigismund had
quarrelled on money matters, and it seemed possible that the
four Rhenish electors would form a league against Sigismund
as they had done against Wenceslaus in 1400. Still more galling
was his loss of influence in the council. The adhesion of the
Spanish kingdoms had been followed by the arrival of Spanish
prelates, who formed a fifth nation and strengthened the party
opposed to reform. The war between England and France had
created a quarrel between the two nations at Constance, and
the French deserted the cause they had once championed rather
than vote with their enemies.</p>

<p>Sigismund could only rely upon the English and the Germans;
and the question which agitated the council was one of vital importance.
Which was to come first, the election of a new pope
or the adoption of a scheme of ecclesiastical reform? The conservatives
contended that the Church could hardly be said to
exist without its head; that no reform would be valid until the
normal constitution of the Church was restored. On the other
hand, it was urged that no reform was possible unless the supremacy
of a general council was fully recognized; that certain
questions could be more easily discussed and settled during a
vacancy; that if the reforms were agreed upon, a new pope
could be pledged to accept them, whereas a pope elected at once
could prevent all reform. Party spirit ran extremely high, and
it seemed almost impossible to effect an agreement. Sigismund
was openly denounced as a heretic, while he in turn threatened
to imprison the cardinals for contumacy.</p>

<p>But gradually the balance turned against the reformers.
Some of the leading German bishops were bribed to change their
votes. The head of the English representatives, Robert Hallam,
Bishop of Salisbury, died at the critical moment, and the influence
of Henry Beaufort, the future cardinal, induced the English
nation to support an immediate election. It was agreed
that a new pope should be chosen at once, and that the council
should then proceed to the work of reform. But the only preliminary
concession that Sigismund and his party could obtain
was the issue of a decree in October, 1417, that another council
should meet within five years, a second within seven years,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span>
and that afterward a council should be regularly held every ten
years.</p>

<p>For the new election it was decided that the twenty-three
cardinals should be joined by thirty delegates of the council, six
from each nation. The conclave met on November 8th, and
three days later their choice fell upon Cardinal Oddo Colonna,
who took the name of Martin V. Even the defeated party could
not refrain from sharing in the general enthusiasm at the restoration
of unity after forty years of schism. But their fears
as to the ultimate fate of the cause of reform were fully justified.
Soon after his election Martin declared that it was impious to
appeal to a council against a papal decision. Such a declaration,
as Gerson said, nullified the acts of the councils of Pisa and
Constance, including the election of the Pope himself. In their
indignation the members made a strong appeal to the Pope to
fulfil the conditions agreed upon before his election. But Martin
had a weapon to hand which had been furnished by the council
itself.</p>

<p>It was the division into nations that had led to the fall of
John XXIII, and it was the same division into nations that had
ruined the prospects of reform. The Pope now drew up a few
scanty articles of reform, which he offered as separate concordats
to the French, Germans, and English. It was a dangerous
expedient for a pope to adopt, because it seemed to
imply the separate existence of national churches; but it answered
its immediate purpose. Martin could contend that there
was no longer any work for the council to do, and he dissolved
it in May, 1418.</p>

<p>He set out for Italy, where a difficult task awaited him. Papal
authority in Rome had ceased with the flight of John XXIII
in 1414. Sigismund offered the Pope a residence in some
Germany city, but Martin wisely refused. The support of his
own family, the Colonnas, enabled him to re&euml;nter Rome in 1421.
By that time almost all traces of the schism had disappeared.
Gregory XII was dead; John XXIII had recently died in Florence;
Benedict XIII still held out in his fortress of Peniscola,
but was impotent in his isolation.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span></p>
<h2>TRIAL AND BURNING OF JOHN HUSS</h2>

<h3>THE HUSSITE WARS</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1415</h6>

<h3>RICHARD CHENEVIX TRENCH</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>Among the heralds of the Reformation, John Wycliffe, the English
Protestant who antedated Protestantism by a century and a half, holds
the first position in order of time. For many years after the death of
Wycliffe the movement which he began continued to be, as it was at first,
confined to England; but at length it was to acquire a wider significance
and to enter upon its European extension.</p>

<p>Not long after his own day the spirit of Wycliffe&mdash;even before knowledge
of his work had crossed the Channel&mdash;had come to a new birth on
the Continent. And when some sparks of Wycliffe's own fire were blown
over the half of Europe&mdash;even as far as Bohemia&mdash;the kindred fires which
had long burned in spite of all suppression were quickened into a living
and a spreading flame.</p>

<p>While then there was a direct and vital influence from the work of the
English reformer which gave to his teachings partial identity with those
of his Bohemian successors, the movement led by these was still quite independent
and national.</p>

<p>The central figure of the Bohemian Reformation was John Huss, or
Hus, the son of a peasant. He was born in 1369 at Husinetz&mdash;of which
his own name is a contraction&mdash;in Southern Bohemia. The principal
events of his life, from the time that he took his degree at the University
of Prague until his death at the stake, July 6, 1415, will be found in
Trench's sympathetic but discriminating narrative.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_i.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="I" />F we look for the proper forerunners of Huss, his true spiritual
ancestors, we shall find them in his own land, in a succession
of earnest and faithful preachers&mdash;among these Militz (d. 1374)
and Janow (d. 1394) stand out the most prominently&mdash;who had
sown seed which could hardly have failed to bear fruit sooner
or later, though no line of Wycliffe's writings had ever found its
way to Bohemia. This land, not German, however it may
have been early drawn into the circle of German interests, with
a population Slavonic in the main, had first received the faith
through the preaching of Greek monks. The Bohemian Church<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span>
probably owed to this fact that, though incorporated from the
first with the churches of the West, uses and customs prevailed
in it&mdash;as the preaching in the mother tongue, the marriage of the
clergy, communion in both kinds&mdash;which it only slowly and unwillingly
relinquished. It was not till the fourteenth century
that its lines were drawn throughout in exact conformity with
those of Rome. All this deserves to be kept in mind; for it
helps to account for the kindly reception which the seed sown
by the later Bohemian reformers found, falling as this did in a
soil to which it was not altogether strange.</p>

<p>John Huss took in the year 1394 his degree as bachelor of
theology in that University of Prague upon the fortunes of which
he was destined to exercise so lasting an influence; and four
years later, in 1398, he began to deliver lectures there. Huss
had early taken his degree in a school higher than any school of
man's. He himself has told us how he was once careless and
disobedient, how the word of the Cross had taken hold of him
with strength, and penetrated him through and through as with
a mighty purifying fire. What he had learned in the school
of Christ he could not keep to himself. Holding, in addition
to his academical position, a lectureship founded by two pious
laymen for the preaching of the Word in the Bohemian tongue
(1401), he soon signalized himself by his diligence in breaking
the bread of life to hungering souls, and his boldness in rebuking
vice in high places as in low. So long as he confined himself
to reproving the sins of the laity, he found little opposition, nay,
rather support and applause. But when he brought the clergy
and monks also within the circle of his condemnation, and began
to upbraid them for their covetousness, their ambition,
their luxury, their sloth, and for other vices, they turned resentfully
upon him, and sought to undermine his authority, everywhere
spreading reports of the unsoundness of his teaching.</p>

<p>Let us see on what side he mainly exposed himself to charges
such as these. Many things had recently wrought together to
bring into nearness countries geographically so remote from
one another as Bohemia and England. Anne, wife of our second
Richard, was a sister of Wenceslaus, King of Bohemia. The
two flourishing universities of Oxford and Prague were bound
together by their common zeal for Realism. This may seem<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span>
to us but a slight and fantastic bond; it was in those days a
very strong one indeed. Young English scholars studied at
Prague, young Bohemian at Oxford. Now, Oxford, long after
Wycliffe's death, was full of interest for his doctrine; and among
the many strangers sojourning there, it could hardly fail that
some should imbibe opinions and bring back with them books
of one whom they had there learned to know and to honor.
Thus Jerome, called of Prague, on his return from the English
university, gave a new impulse to the study of Wycliffe's writings,
bearer as he was of several among these which had not hitherto
travelled so far.</p>

<p>This man, whose fortunes were so tragically bound up with
those of Huss, who should share with him in the same fiery
doom, was his junior by several years; his superior in eloquence,
in talents, in gifts&mdash;for certainly Huss was not a theologian
of the first order; speculative theologian he was not at
all&mdash;but notably his inferior in moderation and practical good-sense.
Huss never shared in his friend's indiscriminate admiration
of Wycliffe. When, in 1403, some forty-five theses, which
either were or professed to be drawn from the writings of the
English reformer, were brought before the university, that they
might be condemned as heretical, Huss expressed himself with
extreme caution and reserve. Many of these, he affirmed, were
true when a man took them aright; but he could not say this
of all. Not first at the Council of Constance, but long before,
he had refused to undertake the responsibility of Wycliffe's
teaching on the holy eucharist. But he did not conceal what
he had learned from Wycliffe's writings. By these there had
been opened to him a deeper glimpse into the corruptions of the
Church, and its need of reformation in the head and in the members,
than ever he had before obtained. His preaching, with
the new accesses of insight which now were his, more than ever
exasperated his foes.</p>

<p>While matters were in this strained condition, events took
place at Prague which are too closely connected with the story
that we are telling, exercised too great an influence in bringing
about the issues that lie before us, to allow us to pass them by,
even though they may prove somewhat long to relate. The
University of Prague, though recently founded&mdash;it only dated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span>
back to the year 1348&mdash;was now, next after those of Paris and
Oxford, the most illustrious in Europe. Saying this I say much;
for we must not measure the influence and authority of a university
at that day by the influence and authority, great as these
are, which it may now possess. This university, like that of
Paris, on the pattern of which it had been modelled, was divided
into four "nations"&mdash;four groups, that is, or families of scholars&mdash;each
of these having in academical affairs a single collective
vote. These nations were the Bavarian, the Saxon, the Polish,
and the Bohemian. This does not appear at first an unfair
division&mdash;two German and two Slavonic; but in practical
working the Polish was so largely recruited from Silesia and
other German or half-German lands that its vote was in fact
German also.</p>

<p>The Teutonic votes were thus as three to one, and the Bohemians,
in their own land and in their own university, on every
important matter hopelessly outvoted. When, by aid of this
preponderance, the university was made to condemn the teaching
of Wycliffe in those forty-five points, matters came to a
crisis. Urged by Huss&mdash;who as a stout patriot, and an earnest
lover of the Bohemian language and literature, had more than a
theological interest in the matter&mdash;by Jerome, by a large number
of the Bohemian nobility, King Wenceslaus published an
edict whereby the relations of natives and foreigners were completely
reversed. There should be henceforth three votes for
the Bohemian nation, and only one for the three others. Such
a shifting of the weight certainly appears as a redressing of one
inequality by creating another. At all events it was so earnestly
resented by the Germans, by professors and students alike, that
they quitted the university in a body, some say of five thousand
and some of thirty thousand, and founded the rival University of
Leipsic, leaving no more than two thousand students at Prague.
Full of indignation against Huss, whom they regarded as the
prime author of this affront and wrong, they spread throughout
Germany the most unfavorable reports of him and of his teaching.</p>

<p>This exodus of the foreigners had left Huss, who was now
rector of the university, with a freer field than before. But
church matters at Prague did not mend; they became more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span>
confused and threatening every day, until presently Huss stood
in open opposition with the hierarchy of his time. Pope John
XXIII, having a quarrel with the King of Naples, proclaimed
a crusade against him, with what had become a constant accompaniment
of this&mdash;indulgences to the crusaders. But to
denounce indulgences, as Huss with fierce indignation did now,
was to wound Pope John in a most sensitive part. He was excommunicated
at once, and every place which should harbor
him stricken with an interdict. While matters were in this
frame the Council of Constance was opened, which should appease
all the troubles of Christendom and correct whatever was
amiss. The Bohemian difficulty could not be omitted, and Huss
was summoned to make answer at Constance for himself.</p>

<p>He had not been there four weeks when he was required to
appear before the Pope and cardinals, November 18, 1414. After
a brief informal hearing he was committed to harsh durance,
from which he never issued as a free man again. Sigismund,
the German King and Emperor-elect, who had furnished
Huss with a safe-conduct which should protect him, "going to
the Council, tarrying at the Council, returning from the Council,"
was absent from Constance at the time, and heard with real
displeasure how lightly regarded this promise and pledge of his
had been.</p>

<p>Some big words, too, he spoke, threatening to come himself
and release the prisoner by force; but, being waited on by a
deputation from the council, who represented to him that he, as a
layman, in giving such a safe-conduct had exceeded his powers,
and intruded into a region which was not his, Sigismund was
convinced, or affected to be convinced. Doubtless the temptations
to be convinced were strong. Had he insisted on the
liberation of Huss, the danger was imminent that the council,
for which he had labored so earnestly, would be broken up on
the plea that its rightful freedom was denied it. He did not
choose to run this risk, preferring to leave an everlasting blot
upon his name.</p>

<p>Some modern sophists assure us that this safe-conduct&mdash;or
free pass, as they prefer to call it&mdash;engaged the imperial word
for Huss' safety in going to the council, but for nothing more&mdash;a
most perfidious document, if this is all which it undertook;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span>
for the words&mdash;I quote the more important of them in the original
Latin&mdash;are as follows: "<i>ut ei transire, stare, morari, redire
permittatis</i>." But the treachery was not in the document, and
nobody at the time attempted to find it there. If this had not
engaged the honor of the Emperor, what cause of complaint
would he have had against the cardinals as having entangled him
in a breach of his word? what need of their solemn ambassage
to him? Untrue also is the assertion that this was so little regarded
by Huss himself as a safe-conduct covering the whole
period during which he should be exposed to the malice of his
enemies that he never appealed to it or claimed protection from
it. He did so appeal at this second formal hearing, June 7th,
the first at which Sigismund was present. "I am here," he
there said, "under the King's promise that I should return to
Bohemia in safety"; while at his last, by a look and by a few like
words, he brought the royal word-breaker to a blush, evident to
all present, July 6th.</p>

<p>But to return a little. More than seven months elapsed
before Huss could obtain a hearing before the council. This
was granted to him at last. Thrice heard, June 5, 7, 8, 1415&mdash;if,
indeed, such tumultuary sittings, where the man speaking
for his life, and for much more than his life, was continually
interrupted and overborne by hostile voices, by loud
cries of "Recant, recant!" may be reckoned as hearings at all&mdash;he
bore himself, by the confession of all, with courage, meekness,
and dignity. The charges brought against him were various;
some so far-fetched as that urged by a Nominalist from the
University of Paris&mdash;for Paris was Nominalist now&mdash;namely,
that as a Realist he could not be sound on the doctrine of the
eucharist. Others were vague enough, as that he had sown
discord between the church and the state. Nor were accusations
wanting which touched a really weak point in his teaching,
namely, the subjective aspect which undoubtedly some aspects
of it wore; as when he taught that not the baptized, but the
predestinated to life, constituted the Church. Beset as he was
by the most accomplished theologians of the age, the best or
the worst advantage was sure to be made of any vulnerable side
which he exposed.</p>

<p>But there were charges against him with more in them of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span>
danger than these. The point which was really at issue between
him and his adversaries concerned the relative authority
of the Church and of Scripture. What they demanded of him
was a retractation of all the articles brought against him, with
an unconditional submission to the council. Some of the articles,
he replied, charged him with teaching things which he had never
taught, and he could not by this formal act of retractation admit
that he had taught them. Let any doctrine of his be shown
to be contrary to God's holy Word, and he would retract it; but
such unconditional submission he could not yield.</p>

<p>His fate was now sealed&mdash;that is, unless he could be induced
to recant; in which event, though he did not know it, his sentence
would have been degradation from the priesthood and a
lifelong imprisonment. Many efforts up to the last moment
were made by friend and foe to persuade him to this, but in vain.
And now once more, July 6th, he is brought before the council,
but this time for sentence and for doom. The sentence passed,
his suffering begins. The long list of his heresies, among which
they are not ashamed to include many which he has distinctly
repudiated, is read out in his hearing. He is clothed with
priestly garments, that these, piece by piece, and each with an
appropriate insult malediction, may be stripped from him again.
The sacred vessels are placed in his hands, that from him,
"accursed Judas that he is," they may be taken again. There
is some difficulty in erasing his tonsure; but this difficulty with
a little violence and cruelty is overcome. A tall paper cap,
painted over with flames and devils, and inscribed "Heresiarch,"
is placed upon his head. This done, and his soul having
been duly delivered to Satan, his body is surrendered to the
secular arm. One last touch is not wanting. As men bind him
to the stake, attention is called to the fact that his face is turned
to the east. This honor must not be his, upon whom no sun of
righteousness shall ever rise. He is unfastened, and refastened
anew. All is borne with perfect meekness, in the thought and
in the strength of Him who had borne so much more for sinners,
the Just for the unjust; and so, in his fire-chariot of a painful
martyrdom, Huss passes from our sight.</p>

<p>Some may wonder that he, a reformer, should have been so
treated by a council, itself also reforming, and with a man like<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>
Gerson&mdash;<i>Doctor Christianissimus</i> was the title he bore&mdash;virtually
at its head. But a little consideration will dispel this surprise,
and lead us to the conclusion that a council less earnestly bent
on reforms of its own would probably have dealt more mildly
with him. His position and theirs, however we may ascribe
alike to him and to them a desire to reform the Church, were
fundamentally different. They, when they deposed a pope,
where they proclaimed the general superiority of councils over
popes, had no intention of diminishing one jot the Church's
authority in matters of faith, but only of changing the seat of
that authority, substituting an ecclesiastical aristocracy for an
ecclesiastical monarchy&mdash;or despotism, as long since it had
grown to be. And thus the more earnest the council was to
carry out a reformation in discipline, the more eager was it also
to make evident to all the world that it did not intend to touch
doctrine, but would uphold this as it had received it. It is not
then uncharitable to suspect that the leading men of the council&mdash;like
those reformers at Geneva who a century and a half later,
1553, sent Servetus to the stake&mdash;were not sorry to be able to
give so signal an evidence of their zeal for the maintenance of the
faith which they had received, as thus, in the condemnation of
Huss, they had the opportunity of doing. Nor may we leave
altogether out of account that the German element must of necessity
have been strong in a council held on the shores of the
Bodensee; while in his vindication of Bohemian nationality,
perhaps an excessive vindication, Huss had offended and embittered
the Germans to the uttermost.</p>

<p>If any had flattered themselves that with the death of Huss
the Reformation in Bohemia had also received its death-blow,
they had not long to wait for a painful undeception. Words
fail to describe the tempest of passionate indignation with which
the tidings of his execution, followed within a year by that of
Jerome, were received there. Both were honored as martyrs,
and already, in the fierce exasperation of men's spirits against
the authors of their doom, there was a prophecy of the unutterable
woes which were even at the door. Some watchword by
which his followers could know and be known&mdash;this watchword,
if possible, a spell of power like that which Luther had found in
the doctrine of justification by faith&mdash;was still wanting. One,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span>
however, was soon found; which indeed had this drawback,
that it concerned a matter disciplinary rather than doctrinal,
yet having a real value as a visible witness for the rights of the
laity in the Church of Christ. So far as we know, Huss had not
himself laid any special stress on communion under both kinds;
but in 1414&mdash;he was then already at Constance&mdash;the subject
had come to the forefront at Prague; and, being consulted,
Huss had entirely approved of such communion as most conformable
to the original institution and to the practice of the
primitive Church. On the other hand, the council, learning
the agitation of men's spirits in this direction, had declared what
is called the "Concomitance"&mdash;that is, that wherever one kind
was present, there was also the other, which being so, nothing
was, indeed, withholden from the communicant through the
withholding of the cup. At the same time the council had
solemnly condemned as a heretic everyone who refused to submit
himself to the decision of the Church in this matter, June
15, 1415.</p>

<p>But there was no temper of submission in Bohemia&mdash;least
of all when the University of Prague gave its voice in favor of
this demand. Wenceslaus, the well-intentioned but poor-spirited
King, was quite unable to keep peace between the rival
factions, and could only slip out of his difficulties by dying,
August 16, 1419. Sigismund, his brother, was also his successor;
but of one thing the Bohemians were at this time resolved;
namely, that the royal betrayer of his word should not reign
over them. And thus a condition of miserable anarchy followed,
and, in the end, of open war; which, lasting for eleven years,
could be matched by few wars in the cruelties and atrocities
by which on both sides it was disgraced. In Ziska, their blind
chief, the Hussites had a leader with a born genius for war. It
was he who invented the movable wagon-fortress whereof we
hear so much, against which the German chivalry would break
as idle waves upon a rock. Three times crusading armies&mdash;for
this name they bore, thinking with no serious opposition to
enforce the decrees of the council&mdash;invaded Bohemia, to be
thrice driven back with utter defeat, disgrace, and loss; the
Hussites, who for a long while were content with merely repelling
the invaders, after a while, and as the only way of conquering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>
a peace, turning the tables, and wasting with fire and
sword all neighboring German lands.</p>

<p>A conflict so hideous could not long be waged without a
rapid deterioration of all who were engaged in it. The spirit
of Huss more and more departed from those who called themselves
by his name. Intestine strifes devoured their strength.
There were first the Moderates&mdash;Calixtines, Utraquists, or
"Those of Prague," they were called&mdash;who, weary of the long
struggle, were willing to return to the bosom of the Church if
only the cup (<i>calix</i>), and thus communion under both kinds (<i>sub
utraque</i>), were guaranteed to them, with two or three secondary
matters. Not so the Taborites, who drew their name from a
mountain fastness which they fortified and called Mount Tabor.
These, the Ultras, the democratic radical party, separating
themselves off as early as 1419, had left Huss and his teaching
very far behind. Ignoring the whole historical development
of Christianity, they demanded that a clean sweep should be
made of everything in the Church's practice for which an express
and literal warrant in Scripture could not be found.
When at the Council of Basel an agreement was patched up
with the Calixtines on the footing which I have just named, 1433,
a few further promises being thrown in which might mean anything
and, as the issue proved, did mean nothing, the Taborites
would not listen to the compromise. Again they appealed to
arms: but now their old comrades and allies had passed to the
other side; and, defeated in battle, 1434, their stronghold taken
and destroyed, 1453, their political power forever broken, they,
too, as so many before and since, were doomed to learn that violence
is weakness in disguise, and that the wrath of man worketh
not the righteousness of God.</p>

<p>Whether the Church of Rome made the concessions to the
Calixtines which she did, with the intention of retracting them
at the first opportunity, it is impossible to say. This, however, is
certain, that half a dozen years had scarcely elapsed before these
concessions were brought into question and dispute; while, in
less than thirty, Pope Pius II formally withdrew altogether the
papal recognition of them, 1462; though a struggle for their
maintenance, not always unsuccessful, lasted on into the century
ensuing.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span>It was in truth a melancholy close of a movement so hopefully
begun. And yet not altogether the close; for, indeed, nothing,
in which any elements of true heroism are mingled, so disappears
as to leave no traces of itself behind. If it does no
more, it serves to feed the high tradition of the world&mdash;that
most precious of all bequests to the present age from the ages
which are behind it. But there was more than this. If much
was consumed, yet not all. Something&mdash;and that the best worth
the saving&mdash;was saved from the fires, having first been purified
in them. The stormy zealots, as many as had taken the sword,
had for the most part perished by the sword.</p>

<p>But there were some who made for themselves a better future
than the sword could have ever made. A feeble remnant,
extricating themselves from the wreck and ruin of their party,
and having been taught of God in his severest school, pious
Calixtines, too, that were little content with the Compacts of
Basel, a few stray Waldensians mingling with them, all these,
drawing together in an evil time, refashioned and reconstituted
themselves in humblest guise, though not in guise so humble
that they could escape the cruel attentions of Rome. Seeking
to build on a true scriptural foundation, with a scheme of doctrine,
it may be, dogmatically incomplete&mdash;even as that of Huss
himself had been&mdash;with their episcopate lost and never since
recovered, the Unitas Fratrum, the Moravian Brethren, trampled
and trodden down, but overcoming now, not by weapons of
carnal warfare, but by the blood of the Cross, lived on to hail
the breaking of a fairer dawn, and to be themselves greeted as
witnesses for God, who in a dark and gloomy day, and having
but a little strength, had kept his word, and not denied his
name.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span></p>
<h2>THE HOUSE OF HOHENZOLLERN ESTABLISHED
IN BRANDENBURG</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1415</h6>

<h3>THOMAS CARLYLE</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>The German princely family of Hohenzollern, which ruled over Brandenburg
from 1415, has furnished the kings of Prussia since 1701, and
since 1871 those kings have also been German emperors. The Hohenzollerns
were originally owners of a castle on the Upper Danube, at no
great distance from the ancestral seat of the Hapsburg family. They acquired
influence at the court of Swabia, and in 1192 had established themselves
in Nuremberg, where in that year Frederick I became burggraf.
When Rudolph I, founder of the house of Hapsburg, finally defeated his
rival, Ottocar of Bohemia (1278), his cause was saved by the assistance
of a Hohenzollern&mdash;Frederick of Nuremberg.</p>

<p>The Hohenzollerns made fortunate marriages and shrewd purchases
and the descendants of Frederick I, succeeding to his burggravate, in the
course of time acquired great estates in Franconia, Moravia, and Burgundy.
Through their increasing wealth&mdash;whereby in the fifteenth century
they had gained a position similar to that of the present Rothschilds&mdash;and
by use of their political abilities, they attained commanding influence
in the councils of the German princes.</p>

<p>Such was the eminence of this powerful family at the time when they
acquired the electorate of Brandenburg, the nucleus of the present kingdom
of Prussia. Brandenburg was a district formerly inhabited by the
Wends, a Slavic people, from whom it was taken in 926 by Henry the
Fowler, King of Germany, of which kingdom it afterward became a margravate.
Its first margrave was Albert the Bear, under whom, about
1150, it was made an electorate; from Albert's line it passed to Louis the
Bavarian, in 1319; and in 1371 it was transferred to Charles (Karl) IV.
On the death of Charles, his son and successor Wenzel (Wenceslaus)
relinquished Brandenburg to his brothers, as told by Carlyle, who in
his own pictorial manner describes the subsequent complications which
finally resulted in giving that possession to the ancestors of the present
ruling house of Germany.</p></div>

<p><img src="images/cap_k.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="K" />ARL<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> left three young sons, Wenzel, Sigismund, Johann;
and also a certain nephew much older; all of whom now
more or less concern us in this unfortunate history.</p>

<p>Wenzel, the eldest son, heritable Kurfuerst of Brandenburg
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span>as well as King of Bohemia, was as yet only seventeen, who nevertheless
got to be kaiser&mdash;and went widely astray, poor soul.
The nephew was no other than Margrave Jobst of Moravia, now
in the vigor of his years and a stirring man: to him, for a time,
the chief management in Brandenburg fell, in these circumstances.
Wenzel, still a minor, and already Kaiser and King of
Bohemia, gave up Brandenburg to his two younger brothers,
most of it to Sigismund, with a cutting for Johann, to help their
appanages; and applied his own powers to govern the Holy Roman
Empire, at that early stage of life.</p>

<p>To govern the Holy Roman Empire, poor soul&mdash;or rather
"to drink beer and dance with the girls"; in which, if defective
in other things, Wenzel had an eminent talent. He was one of
the worst kaisers and the least victorious on record. He would
attend to nothing in the Reich; "the Prag white beer, and girls"
of various complexion, being much preferable, as he was heard
to say. He had to fling his poor Queen's Confessor into the
river Moldau&mdash;Johann of Nepomuk, Saint so called, if he is not
a fable altogether; whose Statue stands on Bridges ever since,
in those parts. Wenzel's Bohemians revolted against him; put
him in jail; and he broke prison, a boatman's daughter helping
him out, with adventures. His Germans were disgusted with
him; deposed him from the kaisership; chose Rupert of the
Pfalz; and then, after Rupert's death, chose Wenzel's own
brother Sigismund in his stead&mdash;left Wenzel to jumble about
in his native Bohemian element, as king there, for nineteen years
longer, still breaking pots to a ruinous extent.</p>

<p>He ended by apoplexy, or sudden spasm of the heart; terrible
Ziska,<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> as it were, killing him at second hand. For Ziska,
stout and furious, blind of one eye and at last of both, a kind of
human rhinoceros driven mad, had risen out of the ashes of murdered
Huss, and other bad papistic doings, in the interim; and
was tearing up the world at a huge rate. Rhinoceros Ziska was
on the Weissenberg, or a still nearer hill of Prag since called
Ziska-berg (Ziska Hill); and none durst whisper of it to the
King. A servant waiting at dinner inadvertently let slip the
word: "Ziska there? Deny it, slave!" cried Wenzel, frantic.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>Slave durst not deny. Wenzel drew his sword to run at him,
but fell down dead: that was the last pot broken by Wenzel.
The hapless royal ex-imperial phantasm self-broken in this
manner. Poor soul, he came to the kaisership too early; was a
thin violent creature, sensible to the charms and horrors of created
objects; and had terrible rhinoceros ziskas and unruly
horned cattle to drive. He was one of the worst kaisers ever
known&mdash;could have done Opera Singing much better&mdash;and a sad
sight to Bohemia. Let us leave him there: he was never actual
Elector of Brandenburg, having given it up in time; never did
any ill to that poor country.</p>


<p>The real Kurf&uuml;rst of Brandenburg all this while was Sigismund,
Wenzel's next brother, under tutelage of cousin Jobst or
otherwise&mdash;a real and yet imaginary, for he never himself governed,
but always had Jobst of M&auml;hren or some other in his place
there. Sigismund was to have married a daughter of Burggraf
Friedrich V;<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> and he was himself, as was the young lady, well
inclined to this arrangement. But the old people being dead,
and some offer of a king's daughter turning up for Sigismund,
Sigismund broke off; and took the king's daughter, King of
Hungary's&mdash;not without regret then and afterward, as is believed.
At any rate, the Hungarian charmer proved a wife of
small merit, and a Hungarian successor she had was a wife of
light conduct even; Hungarian charmers, and Hungarian affairs,
were much other than a comfort to Sigismund.</p>

<p>As for the disappointed princess, Burggraf Friedrich's daughter,
she said nothing that we hear; silently became a Nun, an
Abbess: and through a long life looked out, with her thoughts
to herself, upon the loud whirlwind of things, where Sigismund
(oftenest an imponderous rag of conspicuous color) was riding
and tossing. Her two brothers also, joint Burggraves after their
father's death, seemed to have reconciled themselves without
difficulty. The elder of them was already Sigismund's brother-in-law;
married to Sigismund's and Wenzel's sister&mdash;by such
predestination as we saw. Burggraf Johann III was the name
of this one; a stout fighter and manager for many years; much
liked, and looked to, by Sigismund, as indeed were both the
brothers, for that matter; always, together or in succession, a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span>kind of right hand to Sigismund. Frederick (Friedrich), the
younger Burggraf, and ultimately the survivor and inheritor
(Johann having left no sons), is the famed Burggraf Friedrich
VI the last and notablest of all the Burggraves&mdash;a man of distinguished
importance, extrinsic and intrinsic; chief or among
the very chief of German public men in his time; and memorable
to Posterity, and to this history, on still other grounds!
But let us not anticipate.</p>


<p>Sigismund, if appanaged with Brandenburg alone, and wedded
to his first love, not a king's daughter, might have done
tolerably well there; better than Wenzel, with the empire and
Bohemia, did. But delusive Fortune threw her golden apple at
Sigismund too; and he, in the wide high world, had to play
strange pranks. His father-in-law died in Hungary, Sigismund's
first wife his only child. Father-in-law bequeathed
Hungary to Sigismund, who plunged into a strange sea thereby;
got troubles without number, beatings not a few, and had even
to take boat, and sail for his life down to Constantinople, at one
time. In which sad adventure Burggraf Johann escorted him,
and as it were tore him out by the hair of the head. These troubles
and adventures lasted many years; in the course of which,
Sigismund, trying all manner of friends and expedients, found
in the Burggraves of Nuremberg, Johann and Friedrich, with
their talents, possessions, and resources, the main or almost only
sure support he got.</p>

<p>No end of troubles to Sigismund, and to Brandenburg through
him, from this sublime Hungarian legacy. Like a remote
fabulous golden fleece, which you have to go and conquer first,
and which is worth little when conquered. Before ever setting
out (1387), Sigismund saw too clearly that he would have
cash to raise: an operation he had never done with, all his life
afterward. He pawned Brandenburg to cousin Jobst of M&auml;hren;
got "twenty thousand Bohemian gulden"&mdash;I guess, a most
slender sum, if Dryasdust would but interpret it. This was the
beginning of pawnings to Brandenburg; of which when will the
end be? Jobst thereby came into Brandenburg on his own
right for the time, not as tutor or guardian, which he had hitherto
been. Into Brandenburg; and there was no chance of repayment
to get him out again.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span>Jobst tried at first to do some governing; but finding all very
anarchic, grew unhopeful; took to making matters easy for
himself. Took, in fact, to turning a penny on his pawn-ticket;
alienating crown domains, winking hard at robber barons, and
the like&mdash;and after a few years, went home to Moravia, leaving
Brandenburg to shift for itself, under a Statthalter (Viceregent,
more like a hungry land-steward), whom nobody took the trouble
of respecting. Robber castles flourished; all else decayed. No
highway not unsafe; many a Turpin with sixteen quarters, and
styling himself Edle Herr (noble gentleman), took to "living from
the saddle": what are Hamburg pedlers made for but to be
robbed?</p>

<p>The towns suffered much; any trade they might have had,
going to wreck in this manner. Not to speak of private feuds,
which abounded <i>ad libitum</i>. Neighboring potentates, Archbishop
of Magdeburg and others, struck in also at discretion, as
they had gradually got accustomed to do, and snapped away
some convenient bit of territory, or, more legitimately, they
came across to coerce, at their own hand, this or the other Edle
Herr of the Turpin sort, whom there was no other way of getting
at, when he carried matters quite too high. "Droves of six hundred
swine"&mdash;I have seen (by reading in those old books) certain
noble gentlemen, "of Putlitz," I think, driving them openly,
captured by the stronger hand; and have heard the short querulous
squeak of the bristly creatures: "What is the use of being a
pig at all, if I am to be stolen in this way, and surreptitiously
made into ham?" Pigs do continue to be bred in Brandenburg:
but it is under such discouragements. Agriculture, trade, well-being
and well-doing of any kind, it is not encouragement they
are meeting here. Probably few countries, not even Ireland,
have a worse outlook, unless help come.</p>

<p>Jobst came back in 1398, after eight years' absence; but no
help came with Jobst. The Neumark of Brandenburg, which
was brother Johann's portion, had fallen home to Sigismund,
brother Johann having died; but Sigismund, far from redeeming
old pawn-tickets with the Neumark, pawned the Neumark
too&mdash;the second pawnage of Brandenburg. Pawned the
Neumark to the Teutsch Ritters "for sixty-three thousand Hungarian
gulden" (I think, about thirty thousand pounds), and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>
gave no part of it to Jobst; had not nearly enough for himself
and his Hungarian occasions.</p>

<p>Seeing which, and hearing such squeak of pigs surreptitiously
driven, with little but discordant sights and sounds everywhere,
Jobst became disgusted with the matter; and resolved to wash his
hands of it, at least to have his money out of it again. Having
sold what of the domains he could to persons of quality, at an
uncommonly easy rate, and so pocketed what ready cash there
was among them, he made over his pawn-ticket, or properly
he himself repawned Brandenburg to the Saxon potentate, a
speculative moneyed man, Markgraf of Meissen, "Wilhelm
the Rich," so called. Pawned it to Wilhelm the Rich&mdash;sum not
named; and went home to Moravia, there to wait events. This
is the third Brandenburg pawning: let us hope there may be a
fourth and last.</p>

<p>And so we have now reached that point in Brandenburg history
when, if some help does not come, Brandenburg will not
long be a country, but will either get dissipated in pieces and
stuck to the edge of others where some government is, or else go
waste again and fall to the bisons and wild bears.</p>

<p>Who now is Kurf&uuml;rst of Brandenburg, might be a question.
"I unquestionably!" Sigismund would answer, with astonishment.
"Soft, your Hungarian Majesty," thinks Jobst: "till my
cash is paid may it not probably be another?" This question
has its interest: the Electors just now (1400) are about deposing
Wenzel; must choose some better Kaiser. If they wanted another
scion of the house of Luxemburg&mdash;a mature old gentleman
of sixty; full of plans, plausibilities, pretensions&mdash;Jobst is their
man. Jobst and Sigismund were of one mind as to Wenzel's
going; at least Sigismund voted clearly so, and Jobst said nothing
counter: but the Kurf&uuml;rsts did not think of Jobst for successor.
After some stumbling, they fixed upon Rupert Kur-Pfalz
(Elector Palatine, Ruprecht von der Pfalz) as Kaiser.</p>

<p>Rupert of the Pfalz proved a highly respectable Kaiser;
lasted for ten years (1400-10), with honor to himself and the
Reich. A strong heart, strong head, but short of means. He
chastised petty mutiny with vigor, could not bring down the
Milanese Visconti, who had perched themselves so high on
money paid to Wenzel; could not heal the schism of the Church<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span>
(double or triple Pope, Rome-Avignon affair), or awaken the
Reich to a sense of its old dignity and present loose condition.
In the late loose times, as antiquaries remark, most members of
the Empire, petty princes even and imperial towns, had been
struggling to set up for themselves; and were now concerned
chiefly to become sovereign in their own territories. And Schilter
informs us it was about this period that most of them attained
such rather unblessed consummation; Rupert of himself not
able to help it, with all his willingness. The people called him
"Rupert Klemm (Rupert Smith's-vise)," from his resolute
ways; which nickname&mdash;given him not in hatred, but partly in
satirical good-will&mdash;is itself a kind of history. From historians
of the Reich he deserves honorable regretful mention.</p>

<p>He had for Empress a sister of Burggraf Friedrich's; which
high lady, unknown to us otherwise, except by her tomb at
Heidelberg, we remember for her brother's sake. Kaiser Rupert&mdash;great-grandson
of that Kur-Pfalz who was Kaiser Ludwig's
elder brother&mdash;is the culminating point of the Electors
Palatine; the highest that Heidelberg produced. Ancestor of
those famed Protestant "Palatines"; of all the Palatines or
Pfalzes that reign in these late centuries. Ancestor of the present
Bavarian Majesty; Kaiser Ludwig's race having died out.
Ancestor of the unfortunate Winterk&ouml;nig, Friedrich, King of
Bohemia, who is too well known in English history&mdash;ancestor
also of Charles XII of Sweden, a highly creditable fact of the
kind to him. Fact indisputable: a cadet of Pfalz-Zweibr&uuml;ck
(Deux-Ponts), direct from Rupert, went to serve in Sweden in
his soldier business; distinguished himself in soldiering; had a
sister of the great Gustaf Adolf to wife; and from her a renowned
son, Karl Gustaf (Christiana's cousin), who succeeded
as King; who again had a grandson made in his own likeness,
only still more of iron in his composition. Enough now of Rupert
Smith's-vise; who died in 1410, and left the Reich again
vacant.</p>

<p>Rupert's funeral is hardly done, when, over in Preussen, far
off in the Memel region, place called Tannenberg, where there
is still "a church-yard to be seen," if little more, the Teutsch
Ritters had, unexpectedly, a terrible defeat; consummation of
their Polish miscellaneous quarrels of long standing; and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span>
end of their high courses in this world. A ruined Teutsch Ritterdom,
as good as ruined, ever henceforth. Kaiser Rupert died
May 18th; and on July 15th, within two months, was fought
that dreadful "Battle of Tannenburg," Poland and Polish King,
with miscellany of savage Tartars and revolted Prussians, versus
Teutsch Ritterdom; all in a very high mood of mutual rage;
the very elements, "wild thunder, tempest and rain deluges,"
playing chorus to them on the occasion. Ritterdom fought lion-like,
but with insufficient strategic and other wisdom, and was
driven nearly distracted to see its pride tripped into the ditch by
such a set. Vacant Reich could not in the least attend to it; nor
can we further at present.</p>

<p>Jobst and Sigismund were competitors for the Kaisership;
Wenzel, too, striking in with claims for reinstatement: the
house of Luxemburg divided against itself. Wenzel, finding reinstatement
not to be thought of, threw his weight, such as it
was, into the scale of cousin Jobst. The contest was vehement,
and like to be lengthy. Jobst, though he had made over his
pawn-ticket, claimed to be Elector of Brandenburg; and voted
for himself. The like, with still more emphasis, did Sigismund,
or Burggraf Friedrich acting for him: "Sigismund, sure, is Kur-Brandenburg,
though under pawn!" argued Friedrich&mdash;and,
I almost guess, though that is not said, produced from his own
purse, at some stage of the business, the actual money for Jobst,
to close his Brandenburg pretension.</p>

<p>Both were elected (majority contested in this manner); and
old Jobst, then above seventy, was like to have given much
trouble; but happily in three months he died; and Sigismund
became indisputable. In his day Jobst made much noise in the
world, but did little or no good in it. He was thought "a great
man," says one satirical old Chronicler; and there "was nothing
great about him but the beard."</p>

<p>"The cause of Sigismund's success with the Electors," says
Kohler, "or of his having any party among them, was the faithful
and unwearied diligence which had been used for him by the
above-named Burggraf Friedrich VI of Nuremberg, who took
extreme pains to forward Sigismund to the Empire; pleading
that Sigismund and Wenzel would be sure to agree well henceforth,
and that Sigismund, having already such extensive territories<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span>
(Hungary, Brandenburg, and so forth) by inheritance,
would not be so exact about the Reichs-tolls and other imperial
incomes. This same Friedrich also, when the election
fell out doubtful, was Sigismund's best support in Germany,
nay almost his right hand, through whom he did whatever was
done."</p>

<p>Sigismund is Kaiser, then, in spite of Wenzel. King of Hungary,
after unheard-of troubles and adventures, ending some
years ago in a kind of peace and conquest, he has long been.
King of Bohemia, too, he at last became; having survived Wenzel,
who was childless. Kaiser of the Holy Roman Empire, and
so much else: is not Sigismund now a great man? Truly the
loom he weaves upon, in this world, is very large. But the
weaver was of headlong, high-pacing, flimsy nature; and both
warp and woof were gone dreadfully entangled!</p>

<p>This is the Kaiser Sigismund who held the Council of Constance;
and "blushed visibly," when Huss, about to die, alluded
to the letter of safe-conduct granted him, which was issuing in
such fashion. Sigismund blushed; but could not conveniently
mend the matter&mdash;so many matters pressing on him just now.
As they perpetually did, and had done. An always-hoping, never-resting,
unsuccessful, vain and empty Kaiser. Specious, speculative;
given to eloquence, diplomacy, and the windy instead of
the solid arts; always short of money for one thing. He roamed
about, and talked eloquently; aiming high, and generally missing.
Hungary and even the Reich have at length become his,
but have brought small triumph in any kind; and instead of
ready money, debt on debt. His Majesty has no money, and his
Majesty's occasions need it more and more.</p>

<p>He is now (1414) holding this Council of Constance, by way
of healing the Church, which is sick of three simultaneous popes
and of much else. He finds the problem difficult; finds he will
have to run into Spain, to persuade a refractory pope there, if
eloquence can (as it cannot): all which requires money, money.
At opening of the council, he "officiated as deacon"; actually
did some kind of litanying "with a surplice over him," though
Kaiser and King of the Romans. But this passage of his opening
speech is what I recollect best of him there: "Right reverend
Fathers, <i>date operam ut illa nefanda schisma eradicetur</i>,"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>
exclaims Sigismund, intent on having the Bohemian schism well
dealt with&mdash;which he reckons to be of the feminine gender. To
which a cardinal mildly remarking, "<i>Domine, schisma est generis
neutrius</i> (schisma is neuter, your Majesty)," Sigismund loftily
replies: "<i>Ego sum Rex Romanus et super grammaticam</i> (I am
King of the Romans, and above Grammar)!" For which reason
I call him in my note-books Sigismund Super Grammaticam, to
distinguish him in the imbroglio of kaisers.</p>

<p>How Jobst's pawn-ticket was settled I never clearly heard;
but can guess it was by Burggraf Friedrich's advancing the
money, in the pinch above indicated, or paying it afterward to
Jobst's heirs whoever they were. Thus much is certain: Burggraf
Friedrich, these three years and more (ever since July 8,
1411) holds Sigismund's deed of acknowledgment "for one hundred
thousand gulden lent at various times"; and has likewise
got the Electorate of Brandenburg in pledge for that sum; and
does himself administer the said Electorate till he be paid. This
is the important news; but this is not all.</p>

<p>The new journey into Spain requires new money; this
council itself, with such a pomp as suited Sigismund, has cost
him endless money. Brandenburg, torn to ruins in the way we
saw, is a sorrowful matter; and, except the title of it, as a feather
in one's cap, is worth nothing to Sigismund. And he is still short
of money; and will forever be. Why could not he give up
Brandenburg altogether; since, instead of paying, he is still
making new loans from Burggraf Friedrich; and the hope of
ever paying were mere lunacy! Sigismund revolves these sad
thoughts too, amid his world-wide diplomacies, and efforts to
heal the Church. "Pledged for one hundred thousand gulden,"
sadly ruminates Sigismund; "and fifty thousand more borrowed
since, by little and little; and more ever needed, especially
for this grand Spanish journey!" these were his sad
thoughts. "Advance me, in a round sum, two hundred and fifty
thousand more," said he to Burggraf Friedrich, "two hundred
and fifty thousand more, for my manifold occasions in this time&mdash;that
will be four hundred thousand in whole&mdash;and take the
Electorate of Brandenburg to yourself, Land, Titles, Sovereign,
Electorship and all, and make me rid of it!" That was the settlement
adopted, in Sigismund's apartment at Constance, on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span>
April 30, 1415; signed, sealed, and ratified&mdash;and the money paid.
A very notable event in World-History; virtually completed on
the day we mention.</p>

<p>The ceremony of investiture did not take place till two years
afterward, when the Spanish journey had proved fruitless,
when much else of fruitless had come and gone and Kaiser and
council were probably more at leisure for such a thing. Done at
length it was by Kaiser Sigismund in almost gala, with the
Grandees of the Empire assisting, and august members of the
council and world in general looking on; in the big square or
market-place of Constance, April 17, 1417; is to be found described
in Rentsch, from Nauclerus and the old news-mongers
of the times. Very grand indeed: much processioning on
horseback, under powerful trumpet-peals and flourishes; much
stately kneeling, stately rising, stepping backward (done well,
<i>zierlich</i>, on the Kurf&uuml;rst's part); liberal expenditure of cloth
and pomp; in short, "above one hundred thousand people
looking on from roofs and windows," and Kaiser Sigismund in
all his glory. He was on a high platform in the market-place,
with stairs to it; the illustrious Kaiser&mdash;red as a flamingo, "with
scarlet mantle and crown of gold,"&mdash;a treat to the eyes of simple
mankind.</p>

<p>What sum of modern money, in real purchasing power, this
"four hundred thousand Hungarian Gold Gulden" is, I have
inquired in the likely quarters without result; and it is probable
no man exactly knows. The latest existing representative of the
ancient gold gulden is the ducat, worth generally a half-sovereign
in English. Taking the sum at that latest rate, it amounts
to two hundred thousand pounds; and the reader can use that
as a note of memory for the sale-price of Brandenburg with all
its lands and honors&mdash;multiplying it perhaps by four or six to
bring out its effective amount in current coin. Dog cheap, it
must be owned, for size and capability; but in the most waste
condition, full of mutiny, injustice, anarchy, and highway robbery;
a purchase that might have proved dear enough to another
man than Burggraf Friedrich.</p>

<p>But so, at any rate, moribund Brandenburg has got its Hohenzollern
Kurf&uuml;rst, and started on a new career it little dreamt
of; and we can now, right willingly, quit Sigismund and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span>
Reichs-History, leave Kaiser Sigismund to sink or swim at his
own will henceforth. His grand feat in life, the wonder of his
generation, was this same Council of Constance; which proved
entirely a failure; one of the largest wind-eggs ever dropped
with noise and travail in this world. Two hundred thousand
human creatures, reckoned and reckoning themselves the elixir
of the intellect and dignity of Europe. Two hundred thousand&mdash;nay
some, counting the lower menials and numerous unfortunate
females, say four hundred thousand&mdash;were got congregated
into that little Swiss town; and there as an Ecumenic
Council, or solemnly distilled elixir of what pious intellect and
valor could be scraped together in the world, they labored with
all their select might for four years' space. That was the Council
of Constance. And except this transfer of Brandenburg to
Friedrich of Hohenzollern, resulting from said council, in the
quite reverse and involuntary way, one sees not what good result
it had.</p>

<p>They did, indeed, burn Huss; but that could not be called a
beneficial incident; that seemed to Sigismund and the council
a most small and insignificant one. And it kindled Bohemia,
and kindled Rhinoceros Ziska, into never-imagined flame of
vengeance; brought mere disaster, disgrace, and defeat on defeat
to Sigismund, and kept his hands full for the rest of his life,
however small he had thought it. As for the sublime four years'
deliberations and debates of this Sanhedrim of the Universe&mdash;eloquent
debates, conducted, we may say, under such extent of
wig as was never seen before or since&mdash;they have fallen wholly
to the domain of Dryasdust; and amount, for mankind at this
time, to zero plus the burning of Huss. On the whole, Burggraf
Friedrich's Electorship, and the first Hohenzollern to Brandenburg,
is the one good result.</p>

<p>Burggraf Friedrich, on his first coming to Brandenburg,
found but a cool reception as Statthalter. He came as the representative
of law and rule; and there had been many helping
themselves by a ruleless life, of late. Industry was at a low
ebb, violence was rife; plunder, disorder, everywhere; too
much the habit for baronial gentlemen to "live by the saddle,"
as they termed it, that is, by highway robbery in modern
phrase.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>The towns, harried and plundered to skin and bone, were
glad to see a Statthalter, and did homage to him with all their
heart. But the baronage or squirearchy of the country were of
another mind. These, in the late anarchies, had set up for a
kind of kings in their own right. They had their feuds; made
war, made peace, levied tolls, transit dues; lived much at their
own discretion in these solitary countries; rushing out from
their stone towers ("walls fourteen feet thick"), to seize any
herd of "six hundred swine," and convoy of L&uuml;beck or Hamburg
merchant goods, that had not contented them in passing.
What were pedlers and mechanic fellows made for, if not to be
plundered when needful? Arbitrary rule, on the part of these
noble robber lords! And then much of the crown domains had
gone to the chief of them&mdash;pawned (and the pawn-ticket lost, so
to speak), or sold for what trifle of ready money was to be had,
in Jobst and Company's time. To these gentlemen a Statthalter
coming to inquire into matters was no welcome phenomenon.
Your Edle Herr (noble lord) of Putlitz, noble lords of
Quitzow, Rochow, Maltitz, and others, supreme in their grassy
solitudes this long while, and accustomed to nothing greater
than themselves in Brandenburg, how should they obey a Statthalter?</p>

<p>Such was more or less the universal humor in the squirearchy
of Brandenburg; not of good omen to Burggraf Friedrich.
But the chief seat of contumacy seemed to be among the
Quitzows, Putlitzes, above spoken of; big squires in the district
they call the Priegnitz, in the country of the sluggish Havel
River, northwest from Berlin a forty or fifty miles. These refused
homage, very many of them; said they were "incorporated
with B&ouml;hmen"; said this and that; much disinclined to
homage; and would not do it. Stiff, surly fellows, much deficient
in discernment of what is above them and what is not: a
thick-skinned set; bodies clad in buff leather; minds also cased
in ill habits of long continuance.</p>

<p>Friedrich was very patient with them; hoped to prevail by
gentle methods. He "invited them to dinner"; "had them
often at dinner for a year or more:" but could make no progress
in that way. "Who is this we have got for a Governor?" said
the noble lords privately to each other: "A Nuremberger<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>
Tand" (Nuremberg plaything&mdash;wooden image, such as they
make at Nuremberg), said they, grinning, in a thick-skinned
way: "If it rained Burggraves all the year round, none of them
would come to luck in this country;" and continued their feuds,
toll-levyings, plunderings, and other contumacies.</p>

<p>Seeing matters come to this pass after above a year, Burggraf
Friedrich gathered his Frankish men-at-arms; quietly made
league with the neighboring Potentates, Th&uuml;ringen and others;
got some munitions, some artillery together&mdash;especially one
huge gun, the biggest ever seen, "a twenty-four pounder," no
less; to which the peasants, dragging her with difficulty through
the clayey roads, gave the name of Faule Grete (Lazy or Heavy
Peg); a remarkable piece of ordnance. Lazy Peg he had got
from the Landgraf of Th&uuml;ringen, on loan merely; but he turned
her to excellent account of his own. I have often inquired after
Lazy Peg's fate in subsequent times; but could never learn anything
distinct; the German Dryasdust is a dull dog, and seldom
carries anything human in those big wallets of his!</p>

<p>Equipped in this way, Burggraf Friedrich (he was not yet
Kurf&uuml;rst, only coming to be) marches for the Havel Country
(early days of 1414); makes his appearance before Quitzow's
strong house of Friesack, walls fourteen feet thick: "You, Dietrich
von Quitzow, are you prepared to live as a peaceable subject
henceforth? to do homage to the laws and me?" "Never!"
answered Quitzow, and pulled up his drawbridge. Whereupon
Heavy Peg opened upon him, Heavy Peg and other guns;
and, in some eight-and-forty hours, shook Quitzow's impregnable
Friesack about his ears. This was in the month of February,
1414, day not given: Friesack was the name of the impregnable
castle (still discoverable in our time); and it ought to
be memorable and venerable to every Prussian man. Burggraf
Friedrich VI, not yet quite become Kurf&uuml;rst Friedrich I,
but in a year's space to become so, he in person was the beneficent
operator; Heavy Peg and steady human insight, these were
clearly the chief implements.</p>

<p>Quitzow being settled&mdash;for the country is in military occupation
of Friedrich and his allies, and except in some stone
castle a man has no chance&mdash;straightway Putlitz or another mutineer,
with his drawbridge up, was battered to pieces, and his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span>
drawbridge brought slamming down. After this manner, in an
incredibly short period, mutiny was quenched; and it became
apparent to noble lords, and to all men, that here at length was
a man come who would have the laws obeyed again, and could
and would keep mutiny down.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span></p>
<h2>BATTLE OF AGINCOURT</h2>

<h3>ENGLISH CONQUEST OF FRANCE</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1415-1420</h6>


<h3>JAMES GAIRDNER</h3>

<div class="blockquot"><p>King Henry V of England, son of Henry IV, was born in 1387, and
two years later was made prince of Wales. In 1401-1408 he was engaged
against the Welsh rebels under Owen Glendower, and in 1410 became
captain of Calais. His youthful period is represented&mdash;probably with
much exaggeration, to which Shakespeare, in <i>Henry IV</i>, contributed&mdash;as
full of wild and dissolute conduct, but as king he was distinguished
for his courage, ability, and enterprise.</p>

<p>Henry was crowned in 1413, about seventy-five years after the beginning
of the Hundred Years' War between England and France, which
arose from the claim of Edward III to the French throne. For some
years a feud had been raging in France between the houses of Burgundy
and Orleans, the rival parties being known as Burgundians and Armagnacs.
Led by Simonet Caboche, a butcher, adherents of the Armagnacs
rose with great fury against the Burgundians. This was in the first year
of Henry's reign, and to him and other rulers Charles VI of France appealed
in order to prevent them from aiding the outbreak, which was
soon quelled by the princes of the blood and the University of Paris.
Order in France was restored by the Duke of Orleans, and the Duke of
Burgundy withdrew to Flanders. But war between the two factions was
soon after renewed, and both sides sought the alliance of England.</p>

<p>In these contentions and appeals for his interference Henry saw an
opportunity for pressing his designs to recover what he claimed as the
French inheritance of his predecessors. In 1414, as the heir of Isabella,
mother of his great-grandfather Edward, he formally demanded the
crown of France. The French princes refused to consider his claim.
Henry modified his demands, but after several months of negotiation,
with no promise of success, he prepared for renewal of the ancient war.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE claim made by Edward III to the French crown had been
questionable enough. That of Henry was certainly most
unreasonable. Edward had maintained that though the Salic
Law, which governed the succession in France, excluded females
from the throne, it did not exclude their male descendants. On
this theory Edward himself was doubtless the true heir to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>
French monarchy. But even admitting the claims of Edward,
his rights had certainly not descended to Henry V, seeing that
even in England neither he nor his father was true to the throne
by lineal right. A war with France, however, was sure to be
popular with his subjects, and the weakness of that country
from civil discord seemed a favorable opportunity for urging the
most extreme pretensions.</p>

<p>To give a show of fairness and moderation the English ambassadors
at Paris lessened their demands more than once, and
appeared willing for some time to renew negotiations after their
terms had been rejected. But in the end they still insisted on a
claim which in point of equity was altogether preposterous, and
rejected a compromise which would have put Henry in possession
of the whole of Guienne and given him the hand of the French
King's daughter Catharine with a marriage portion of eight
hundred thousand crowns. Meanwhile Henry was making active
preparations for war, and at the same time carried on secret
negotiations with the Duke of Burgundy, trusting to have him
for an ally in the invasion of France.</p>

<p>At length, in the summer of 1415, the King had collected
an army and was ready to embark at Southampton. But on
the eve of his departure a conspiracy was discovered, the object
of which was to dethrone the King and set aside the house
of Lancaster. The conspirators were Richard, Earl of Cambridge,
Henry, Lord Scrope of Masham, and a knight of Northumberland
named Sir Thomas Grey. The Earl of Cambridge
was the King's cousin-german, and had been recently raised
to that dignity by Henry himself. Lord Scrope was, to all
appearance, the King's most intimate friend and counsellor.
The design seems to have been formed upon the model of similar
projects in the preceding reign. Richard II was to be proclaimed
once more, as if he had been still alive; but the real intention
was to procure the crown for Edmund Mortimer, Earl
of March, the true heir of Richard, whom Henry IV had set
aside.</p>

<p>At the same time the Earl of March himself seems hardly
to have countenanced the attempt; but the Earl of Cambridge,
who had married his sister, wished, doubtless, to secure the
succession for his son Richard, as the Earl of March had no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span>
children. Evidently it was the impression of some persons that
the house of Lancaster was not even yet firmly seated upon the
throne. Perhaps it was not even yet apparent that the young
man who had so recently been a gamesome reveller was capable
of ruling with a firm hand a king.</p>

<p>But all doubt on this point was soon terminated. The commissioners
were tried by a commission hastily issued, and were
summarily condemned and put to death. The Earl of March,
it is said, revealed the plot to the King, sat as one of the judges
of his two brother peers, and was taken into the King's favor.
The Earl of Cambridge made a confession of his guilt. Lord
Scrope, though he repudiated the imputation of disloyalty, admitted
having had a guilty knowledge of the plot, which he
said it had been his purpose to defeat. The one nobleman, in
consideration of his royal blood, was simply beheaded; the
other was drawn and quartered. We hear of no more attempts
of the kind during Henry's reign.</p>

<p>With a fleet of one thousand five hundred sail Henry crossed
the sea and landed without opposition at Chef de Caux, near
Harfleur, at the mouth of the Seine. The force that he brought
with him was about thirty thousand men, and he immediately
employed it in laying siege to Harfleur. The place was
strong, so far as walls and bulwarks could make it, but it was
not well victualled, and after a five-weeks' siege it was obliged to
capitulate. But the forces of the besieged were thinned by
disease as well as actual fighting. Dysentery had broken out
in the camp, and, though it was only September, they suffered
bitterly from the coldness of the nights; so that, when the town
had been won and garrisoned, the force available for further
operations amounted to less than half the original strength of
the invading army.</p>

<p>Under the circumstances it was hopeless to expect to do
much before the winter set in, and many counselled the King to
return to England. But Henry could not tolerate the idea of
retreat or even of apparent inaction. He sent a challenge to the
Dauphin, offering to refer their differences to single combat; and
when no notice was taken of this proposal, he determined to
cut his way, if possible, through the country to Calais, along
with the remainder of his forces.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>It was a difficult and hazardous march. Hunger, dysentery,
and fever had already reduced the little band to less than nine
thousand men, or, as good authorities say, to little more than six
thousand. The country people were unfriendly, their supplies
were cut off on all sides, and the scanty stock of provisions with
which they set out was soon exhausted. For want of bread,
many were driven to feed on nuts, while the enemy harassed
them upon the way and broke down the bridges in advance of
them. On one or two occasions, having repulsed an attack
from a garrison town, Henry demanded and obtained from the
governor a safe-conduct and a certain quantity of bread and
wine, under threat of setting fire to the place if refused.</p>

<p>In this manner he and his army gradually approached the
river Somme at Blanche Tache, where there was a ford by which
King Edward III had crossed before the battle of Cr&eacute;cy. But
while yet some distance from it, they received information from
a prisoner that the ford was guarded by six thousand fighting
men, and, though the intelligence was untrue, it deterred him
from attempting the passage. They accordingly turned to the
right and went up the river as far as Amiens, but were still unable
to cross, till, after following the course of the river about fifty
miles farther, they fortunately came upon an undefended ford
and passed over before their enemies were aware.</p>

<p>Hitherto their progress had not been without adventures and
skirmishes in many places. But the main army of the French
only overtook them when they had arrived within about forty-five
miles of Calais. On the night of October 24th they were
posted at the village of Maisoncelles, with an enemy before
them five or six times their number, who had resolved to stop
their further progress. Both sides prepared for battle on the
following morning. The English, besides being so much inferior
in numbers, were wasted by disease and famine, while
their adversaries were fresh and vigorous, with a plentiful commissariat.
But the latter were overconfident. They spent the
evening in dice-playing and making wagers about the prisoners
they should take; while the English, on the contrary, confessed
themselves and received the sacrament.</p>

<p>Heavy rain fell during the night, from which both armies
suffered; but Henry availed himself of a brief period of moonlight<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span>
to have the ground thoroughly surveyed. His position
was an admirable one. His forces occupied a narrow field
hemmed in on either side by hedges and thickets, so that they
could only be attacked in front, and were in no fear of being
surrounded. Early on the following morning Henry arose and
heard mass; but the two armies stood facing each other for
some hours, each waiting for the other to begin. The English
archers were drawn up in front in form of a wedge, and each
man was provided with a stake shod with iron at both ends,
which being fixed into the ground before him, the whole line
formed a kind of hedge bristling with sharp points, to defend
them from being ridden down by the enemy's cavalry.</p>

<p>At length, however, Henry gave orders to commence the
attack, and the archers advanced, leaving their stakes behind
them fixed in the ground. The French cavalry on either side
endeavored to close them in, but were soon obliged to retire
before the thick showers of arrows poured in upon them, which
destroyed four-fifths of their numbers. Their horses then became
unmanageable, being plagued with a multitude of wounds,
and the whole army was thrown into confusion. Never was a
more brilliant victory won against more overwhelming odds.</p>

<p>One sad piece of cruelty alone tarnished the glory of that
day's action, but it seems to have been dictated by fear as a
means of self-preservation. After the enemy had been completely
routed in front, and a multitude of prisoners taken, the
King, hearing that some detachments had got round to his rear,
and were endeavoring to plunder his baggage, gave orders to
the whole army to put their prisoners to death. The order was
executed in the most relentless fashion. One or two distinguished
prisoners afterward were taken from under heaps of slain,
among whom were the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon. Altogether,
the slaughter of the French was enormous. There is a
general agreement that it was upward of ten thousand men,
and among them were the flower of the French nobility. That of
the English was disproportionately small. Their own writers
reckon it not more than one hundred altogether, some absurdly
stating it as low as twenty or thirty, while the French authorities
estimate it variously from three hundred to one thousand six
hundred.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>Henry called his victory the battle of Agincourt, from the
name of a neighboring castle. The army proceeded in excellent
order to Calais, where they were triumphantly received, and
after resting there awhile recrossed to England. The news
of such a splendid victory caused them to be welcomed with an
enthusiasm that knew no bounds. At Dover the people rushed
into the sea to meet the conquerors, and carried the King in their
arms in triumph from his vessel to the shore. From thence to
London his progress was like one continued triumphal procession,
and the capital itself received him with every demonstration
of joy.</p>

<p>The progress of the English arms in France did not, for a
long time, induce the rival factions in that country to suspend
the civil war among themselves. But at length some feeble
efforts were made toward a reconciliation. The Council of
Constance having healed the divisions in the Church by the
election of Martin V as pope in place of the three rival popes
deposed, the new Pontiff despatched two cardinals to France to
aid in this important object. By their mediation a treaty was
concluded between the Queen, the Duke of Burgundy, and the
Dauphin; but it was no sooner published than the Count of
Armagnac and his partisans made a vehement protest against it
and accused of treason all who had promoted it.</p>

<p>On this, Paris rose in anger, took part with the Burgundians,
fell upon all the leading Armagnacs, put them in prison, and
destroyed their houses. The Dauphin was only saved by one
of Armagnac's principal adherents, Tannegui du Ch&acirc;tel, who
carried him to the Bastille. The Bastille, however, was a few
days after stormed by the populace, and Du Ch&acirc;tel was forced
to withdraw his charge to Melun. The Armagnac party, except
those in prison, were entirely driven out of Paris. But
even this did not satisfy the rage of the multitude. Riots continued
from day to day, and, a report being spread that the King
was willing to ransom the captives, the people broke open the
prisons and massacred every one of the prisoners. The Count
of Armagnac, his chancellor, and several bishops and officers
of state were the principal victims; but no one, man or woman,
was spared. State prisoners, criminals, and debtors, even women
great with child, perished in this indiscriminate slaughter.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span>Almost the whole of Normandy was by this time in possession
of the English; but Rouen, the capital of the duchy, still held
out. It was a large city, strongly fortified, but Henry closed it
in on every side until it was reduced to capitulate by hunger.
At the beginning of the siege the authorities took measures to
expel the destitute class of the inhabitants, and several thousands
of poor people were thus thrown into the hands of the besiegers,
who endeavored to drive them back into the town. But the
gates being absolutely shut against them, they remained between
the walls and the trenches, pitifully crying for help and perishing
for want of food and shelter, until, on Christmas Day, when the
siege had continued nearly five months, Henry ordered food to
be distributed to them "in the honor of Christ's nativity."</p>

<p>Those within the town, meanwhile, were reduced to no less
extremities. Enormous prices were given for bread and even
for the bodies of dogs, cats, and rats. The garrison at length
were induced to offer terms, but Henry for some time insisted
on their surrendering at discretion. Hearing, however, that a
desperate project was entertained of undermining the wall and
suddenly rushing out upon the besiegers, he consented to grant
them conditions, and the city capitulated on January 19th.
The few places that remained unconquered in Normandy then
opened their gates to Henry; others in Maine and the Isle of
France did the same, and the English troops entered Picardy on
a further career of conquest.</p>

<p>Both the rival factions were now seriously anxious to stop the
progress of the English, either by coming at once to terms with
Henry or by uniting together against him; and each in turn
first tried the former course. The Dauphin offered to treat with
the King of England; but Henry demanding the whole of those
large possessions in the north and south of France which had
been secured to Edward III by the treaty of Bretigni, he felt
that it was impossible to prolong the negotiation. The Duke
of Burgundy then arranged a personal interview at Meulan between
Henry on the one side and himself and the French Queen
on behalf of Charles, at which terms of peace were to be adjusted.
The Queen brought with her the princess Catharine,
her daughter, whose hand Henry himself had formerly demanded
as one of the conditions on which he would have consented to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span>
forbear from invading France. It was now hoped that if he
would take her in marriage he would moderate his other demands.
But Henry, for his part, was altogether unyielding.
He insisted on the terms of the treaty of Bretigni, and on keeping
his own conquests besides, with Anjou, Maine, Touraine, and
the sovereignty over Brittany.</p>

<p>Demands so exorbitant the Duke of Burgundy did not dare
to accept, and as a last resource he and the Dauphin agreed to be
reconciled and to unite in defence of their country against the
enemy. They held a personal interview, embraced each other,
and signed a treaty by which they promised each to love the
other as a brother, and to offer a joint resistance to the invaders.
A further meeting was arranged to take place about seven weeks
later to complete matters and to consider their future policy.
France was delighted at the prospect of internal harmony and the
hope of deliverance from her enemies. But at the second interview
an event occurred which marred all her prospects once
more. The meeting had been appointed to take place at Montereau,
where the river Yonne falls into the Seine.</p>

<p>The Duke, remembering doubtless how he had perfidiously
murdered the Duke of Orleans, allowed the day originally appointed
to pass by, and came to the place at last after considerable
misgivings, which appear to have been overcome by the exhortations
of treacherous friends.</p>

<p>When he arrived he found a place railed in with barriers for
the meeting. He nevertheless advanced, accompanied by ten
attendants, and, being told that the Dauphin waited for him,
he came within the barriers, which were immediately closed
behind him. The Dauphin was accompanied by one or two
gentlemen, among whom was his devoted servant, Tannegui
du Ch&acirc;tel, who had saved him from the Parisian massacre.
This Tannegui had been formerly a servant of Louis, Duke of
Orleans, whose murder he had been eagerly seeking an opportunity
to revenge; and as the Duke of Burgundy knelt before the
Dauphin, he struck him a violent blow on the head with a battle-axe.
The attack was immediately followed up by two or three
others, who, before the Duke was able to draw his sword, had
closed in around him and despatched him with a multitude of
wounds.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span>The effect of this crime was what might have been anticipated.
Nothing could have been more favorable to the aggressive designs
of Henry, or more ruinous to the party of the Dauphin,
with whose complicity it had been too evidently committed.
Philip, the son and heir of the murdered Duke of Burgundy,
at once sought means to revenge his father's death. The people
of Paris became more than ever enraged against the Armagnacs,
and entered into negotiations with the King of England. The
new Duke Philip and Queen Isabel did the same, the latter
being no less eager than the former for the punishment of her
own son. Within less than three months they made up their
minds to waive every scruple as to the acceptance of Henry's
most exorbitant demands. He was to have the princess Catharine
in marriage, and, the Dauphin being disinherited, to succeed
to the crown of France on her father's death. He was
also to be regent during King Charles' life; and all who held
honors or offices of any kind in France were at once to swear
allegiance to him as their future sovereign. Henry, for his part,
was to use his utmost power to reduce to obedience those towns
and places within the realm which adhered to the Dauphin or the
Armagnacs.</p>

<p>A treaty on this basis was at length concluded at Troyes in
Champagne on May 21, 1420, and on Trinity Sunday, June 2d,
Henry was married to the princess Catharine. Shortly afterward
the treaty was formally registered by the states of the
realm at Paris, when the Dauphin was condemned and attainted
as guilty of the murder of the Duke of Burgundy and declared
incapable of succeeding to the crown. But the state of affairs
left Henry no time for honeymoon festivities. On the Tuesday
after his wedding he again put himself at the head of his army,
and marched with Philip of Burgundy to lay siege to Sens, which
in a few days capitulated. Montereau and Melun were next
besieged in succession, and each, after some resistance, was
compelled to surrender. The latter siege lasted nearly four
months, and during its continuance Henry fought a single combat
with the governor in the mines, each combatant having his
vizor down and being unknown to the other. The governor's
name was Barbason, and he was one of those accused of complicity
in the murder of the Duke of Orleans; but in consequence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span>
of this incident, Henry saved him from the capital punishment
which he would otherwise have incurred on his capture.</p>

<p>Toward the end of the year Henry entered Paris in triumph
with the French King and the Duke of Burgundy. He there
kept Christmas, and shortly afterward removed with his Queen
into Normandy on his return into England. He held a parliament
at Rouen to confirm his authority in the duchy, after which
he passed through Picardy and Calais, and, crossing the sea,
came by Dover and Canterbury to London. By his own subjects,
and especially in the capital, he and his bride were received
with profuse demonstrations of joy. The Queen was crowned
at Westminster with great magnificence, and afterward Henry
went a progress with her through the country, making pilgrimages
to several of the more famous shrines in England.</p>

<p>But while he was thus employed, a great calamity befell the
English power in France, which, when the news arrived in
England, made it apparent that the King's presence was again
much needed across the Channel. His brother, the Duke of
Clarence, whom he had left as his lieutenant, was defeated and
slain at Beaug&eacute; in Anjou by an army of French and Scots, a
number of English noblemen being also slain or taken prisoners.
This was the first important advantage the Dauphin had gained,
and the credit of the victory was mainly due to his Scotch allies.
For the Duke of Albany, who was regent of Scotland, though
it is commonly supposed that he was unwilling to give needless
offence to England lest Henry should terminate his power by
setting the Scotch King at liberty, had been compelled by the
general sympathy of the Scots with France to send a force under
his son the Earl of Buchan to serve against the English. The
service which they did in that battle was so great that the Earl
of Buchan was created, by the Dauphin, constable of France.</p>

<p>Again Henry crossed the sea with a new army, having borrowed
large sums for the expenses of the expedition. Before
he left England he made a private treaty with his prisoner King
James of Scotland, promising to let him return to his country
after the campaign in France on certain specified conditions,
among which it was agreed that he should take the command
of a body of troops in aid of the English. James had accompanied
him in his last campaign, and Henry had endeavored<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span>
to make use of his authority to forbid the Scots in France from
taking part in the war, but they had refused to acknowledge
themselves bound to a king who was a captive.</p>

<p>By this agreement, however, Henry obtained real assistance
and co&ouml;peration from his prisoner, whom he employed, in concert
with the Duke of Gloucester, in the siege of Dreux, which
very soon surrendered. He himself meanwhile marched toward
the Loire to meet the Dauphin, and took Beaugency; then,
returning northward, first reduced Villeneuve on the Yonne,
and afterward laid siege to Meaux on the Marne. The latter
place held out for seven months, and while Henry lay before it
he received intelligence that his Queen had borne him a son at
Windsor, who was christened Henry.</p>

<p>The city of Meaux surrendered on May 10, 1422. The Governor,
a man who had been guilty of great cruelties, was beheaded,
and his head and body were suspended from a tree on
which he himself had caused a number of people to be hanged
as adherents of the Duke of Burgundy. Henry was now master
of the greater part of the North of France, and his Queen came
over from England to join him, with re&euml;nforcements under his
brother the Duke of Bedford. But he was not permitted to
rest; for the Dauphin, having taken from his ally the Duke of
Burgundy the town of La Chart&eacute; on the Loire, proceeded to lay
siege to C&ocirc;sne, and, Philip having applied to Henry for assistance,
he sent forward the Duke of Bedford with his army, intending
shortly to follow himself. This demonstration was
sufficient. The Dauphin felt that he was too weak to contend
with the united English and Burgundian forces, and he withdrew
from the siege.</p>

<p>Henry, however, was disabled from joining the army by a
severe attack of dysentery; and though he had at first hoped
that he might be carried in a litter to head-quarters, he soon
found that his illness was far too serious to permit him to carry
out his intention. He was accordingly conveyed back to Vincennes,
near Paris, where he grew so rapidly worse that it was
evident his end was near. In a few brief words to those about
him he declared his will touching the government of England
and France after his death, until his infant son should be of age.
The regency of France he committed to the Duke of Bedford,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span>
in case it should be declined by the Duke of Burgundy. That
of England he gave to his other brother, Humphrey, Duke of
Gloucester. To his two uncles, Henry Beaufort, Bishop of
Winchester, and Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, he intrusted
the guardianship of his child. He besought all parties to maintain
the alliance with Burgundy, and never to release the Duke
of Orleans and the other prisoners of Agincourt during his son's
minority. Having given these instructions he expired, on the
last day of August, 1422.</p>

<p>His death was bewailed both in England and France with no
ordinary regret. The great achievements of his reign made him
naturally a popular hero; nor was the regard felt for his memory
diminished when, under the feeble reign of his son, all that he
had gained was irrecoverably lost again, so that nothing remained
of all his conquests except the story of how they had been won.
Those past glories, indeed, must have seemed all the brighter
when contrasted with a present which knew but disaster abroad
and civil dissension at home. The early death of Henry also
contributed to the popular estimate of his greatness. It was
seen that in a very few years he had subdued a large part of the
territory of France. It was not seen that in the nature of things
this advantage could not be maintained, and that even the greatest
military talents would not have succeeded in preserving the
English conquests.</p>

<p>Nor can it be said that Henry's success, extraordinary as it
was, was altogether owing to his own abilities. That he exhibited
great qualities as a general cannot be denied; but these
would have availed him little if the rival factions in France
had not been far more bitterly opposed to each other than to
him. Indeed, it is difficult after all to justify, even as a matter
of policy, his interference in French affairs, except as a means
of diverting public attention from the fact that he inherited
from his father but an indifferent title even to the throne of
England. And though success attended his efforts beyond all
expectation, he most wilfully endangered the safety not only
of himself, but of his gallant army, when he determined to
march with reduced forces through the enemy's country from
Harfleur to Calais. It was a rashness nothing less than culpable,
but in his own interests rashness was good policy. Unless<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span>
he could succeed in desperate enterprises against tremendous
odds and so make himself a military hero and a favorite
of the multitude, his throne was insecure. He succeeded; but
it was only by staking everything upon the venture&mdash;his own
safety and that of his army, which, if the French had exercised
but a little more discretion, would inevitably have been cut to
pieces or made prisoners to a man.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span></p>
<h2>JEANNE D'ARCS VICTORY AT ORLEANS</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1429</h6>

<h3>Sir Edward Shepherd Creasy</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>In the Hundred Years' War between England and France, a critical
period was reached when Henry V, in 1415, won the battle of Agincourt,
and five years later, by the treaty of Troyes, secured the succession to
the French throne on the death of Charles VI. Both monarchs dying in
1422, Charles VII was proclaimed King of France, and Henry's son&mdash;Henry
VI&mdash;succeeded to his father's throne.</p>

<p>France now realized that her condition was wellnigh hopeless, for the
greater part of her territory was in the hands of her enemies. When the
English began the siege of Orleans the extinction of French independence
seemed to be inevitable. The chivalry of France had been wasted in terrible
wars, and the spirits of her soldiers were daunted by repeated disaster.
The English king had been proclaimed in Paris, and the "native
prince was a dissolute trifler, stained with the assassination of the most
powerful noble of the land."<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> Anarchy and brigandage everywhere prevailed,
and the condition of the peasantry was too wretched to be described.</p>

<p>"Such," says Lamartine, "was the state of the nation when Providence
showed it a savior in a child." This child was Jeanne d'Arc,
called <i>La Pucelle</i> ("the Maid"&mdash;more fully, "the Maid of Orleans"),
whose character and services to her country made her, perhaps, the most
illustrious heroine of history. She was born at Domremy, in the northeast
part of France, January 6, 1412. All that is essential concerning her
personality and life prior to the great achievement recorded here will be
found in Creasy's own introduction to his spirited account of the victory
at Orleans.</p></div>


<p><img src="images/cap_o.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="O" />RLEANS was looked upon as the last stronghold of the
French national party. If the English could once obtain
possession of it, their victorious progress through the residue of the
kingdom seemed free from any serious obstacle. Accordingly,
the Earl of Salisbury, one of the bravest and most experienced
of the English generals, who had been trained under Henry V,
marched to the attack of the all-important city; and, after re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>ducing
several places of inferior consequence in the neighborhood,
appeared with his army before its walls on the 12th of October,
1428.</p>


<p>The city of Orleans itself was on the north side of the Loire,
but its suburbs extended far on the southern side, and a strong
bridge connected them with the town. A fortification, which in
modern military phrase would be termed a <i>t&ecirc;te-du-pont</i>, defended
the bridge head on the southern side, and two towers,
called the <i>Tourelles</i>, were built on the bridge itself, at a little distance
from the t&ecirc;te-du-pont. Indeed, the solid masonry of the
bridge terminated at the Tourelles; and the communication
thence with the t&ecirc;te-du-pont and the southern shore was by
means of a drawbridge. The Tourelles and the t&ecirc;te-du-pont
formed together a strong-fortified post, capable of containing a
garrison of considerable strength; and so long as this was in
possession of the Orleannais, they could communicate freely
with the southern provinces, the inhabitants of which, like the
Orleannais themselves, supported the cause of their dauphin
against the foreigners.</p>

<p>Lord Salisbury rightly judged the capture of the Tourelles
to be the most material step toward the reduction of the city itself.
Accordingly, he directed his principal operations against
this post, and after some severe repulses he carried the Tourelles
by storm on the 23d of October. The French, however,
broke down the arches of the bridge that were nearest to the
north bank, and thus rendered a direct assault from the Tourelles
upon the city impossible. But the possession of this post
enabled the English to distress the town greatly by a battery of
cannon which they planted there, and which commanded some
of the principal streets.</p>

<p>It has been observed by Hume that this is the first siege in
which any important use appears to have been made of artillery.
And even at Orleans both besiegers and besieged seem to have
employed their cannons merely as instruments of destruction
against their enemy's <i>men</i>, and not to have trusted to them as
engines of demolition against their enemy's walls and works.
The efficacy of cannon in breaching solid masonry was taught
Europe by the Turks a few years afterward, at the memorable
siege of Constantinople.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span>In our French wars, as in the wars of the classic nations, famine
was looked on as the surest weapon to compel the submission
of a well-walled town; and the great object of the besiegers was
to effect a complete circumvallation. The great ambit of the
walls of Orleans, and the facilities which the river gave for obtaining
succors and supplies, rendered the capture of the town
by this process a matter of great difficulty. Nevertheless, Lord
Salisbury, and Lord Suffolk, who succeeded him in command
of the English after his death by a cannon-ball, carried on the
necessary works with great skill and resolution. Six strongly-fortified
posts, called <i>bastilles</i>, were formed at certain intervals
round the town, and the purpose of the English engineers was
to draw strong lines between them. During the winter, little
progress was made with the intrenchments, but when the spring
of 1429 came, the English resumed their work with activity; the
communications between the city and the country became more
difficult, and the approach of want began already to be felt in
Orleans.</p>

<p>The besieging force also fared hardly for stores and provisions,
until relieved by the effects of a brilliant victory which
Sir John Fastolf, one of the best English generals, gained at
Rouvrai, near Orleans, a few days after Ash Wednesday, 1429.
With only sixteen hundred fighting men, Sir John completely
defeated an army of French and Scots, four thousand strong,
which had been collected for the purpose of aiding the Orleannais
and harassing the besiegers. After this encounter, which
seemed decisively to confirm the superiority of the English in
battle over their adversaries, Fastolf escorted large supplies of
stores and food to Suffolk's camp, and the spirits of the English
rose to the highest pitch at the prospect of the speedy capture
of the city before them, and the consequent subjection of all
France beneath their arms.</p>

<p>The Orleannais now, in their distress, offered to surrender
the city into the hands of the Duke of Burgundy, who, though
the ally of the English, was yet one of their native princes. The
regent Bedford refused these terms, and the speedy submission
of the city to the English seemed inevitable. The dauphin
Charles, who was now at Chinon with his remnant of a court,
despaired of continuing any longer the struggle for his crown,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span>
and was only prevented from abandoning the country by the
more masculine spirits of his mistress and his Queen. Yet neither
they nor the boldest of Charles' captains could have shown him
where to find resources for prolonging war; and least of all could
any human skill have predicted the quarter whence rescue was
to come to Orleans and to France.</p>

<p>In the village of Domremy, on the borders of Lorraine, there
was a poor peasant of the name of Jacques d'Arc, respected in
his station of life, and who had reared a family in virtuous habits
and in the practice of the strictest devotion. His eldest daughter
was named by her parents Jeannette, but she was called Jeanne
by the French, which was Latinized into Johanna, and Anglicized
into Joan.</p>

<p>At the time when Jeanne first attracted attention, she was
about eighteen years of age. She was naturally of a susceptible
disposition, which diligent attention to the legends of saints and
tales of fairies, aided by the dreamy loneliness of her life while
tending her father's flocks, had made peculiarly prone to enthusiastic
fervor. At the same time, she was eminent for piety and
purity of soul, and for her compassionate gentleness to the sick
and the distressed.</p>

<p>The district where she dwelt had escaped comparatively free
from the ravages of war, but the approach of roving bands of
Burgundian or English troops frequently spread terror through
Domremy. Once the village had been plundered by some of
these marauders, and Jeanne and her family had been driven
from their home, and forced to seek refuge for a time at Neufch&acirc;teau.
The peasantry in Domremy were principally attached
to the house of Orleans and the Dauphin, and all the miseries
which France endured were there imputed to the Burgundian
faction and their allies, the English, who were seeking to enslave
unhappy France.</p>

<p>Thus, from infancy to girlhood, Jeanne had heard continually
of the woes of the war, and had herself witnessed some of
the wretchedness that it caused. A feeling of intense patriotism
grew in her with her growth. The deliverance of France from
the English was the subject of her reveries by day and her
dreams by night. Blended with these aspirations were recollections
of the miraculous interpositions of heaven in favor of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span>
oppressed, which she had learned from the legends of her Church.
Her faith was undoubting; her prayers were fervent. "She
feared no danger, for she felt no sin," and at length she believed
herself to have received the supernatural inspiration which she
sought.</p>

<p>According to her own narrative, delivered by her to her
merciless inquisitors in the time of her captivity and approaching
death, she was about thirteen years old when her revelations
commenced. Her own words describe them best. "At the age
of thirteen, a voice from God came to her to help her in ruling
herself, and that voice came to her about the hour of noon, in
summer-time, while she was in her father's garden. And she
had fasted the day before. And she heard the voice on her right,
in the direction of the church; and when she heard the voice,
she saw also a bright light."</p>

<p>Afterward St. Michael and St. Margaret and St. Catharine
appeared to her. They were always in a halo of glory; she could
see that their heads were crowned with jewels; and she heard
their voices, which were sweet and mild. She did not distinguish
their arms or limbs. She heard them more frequently than
she saw them; and the usual time when she heard them was
when the church bells were sounding for prayer. And if she was
in the woods when she heard them, she could plainly distinguish
their voices drawing near to her. When she thought that she
discerned the heavenly voices, she knelt down, and bowed herself
to the ground. Their presence gladdened her even to tears,
and after they departed she wept because they had not taken
her with them back to paradise. They always spoke soothingly
to her. They told her that France would be saved, and that she
was to save it.</p>

<p>Such were the visions and the voices that moved the spirit of
the girl of thirteen; and as she grew older, they became more
frequent and more clear. At last the tidings of the siege of Orleans
reached Domremy. Jeanne heard her parents and neighbors
talk of the sufferings of its population, of the ruin which its
capture would bring on their lawful sovereign, and of the distress
of the Dauphin and his court. Jeanne's heart was sorely troubled
at the thought of the fate of Orleans; and her "voices" now
ordered her to leave her home, and warned her that she was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span>
instrument chosen by heaven for driving away the English from
that city, and for taking the Dauphin to be anointed king at
Rheims. At length she informed her parents of her divine mission,
and told them that she must go to the Sire de Baudricourt,
who commanded at Vaucouleurs, and who was the appointed
person to bring her into the presence of the King, whom she was
to save.</p>

<p>Neither the anger nor the grief of her parents, who said that
they would rather see her drowned than exposed to the contamination
of the camp, could move her from her purpose. One of
her uncles consented to take her to Vaucouleurs, where De
Baudricourt at first thought her mad, and derided her, but by
degrees was led to believe, if not in her inspiration, at least in her
enthusiasm, and in its possible utility to the Dauphin's cause.</p>

<p>The inhabitants of Vaucouleurs were completely won over
to her side by the piety and devoutness which she displayed, and
by her firm assurance in the truth of her mission. She told them
that it was God's will that she should go to the King, and that no
one but her could save the kingdom of France. She said that she
herself would rather remain with her poor mother and spin; but
the Lord had ordered her forth.</p>

<p>The fame of "the Maid," as she was termed, the renown of
her holiness and of her mission, spread far and wide. Baudricourt
sent her with an escort to Chinon, where the dauphin
Charles was dallying away his time. Her "voices" had bidden
her assume the arms and the apparel of a knight; and the
wealthiest inhabitants of Vaucouleurs had vied with each other
in equipping her with war-horse, armor, and sword. On reaching
Chinon, she was, after some delay, admitted into the presence
of the Dauphin. Charles designedly dressed himself far
less richly than many of his courtiers were apparelled, and mingled
with them, when Jeanne was introduced, in order to see if
the holy Maid would address her exhortations to the wrong person.
But she instantly singled him out, and, kneeling before
him, said:</p>

<p>"Most noble Dauphin, the King of Heaven announces to you
by me that you shall be anointed and crowned king in the city of
Rheims, and that you shall be his vicegerent in France."</p>

<p>His features may probably have been seen by her previously<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span>
in portraits, or have been described to her by others; but she
herself believed that her "voices" inspired her when she addressed
the King, and the report soon spread abroad that the
holy Maid had found the King by a miracle; and this, with
many other similar rumors, augmented the renown and influence
that she now rapidly acquired.</p>

<p>The state of public feeling in France was now favorable to
an enthusiastic belief in a divine interposition in favor of the
party that had hitherto been unsuccessful and oppressed. The
humiliations which had befallen the French royal family and
nobility were looked on as the just judgments of God upon them
for their vice and impiety. The misfortunes that had come upon
France as a nation were believed to have been drawn down by
national sins. The English, who had been the instruments of
heaven's wrath against France, seemed now, by their pride and
cruelty, to be fitting objects of it themselves.</p>

<p>France in that age was a profoundly religious country. There
was ignorance, there was superstition, there was bigotry; but
there was <i>faith</i>&mdash;a faith that itself worked true miracles, even
while it believed in unreal ones. At this time, also, one of those
devotional movements began among the clergy in France, which
from time to time occur in national churches, without it being
possible for the historian to assign any adequate human cause
for their immediate date or extension. Numberless friars and
priests traversed the rural districts and towns of France, preaching
to the people that they must seek from heaven a deliverance
from the pillages of the soldiery and the insolence of the foreign
oppressors.</p>

<p>The idea of a providence that works only by general laws
was wholly alien to the feelings of the age. Every political event,
as well as every natural phenomenon, was believed to be the
immediate result of a special mandate of God. This led to
the belief that his holy angels and saints were constantly employed
in executing his commands and mingling in the affairs of
men. The Church encouraged these feelings, and at the same
time sanctioned the concurrent popular belief that hosts of evil
spirits were also ever actively interposing in the current of earthly
events, with whom sorcerers and wizards could league themselves,
and thereby obtain the exercise of supernatural power.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span>Thus all things favored the influence which Jeanne obtained
both over friends and foes. The French nation, as well as the
English and the Burgundians, readily admitted that superhuman
beings inspired her; the only question was whether these
beings were good or evil angels; whether she brought with her
"airs from heaven or blasts from hell." This question seemed
to her countrymen to be decisively settled in her favor by the
austere sanctity of her life, by the holiness of her conversation,
but still more by her exemplary attention to all the services and
rites of the Church. The Dauphin at first feared the injury that
might be done to his cause if he laid himself open to the charge
of having leagued himself with a sorceress. Every imaginable
test, therefore, was resorted to in order to set Jeanne's orthodoxy
and purity beyond suspicion. At last Charles and his advisers
felt safe in accepting her services as those of a true and virtuous
Christian daughter of the holy Church.</p>

<p>It is, indeed, probable that Charles himself and some of his
counsellors may have suspected Jeanne of being a mere enthusiast,
and it is certain that Dunois and others of the best generals
took considerable latitude in obeying or deviating from the
military orders that she gave. But over the mass of the people
and the soldiery her influence was unbounded. While Charles
and his doctors of theology, and court ladies, had been deliberating
as to recognizing or dismissing the Maid, a considerable period
had passed away during which a small army, the last gleanings,
as it seemed, of the English sword, had been assembled at
Blois, under Dunois, La Hire, Xaintrailles, and other chiefs,
who to their natural valor were now beginning to unite the wisdom
that is taught by misfortune. It was resolved to send
Jeanne with this force and a convoy of provisions to Orleans.
The distress of that city had now become urgent. But the communication
with the open country was not entirely cut off: the
Orleannais had heard of the holy Maid whom Providence had
raised up for their deliverance, and their messengers earnestly
implored the Dauphin to send her to them without delay.</p>

<p>Jeanne appeared at the camp at Blois, clad in a new suit of
brilliant white armor, mounted on a stately black war-horse,
and with a lance in her right hand, which she had learned to
wield with skill and grace. Her head was unhelmeted, so that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span>
all could behold her fair and expressive features, her deep-set
and earnest eyes, and her long black hair, which was parted
across her forehead, and bound by a ribbon behind her back.
She wore at her side a small battle-axe, and the consecrated
sword, marked on the blade with five crosses, which had at her
bidding been taken for her from the shrine of St. Catharine at
Fierbois. A page carried her banner, which she had caused to
be made and embroidered as her voices enjoined. It was white
satin, strewn with <i>fleurs-de-lis</i>, and on it were the words</p>

<div class="center">"<span class="smcap">Jhesus Maria</span>,"</div>

<p>and the representation of the Saviour in his glory. Jeanne afterward
generally bore her banner herself in battle; she said that
though she loved her sword much, she loved her banner forty
times as much; and she loved to carry it, because it could not kill
anyone.</p>

<p>Thus accoutred, she came to lead the troops of France, who
looked with soldierly admiration on her well-proportioned and
upright figure, the skill with which she managed her war-horse,
and the easy grace with which she handled her weapons. Her
military education had been short, but she had availed herself
of it well. She had also the good sense to interfere little with the
man&oelig;uvres of the troops, leaving these things to Dunois and
others whom she had the discernment to recognize as the best
officers in the camp.</p>

<p>Her tactics in action were simple enough. As she herself
described it, "I used to say to them, 'Go boldly in among the
English,' and then I used to go boldly in myself." Such, as
she told her inquisitors, was the only spell she used, and it
was one of power. But, while interfering little with the military
discipline of the troops, in all matters of moral discipline
she was inflexibly strict. All the abandoned followers of
the camp were driven away. She compelled both generals and
soldiers to attend regularly at confessional. Her chaplain and
other priests marched with the army under her orders; and at
every halt, an altar was set up and the sacrament administered.
No oath or foul language passed without punishment or censure.
Even the roughest and most hardened veterans obeyed her.
They had put off for a time the bestial coarseness which had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span>
grown on them during a life of bloodshed and rapine; they felt
that they must go forth in a new spirit to a new career, and acknowledged
the beauty of the holiness in which the heaven-sent
Maid was leading them to certain victory.</p>

<p>Jeanne marched from Blois on the 25th of April with a convoy
of provisions for Orleans, accompanied by Dunois, La Hire,
and the other chief captains of the French, and on the evening
of the 28th they approached the town. In the words of the old
chronicler Hall: "The Englishmen, perceiving that thei within
could not long continue for faute of vitaile and pouder, kepte not
their watche so diligently as thei were accustomed, nor scoured
now the countrey environed as thei before had ordained. Whiche
negligence the citizens shut in perceiving, sent worde thereof to
the French captaines, which, with Pucelle, in the dedde tyme of
the nighte, and in a greate rayne and thundere, with all their vitaile
and artillery, entered into the citie."</p>

<p>When it was day, the Maid rode in solemn procession through
the city, clad in complete armor, and mounted on a white horse.
Dunois was by her side, and all the bravest knights of her army
and of the garrison followed in her train. The whole population
thronged around her; and men, women, and children strove to
touch her garments or her banner or her charger. They poured
forth blessings on her, whom they already considered their deliverer.
In the words used by two of them afterward before the
tribunal which reversed the sentence, but could not restore the
life of the virgin-martyr of France, "the people of Orleans, when
they first saw her in their city, thought that it was an angel from
heaven that had come down to save them."</p>

<p>Jeanne spoke gently in reply to their acclamations and addresses.
She told them to fear God, and trust in him for safety
from the fury of their enemies. She first went to the principal
church, where <i>Te Deum</i> was chanted; and then she took up her
abode at the house of Jacques Bourgier, one of the principal citizens,
and whose wife was a matron of good repute. She refused
to attend a splendid banquet which had been provided for her,
and passed nearly all her time in prayer.</p>

<p>When it was known by the English that the Maid was in Orleans,
their minds were not less occupied about her than were
the minds of those in the city; but it was in a very different spirit.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span>
The English believed in her supernatural mission as firmly as
the French did, but they thought her a sorceress who had come
to overthrow them by her enchantments. An old prophecy,
which told that a damsel from Lorraine was to save France, had
long been current, and it was known and applied to Jeanne by
foreigners as well as by the natives. For months the English had
heard of the coming Maid, and the tales of miracles which she
was said to have wrought had been listened to by the rough yeomen
of the English camp with anxious curiosity and secret awe.
She had sent a herald to the English generals before she marched
for Orleans, and he had summoned the English generals in the
name of the most High to give up to the Maid, who was sent by
heaven, the keys of the French cities which they had wrongfully
taken; and he also solemnly adjured the English troops,
whether archers or men of the companies of war or gentlemen
or others, who were before the city of Orleans, to depart thence
to their homes, under peril of being visited by the judgment of
God.</p>

<p>On her arrival in Orleans, Jeanne sent another similar message;
but the English scoffed at her from their towers, and
threatened to burn her heralds. She determined, before she
shed the blood of the besiegers, to repeat the warning with her
own voice; and accordingly she mounted one of the boulevards
of the town, which was within hearing of the Tourelles, and
thence she spoke to the English, and bade them depart, otherwise
they would meet with shame and woe.</p>

<p>Sir William Gladsdale&mdash;whom the French call "Glacidas"&mdash;commanded
the English post at the Tourelles, and he and another
English officer replied by bidding her go home and keep
her cows, and by ribald jests that brought tears of shame and
indignation into her eyes. But, though the English leaders
vaunted aloud, the effect produced on their army by Jeanne's
presence in Orleans was proved four days after her arrival, when,
on the approach of re&euml;nforcements and stores to the town, Jeanne
and La Hire marched out to meet them, and escorted the long
train of provision wagons safely into Orleans, between the bastiles
of the English, who cowered behind their walls instead of
charging fiercely and fearlessly, as had been their wont, on any
French band that dared to show itself within reach.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span>Thus far she had prevailed without striking a blow; but the
time was now come to test her courage amid the horrors of actual
slaughter. On the afternoon of the day on which she had escorted
the re&euml;nforcements into the city, while she was resting
fatigued at home, Dunois had seized an advantageous opportunity
of attacking the English bastile of St. Loup, and a fierce
assault of the Orleannais had been made on it, which the English
garrison of the fort stubbornly resisted. Jeanne was roused
by a sound which she believed to be that of her heavenly voices;
she called for her arms and horse, and, quickly equipping herself,
she mounted to ride off to where the fight was raging. In
her haste she had forgotten her banner; she rode back, and,
without dismounting, had it given to her from the window,
and then she galloped to the gate whence the sally had been
made.</p>

<p>On her way she met some of the wounded French who had
been carried back from the fight. "Ha!" she exclaimed, "I
never can see French blood flow without my hair standing on
end." She rode out of the gate, and met the tide of her countrymen,
who had been repulsed from the English fort, and were
flying back to Orleans in confusion. At the sight of the holy
Maid and her banner they rallied and renewed the assault,
Jeanne rode forward at their head, waving her banner and cheering
them on. The English quailed at what they believed to be
the charge of hell; St. Loup was stormed, and its defenders
put to the sword, except some few, whom Jeanne succeeded in
saving. All her woman's gentleness returned when the combat
was over. It was the first time that she had ever seen a battlefield.
She wept at the sight of so many bleeding corpses; and
her tears flowed doubly when she reflected that they were the
bodies of Christian men who had died without confession.</p>

<p>The next day was Ascension Day, and it was passed by Jeanne
in prayer. But on the following morrow it was resolved by the
chiefs of the garrison to attack the English forts on the south of
the river. For this purpose they crossed the river in boats, and
after some severe fighting, in which the Maid was wounded in
the heel, both the English bastiles of the Augustins and St. Jean
de Blanc were captured. The Tourelles were now the only posts
which the besiegers held on the south of the river. But that post<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span>
was formidably strong, and by its command of the bridge it was
the key to the deliverance of Orleans. It was known that a fresh
English army was approaching under Fastolfe to re&euml;nforce the
besiegers, and, should that army arrive while the Tourelles were
yet in the possession of their comrades, there was great peril of
all the advantages which the French had gained being nullified,
and of the siege being again actively carried on.</p>

<p>It was resolved, therefore, by the French to assail the Tourelles
at once, while the enthusiasm which the presence and the
heroic valor of the Maid had created was at its height. But the
enterprise was difficult. The rampart of the t&ecirc;te-du-pont, or
landward bulwark, of the Tourelles was steep and high, and Sir
John Gladsdale occupied this all-important fort with five hundred
archers and men-at-arms, who were the very flower of the
English army.</p>

<p>Early in the morning of the 7th of May some thousands of
the best French troops in Orleans heard mass and attended the
confessional by Jeanne's orders, and then crossing the river in
boats, as on the preceding day, they assailed the bulwark of the
Tourelles "with light hearts and heavy hands." But Gladsdale's
men, encouraged by their bold and skilful leader, made a
resolute and able defence. The Maid planted her banner on the
edge of the fosse, and then, springing down into the ditch, she
placed the first ladder against the wall and began to mount.
An English archer sent an arrow at her, which pierced her corselet
and wounded her severely between the neck and shoulder.
She fell bleeding from the ladder; and the English were leaping
down from the wall to capture her, but her followers bore her
off. She was carried to the rear and laid upon the grass; her
armor was taken off, and the anguish of her wound and the sight
of her blood made her at first tremble and weep.</p>

<p>But her confidence in her celestial mission soon returned:
her patron saints seemed to stand before her and reassure her.
She sat up and drew the arrow out with her own hands. Some
of the soldiers who stood by wished to stanch the blood by saying
a charm over the wound; but she forbade them, saying that
she did not wish to be cured by unhallowed means. She had the
wound dressed with a little oil, and then, bidding her confessor
come to her, she betook herself to prayer.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span>In the mean while the English in the bulwark of the Tourelles
had repulsed the oft-renewed efforts of the French to scale
the wall. Dunois, who commanded the assailants, was at last
discouraged, and gave orders for a retreat to be sounded. Jeanne
sent for him and the other generals, and implored them not to
despair.</p>

<p>"By my God," she said to them, "you shall soon enter in
there. Do not doubt it. When you see my banner wave again
up to the wall, to your arms again! the fort is yours. For the
present, rest a little and take some food and drink."</p>

<p>"They did so," says the old chronicler of the siege, "for they
obeyed her marvellously."</p>

<p>The faintness caused by her wound had now passed off, and
she headed the French in another rush against the bulwark.
The English, who had thought her slain, were alarmed at her
reappearance, while the French pressed furiously and fanatically
forward. A Biscayan soldier was carrying Jeanne's banner.
She had told the troops that directly the banner touched the wall
they should enter. The Biscayan waved the banner forward
from the edge of the fosse, and touched the wall with it, and then
all the French host swarmed madly up the ladders that now were
raised in all directions against the English fort. At this crisis
the efforts of the English garrison were distracted by an attack
from another quarter. The French troops who had been left in
Orleans had placed some planks over the broken arch of the
bridge, and advanced across them to the assault of the Tourelles
on the northern side.</p>

<p>Gladsdale resolved to withdraw his men from the landward
bulwark, and concentrate his whole force in the Tourelles themselves.
He was passing for this purpose across the drawbridge
that connected the Tourelles and the t&ecirc;te-du-pont, when Jeanne,
who by this time had scaled the wall of the bulwark, called out
to him, "Surrender! surrender to the King of Heaven! Ah,
Glacidas, you have foully wronged me with your words, but I
have great pity on your soul and the souls of your men." The
Englishman, disdainful of her summons, was striding on across
the drawbridge, when a cannon-shot from the town carried it
away, and Gladsdale perished in the water that ran beneath.
After his fall, the remnant of the English abandoned all further<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span>
resistance. Three hundred of them had been killed in the battle
and two hundred were made prisoners.</p>

<p>The broken arch was speedily repaired by the exulting Orleannais,
and Jeanne made her triumphal re&euml;ntry into the city
by the bridge that had so long been closed. Every church in
Orleans rang out its gratulating peal; and throughout the night
the sounds of rejoicing echoed, and the bonfires blazed up from
the city. But in the lines and forts which the besiegers yet retained
on the northern shore, there was anxious watching of the
generals, and there was desponding gloom among the soldiery.
Even Talbot now counselled retreat. On the following morning
the Orleannais, from their walls, saw the great forts called
"London" and "St. Lawrence" in flames, and witnessed their
invaders busy in destroying the stores and munitions which had
been relied on for the destruction of Orleans.</p>

<p>Slowly and sullenly the English army retired; and not before
it had drawn up in battle array opposite to the city, as if to challenge
the garrison to an encounter. The French troops were
eager to go out and attack, but Jeanne forbade it. The day was
Sunday.</p>

<p>"In the name of God," she said, "let them depart, and let
us return thanks to God."</p>

<p>She led the soldiers and citizens forth from Orleans, but not
for the shedding of blood. They passed in solemn procession
round the city walls, and then, while their retiring enemies were
yet in sight, they knelt in thanksgiving to God for the deliverance
which he had vouchsafed them.</p>

<p>Within three months from the time of her first interview
with the Dauphin, Jeanne had fulfilled the first part of her promise,
the raising of the siege of Orleans. Within three months
more she had fulfilled the second part also, and had stood with
her banner in her hand by the high altar at Rheims, while he
was anointed and crowned as king Charles VII of France. In
the interval she had taken Jargeau, Troyes, and other strong
places, and she had defeated an English army in a fair field at
Patay. The enthusiasm of her countrymen knew no bounds;
but the importance of her services, and especially of her primary
achievement at Orleans, may perhaps be best proved by the testimony
of her enemies. There is extant a fragment of a letter<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span>
from the regent Bedford to his royal nephew, Henry VI, in
which he bewails the turn that the war has taken, and especially
attributes it to the raising of the siege of Orleans by Jeanne.
Bedford's own words, which are preserved in Rymer, are as follows:</p>

<p>"And alle thing there prospered for you til the tyme of the
Siege of Orleans taken in hand God knoweth by what advis. At
the whiche tyme, after the adventure fallen to the persone of my
cousin of Salisbury, whom God assoille, there felle, by the hand
of God as it seemeth, a great strook upon your peuple that was
assembled there in grete nombre, caused in grete partie, as y
trowe, of lakke of sadde beleve, and of unlevefulle doubte, that
thei hadde of a disciple and lyme of the Feende, called the Pucelle,
that used fals enchantments and sorcerie.</p>

<p>"The whiche strooke and discomfiture nott oonly lessed in
grete partie the nombre of your peuple there, but as well withdrewe
the courage of the remenant in merveillous wyse, and
couraiged your adverse partie and ennemys to assemble them
forthwith in grete nombre."</p>

<p>When Charles had been anointed king of France, Jeanne
believed that her mission was accomplished. And in truth the
deliverance of France from the English, though not completed
for many years afterward, was then insured. The ceremony of
a royal coronation and anointment was not in those days regarded
as a mere costly formality. It was believed to confer the
sanction and the grace of heaven upon the prince, who had previously
ruled with mere human authority. Thenceforth he was
the Lord's Anointed. Moreover, one of the difficulties that had
previously lain in the way of many Frenchmen when called on to
support Charles VII was now removed. He had been publicly
stigmatized, even by his own parents, as no true son of the royal
race of France. The queen-mother, the English, and the partisans
of Burgundy called him the "Pretender to the title of Dauphin";
but those who had been led to doubt his legitimacy were
cured of their scepticism by the victories of the holy Maid and
by the fulfilment of her pledges. They thought that heaven
had now declared itself in favor of Charles as the true heir of the
crown of St. Louis, and the tales about his being spurious were
thenceforth regarded as mere English calumnies.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span>With this strong tide of national feeling in his favor, with
victorious generals and soldiers round him, and a dispirited and
divided enemy before him, he could not fail to conquer, though
his own imprudence and misconduct, and the stubborn valor
which the English still from time to time displayed, prolonged
the war in France until the civil Wars of the Roses broke out in
England, and left France to peace and repose.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span></p>
<h2>TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF JEANNE
D'ARC</h2>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1431</h6>

<h3>Jules Michelet</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>After her victory at Orleans (1429), Jeanne d'Arc "knelt before the
French King in the cathedral of Rheims, and shed tears of joy." She
felt that she had fulfilled her mission, and she desired to return to her
home at Domremy. But King Charles VII persuaded her to remain with
the army. "She still heard her heavenly voices, but she now no longer
thought herself the appointed minister of heaven to lead her countrymen
to certain victory." She expected but one year more of life; but she
still bravely faced the future with its perils.</p>

<p>The Maid took part in the capture of Laon, Soissons, Compi&egrave;gne,
and other places, and, in the attack on Paris, September, 1429, which she
prematurely urged, was severely wounded. In a sally from Compi&egrave;gne,
where she was besieged by Burgundians, she was taken prisoner May 24,
1430, and held until November, when for a large payment in money she
was surrendered to the English, who took her to Rouen, their real capital
in France.</p>

<p>On January 3, 1431, by order of King Henry VI of England, Jeanne
was placed in the hands of Peter Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, who had
already moved to have her delivered up to the Inquisition of France, as
demanded by the University of Paris. The Bishop proceeded to form at
Rouen a "court of justice" for her trial, and on February 21st the Maid
was brought before her judges&mdash;"Norman priests and doctors of Paris"&mdash;in
the chapel of Rouen castle. The trial lasted until May 30th, forty
sittings being held&mdash;some of them in Jeanne's prison, where for a time
she was kept in an iron cage.</p>

<p>Commanded to take "an oath to tell the truth about everything as to
which she should be questioned," she replied: "Perchance you may ask
me things I would not tell you. I do not like to take an oath to tell the
truth save as to matters which concern the faith." She fearlessly tried
to guard against violation of what she considered her right to be silent.</p>

<p>In "this odious and shameful trial," says Guizot, "the judges' prejudiced
servility and scientific subtlety were employed for three months to
wear out the courage or overreach the understanding of a young girl of
nineteen, who made no defence beyond holding her tongue or appealing
to God, who had dictated to her that which she had done." Formal accusation
was made under twelve heads or articles, based on the preliminary
examination, and the trial proceeded to its merciless end.</p></div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span></p>

<p><img src="images/cap_i.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="I" />N Passion Week, Jeanne d'Arc fell sick. Her temptation began,
no doubt, on Palm Sunday. A country girl, born on the
skirts of a forest, and having ever lived in the open air of heaven,
she was compelled to pass this fine Palm Sunday in the depths
of a dungeon. The grand "succor" which the Church invokes
came not for her; the "doors did not open."</p>

<p>They were opened on the Tuesday, but it was to lead the
accused to the great hall of the castle, before her judges. They
read to her the articles which had been founded on her answers,
and the Bishop previously represented to her "that these doctors
were all churchmen, clerks, and well read in law, divine and
human; that they were all tender and pitiful, and desired to proceed
mildly, seeking neither vengeance nor corporal punishment,
but solely wishing to enlighten her, and put her in the way of
truth and of salvation; and that, as she was not sufficiently informed
in such high matters, the Bishop and the Inquisitor offered
her the choice of one or more of the assessors to act as her
counsel." The accused, in presence of this assembly, in which
she did not descry a single friendly face, mildly answered: "For
what you admonish me as to my good, and concerning our faith,
I thank you; as to the counsel you offer me, I have no intention
to forsake the counsel of our Lord."</p>

<p>The first article touched the capital point, submission. She
replied: "Well do I believe that our holy Father, the bishops,
and others of the Church are to guard the Christian faith
and punish those who are found wanting. As to my deeds,
I submit myself only to the Church in heaven, to God and the
Virgin, to the sainted men and women in paradise. I have not
been wanting in regard to the Christian faith, and trust I never
shall be." And, shortly afterward, "I would rather die than
recall what I have done by our Lord's command."</p>

<p>What illustrates the time, the uninformed mind of these
doctors, and their blind attachment to the letter without regard
to the spirit is that no point seemed graver to them than the sin
of having assumed male attire. They represented to her that,
according to the canons, those who thus change the habit of
their sex are abominable in the sight of God. At first she would
not give a direct answer, and begged for a respite till the next
day, but her judges insisted on her discarding the dress; she<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span>
replied "that she was not empowered to say when she could quit
it."</p>

<p>"But if you should be deprived of the privilege of hearing
mass?"</p>

<p>"Well, our Lord can grant me to hear it without you."</p>

<p>"Will you put on a woman's dress, in order to receive your
Saviour at Easter?"</p>

<p>"No; I cannot quit this dress; it matters not to me in what
dress I receive my Saviour."</p>

<p>After this she seems shaken, asks to be at least allowed to hear
mass, adding, "I won't say but if you were to give me a gown
such as the daughters of the burghers wear, a very <i>long gown</i>."</p>

<p>It is clear she shrank, through modesty, from explaining herself.
The poor girl durst not explain her position in prison or
the constant danger she was in. The truth is that three soldiers
slept in her room, three of the brigand ruffians called <i>houspilleurs</i>;<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">78</a>
that she was chained to a beam by a large iron chain,
almost wholly at their mercy; the man's dress they wished to
compel her to discontinue was all her safeguard. What are we
to think of the imbecility of the judge, or of his horrible connivance?</p>

<p>Besides being kept under the eyes of these wretches, and exposed
to their insults and mockery, she was subjected to espial
from without. Winchester,<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> the Inquisitor, and Cauchon had
each a key to the tower, and watched her hourly through a hole
in the wall. Each stone of this infernal dungeon had eyes.</p>

<p>Her only consolation was that she was at first allowed interviews
with a priest, who told her that he was a prisoner and attached
to Charles VII's cause. Loyseleur, so he was named, was
a tool of the English. He had won Jeanne's confidence, who
used to confess herself to him; and, at such times, her confessions
were taken down by notaries concealed on purpose to
overhear her. It is said that Loyseleur encouraged her to hold
out, in order to insure her destruction.</p>


<p>The deplorable state of the prisoner's health was aggravated
by her being deprived of the consolations of religion during
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span>Passion Week. On the Thursday, the sacrament was withheld
from her; on that selfsame day on which Christ is universal
host, on which he invites the poor and all those who suffer, she
seemed to be forgotten.</p>

<p>On Good Friday, that day of deep silence, on which we all
hear no other sound than the beating of one's own heart, it seems
as if the hearts of the judges smote them, and that some feeling
of humanity and of religion had been awakened in their aged
scholastic souls; at least it is certain that, whereas thirty-five of
them took their seats on the Wednesday, no more than nine were
present at the examination on Saturday; the rest, no doubt, alleged
the devotions of the day as their excuse.</p>

<p>On the contrary, her courage had revived. Likening her
own sufferings to those of Christ, the thought had roused her
from her despondency. She agreed to "defer to the Church
militant, provided it commanded nothing impossible."</p>

<p>"Do you think, then, that you are not subject to the Church
which is upon earth, to our holy father the Pope, to the cardinals,
archbishops, bishops, and prelates?"</p>

<p>"Yes, certainly, our Lord served."</p>

<p>"Do your voices forbid your submitting to the Church militant?"</p>

<p>"They do not forbid it, our Lord being served <i>first</i>."</p>

<p>This firmness did not desert her once on the Saturday; but
on the next day, the Sunday, Easter Sunday! what must her
feelings have been? What must have passed in that poor heart
when, the sounds of the universal holiday enlivening the city,
Rouen's five hundred bells ringing out with their joyous peals
on the air, and the whole Christian world coming to life with the
Saviour, she remained with death! Could she who, with all her
inner life of visions and revelations, had not the less docilely
obeyed the commands of the Church; could she, who till now
had believed herself in her simplicity "a good girl," as she
said, a girl altogether submissive to the Church&mdash;could she without
terror see the Church against her?</p>

<p>After all, what, who was she, to undertake to gainsay these
prelates, these doctors? How dared she speak before so many
able men&mdash;men who had studied? Was there not presumption
and damnable pride in an ignorant girl's opposing herself to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span>
learned&mdash;a poor, simple girl, to men in authority? Undoubtedly
fears of the kind agitated her mind.</p>

<p>On the other hand, this opposition is not Jeanne's, but that
of the saints and angels who have dictated her answers to her,
and, up to this time, sustained her. Wherefore, alas! do they
come no more in this pressing need of hers? Wherefore is the
so long promised deliverance delayed? Doubtless the prisoner
has put these questions to herself over and over again.</p>

<p>There was one means of escaping; this was, without expressly
disavowing, to forbear affirming, and to say, "It seems
to me." The lawyers thought it easy for her to pronounce these
few simple words; but in her mind, to use so doubtful an expression
was in reality equivalent to a denial; it was abjuring
her beautiful dream of heavenly friendships, betraying her sweet
sisters on high. Better to die. And indeed, the unfortunate, rejected
by the visible, abandoned by the invisible, by the Church,
by the world, and by her own heart, was sinking. And the body
was following the sinking soul.</p>

<p>It so happened that on that very day she had eaten part of a
fish which the charitable Bishop of Beauvais had sent her, and
might have imagined herself poisoned. The bishop had an interest
in her death; it would have put an end to this embarrassing
trial, would have got the judge out of the scrape; but this
was not what the English reckoned upon. The Earl of Warwick,
in his alarm, said: "The King would not have her by any
means die a natural death. The King has bought her dear.
She must die by justice and be burned. See and cure her."</p>

<p>All attention, indeed, was paid her; she was visited and bled,
but was none the better for it, remaining weak and nearly dying.
Whether through fear that she should escape thus and die without
retracting, or that her bodily weakness inspired hopes that
her mind would be more easily dealt with, the judges made an
attempt while she was lying in this state, April 18th. They
visited her in her chamber, and represented to her that she
would be in great danger if she did not reconsider, and follow the
advice of the Church. "It seems to me, indeed," she said,
"seeing my sickness, that I am in great danger of death. If so,
God's will be done; I should like to confess, receive my Saviour,
and be laid in holy ground."</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span>"If you desire the sacraments of the Church, you must do
as good Catholics do, and submit yourself to it." She made no
reply. But, on the judge's repeating his words, she said: "If
the body die in prison, I hope that you will lay it in holy ground;
if you do not, I appeal to our Lord."</p>

<p>Already, in the course of these examinations, she had expressed
one of her last wishes. <i>Question</i>: "You say that you
wear a man's dress by God's command, and yet, in case you die,
you want a woman's shift?" <i>Answer</i>: "All I want is to have
a long one." This touching answer was ample proof that, in
this extremity, she was much less occupied with care about life
than with the fears of modesty.</p>

<p>The doctors preached to their patient for a long time; and
he who had taken on himself the especial care of exhorting her,
Master Nicolas Midy, a scholastic of Paris, closed the scene by
saying bitterly to her, "If you don't obey the Church, you will
be abandoned for a Saracen."</p>

<p>"I am a good Christian," she replied meekly; "I was properly
baptized, and will die like a good Christian."</p>

<p>The slowness of these proceedings drove the English wild
with impatience. Winchester had hoped to bring the trial to
an end before the campaign; to have forced a confession from
the prisoner, and have dishonored King Charles. This blow
struck, he would recover Louviers, secure Normandy and the
Seine, and then repair to Basel to begin another war&mdash;a theological
war&mdash;to sit there as arbiter of Christendom, and make and
unmake popes. At the very moment he had these high designs
in view, he was compelled to cool his heels, waiting upon what
it might please this girl to say.</p>

<p>The unlucky Cauchon happened at this precise juncture to
have offended the chapter of Rouen, from which he was soliciting
a decision against the Pucelle; he had allowed himself to
be addressed beforehand as "My lord the Archbishop." Winchester
determined to disregard the delays of these Normans,
and to refer at once to the great theological tribunal, the University
of Paris.</p>

<p>While waiting for the answer, new attempts were made to
overcome the resistance of the accused; and both stratagem
and terror were brought into play. In the course of a second<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span>
admonition, May 2d, the preacher, Master Ch&acirc;tillon, proposed
to her to submit the question of the truth of her visions to persons
of her own party. She did not give in to the snare. "As to
this," she said, "I depend on my Judge, the King of heaven and
earth." She did not say this time, as before, "On God and the
Pope."</p>

<p>"Well, the Church will give you up, and you will be in danger
of fire, both soul and body. You will not do what we tell you
until you suffer body and soul."</p>

<p>They did not stop at vague threats. On the third admonition,
which took place in her chamber, May 11th, the executioner
was sent for, and she was told that the torture was ready.
But the man&oelig;uvre failed. On the contrary, it was found that
she had resumed all, and more than all, her courage. Raised up
after temptation, she seemed to have mounted a step nearer the
source of grace. "The angel Gabriel," she said, "has appeared
to strengthen me; it was he&mdash;my saints have assured me so.
God has been ever my master in what I have done; the devil
has never had power over me. Though you should tear off my
limbs and pluck my soul from my body, I would say nothing
else." The spirit was so visibly manifested in her that her last
adversary, the preacher Ch&acirc;tillon, was touched, and became her
defender, declaring that a trial so conducted seemed to him null.
Cauchon, beside himself with rage, compelled him to silence.</p>

<p>The reply of the University arrived at last. The decision
to which it came on the twelve articles was that this girl was
wholly the devil's; was impious in regard to her parents; thirsted
for Christian blood, etc. This was the opinion given by the
faculty of theology. That of law was more moderate, declaring
her to be deserving of punishment, but with two reservations:
(80) In case she persisted in her nonsubmission; (2) if she were
in her right senses.</p>

<p>At the same time the university wrote to the Pope, to the
cardinals, and to the King of England, lauding the Bishop of
Beauvais and setting forth, "there seemed to it to have been
great gravity observed, and a holy and just way of proceeding,
which ought to be most satisfactory to all."</p>


<p>Armed with this response, some of the assessors<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> were for
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span> burning her without further delay; which would have been
sufficient satisfaction for the doctors, whose authority she rejected,
but not for the English, who required a retraction that
should defame King Charles. They had recourse to a new
admonition and a new preacher, Master Pierre Morice, which
was attended by no better result. It was in vain that he dwelt
upon the authority of the University of Paris, "which is the
light of all science."</p>

<p>"Though I should see the executioner and the fire there,"
she exclaimed, "though I were in the fire, I could only say what
I have said."</p>

<p>It was by this time the 23d of May, the day after Pentecost;
Winchester could remain no longer at Rouen, and it behooved
to make an end of the business. Therefore it was resolved to
get up a great and terrible public scene, which should either
terrify the recusant into submission, or, at the least, blind the
people. Loyseleur, Ch&acirc;tillon, and Morice were sent to visit
her the evening before, to promise her that, if she would submit
and quit her man's dress, she should be delivered out of the
hands of the English, and placed in those of the Church.</p>

<p>This fearful farce was enacted in the cemetery of St. Ouen,
behind the beautifully severe monastic church so called, and
which had by that day assumed its present appearance. On a
scaffolding raised for the purpose sat Cardinal Winchester, the
two judges, and thirty-three assessors, of whom many had their
scribes seated at their feet. On another scaffold, in the midst
of <i>huissiers</i><a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> and torturers, was Jeanne, in male attire, and also
notaries to take down her confessions, and a preacher to admonish
her; and, at its foot, among the crowd, was remarked a strange
auditor, the executioner upon his cart, ready to bear her off as
soon as she should be adjudged his.</p>


<p>The preacher on this day, a famous doctor, Guillaume Erard,
conceived himself bound, on so fine an opportunity, to give the
reins to his eloquence; and by his zeal he spoiled all. "O
noble house of France," he exclaimed, "which wast ever wont
to be protectress of the faith, how hast thou been abused to ally
thyself with a heretic and schismatic!" So far the accused had
listened patiently; but when the preacher, turning toward her,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span>said to her, raising his finger: "It is to thee, Jeanne, that I address
myself; and I tell thee that thy King is a heretic and schismatic,"
the admirable girl, forgetting all her danger, burst forth with,
"On my faith, sir, with all due respect, I undertake to tell you,
and to swear, on pain of my life, that he is the noblest Christian
of all Christians, the sincerest lover of the faith and of the Church,
and not what you call him."</p>

<p>"Silence her," called out Cauchon.</p>

<p>The accused adhered to what she had said. All they could
obtain from her was her consent to submit herself to the Pope.
Cauchon replied, "The Pope is too far off." He then began to
read the sentence of condemnation, which had been drawn up
beforehand, and in which, among other things, it was specified:
"And furthermore, you have obstinately persisted, in refusing
to submit yourself to the holy Father and to the council," etc.
Meanwhile, Loyseleur and Erard conjured her to have pity on
herself; on which the Bishop, catching at a shadow of hope,
discontinued his reading. This drove the English mad; and
one of Winchester's secretaries told Cauchon it was clear that
he favored the girl&mdash;a charge repeated by the Cardinal's chaplain.
"Thou art a liar," exclaimed the Bishop. "And thou,"
was the retort, "art a traitor to the King." These grave personages
seemed to be on the point of going to cuffs on the judgment-seat.</p>

<p>Erard, not discouraged, threatened, prayed. One while he
said, "Jeanne, we pity you so!" and another, "Abjure or be
burned!" All present evinced an interest in the matter, down
even to a worthy catchpole (huissier), who, touched with compassion,
besought her to give way, assuring her that she should
be taken out of the hands of the English and placed in those of
the Church. "Well, then," she said, "I will sign." On this
Cauchon, turning to the Cardinal, respectfully inquired what
was to be done next. "Admit her to do penance," replied the
ecclesiastical prince.</p>

<p>Winchester's secretary drew out of his sleeve a brief revocation,
only six lines long&mdash;that which was given to the world took
up six pages&mdash;and put a pen in her hand, but she could not
sign. She smiled and drew a circle: the secretary took her hand
and guided it to make a cross.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>The sentence of grace was a most severe one: "Jeanne, we
condemn you, out of our grace and moderation, to pass the rest
of your days in prison, on the bread of grief and water of anguish,
and so to mourn your sins."</p>

<p>She was admitted by the ecclesiastical judge to do penance,
no doubt, nowhere save in the prisons of the Church. The
ecclesiastic <i>in pace</i>, however severe it might be, would at the least
withdraw her from the hands of the English, place her under
shelter from their insults, save her honor. Judge of her surprise
and despair when the Bishop coldly said, "Take her back
whence you brought her."</p>

<p>Nothing was done; deceived on this wise, she could not fail
to retract her retractation. Yet, though she had abided by it,
the English in their fury would not have allowed her to escape.
They had come to St. Ouen in the hope of at last burning the
sorceress, had waited panting and breathless to this end; and
now they were to be dismissed on this fashion, paid with a slip
of parchment, a signature, a grimace. At the very moment the
Bishop discontinued reading the sentence of condemnation,
stones flew upon the scaffolding without any respect for the
Cardinal. The doctors were in peril of their lives as they came
down from their seats into the public place; swords were in all
directions pointed at their throats. The more moderate among
the English confined themselves to insulting language&mdash;"Priests,
you are not earning the King's money." The doctors, making
off in all haste, said tremblingly, "Do not be uneasy, we shall
soon have her again."</p>

<p>And it was not the soldiery alone, not the English mob, always
so ferocious, which displayed this thirst for blood. The
better born, the great, the lords, were no less sanguinary. The
King's man, his tutor, the Earl of Warwick, said like the soldiers:
"The King's business goes on badly; the girl will not be
burned."</p>

<p>According to English notions, Warwick was the mirror of
worthiness, the accomplished Englishman, the perfect gentleman.
Brave and devout, like his master, Henry V, and the
zealous champion of the Established Church, he had performed
the pilgrimage to the Holy Land, as well as many other chivalrous
expeditions. With all his chivalry, Warwick was not the less<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span>
savagely eager for the death of a woman, and one who was, too,
a prisoner of war. The best and the most looked-up-to of the
English was as little deterred by honorable scruples as the rest of
his countrymen from putting to death on the award of priests,
and by fire, her who had humbled them by the sword.</p>

<p>The Jews never exhibited the rage against Jesus which the
English did against the Pucelle. It must be owned that she had
wounded them cruelly in the most sensible part&mdash;in the simple
but deep esteem they have for themselves. At Orleans the invincible
men-at-arms, the famous archers, Talbot at their head,
had shown their backs; at Jargeau, sheltered by the good walls
of a fortified town, they had suffered themselves to be taken;
at Patay they had fled as fast as their legs would carry them,
fled before a girl. This was hard to be borne, and these taciturn
English were forever pondering over the disgrace. They had
been afraid of a girl, and it was not very certain but that, chained
as she was, they felt fear of her still, though, seemingly, not of
her, but of the devil, whose agent she was. At least, they endeavored
both to believe and to have it believed so.</p>

<p>But there was an obstacle in the way of this, for she was said
to be a virgin; and it was a notorious and well-ascertained fact
that the devil could not make a compact with a virgin. The
coolest head among the English, Bedford,<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> the regent, resolved
to have the point cleared up; and his wife, the Duchess, intrusted
the matter to some matrons, who declared Jeanne to be a maid;
a favorable declaration which turned against her by giving rise
to another superstitious notion; to wit, that her virginity constituted
her strength, her power, and that to deprive her of it was
to disarm her, was to break the charm, and lower her to the level
of other women.</p>

<p>The poor girl's only defence against such a danger had been
wearing male attire; though, strange to say, no one had ever
seemed able to understand her motive for wearing it. All, both
friends and enemies, were scandalized by it. At the outset,
she had been obliged to explain her reasons to the woman of
Poitiers; and when made prisoner, and under the care of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span>ladies of Luxemburg, those excellent persons prayed her to
clothe herself as honest girls were wont to do. Above all, the
English ladies, who have always made a parade of chastity and
modesty, must have considered her so disguising herself monstrous
and insufferably indecent. The Duchess of Bedford
sent her female attire; but by whom? By a man, a tailor. The
fellow, with impudent familiarity, was about to pass it over her
head, and, when she pushed him away, laid his unmannnerly
hand upon her&mdash;his tailor's hand on that hand which had borne
the flag of France. She boxed his ears.</p>


<p>If women could not understand this feminine question, how
much less could priests! They quoted the text of a council held
in the fourth century, which anathematized such changes of
dress; not seeing that the prohibition specially applied to a
period when manners had been barely retrieved from pagan
impurities. The doctors belonging to the party of Charles VII,
the apologists of the Pucelle, find exceeding difficulty in justifying
her on this head. One of them&mdash;thought to be Gerson&mdash;- makes
the gratuitous supposition that the moment she dismounted
from her horse, she was in the habit of resuming
woman's apparel; confessing that Esther and Judith had had
recourse to more natural and feminine means for their triumphs
over the enemies of God's people. Entirely preoccupied with
the soul, these theologians seem to have held the body cheap;
provided the letter, the written law, be followed, the soul will be
saved; the flesh may take its chance. A poor and simple girl
may be pardoned her inability to distinguish so clearly.</p>

<p>On the Friday and the Saturday the unfortunate prisoner,
despoiled of her man's dress, had much to fear. Brutality,
furious hatred, vengeance, might severally incite the cowards
to degrade her before she perished, to sully what they were about
to burn. Besides, they might be tempted to varnish their infamy
by a "reason of state," according to the notions of the day&mdash;by
depriving her of her virginity they would undoubtedly destroy
that secret power of which the English entertained such
great dread, who perhaps might recover their courage when
they knew that, after all, she was but a woman. According
to her confessor, to whom she divulged the fact, an Englishman,
not a common soldier, but a <i>gentleman</i>, a lord, patriotically<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span>
devoted himself to this execution&mdash;bravely undertook to
violate a girl laden with fetters, and, being unable to effect his
wishes, rained blows upon her.</p>

<p>"On the Sunday morning, Trinity Sunday, when it was time
for her to rise&mdash;as she told him who speaks&mdash;she said to her
English guards, 'Leave me, that I may get up.' One of them
took off her woman's dress, emptied the bag in which was the
man's apparel, and said to her, 'Get up.' 'Gentlemen,' she
said, 'you know that dress is forbidden me; excuse me, I will
not put it on.' The point was contested till noon; when, being
compelled to go out for some bodily want, she put it on. When
she came back, they would give her no other, despite her entreaties."</p>

<p>In reality, it was not to the interest of the English that she
should resume her man's dress, and so make null and void a
retractation obtained with such difficulty. But at this moment,
their rage no longer knew any bounds. Saintrailles had just
made a bold attempt upon Rouen. It would have been a lucky
hit to have swept off the judges from the judgment seat, and
have carried Winchester and Bedford to Poitiers; the latter was,
subsequently, all but taken on his return, between Rouen and
Paris. As long as this accursed girl lived, who beyond a doubt
continued in prison to practise her sorceries, there was no safety
for the English; perish she must.</p>

<p>The assessors, who had notice instantly given them of her
change of dress, found some hundred English in the court to
obstruct their passage; who, thinking that if these doctors
entered they might spoil all, threatened them with their axes
and swords, and chased them out, calling them "traitors of Armagnacs."
Cauchon, introduced with much difficulty, assumed
an air of gayety to pay his court to Warwick, and said with a
laugh, "She is caught."</p>

<p>On the Monday he returned, along with the Inquisitor and
eight assessors, to question the Pucelle, and ask her why she had
resumed that dress. She made no excuse, but, bravely facing
the danger, said that the dress was fitter for her as long as she
was guarded by men, and that faith had not been kept with her.
Her saints, too, had told her "that it was great pity she had
abjured to save her life." Still, she did not refuse to resume<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span>
woman's dress. "Put me in a seemly and safe prison," she
said; "I will be good, and do whatever the Church shall wish."</p>

<p>On leaving her the Bishop encountered Warwick and a
crowd of English; and to show himself a good Englishman he
said in their tongue, "Farewell, farewell." This joyous adieu
was about synonymous with "Good evening, good evening; all's
over."</p>

<p>On the Tuesday, the judges got up at the Archbishop's
palace a court of assessors as they best might; some of them had
assisted at the first sittings only, others at none; in fact, composed
of men of all sorts, priests, legists, and even three physicians.
The judges recapitulated to them what had taken place,
and asked their opinion. This opinion, quite different from
what was expected, was that the prisoner should be summoned,
and her act of abjuration be read over to her. Whether this
was in the power of the judges is doubtful. In the midst of the
fury and swords of a raging soldiery, there was in reality no
judge, and no possibility of judgment. Blood was the one thing
wanted; and that of the judges was, perhaps, not far from flowing.
They hastily drew up a summons, to be served the next
morning at eight o'clock; she was not to appear, save to be
burned.</p>

<p>Cauchon sent her a confessor in the morning, brother Martin
l'Advenu, "to prepare her for her death, and persuade her to
repentance. And when he apprised her of the death she was
to die that day, she began to cry out grievously, to give way,
and tear her hair: 'Alas! am I to be treated so horribly and
cruelly? must my body, pure as from birth, and which was never
contaminated, be this day consumed and reduced to ashes?
Ha! ha! I would rather be beheaded seven times over than be
burned on this wise! Oh! I make my appeal to God, the great
judge of the wrongs and grievances done me!'"</p>

<p>After this burst of grief, she recovered herself and confessed;
she then asked to communicate. The brother was embarrassed;
but, consulting the Bishop, the latter told him to administer the
sacrament, "and whatever else she might ask." Thus, at the
very moment he condemned her as a relapsed heretic, and cut
her off from the Church, he gave her all that the Church gives to
her faithful. Perhaps a last sentiment of humanity awoke in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span>
heart of the wicked judge; he considered it enough to burn the
poor creature, without driving her to despair, and damning her.
Besides, it was attempted to do it privately, and the eucharist
was brought without stole and light. But the monk complained,
and the Church of Rouen, duly warned, was delighted to show
what it thought of the judgment pronounced by Cauchon; it
sent along with the body of Christ numerous torches and a large
escort of priests, who sang litanies, and, as they passed through
the streets, told the kneeling people, "Pray for her."</p>

<p>After partaking of the communion, which she received with
abundance of tears, she perceived the Bishop, and addressed him
with the words, "Bishop, I die through you." And, again,
"Had you put me in the prisons of the Church, and given me
ghostly keepers, this would not have happened. And for this
I summon you to answer before God."</p>

<p>Then, seeing among the bystanders Pierre Morice, one of
the preachers by whom she had been addressed, she said to him,
"Ah, Master Pierre, where shall I be this evening?"</p>

<p>"Have you not good hope in the Lord?"</p>

<p>"Oh! yes; God to aid, I shall be in paradise."</p>

<p>It was nine o'clock: she was dressed in female attire, and
placed on a cart. On one side of her was brother Martin
l'Advenu; the constable, Massieu, was on the other. The Augustine
monk, Brother Isambart, who had already displayed
much charity and courage, would not quit her.</p>

<p>Up to this moment the Pucelle had never despaired, with the
exception, perhaps, of her temptation in the Passion Week.
While saying, as she at times would say, "These English will
kill me," she in reality did not think so. She did not imagine that
she could ever be deserted. She had faith in her King, in the
good people of France. She had said expressly: "There will be
some disturbance, either in prison or at the trial, by which I shall
be delivered, greatly, victoriously delivered." But though King
and people deserted her, she had another source of aid, and a
far more powerful and certain one from her friends above, her
kind and dear saints. When she was assaulting St. Pierre, and
deserted by her followers, her saints sent an invisible army to
her aid. How could they abandon their obedient girl, they who
had so often promised her "safety and deliverance"?</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span>What then must her thoughts have been when she saw that
she must die; when, carried in a cart, she passed through a
trembling crowd, under the guard of eight hundred Englishmen
armed with sword and lance? She wept and bemoaned herself,
yet reproached neither her King nor her saints. She was
only heard to utter, "O Rouen, Rouen! must I then die here?"</p>

<p>The term of her sad journey was the old market-place, the
fish-market. Three scaffolds had been raised; on one was the
episcopal and royal chair, the throne of the Cardinal of England,
surrounded by the stalls of his prelates; on another were
to figure the principal personages of the mournful drama, the
preacher, the judges, and the bailiff, and, lastly, the condemned
one; apart was a large scaffolding of plaster, groaning under a
weight of wood&mdash;nothing had been grudged the stake, which
struck terror by its height alone. This was not only to add to
the solemnity of the execution, but was done with the intent that,
from the height to which it was reared, the executioner might
not get at it save at the base, and that to light it only, so that he
would be unable to cut short the torments and relieve the sufferer,
as he did with others, sparing them the flames.</p>

<p>On this occasion the important point was that justice should
not be defrauded of her due or a dead body be committed to the
flames; they desired that she should be really burned alive, and
that, placed on the summit of this mountain of wood, and commanding
the circle of lances and of swords, she might be seen
from every part of the market-place. There was reason to
suppose that being slowly, tediously burned, before the eyes of a
curious crowd, she might at last be surprised into some weakness,
that something might escape her which could be set down as a
disavowal, at the least some confused words which might be interpreted
at pleasure, perhaps low prayers, humiliating cries for
mercy, such as proceed from a woman in despair.</p>

<p>The frightful ceremony began with a sermon. Master Nicolas
Midy, one of the lights of the University of Paris, preached
upon the edifying text: "When one limb of the Church is
sick, the whole Church is sick." He wound up with the formula:
"Jeanne, go in peace; the Church can no longer defend
thee."</p>

<p>The ecclesiastical judge, the Bishop of Beauvais, then benignly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span>
exhorted her to take care of her soul and to recall all her
misdeeds, in order that she might awaken to true repentance.
The assessors had ruled that it was the law to read over her abjuration
to her; the Bishop did nothing of the sort. He feared
her denials, her disclaimers. But the poor girl had no thought
of so chicaning away life; her mind was fixed on far other
subjects. Even before she was exhorted to repentance, she had
knelt down and invoked God, the Virgin, St. Michael, and St.
Catharine, pardoning all and asking pardon, saying to the bystanders,
"Pray for me!" In particular, she besought the
priests to say each a mass for her soul. And all this so devoutly,
humbly, and touchingly that, sympathy becoming contagious,
no one could any longer contain himself; the Bishop of Beauvais
melted into tears, the Bishop of Boulogne sobbed, and the
very English cried and wept as well, Winchester with the rest.</p>

<p>Might it be in this moment of universal tenderness, of tears,
of contagious weakness, that the unhappy girl, softened, and
relapsing into the mere woman, confessed that she saw clearly
she had erred, and that, apparently, she had been deceived
when promised deliverance? This is a point on which we cannot
implicitly rely on the interested testimony of the English.
Nevertheless, it would betray scant knowledge of human nature
to doubt, with her hopes so frustrated, her having wavered in
her faith. Whether she confessed to this effect in words is
uncertain; but I will confidently affirm that she owned it in
thought.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the judges, for a moment put out of countenance,
had recovered their usual bearing, and the Bishop of Beauvais,
drying his eyes, began to read the act of condemnation. He reminded
the guilty one of all her crimes, of her schism, idolatry,
invocation of demons, how she had been admitted to repentance,
and how, "seduced by the Prince of Lies, she had fallen, O grief!
'like the dog which returns to his vomit.' Therefore, we pronounce
you to be a rotten limb, and, as such, to be lopped off
from the Church. We deliver you over to the secular power,
praying it at the same time to relax its sentence and to spare you
death and the mutilation of your members."</p>

<p>Deserted thus by the Church, she put her whole trust in God.
She asked for the cross. An Englishman handed her a cross<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span>
which he made out of a stick; she took it, rudely fashioned as it
was, with not less devotion, kissed it, and placed it under her
garments, next to her skin. But what she desired was the crucifix
belonging to the Church, to have it before her eyes till she
breathed her last. The good huissier Massieu and Brother
Isambart interfered with such effect that it was brought her
from St. Sauveur's. While she was embracing this crucifix,
and Brother Isambart was encouraging her, the English began
to think all this exceedingly tedious; it was now noon at least;
the soldiers grumbled, and the captains called out: "What's this,
priest; do you mean us to dine here?"</p>

<p>Then, losing patience, and without waiting for the order
from the bailiff, who alone had authority to dismiss her to death,
they sent two constables to take her out of the hands of the
priests. She was seized at the foot of the tribunal by the men-at-arms,
who dragged her to the executioner with the words,
"Do thy office." The fury of the soldiery filled all present with
horror; and many there, even of the judges, fled the spot, that
they might see no more.</p>

<p>When she found herself brought down to the market-place,
surrounded by English, laying rude hands on her, nature asserted
her rights and the flesh was troubled. Again she cried
out, "O Rouen, thou art then to be my last abode!" She said
no more, and, in this hour of fear and trouble, did not sin with
her lips.</p>

<p>She accused neither her King nor her holy ones. But
when she set foot on the top of the pile, on viewing this great
city, this motionless and silent crowd, she could not refrain from
exclaiming, "Ah! Rouen, Rouen, much do I fear you will suffer
from my death!" She who had saved the people, and whom
that people deserted, gave voice to no other sentiment when
dying&mdash;admirable sweetness of soul!&mdash;than that of compassion
for it.</p>

<p>She was made fast under the infamous placard, mitred with a
mitre on which was read, "Heretic, relapser, apostate, idolater."</p>

<p>And then the executioner set fire to the pile. She saw this
from above and uttered a cry. Then, as the brother who was
exhorting her paid no attention to the fire, forgetting herself in
her fear for him, she insisted on his descending.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>The proof that up to this period she had made no express
recantation is, that the unhappy Cauchon was obliged&mdash;no
doubt by the high satanic will which presided over the whole&mdash;to
proceed to the foot of the pile, obliged to face his victim to
endeavor to extract some admission from her. All that he
obtained was a few words, enough to rack his soul. She said to
him mildly what she had already said: "Bishop, I die through
you. If you had put me into the Church prisons, this would not
have happened." No doubt hopes had been entertained that, on
finding herself abandoned by her King, she would at last accuse
and defame him. To the last, she defended him: "Whether I
have done well or ill, my King is faultless; it was not he who
counselled me."</p>

<p>Meanwhile the flames rose. When they first seized her, the
unhappy girl shrieked for holy <i>water</i>&mdash;this must have been the
cry of fear. But, soon recovering, she called only on God, on
her angels and her saints. She bore witness to them, "Yes,
my voices were from God, my voices have not deceived me."
The fact that all her doubts vanished at this trying moment must
be taken as a proof that she accepted death as the promised
deliverance; that she no longer understood her salvation in the
Judaic and material sense, as until now she had done, that at
length she saw clearly; and that, rising above all shadows, her
gifts of illumination and of sanctity were at the final hour made
perfect unto her.</p>

<p>The great testimony she thus bore is attested by the sworn and
compelled witness of her death, by the Dominican who mounted
the pile with her, whom she forced to descend, but who spoke to
her from its foot, listened to her, and held out to her the crucifix.</p>

<p>There is yet another witness of this sainted death, a most
grave witness, who must himself have been a saint. This witness,
whose name history ought to preserve, was the Augustine
monk already mentioned, Brother Isambart de la Pierre. During
the trial he had hazarded his life by counselling the Pucelle,
and yet, though so clearly pointed out to the hate of the English,
he persisted in accompanying her in the cart, procured the parish
crucifix for her, and comforted her in the midst of the raging
multitude, both on the scaffold where she was interrogated and
at the stake.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span>Twenty years afterward, the two venerable friars, simple
monks, vowed to poverty and having nothing to hope or fear
in this world, bear witness to the scene we have just described:
"We heard her," they say, "in the midst of the flames invoke
her saints, her archangel; several times she called on her Saviour.
At the last, as her head sunk on her bosom, she shrieked,
'Jesus!'"</p>

<p>"Ten thousand men wept. A few of the English alone
laughed, or endeavored to laugh. One of the most furious
among them had sworn that he would throw a fagot on the pile.
Just as he brought it she breathed her last. He was taken ill.
His comrades led him to a tavern to recruit his spirits by drink,
but he was beyond recovery. 'I saw,' he exclaimed, in his
frantic despair, 'I saw a dove fly out of her mouth with her last
sigh.' Others had read in the flames the word 'Jesus,' which
she so often repeated. The executioner repaired in the evening
to Brother Isambart, full of consternation, and confessed himself;
he felt persuaded that God would never pardon him. One
of the English King's secretaries said aloud, on returning from
the dismal scene: 'We are lost; we have burned a saint.'"</p>

<p>Though these words fell from an enemy's mouth, they are
not the less important, and will live, uncontradicted by the future.
Yes, whether considered religiously or patriotically, Jeanne
d'Arc was a saint.</p>

<p>Where find a finer legend than this true history? Still, let
us beware of converting it into a legend; let us piously preserve
its every trait, even such as are most akin to human nature, and
respect its terrible and touching reality.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">83</a></p>




<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span></p>
<h2>CHARLES VII ISSUES HIS PRAGMATIC
SANCTION</h2>

<h3>EMANCIPATION OF THE GALLICAN CHURCH</h3>

<h6><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1438</h6>

<h3>W. H. JERVIS&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;R. F. ROHRBACHER</h3>


<div class="blockquot"><p>"No two words," says Smedley, "convey less distinct meaning to English
ears than 'pragmatic sanction.' Perhaps 'a well-considered ordinance'
may in some degree represent them, <i>i.e.</i>, an ordinance which has
been fully discussed by men practised in state affairs." Carlyle defines
"pragmatic sanction" as "the received title for ordinances of a very irrevocable
nature, which a sovereign makes in affairs that belong wholly to
himself, or what he reckons his own rights." A dictionary definition
calls it "an imperial edict operating as a fundamental law." The term
was probably first applied to certain decrees of the Byzantine emperors
for regulating their provinces and towns, and later it was given to imperial
decrees in the West. In the present case it is applied to the limitations
set to the power of the pope in France.</p>

<p>In the Council of Constance, 1414-1418, at which decrees were passed
subordinating the pope as well as the whole Church to the authority of a
general council, Gallican or French opinion on this subject won its first
great victory. But this triumph introduced into the Western Church an
element of strife which resulted in calamities scarcely less grave than those
of the Great Schism of 1378-1417, during which different parties adhered
to rival popes. From the Council of Constance may be dated the formal
divergence of the Gallican from the Ultramontane or strictly Roman
church government.</p>

<p>Pope Martin V, who was elected by the Council of Constance after it
had deposed John XXIII, Gregory XII, and Benedict XIII, is generally
considered to have assented to all its decrees. In 1431, on the death of
Martin V, Eugenius IV succeeded to the papal throne. A council had
been convened at Pavia in 1423. After a few weeks it was transferred to
Siena, and subsequently to Basel. Fearing that it would follow the policy
of Constance, Eugenius (1431) attempted to dissolve it and to have it
reconvened at Bologna under his own eye. A rupture followed between
Pope and council, resulting in years of confused strife.</p>

<p>In all this confusion our historians, Jervis and Rohrbacher, distinguish
the leading events, the most significant of which was the issuing
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span>of the Pragmatic Sanction by Charles VII of France. This ordinance is
known, from the place of its promulgation, as the Pragmatic Sanction of
Bourges, and is sometimes called the "Palladium of France," also the
"Magna Charta of the Gallican Church."</p></div>


<h4>W. HENLEY JERVIS</h4>

<p><img src="images/cap_t.png" class=
"floatLeft2" alt="T" />HE position assumed by the Gallican Church at this junction
was peculiar and in some respects questionable. It
declared decidedly in favor of the Council of Basel; many
French prelates repaired thither, and ambassadors were sent by
the King, Charles VII, to Pope Eugenius, to beseech him to support
the authority of the synod, and to protest against its dissolution.
The fathers stood firm at their posts, appealing to the
principles solemnly asserted at Constance, that the pope is
bound in certain specified cases to submit to an ecumenical
council, and that the latter cannot be translated, prorogued, or
dissolved without its own consent. The gift of infallibility, they
affirmed, resides in the collective Church. It does not belong to
the popes, several of whom have erred concerning the faith. The
Church alone has authority to enact laws which are binding on
the whole body of the faithful.</p>

<p>Now, the authority of general councils is identical with that
of the Church. This was expressly determined by the Council
of Constance, and acknowledged by Pope Martin V. The pope
is the ministerial head of the Church, but he is not its absolute
sovereign; on the contrary, facts prove that he is subject to
the jurisdiction of the Church; for well-known instances are on
record of popes being deposed on the score of erroneous doctrine
and immoral life, whereas no pope has ever attempted to
condemn or excommunicate the Church. Both the pope and
the Church have received authority to bind and loose; but the
Church has practically exerted that authority against the pope,
whereas the latter has never ventured to take any such step
against the Church. In fine, the words of Christ himself are decisive
of the question&mdash;"If any man neglect to hear the Church,
let him be unto you as a heathen man and a publican." This
injunction was addressed to St. Peter equally with the rest of
the disciples.</p>

<p>The council proceeded to cite Eugenius by a formal monition
to appear in person at Basel; and on his failing to comply, they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span>
signified that on the expiration of a further interval of sixty days
ulterior means would be put in force against him. Their firmness,
added to the pressing solicitations of the emperor Sigismund,
at length induced the Pope to yield. He reconciled himself
with the council in December, 1433; acknowledged that it
had been legitimately convoked; approved its proceedings up to
that date; and cancelled the act by which he had pronounced its
dissolution.</p>

<p>Elated by their triumph, the Basilian fathers commenced in
earnest the task of Church reform, and passed several decrees of
a character vexatious to the Pope, particularly one for the total
abolition of annates. A second breach was the consequence.
Eugenius, under pretence of furthering the negotiation then
pending for the reunion of the Greek and Latin branches of the
Church, published in 1437 a bull dissolving the Council of Basel,
and summoning another to meet at Ferrara. The assembly
at Basel retorted by declaring the Pope contumacious, and suspending
him from the exercise of all authority. Both parties
proceeded eventually to the last extremities. The council, after
proclaiming afresh, as "Catholic verities," that a general council
has power over the pope, and cannot be transferred or dissolved
but by its own act, passed a definitive sentence in its
thirty-fourth session, June 25, 1439, deposing Eugenius from
the papal throne. The Pope retaliated by stigmatizing the
Fathers of Basel as schismatical and heretical, cancelling their
acts, and excommunicating their president, the Cardinal Archbishop
of Arles.</p>

<p>Meanwhile an energetic and independent line of action was
adopted by the Government in France. The Crown, in concert
with the heads of the Church, availed itself of a train of events,
which had so seriously damaged the prestige of the papacy to
make a decisive advance in the path of practical reform and to
establish the long-cherished Gallican privileges on a secure basis.
For this purpose Charles VII assembled a great national council
at Bourges, in July, 1438, at which he presided in person,
surrounded by the princes of his family and by all the most
eminent dignitaries spiritual and temporal; and here was promulgated
the memorable ordinance known as the "Pragmatic
Sanction of Bourges."</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span>The French Church, it must be observed, did not recognize
the deposition of Pope Eugenius, but adhered to his obedience,
rejecting Felix V, whom the Council of Basel elected to succeed
him, as a pretender. It continued, nevertheless, to support the
council and to assert its supreme legislative authority. Hence
there arises a considerable difficulty <i>in limine</i> as to the character
of the proceedings at Bourges. For the deposition of Eugenius
was either a rightful and valid exercise of conciliar authority or
it was not. If it was not&mdash;if the council had wrongfully or uncanonically
condemned the successor of Peter&mdash;how could it be
infallible? and when should its legislation in any other particulars
be indisputable? On the other hand, if the deposition was a
valid one, with what consistency could the French continue to
regard Eugenius as their legitimate pastor? It was a knotty dilemma.</p>

<p>The position, however, though logically open to objections,
was not without its practical advantages. For, since France
maintained a good understanding with both the contending parties,
both found it conducive to their interests to send deputations
to the Council of Bourges: Pope Eugenius, with a view to
obtain its support for the rival council which he had opened at
Ferrara; the Fathers of Basel, in order to make known their
decrees, which, as agreeing with the received doctrine of Gallican
theologians, would, it was hoped, meet with a cordial welcome
throughout France. The assembly at Bourges did not
fail to profit by these exceptional circumstances. It accepted the
decrees of Basel, yet not absolutely, but after critical examination
and with certain modification; a course which, by implication,
asserted a right to legislate for the concerns of the
French Church even independently of a general council acknowledged
to be orthodox. The following explanation of this
proceeding was inserted in the preamble of the celebrated statute
agreed upon by the authorities at Bourges. It is there stated
that this policy was adopted, "not from any hesitation as to
the authority of the Council of Basel to enact ecclesiastical decrees,
but because it was judged advisable, under the circumstances
and requirements of the French realm and nation." So
that it appears, on the whole, that while the French professed
great zeal on this occasion for the dogma of the superiority of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span>
general council over the pope, the principle practically illustrated
at Bourges was that of a supremacy of a national council
over every other ecclesiastical authority. Such were the anomalies
which arose out of the strange necessities of the time.</p>

<p>The Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges embraces twenty-three
articles. The first treats of the authority of general councils,
and of the time and manner of convening and celebrating them.
The second relates to ecclesiastical elections, which are enjoined
to be made hereafter in strict accordance with the canons, by the
cathedral, collegiate, and conventual chapters. Reserves, annates,
and "expective graces" are abolished; the rights of patrons
are to be respected, provided their nominees be graduates
of the universities and otherwise well qualified. The pope retains
only a veto in case of unfitness or uncanonical election, and
the nominations to benefices "<i>in curia vacantia</i>," <i>i.e.</i>, of which
the incumbents may happen to die at Rome or within two days'
journey of the pontifical residence. The king and other princes
may occasionally <i>recommend</i> or <i>request</i> the promotion of persons
of special merit, but without threats or violent pressure of any
kind.</p>

<p>Other articles regulate the order of ecclesiastical appeals,
which, with the exception of the "<i>causa majores</i>" specified by
law, and those relating to the elections in cathedral and conventual
churches, are henceforth to be decided on the spot by
the ordinary judges; appeals are to be carried in all cases to the
court immediately superior; no case to be referred to the pope
"<i>omisso medio</i>," <i>i.e.</i>, without passing through the intermediate
tribunals. The remaining clauses consist of regulations for the
performance of divine service, and various matters of discipline.
The reader will remember that Pope Eugenius, on the occasion
of his temporary reconciliation with the Council of Basel in
1433, expressed his approbation of all its synodal acts up to
that date; and this sanction of their validity is held by Gallicans
to extend to the period of the second and final rupture in 1437.
It follows that the provisions of the Pragmatic Sanction of
Bourges, so far as they coincide with the decrees of Basel prior
to 1437, were authorized by the holy see; and this includes them
all, with two exceptions.</p>

<p>The Pragmatic Sanction was registered by the Parliament of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span>
Paris on July 13, 1439; becoming thereby part of the statute
law of France. Its publication caused universal satisfaction
throughout the kingdom. At Rome, on the other hand, it was
indignantly censured and resolutely opposed. Eugenius IV
vainly strove to obtain the King's consent to an alteration of
some of its details. Nicholas V protested against it without
effect; but the superior genius and subtle measures of Pius II
were more successful. This Pontiff denounced the Pragmatic
at the Council of Mantua in 1460 as "a blot which disfigured
the Church of France; a decree which no ecumenical council
would have passed nor any pope have confirmed; a principle of
confusion in the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Since it had been in
force, the laity had become the masters and judges of the clergy;
the power of the spiritual sword could no longer be exerted except
at the good pleasure of the secular authority. The Roman
pontiff, whose diocese embraced the world, whose jurisdiction
is not bounded even by the ocean, possessed only such extent of
power in France as the parliament might see fit to allow him."
The ambassadors of Charles VII, however, reminded his holiness
that the Pragmatic Sanction was founded on the canons of
Constance and Basel, which had been ratified by his predecessors;
and when the Pope proceeded to threaten France with the
interdict, and to prohibit all appeal from his decisions to a future
council, the King caused his procureur-general, Jean Dauvet,
to publish an official protest against these acts of violence,
concluding with a solemn appeal to the judgment of the Church
Catholic assembled by the representation. While awaiting that
event, Charles declared himself resolved to uphold the laws and
regulations which had been sanctioned by previous councils.</p>

<p>Louis XI, urged by alternate menaces, entreaties, and flattery
from Rome, revoked the Pragmatic Sanction shortly after
his accession. This step accorded well with his own arbitrary
temper; for he could not endure the privilege of free election by
the cathedral and monastic chapters; nor was he less jealous of
the influence exerted, under the shelter of that privilege, by the
high feudal nobility in the disposal of church preferment. He
seems to have expected, moreover, that while ostensibly conceding
the right of patronage to the apostolic see, he should be
able to retain the real power in his own hands. The event disappointed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span>
his calculations. No sooner was the decree of Bourges
rescinded than the Pope resumed and enforced his claim to
the provision of benefices in France. Simony and the whole
train of concomitant abuses reappeared more scandalously than
ever; and Louis found himself despised by his subjects as the
dupe of papal artifice.</p>

<p>The parliamentary courts, meanwhile, assumed a determined
attitude in defence of the right of election guaranteed by
the Pragmatic Sanction. They pronounced the abolition of
that act illegal, and treated it as null and void; they insisted on
their own authority in entertaining appeals against ecclesiastical
abuses; they eagerly supported anyone who showed a disposition
to withstand the pretensions of Rome in the matter of
patronage. The King, smarting under the trickery of the Pope,
made no attempt to restrain them in this line of conduct; and
the result was that the repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction was
never fully executed, having never been legalized by the forms
of the constitution. On the other hand, the popes so far maintained
the advantage they had extorted from Louis that the
ancient franchise of the Church as to elections became virtually
extinct in France.</p>

<p>Things remained in this unsettled state during the reigns of
Louis XI, Charles VIII, and Louis XII. The latter Prince, on
coming to the throne, published an edict re&euml;stablishing the
Pragmatic Sanction; and this step, added to his ambitious enterprises
in Italy, brought him into hostile collision with Pope
Julius II. The King, unwilling to make war on the head of the
Church without some semblance of ecclesiastical sanction, convoked
a council at Tours in September, 1510, and consulted the
clergy on a series of questions arising out of the disturbed state
of his relations with Rome. They decided, in accordance with
the known views and wishes of the sovereign, that it is lawful for
an independent prince, if unjustly attacked, to defend himself
against the pope by force of arms; to withdraw for a time from
his obedience; to take possession of the territory of the Church,
not with the purpose of retaining it, but as a temporary measure
of self-protection; and to resist the pretensions of the pontiff to
powers not rightfully belonging to him. Citations to appear in
Rome might, under such circumstances, be safely disregarded;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span>
as also papal censures, which would be null and void. If the
emergency should arise, the council added, the king ought to be
governed by the ancient principles of ecclesiastical law, as confirmed
and re&euml;nacted by the Pragmatic Sanction.</p>

<p>The Gallican clergy sent a deputation to Pope Julius on this
occasion to entreat him to adopt a more conciliatory policy
toward the princes of Christendom; and they determined, in
case their advice should be fruitless, to demand the convocation
of a general council to take cognizance of the Pope's conduct,
and prescribe the measures necessary for the guidance and welfare
of the Church. An ecclesiastical congress, calling itself a
council-general, but altogether unworthy of that august title,
was held, in fact, in the following year at Pisa, under the auspices
of the King of France and the emperor Maximilian. The Pope
refused to appear there, and convoked a rival synod at Rome,
summoning the cardinals who had authorized the meeting at
Pisa to present themselves at his court within sixty days. On
the expiration of this term he publicly excommunicated them,
degraded them from their dignity, and deprived them of their
preferments.</p>

<p>Thus the Western Church once more exhibited the spectacle
of a "house divided against itself," as during the scandalous
strife between the synods of Basel and Florence; and for some
time a formal schism appeared imminent. The so-called Council
of Pisa consisted of the four rebellious cardinals, twenty Gallican
prelates, several abbots and other dignitaries, the envoys
of the King of France, deputies from some of the French universities,
and a considerable number of doctors of the Faculty
of Paris. This assembly justified its position on the ground that
there are extraordinary cases in which a council may be called
without the intervention of the pope; and that, since the present
Pontiff had neglected to obey the decree of the Council of
Constance which enjoined a similar celebration at the interval
of every ten years, the cardinals were bound to take the initiative
in the matter, according to a solemn engagement which they had
made in the conclave when Julius was elected. After repeating
the stereotyped formula concerning the supreme authority of
general councils, and the imperative necessity of a reformation
of the Church in its head and in its members, the fathers addressed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span>
themselves professedly to the herculean task thus indicated;
but little or nothing was effected of any practical importance.</p>


<h4>REN&Eacute; FRAN&Ccedil;OIS ROHRBACHER<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">84</a></h4>

<p>Charles held an assembly at Bourges in the month of July,
1438. He attended this himself, with the Dauphin, his son, afterward
Louis XI, many princes of the blood, and other nobles,
with a great number of bishops and doctors of the Church. The
deputies of Pope Eugenius IV and those of the prelates of Basel
were heard one after another.</p>

<p>The result of this Assembly of Bourges was an ordinance and
twenty-three articles which were called the "Pragmatic Sanction,"
a name introduced under the ancient emperors. In this
were adopted, sometimes with modifications, most of the decrees
of Basel. Among them the first was conceived in these
terms: "General councils shall be held every ten years, and the
pope, according to the opinion of the council which is closing,
shall designate the place of the next council, which cannot be
changed except for most important reasons and by the advice of
the cardinals. As to the authority of the general council, the
decrees published at Constance are renewed, by which it is said
that the general council holds its power immediately from Jesus
Christ; that all persons, even of papal dignity, are subject to it
in that which regards the faith, the extirpation of schism, and
the reformation of the Church in the head and in the members;
and that all must obey it, even the pope, who is punishable if he
transgresses it. Consequently, the Council of Basel states that
it is legitimately assembled in the Holy Ghost, and that no one,
not even the pope, can dissolve, transfer, nor prolong it, without
the consent of the fathers of the council."</p>


<p>The other articles may be reduced principally to the following
propositions: Canonical elections shall be held, and the pope
shall not reserve the bishoprics and other elective benefices.
Expectant pardons shall be abolished. Graduates shall be preferred
to others in the conferring of benefices, and for this reason
they shall suggest their degrees during Lent. All ecclesiastical
causes of the provinces at a distance of four days' journey
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span>from Rome shall be tried in the place where they arise, except
major causes and those of churches which are immediately dependent
on the holy see. In the case of appeals, the order of the
tribunals shall be preserved. No one shall ever appeal to the
pope without passing previously through the intermediate tribunal.
If anyone, believing himself injured by an intermediate
tribunal subject to the pope, makes an appeal to the holy see,
the pope shall name the judges from the same places, unless there
should be important reasons for bringing the cause directly to
Rome. Frivolous appeals are punished. The celebration of divine
service is regulated and spectacles in churches are forbidden. The
abuse of ecclesiastical censures is repressed, and it is declared
that no one is obliged to shun excommunicated persons, unless
they have been proclaimed by name, or else that the censure
shall be so notorious that it cannot be denied or excused. Such
are the principal matters of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges.
It was registered at the Parliament of Paris, July 13, 1439; but
the King ordered its execution from the day of its date, 1438.</p>

<p>The Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges had a little defect; it
was radically null; for every contract is null which is not consented
to by both of the contracting parties. Now the Pragmatic
Sanction was a contract between the churches of France and the
pope to regulate their mutual relations. The consent of the pope
to it was therefore absolutely necessary, the more especially as
he was the superior. For if one must admit that a general council
is superior to the pope, the Assembly of Bourges was certainly
not a general council. Moreover, the first use that it made of its
Pragmatic Sanction was to break it&mdash;and happily. In its first
articles, it had recognized the Council of Basel as ecumenical
and as superior to Pope Eugenius IV, with obligation to everyone
to obey its decrees. Now, the following year, 1439, the
Council of Basel deposes Eugenius IV, and substitutes for him
Felix V, with obligation to everyone, under penalty of anathema,
to reject the first and submit to the second. Nevertheless
France does neither the one nor the other; she continues to recognize
Eugenius IV, and derides the pope of Ripaille and of
Basel, as she will declare in a new assembly of Bourges in 1440.
Above certain laws which men write on sheets of paper, with a
goose-quill and ink, they bear in themselves another law, written<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span>
by the hand of God, and which is good sense. Happy the nations
which never depart from this living and general law, or
which, at least, know enough to return to it promptly!</p>

<p>Accordingly, September 2, 1440, in the new Assembly of
Bourges, King Charles VII published a declaration by which he
commanded all his subjects to yield obedience to Pope Eugenius,
with prohibition to recognize another pope or to circulate
among the public any letters or despatches bearing the name of
any other one whomsoever who pretended to the pontificate.
Nevertheless, Monsieur de Savoie, for so Charles VII called the
antipope, was united to him by ties of blood. This declaration
of the King and of the Assembly of Bourges was religiously observed
in all France, except in the University of Paris, where
they declared openly enough for the antipope. The reason of
this is very simple: the doctors of the Church in Paris dominated
in the mob of Basel, the antipope was of their own creation, and
their colleagues of Paris could not fail to recognize him.</p>

<p>As for King Charles VII, at the close of the year 1441 he sent
an embassy to Pope Eugenius to ask the convocation of a general
council which should put an end to the troubles of Christendom.
The principal orator was the Bishop of Meaux, Pierre de
Versailles, formerly Bishop of Digne, and originally a monk of
the Abbey of St. Denis. He had an audience in full consistory
December 16th, and he spoke to the Pope in the following
terms:</p>

<p>"The most Christian King, our master, implores your assistance,
most holy Father, or rather it is the entire people of the
faithful who address to you these words of Scripture: '<i>Be our
leader and our prince.</i>' Not that any one among us doubts that
you have not the princedom in the Church; for we know that
the state of the Church was constituted monarchical by Jesus
Christ himself; but we ask you to be <i>our prince</i> by functions of
zeal and by considerateness. We pray you to manage wisely the
boat of St. Peter, in the midst of the tempests by which it is buffeted.
The princes of the Church, most holy Father, ought not
to resemble those of the nations. The latter have frequently no
other rule of government than their own will; on the contrary, the
princes of the Church ought to temper the use of their authority;
and it is for that that the holy fathers have established<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span>
laws and canons. Now, here is the source of the ills which afflict
the Church. There are two extremes: one consists in exercising
ecclesiastical authority as the princes of the nations exercise
theirs, without rule and without measure; the other is the enterprise
of those who, in order to correct its abuses, have desired to
annihilate authority, who have denied that supreme power rests
in the Church, who have given this power to the multitude, who
have changed the entire ecclesiastical order in destroying the
monarchy which God placed there, to substitute for it democracy
or aristocracy, who have arrived, not only with respect to
the leader but also with respect to doctrine, at the point of causing
an execrable schism among the faithful.</p>

<p>"These considerations, most holy Father, have touched the
most Christian King; and to mitigate these two extremes, he
has resolved to solicit the convocation of a general council.
That of Basel pushed the second extreme too far when it undertook
to suppress the truth as to the supreme power in one alone.
That of Florence, which you are now holding, has well elucidated
this truth, as may be seen in the decree concerning the
Greeks; but it has determined upon nothing to temper the use
of this power. This has caused many to believe it too near to
the first extremity. A third will be able, therefore, to take the
just mean and restore everything to order.</p>

<p>"I shall be told, no doubt, that there is no more need of general
councils; that there have been enough of them up to this
time; that the Roman Church suffices to terminate all controversies;
that a prince does not willingly intrust his rights to the
multitude; that we would be again exposed, by the convocation
of another council, to the movements which agitated the assembly
at Basel; but, in order to answer that, it is sufficient to cast
our eyes upon the present state of the Church. There should
rest in you, most holy Father, and in all other prelates, two
kinds of authority; one of divine power and institution, the
other of confidence in the people and of good reputation. The
first, although it cannot fail you, has, however, to be amenable
to the second, and you will obtain this by means of a general
council, not such a one as that of Basel, but such as the most
Christian King asks; that is to say, a council which shall be
held at your order, and which shall be regulated according to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span>
the decrees of the holy fathers. Such an assembly will not be
a confused multitude; and your monarchical power, which
comes from heaven, which is attested by the Gospel, which is
recognized by the saints and by the universal Church, will not
be exposed to any danger."</p>

<p>The orator then shows how dangerous it is to refuse the convocation
of this council, dwelling long upon the enterprises of
the prelates of Basel, whom he emphatically blames, even to the
extent of saying that, from their practice and their maxims, there
is no more peace possible in the Church, and that a great many
are asking if this schism be not that great apostasy of which St.
Paul spoke to the Thessalonians, and which should open the
door to the Antichrist. He finishes the address by this declaration:
"I have desired to say all this in public, most holy Father,
in order to make known to you the upright intentions of the King
my master in the present affair. He does not attach himself to
flesh and blood, but he hears the voice of the celestial Father.
From this source he learns to recognize you and to revere you
as the sovereign pontiff and the head of all Christians, the vicar
of Jesus Christ, conformably with the doctrine of the saints and
of the whole Church. And because he sees that these truths are
obscured to-day, he asks for the call of the general council. In
this he equally manifests his justice and his piety.</p>

<p>"As for your person, most holy Father, he has sentiments
for you which pass the limits of ordinary filial affection. He always
speaks of you with consideration. He does not like to have
others speak otherwise. He conceives the most favorable hopes
of you. He counts upon it that, after having reconciled all the
orientals to the Roman Church, you will also re&euml;stablish the
affairs of the Occident."</p>

<p>This discourse certainly did honor to the good sense of
France. In spite of the intrigues of the learned doctors of the
university, the King and the episcopacy early and clearly remarked
the revolutionary and anarchistic tendency of Basel.
As for the amicably regulating relation of the churches of France
with the holy see to remedy certain abuses, the thing was not difficult.
It would have been sufficient to send some more bishops
to Florence like the Bishop of Meaux. All would have been
very quickly arranged, to the satisfaction of everybody, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span>
example of France would have drawn the rest of the Occident.
But to desire a third council was not of the same wisdom. Thus
the Pope took good care not to consent to it.</p>

<p>In 1444 Eugenius IV created the Dauphin of France, who
was afterward King Louis XI, grand gonfalonier of the Roman
Church, granting him a pension of fifteen thousand florins, to
be taken annually from the apostolic chamber. The Dauphin
made an expedition to the gates of Basel, where he overcame a
corps of Swiss and spread consternation among those who were
still at the pretended council. This expedition was followed by
a long truce between France and England; an event which was
considered as the prelude to a good peace. In order to obtain
from God this good, so necessary and so much desired, there
were public f&ecirc;tes at Paris, among others a solemn procession in
which were carried all the holy relics of the city.</p>

<p>In November, 1446, King Charles VII, being at Tours, made
with his council a plan of accommodation between the two
parties that divided the Church. It arranged that all the censures
published on one side and the other should be revoked;
that Pope Eugenius should be recognized by all as before the
schism; that Monsieur de Savoie, called Felix by his adherents,
should renounce the popedom; that he should hold the highest
rank in the Church, next to the person of the Pope, and that his
partisans should be also maintained in their dignities, grades,
and benefices.</p>



<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">384<br />385<br />386<br />387</a></span></p>
<h2>CHRONOLOGY OF UNIVERSAL
HISTORY</h2>

<h4>EMBRACING THE PERIOD COVERED IN THIS VOLUME</h4>

<h4><span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1301-1438</h4>

<h3>JOHN RUDD, LL.D.</h3>

<p>Events treated at length are here indicated in large
type; the numerals following give volume and page.</p>

<p>Separate chronologies of the various nations, and of
the careers of famous persons, will be found in the <span class="smcap">Index
Volume</span>, with volume and page references showing where
the several events are fully treated.</p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>A.D.</p>

<p>1301. In Hungary the crown becomes elective; end of the Arpad dynasty.</p>

<p>Dante begins writing his <i>Divine Comedy</i>, See "<span class="smcap">Dante Composes
the Divina Commedia</span>," <a href="#Page_vii">vii, 1.</a></p>

<p>1302. Philip the Fair convenes the first meeting of the States-General
of France. See "<span class="smcap">Third Estate Joins in the Government Of
France</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_17">17.</a></p>

<p>Dante and his party banished from Florence. See "<span class="smcap">Dante Composes
the Divina Commedia</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_1">1.</a></p>

<p>Comyn is appointed regent by the Scots, who make another effort to
regain their independence.</p>

<p>Pope Boniface VIII issues a bull against Philip the Fair, who burns
it, accuses him of simony and heresy, and refuses to acknowledge him as
pope.</p>

<p>Battle of Courtrai; the Flemings defeat the French. See "<span class="smcap">War of
the Flemings with Philip the Fair of France</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_23">23.</a></p>

<p>1303. Pope Boniface VIII is surprised at Anagni by William de
Nogaret, King Philip's adviser; after being kept for some days a prisoner
he is rescued and allowed to return to Rome, where he dies.</p>

<p>Scotland submits to Edward I of England.</p>

<p>Andronicus Pal&aelig;ologus, the Byzantine Emperor, engages the Catalan
Grand Company to aid him against the Turks.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">85</a></p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span>1304. Roger di Flor defeats the Mongols, enters Philadelphia, and
stations himself at Ephesus.</p>

<p>1305. Wallace, "Hero of Scotland," is executed. See "<span class="smcap">Exploits and
Death of William Wallace, the Hero of Scotland</span>," <a href="#Page_vi">vi</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369.</a></p>

<p>Beginning of the so-called Babylonish Captivity, being the establishment
of the papal court at Lyons, France.</p>

<p>1306. A grandson of the first claimant, Robert Bruce, is crowned
King of Scotland; he dispossesses the English of a great part of Scotland.</p>

<p>On complaint of the nobility and gentry the use of sea-coal is prohibited
in London.</p>

<p>1307. Death of Edward I; his son, Edward II, succeeds to the English
throne.</p>

<p>Charges against the Knights Templars. See "<span class="smcap">Extinction of the
Order of Knights Templars</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_51">51.</a></p>

<p>1308. Albert of Austria assassinated by his nephew; Henry VII,
Count of Luxemburg, elected emperor of Germany.</p>

<p>Origin of the Swiss confederations according to common traditions.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">86</a>
See "<span class="smcap">First Swiss Struggle for Liberty</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_28">28.</a></p>

<p>1309. Pope Clement V removes the papal court from Rome to Avignon,
France.</p>

<p>Rhodes captured from the Turks by the Knights of St. John.</p>

<p>1310. Fifty Knights Templars are burned in Paris.</p>

<p>Expedition of Henry VII of Germany into Italy to restore the imperial
authority. He obtains the throne of Bohemia for his son John, inaugurating
the Luxemburg dynasty.</p>

<p>1311. Fifteenth general council (Council of Vienne); it suppresses
the order of Knights Templars, and condemns the Beghards (Beguins),
a begging order of monks and nuns.</p>

<p>Matteo Visconti secures the sovereignty of Milan.</p>

<p>Walter de Brienne quarrels with the Catalans and is defeated and
slain by them; they conquer the duchy of Athens and appoint Roger
Deslau grand duke.</p>

<p>1312. Henry VII unsuccessful in an attempt on Florence.</p>

<p>Gaveston, a foreigner and favorite of the King, and who for some
years had made himself obnoxious to the barons and people of England,
is made prisoner and beheaded; peace ensues between Edward II and
his barons.</p>

<p>Robert, King of Naples, seizes the principal forts in Rome; Henry
VII is, notwithstanding, crowned emperor in the Lateran Church by
three cardinals.</p>

<p>1313. In conjunction with the Genoese and Sicilians, Emperor
Henry VII prepares to attack Robert of Naples, but dies suddenly.</p>

<p>Birth of Boccaccio.</p>

<p>1314. Defeat of the English by the Scots under Robert Bruce. See
"<span class="smcap">Battle of Bannockburn</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_41">41.</a></p>


<p>Louis of Bavaria and Frederick, son of the late Albert of Austria, are
elected by opposite parties to the crown of Germany; they make war on
each other.</p>

<p>Ireland invaded by Edward Bruce, a Scottish adventurer, and a
younger brother of Robert Bruce.</p>

<p>Louis X succeeds his father, Philip IV, in France.</p>

<p>Molay, grand master of the Knights Templars, is burned at the
stake in Paris. See "<span class="smcap">Extinction of the Order of Knights Templars</span>,"
vii, <a href="#Page_51">51.</a></p>

<p>1315. Louis Hutin, King of France, emancipates all serfs within the
royal domains on payment of a just surrender charge.</p>

<p>A great victory achieved by the Swiss over the Austrians, under Leopold
(brother of Frederick the Handsome) at Morgarten.</p>

<p>1316. Edward Bruce crowned king of Ireland.</p>

<p>Establishment of the Salic law excluding females and their descendants
from the throne of France.</p>

<p>A predominance of French cardinals, created by Pope Clement V,
secures the election of another French pope, and the continuance of the
papal see at Avignon. The new pope, John XXII, appoints eight more
cardinals, of whom seven are French.</p>

<p>1317. Birger, King of the Swedes, murders his two brothers and causes
a rebellion of his people.</p>

<p>1318. Battle of Dundalk; Edward Bruce defeated and slain by Lord
Birmingham; end of the war in Ireland.</p>

<p>Giotto, a friend of Dante, famous in Italy; he was the first painter of
portraits from life.</p>

<p>1319. Pope John XXII excommunicates Robert Bruce of Scotland;
the Scotch Parliament resists all papal interference in its affairs.</p>

<p>1320.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> The Old English poem <i>Cursor Mundi</i> composed. It was
founded on C&aelig;dmon's paraphrase of the book of Genesis.</p>

<p>1321. Death of Dante while in exile at Ravenna.</p>

<p>1322. Philip V dies; he is succeeded by his brother, Charles IV, on
the throne of France.</p>

<p>Louis the Bavarian triumphs over his rival Frederick of Austria, who
is captured.</p>

<p>Queen Isabella, while resident in the Tower of London, first sees
Mortimer, who is brought there a prisoner.</p>

<p>Sir John Mandeville, an English exile in France, sets out on his eastern
travels.</p>

<p>1323. Louis of Bavaria invests his son with the margraviate of Brandenburg.</p>

<p>1324. Commencement of Queen Isabella's guilty intimacy with Mortimer.</p>

<p>Birth of Wycliffe.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">88</a></p>

<p>Pope John XXII excommunicates Louis the Bavarian.</p>

<p>1325. Birth of John Gower, poet, and friend of Chaucer.</p>


<p>1326. Burgesses are first admitted into the Scotch Parliament.</p>

<p>Isabella, Queen of Edward II, and Earl Mortimer invade England;
the King is captured and imprisoned in Kenilworth castle.</p>

<p>1327. King Edward II is deposed by parliament; Edward III, his
son, succeeds. Edward II is brutally murdered by his keepers.</p>

<p>Louis V, the Bavarian, of Germany heads an expedition into Italy;
he proclaims the deposition of Pope John XXII; he is forced to retreat
after being crowned in Rome.</p>

<p>1328. Independence of Scotland recognized by Edward III of England.</p>

<p>Accession of Philip VI of France, the first of the house of Valois.</p>

<p>Birth of Chaucer.[88]</p>

<p>1329. Death of Robert Bruce; his infant son, David, succeeds to the
Scotch throne.</p>

<p>1330. Orkham, Sultan of the Turks, captures Nic&aelig;a.</p>

<p>Queen Isabella and Mortimer are surprised in Nottingham castle<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">89</a>; he
is executed at Tyburn; Isabella is confined during her life at Castle Rising.</p>

<p>1331. John Kempe takes his servants and apprentices from Flanders
to join the weaving colony already founded at Norwich, England.</p>

<p>1332. Edward Balliol claims the crown of Scotland; he invades that
country with an English army. The young King, David, takes refuge in
France.</p>

<p>Lucerne joins the Swiss confederacy.</p>

<p>1333. Edward III of England invades Scotland; he defeats the
Scotch at Halidon Hill and captures Berwick, which is annexed to England.</p>

<p>Casimir the Great, last king of the Piast line, succeeds to the throne
of Poland.</p>

<p>1334. Denmark in a state of anarchy; Gerard, Count of Holstein, exercises
a disputed power as regent.</p>

<p>1335. The house of Austria becomes possessed of Carinthia.</p>

<p>1336. Birth of Timur (Tamerlane) the Tartar.</p>

<p>1337. Edward III of England obtains the support of Van Artevelde;
he obtains money by grants from parliament and confiscating the wealth
of the Lombard merchants. See "<span class="smcap">James van Artevelde Leads a
Flemish Revolt</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_68">68.</a></p>

<p>Birth of Froissart, the chronicler, at Valenciennes.</p>

<p>1338. Beginning of the wars of Edward III against France; he sails
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span>with a fleet of five hundred ships; lands his army at Antwerp. See
"<span class="smcap">Battle of Sluys and Cr&eacute;cy</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_78">78.</a></p>



<p>Declaration of the Electors at Rense that Germany is an independent
empire over which the Pope has no jurisdiction; the diet at Frankfort ratifies
the manifesto.</p>

<p>1339. France invaded by Edward III of England; beginning of the
Hundred Years' War.</p>

<p>Genoa elects its first doge, Simone Boccanera.</p>

<p>A body of disbanded mercenaries form themselves into the first <i>condottiere</i>
company known in Italy. The word means a captain or leader,
the <i>condottieri</i> those under the leader. They were free lances, open to
serve under any flag.</p>

<p>1340. Edward destroys a large French fleet at Sluys; beginning of
England's naval power. See "<span class="smcap">Battle of Sluys and Cr&eacute;cy</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_78">78.</a></p>

<p>War between the Hanseatic League and Denmark; the Danes defeated.</p>

<p>1341. Death of John III of Brittany; his brother, John of Montfort,
and his niece, Jeanne de Penthi&egrave;vre, wife of Charles of Blois, contest the
succession; England supports the former, France the latter.</p>

<p>Edward Balliol retires on the return of David II to Scotland.</p>

<p>Petrarch is crowned with laurel at Rome. See "<span class="smcap">Modern Recognition
Of Scenic Beauty</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_93">93.</a></p>

<p>1342. Edward III pursues his campaign in Brittany; he relieves
Hennebonne, besieged by the French.</p>

<p>Walter de Brienne, Duke of Athens, becomes sovereign lord of Florence.</p>

<p>Accession of Louis, called the Great, to the throne of Hungary, on the
death of King Charles Robert, his father.</p>

<p>1343. Expulsion from Florence of the Duke of Athens; popular government
restored.</p>

<p>A truce of three years arranged between England and France by the
mediation of the papal legates.</p>

<p>1344. Breach of the truce between England and France; Earl Derby
defeats Count de Lisle and reduces a great part of Perigord.</p>

<p>A Turkish fleet is destroyed at Pallene by the Knights of Rhodes,
who assist in the capture of Smyrna by the Venetians and the King of
Cyprus.</p>

<p>Masham, an Englishman, first discovers the Madeira Islands.</p>

<p>In England, parliament, by the Statute of Provisors, forbids the interference
of the pope in bestowing benefices and livings in England.</p>

<p>1345. Fall and death of James Van Artevelde at Ghent.</p>

<p>1346. Battle of Cr&eacute;cy; cannon said to have been first used by the
English. See "<span class="smcap">Battles of Sluys and Cr&eacute;cy</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_78">78.</a></p>

<p>At the instance of Pope Clement VI, Charles of Luxemburg (Charles
IV) is elected emperor of Germany in opposition to Louis the Bavarian.</p>

<p>David Bruce invades England; he is vanquished and made prisoner
at Neville's Cross.</p>
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span></p>
<p>Servia at the zenith of her power; the ruler, Stephen Dushan, assumes
the imperial title.</p>

<p>1347. Calais captured by Edward III.</p>

<p>Death of Louis the Bavarian; he is succeeded by Charles IV, whose
title is disputed until 1349.</p>

<p>Queen Joanna I of Naples has her dominions invaded by Louis the
Great of Hungary to avenge the murder of her husband, Andrew, brother
of Louis, supposedly at her instigation. See "<span class="smcap">Rienzi's Revolution
in Rome</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_104">104.</a></p>

<p>1348. About this time begins the Renaissance in Italy. See "<span class="smcap">Beginning
and Progress of the Renaissance</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_110">110.</a></p>

<p>Founding of the University of Prague, the first in Germany.</p>

<p>Pope Clement VI purchases Avignon from Queen Joanna I of
Naples.</p>

<p>The plague stalks in Europe. See "<span class="smcap">The Black Death Ravages
Europe</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_130">130.</a></p>

<p>1349. Institution (or revival, see <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1192) of the Order of the Garter
in England.</p>

<p>Dauphiny annexed to France on condition that the King's eldest son
should be called the dauphin.</p>

<p>1350. Death of Philip VI; his son, John the Good, succeeds to the
French throne.</p>

<p>1351. Zurich joins the Swiss confederation.</p>

<p>Paganino Doria, commanding the Genoese fleet, plunders many Venetian
towns on the Adriatic.</p>

<p>1352. A statute of pr&aelig;munire still further limits the papal power in
England.</p>

<p>Naval battle in the Bosporus between the Genoese, under Paganino
Doria, and the Venetians, Byzantines, and Catalans under Niccola
Pisano; the latter are defeated, and concede the entire command of the
Black Sea to the Genoese.</p>

<p>1353. Alliance of Genoa with Louis of Hungary; their fleet, under
Antonino Grinaldi, defeated; in despair the Genoese place themselves
under the protection of John Visconte.</p>

<p>Bern joins the league of Swiss cantons.</p>

<p>1354. Downfall and death of Rienzi. See "<span class="smcap">Rienzi's Revolution
in Rome</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_194">104.</a></p>

<p>Paganino Doria captures or destroys the Venetian fleet in the Morea;
their admiral, Pisano, is captured.</p>

<p>Beginning of Turkish dominion in Europe. See "<span class="smcap">First Turkish
Dominion in Europe</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_136">136.</a></p>

<p>1355. King Charles of Navarre is treacherously seized and imprisoned
in France; his brother Philip, and Geoffry d'Harcourt, make an alliance
with Edward III; the war is renewed.</p>

<p>Marino Falieri, Doge of Venice, beheaded. See "<span class="smcap">Conspiracy and
Death of Marino Falieri at Venice</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_154">154.</a></p>

<p>1356. Battle of Poitiers; John II, King of France, taken prisoner by
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span>Edward, the Black Prince; the Dauphin, Charles, escapes and assumes
the government of France during his father's captivity.</p>

<p>Emperor Charles defines the duties of the electors of Germany. See
"<span class="smcap">Charles IV of Germany Publishes His Golden Bull</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_160">160.</a></p>

<p>Wycliffe publishes his <i>Last Age of the Court</i>.</p>

<p>1357. London enthusiastically welcomes the Prince of Wales (the
Black Prince) on his return with his prisoners; King Edward III concludes
a treaty with the captive French King, which the Dauphin
rejects.</p>

<p>Popular movement in Paris under Stephen Marcel; meeting of the
States-general of France.</p>

<p>1358. Violent commotions in France. See "<span class="smcap">Insurrection of the
Jacquerie in France</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_164">164.</a></p>

<p>By a treaty of peace the Venetians resign Dalmatia and Istria to the
King of Hungary; they agree to style their doge Duke of Venice only.</p>

<p>1359. Edward III again invades France, his terms of peace not being
accepted.</p>

<p>1360. England and France conclude the treaty of Bretigny; King
John II is set at liberty on payment of a heavy ransom.</p>

<p>Outbreak of the Children's Plague in England.</p>

<p>1361. End of the first ducal house of Burgundy.</p>

<p>Adrianople is conquered by Sultan Amurath I of Turkey.</p>

<p>All military operations in Europe suspended by the virulence of the
plague.</p>

<p>1362. Edward III grants Aquitaine to his son, the Black Prince; he
also celebrates his fiftieth birthday by a general amnesty and a confirmation
of Magna Charta.</p>

<p>Conjectured beginning of Langland's <i>Vision of Piers Plowman</i>, a
noted allegorical and satirical poem.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">90</a></p>

<p>1363. Disbanded English soldiers enter the service of the Pisans, and
obtain a victory for them over the Florentines.</p>

<p>1364. Death of King John the Good of France, in Savoy palace, London;
his son, Charles V, succeeds; Du Guesclin, his general, defeats
the English and the army of Charles the Bad at Cocherel. Du Guesclin
is afterward defeated and captured by the English, under Sir John Chandos;
besides the capture of Du Guesclin, Charles of Blois is slain. The
house of Montfort secures Brittany.</p>

<p>Treaty of union between Bohemia and Austria.</p>

<p>Chaucer writes his <i>Canterbury Tales</i>.</p>

<p>1365. Pedro the Cruel, the epithet "cruel" being given him mainly for
the murder of his brother, Don Fadrique, becomes so odious to his subjects
that Henry of Trastamare, his brother, revives his claim to the
throne of Leon and Castile; Du Guesclin takes command of his forces.</p>

<p>University of Vienna founded.</p>

<p>1366. Pedro the Cruel driven from his throne.</p>


<p>Pope Urban V claims the tribute which had previously been paid by
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span>England; an act of parliament resists the demand; it further declares
the concessions made by King John to be illegal and invalid.</p>

<p>Tamerlane (Timur the Tartar), reviver of the great Mongol empire,
inaugurates his conquests.</p>

<p>1367. Edward the Black Prince, having espoused the cause of Pedro
the Cruel, attacks and dethrones Henry of Trastamare; Pedro is restored
to the throne, but refuses the stipulated pay to his allies, who leave him
to his fate.</p>

<p>Passage of the Kilkenny Statute; it forbade any Englishman to use an
Irish name, to speak the Irish language, to adopt the Irish dress, or to
allow the cattle of an Irishman to graze on his lands; it also made it high
treason to marry a native.</p>

<p>1369. King Charles V breaks the Anglo-French treaty; the Hundred
Years' War reopened.</p>

<p>1370. End of the Piast dynasty, Poland, caused by the death of Casimir
the Great; Louis the Great, King of Hungary, succeeds.</p>

<p>Timur the Tartar extends his domains. See "<span class="smcap">Conquests of Timur
the Tartar</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_169">169.</a></p>

<p>1371. Robert II ascends the throne and founds the Stuart dynasty in
Scotland, on the death of David Bruce.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">91</a></p>

<p>A petition of the English Parliament to the King that he employ no
churchmen in any office of the state, and threatening to resist by force the
oppressions of papal authority.</p>

<p>1373. Henry of Castile invades Portugal, besieges Lisbon, and compels
Ferdinand to sign a treaty of peace.</p>

<p>Birth of John Huss.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">92</a></p>

<p>1374. A strange plague, the dancing mania, appears in Europe. See
"<span class="smcap">Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_187">187.</a></p>

<p>Wycliffe is appointed one of the seven ambassadors to represent to
the Pope the grievances of the Church of England.</p>

<p>1375. A general council of citizens of Florence declares "liberty paramount
to every other consideration"; it appoints the "Seven Saints of
War," which effectually resist aggression.</p>

<p>1376. Death of Edward the Black Prince. Gregory XI abandons Avignon
as the papal residence.</p>

<p>1377. Rome again becomes the home of the papal court.</p>

<p>Gregory XI orders proceedings against Wycliffe, the English reformer.</p>

<p>Death of Edward III; his grandson, Richard II, succeeds to the English
throne.</p>

<p>1378. Wenceslaus becomes emperor of Germany on the death of his
father, Charles IV.</p>

<p>Rival popes elected. See "<span class="smcap">Election of Antipope Clement VII:
Beginning of the Great Schism</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_201">201.</a></p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span></p>
<p>1379. Pietro Doria, at the head of the Genoese fleet, defeats the Venetian
fleet off Pola; Chioggia is captured and Venice threatened.</p>

<p>A poll-tax imposed on the people of England; this led directly to a
revolution.</p>

<p>War of the rival papal factions in Rome.</p>

<p>Revolt of the White Hoods (<i>Les Chaperons blancs</i>) in Flanders;
the workmen of Ghent, when they revolted against the Duke of Burgundy,
adopted a white hood as their badge.</p>

<p>1380. Establishment in Germany of post messengers.</p>

<p>Surrender of the Genoese fleet and army at Chioggia. See "<span class="smcap">Genoese
Surrender to Venetians</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_213">213.</a></p>

<p>1381. Overthrow of Joanna I of Naples by Charles Durazzo (Charles
the Little).</p>

<p>An act of parliament surreptitiously obtained against heretics in England.</p>

<p>Exasperated by the poll-tax the people of England revolt. See "<span class="smcap">Rebellion
of Wat Tyler</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_217">217.</a></p>

<p>Insurrection of the Maillotins against the new tax on bread in Paris.
They were so called because they armed themselves with <i>maillets de fer</i>
("iron malls") when they attacked the arsenal, put to death the officers, and
set the prisoners at large.</p>

<p>Philip van Artevelde rises to power in Flanders.</p>

<p>1382. Queen Joanna I of Naples is put to death in prison.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Wycliffe Translates the Bible into English</span>." See vii, <a href="#Page_227">227.</a></p>

<p>Led by Philip van Artevelde the people of Ghent triumph over their
ruler, Count Louis II; Bruges is captured and looted by them; Artevelde
is acclaimed governor; a French army advances and defeats the forces
of Artevelde, who is slain, and Louis is restored.</p>

<p>1384. Flanders is incorporated in the dukedom of Burgundy; Artois
and Franche Comt&eacute; are also acquired by Philip the Bold of Burgundy.</p>

<p>1385. Scotland fruitlessly invaded by Richard II of England.</p>

<p>John the Great ascends the throne of Portugal; he defeats the Castilians
at Aljubarota.</p>

<p>1386. Victory of the Swiss over the Austrians at Sempach. See
"<span class="smcap">The Swiss Win Their Independence</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_238">238.</a></p>

<p>Hedvige, Queen of Poland, marries Duke of Jagellon, of Lithuania,
uniting the states and establishing the Jagellon dynasty; as sovereign of
Poland he is styled Ladislaus II. The Lithuanians abandon paganism.</p>

<p>Founding of the University of Heidelberg.</p>

<p>A regency, that of the Duke of Gloucester, is imposed upon Richard II
of England.</p>

<p>1387. Consultation of Richard II at Nottingham with the judges;
the regency commission is declared a criminal act.</p>

<p>A brother of Emperor Wenceslaus, Sigismund, becomes king of Hungary.</p>

<p>Birth of Fra Angelico (Guido di Pietri), the great friar-painter.</p>

<p>1388. Battle of Otterburne (Chevy Chase); an English-Scotch en<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">394</a></span>counter
in a private feud, not a national quarrel; the Earl of Douglas
slain; Henry Percy captured by the Scots.</p>

<p>At Naefels the Austrians are defeated by the Swiss.</p>

<p>1389. Bulgaria and Servia conquered by the Turks under Amurath I
at the decisive battle of Kosovo; he is slain.</p>

<p>Death of Pope Urban VI; Boniface succeeds; the schism continues.</p>

<p>Albert, King of Sweden, defeated and made prisoner by Queen Margaret,
who reigns over the three Scandinavian kingdoms.</p>

<p>1390. War of Florence with Milan.</p>

<p>Robert III ascends the throne of Scotland.</p>

<p>1392. Fits of insanity seize the young King of France, Charles VI;
cards are invented, or introduced, to amuse him during his lucid intervals.</p>

<p>1394. Birth of Prince Henry of Portugal, known as the "Navigator."</p>

<p>1395. Milan is created a hereditary duchy by Emperor Wenceslaus for
Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti.</p>

<p>1396. Battle of Nicopolis; the Christian defenders of Hungary suffer
a great defeat at the hands of the Turkish sultan Bajazet I.</p>

<p>1397. Scandinavia united under one crown. See "<span class="smcap">Union of Denmark,
Sweden, and Norway</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_243">243.</a></p>

<p>1398. Mortimer, Earl of March, presumptive heir to the English
throne and governor of Ireland, slain by a rebel force in that island.</p>

<p>Froissart writes his <i>Chronicles</i>.</p>

<p>1399. Deposition of Richard II of England; Henry Bolingbroke founds
the house of Lancaster. See "<span class="smcap">Deposition of Richard II</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_351">251.</a></p>

<p>After a long struggle for the possession of Naples between Ladislaus
and Louis II of Anjou, it ends in the triumph of Ladislaus.</p>

<p>1400. A great revolt of the Welsh is headed by Owen Glendower.</p>

<p>Emperor Wenceslaus is deposed.</p>

<p>Rupert of the Palatinate elected to the throne of Germany.</p>

<p>1401. Parliament ordains the burning of Lollards in England. Barcelona
bank (earliest existing bank) established.</p>

<p>1402. Battle of Homildon Hill; victory of the Percys, a noble northern
English family, over the Scots.</p>

<p>License by royal letters-patent given to the "<i>Confrerie de la Passion</i>"
to exhibit sacred dramas, or <i>Mysteries</i>, in France.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Discovery of the Canary Islands and the African Coast.</span>"
See vii, <a href="#Page_266">266.</a></p>

<p>Tamerlane (Timur the Tartar) defeats and captures Bajazet at Angora.</p>

<p>1403. Battle of Shrewsbury; Henry IV defeats the Percys, who had
allied themselves with Glendower to place the Earl of March on the English
throne; Harry Percy (Hotspur) slain.</p>

<p>1404. Queen Margaret of Sweden claims Schleswig and Holstein on
the death of Gerard VI.</p>

<p>1405. Pisa sold to Florence by the Visconti.</p>

<p>An English act of parliament prohibits anyone not possessing twenty
shillings a year in land from apprenticing his sons to any trade.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span></p><p>Venice conquers Verona and Padua.</p>

<p>Prince James Stuart, afterward James I, heir to the crown of Scotland,
captured by the English.</p>

<p>1406. Pisa compelled to submit to Florence after a year of war.</p>

<p>Gerson, chancellor of the University of Paris, proposes a general
council to terminate the schism in the Church.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">93</a></p>

<p>1407. France distracted by the animosities of her leading families;
Louis, Duke of Orleans, is assassinated by John the Fearless, Duke of
Burgundy.</p>

<p>1408. Valentina, widow of the Duke of Orleans, demands justice on
her husband's assassins; the Duke of Burgundy declared an enemy of
the state; he occupies Paris and drives out the royal court.</p>

<p>1409. Council of Pisa; both popes refuse to appear; they are deposed
and Alexander V is elected.</p>

<p>University of Leipsic founded.</p>

<p>1410. Death of Rupert of the Palatinate, Emperor of Germany.</p>

<p>Jagellon (Ladislaus II), King of Poland, vanquishes the Teutonic
Knights.</p>

<p>1411. Battle of Harlow; defeat of the Scotch Lord of the Isles and
the highland clans.</p>

<p>Sigismund elected emperor of Germany.</p>

<p>John Huss excommunicated and forbidden to preach.</p>

<p>University of St. Andrew's, Scotland, founded.</p>

<p>1412. For insulting the chief justice of England the Prince of Wales
is committed to prison.</p>

<p>Birth of Jeanne d'Arc, the Maid of Orleans.</p>

<p>1413. Death of Henry IV; Henry V ascends the English throne; he
discards his dissolute associates and reforms his conduct.</p>

<p>Ladislaus takes forcible possession of Rome and most of the papal
states.</p>

<p>1414. The Seventeenth general council. See "<span class="smcap">Council of Constance</span>,"
vii, <a href="#Page_284">284.</a></p>

<p>Joanna II succeeds her brother Ladislaus of Naples on his death.</p>

<p>1415. "<span class="smcap">Trial and Burning of John Huss</span>." See vii, <a href="#Page_294">294.</a></p>

<p>John the Great of Portugal conquers Ceuta; he discards the use of
the Julian period and introduces the computation of time from the Christian
era.</p>

<p>Brandenburg is acquired by the house of Hohenzollern. See "<span class="smcap">The
House of Hohenzollern Established in Brandenburg</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_305">305.</a></p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Battle of Agincourt.</span>" See vii, <a href="#Page_320">320.</a></p>

<p>1416. Jerome of Prague burned.</p>

<p>Alfonso the Wise, so called for his patronage of letters, ascends the
throne of Aragon on the death of his father, Ferdinand the Just.</p>

<p>1417. Pope Martin V elected by the Council of Constance; end of the
schism.</p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span></p>
<p>Sir John Oldcastle, the "Good Lord Cobham," after four years' hiding
is captured and burned as a heretic in London.</p>

<p>Gypsies appear in Transylvania; they are believed to have been low-caste
Hindus expelled by Timur in the fourteenth century.</p>

<p>1418. Close of the Council of Constance. See "<span class="smcap">Council of Constance</span>,"
vii, <a href="#Page_284">284.</a></p>

<p>A great massacre in Paris of the Armagnacs by the populace, the partisans
of John the Fearless of Burgundy; the Dauphin and his adherents
transfer their seat of government to Poitiers.</p>

<p>1419. Surrender of Rouen to the English.</p>

<p>John the Fearless, beguiled by a treaty, meets the Dauphin, who has
him assassinated.</p>

<p>Storming of the town-hall of Prague by the Hussites; outbreak of the
Hussite wars.</p>

<p>Madeira first reached by the Portuguese, who sail under the command
of Henry the Navigator.</p>

<p>1420. Henry V, King of England, made successor to the French
throne. See "<span class="smcap">Battle of Agincourt</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_320">320.</a></p>

<p>Sigismund besieges the Hussites in Prague; he is defeated by them,
led by John Ziska.</p>

<p>Joanna II of Naples, who summons to her aid Alfonso V of Aragon,
is attacked by Louis III of Anjou.</p>

<p>1421. Second crusade against the Bohemian Hussites.</p>

<p>1422. Death of Henry V of England and Charles VI of France; the
former is succeeded by his infant son; he is proclaimed King of England
and France; his uncles, the Duke of Gloucester, regent in England, and
the Duke of Bedford in France; Charles VII, son of Charles VI, is proclaimed
by the French.</p>

<p>Constantinople besieged by Amurath II, Sultan of Turkey.</p>

<p>1423. Frederick the Warlike, Margrave of Misnia, assumes the electorate
of Saxony and establishes the house of Wettin.</p>

<p>1424. James I of Scotland, released after a captivity of nineteen years,
marries a daughter of the Earl of Somerset; he assumes the government
of Scotland.</p>

<p>John Ziska is succeeded by Procopius the Great as head of the Taborites,
a division of the Hussites.</p>

<p>1425. Accession of John Pal&aelig;ologus II as emperor of Byzantium.</p>

<p>John and Hulbert van Eyck, masters of the early Flemish school, invent
painting in oil.</p>

<p>1426. Lubeck and the Baltic Hanse Towns support the Duke of Holstein
against Eric XIII of Sweden.</p>

<p>Great Hussite victory at Aussig.</p>

<p>1427. The Hussites extend their conquests in Saxony and Meissen;
they gain a victory at Mies.</p>

<p>1428. Orleans, France, besieged by the English.</p>

<p>Death of John de' Medici, founder of the illustrious family at Florence.</p>

<p>1429. Coronation of Charles VII of France at Rheims.</p>
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span></p>
<p>Jeanne d'Arc relieves Orleans. See "<span class="smcap">Jeanne d'Arc's Victory at
Orleans</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_333">333.</a></p>

<p>Refusal of the Hussites to treat for peace with Emperor Sigismund.</p>

<p>Antipope Clement VIII abdicates and ends the Great Schism.</p>

<p>1430. Institution of the Golden Fleece by Philip, Duke of Burgundy,
on his marriage with Isabella, daughter of King John of Portugal, and
in commemoration of the manufacturing prosperity of the Netherlands.</p>

<p>1431. Jeanne d'Arc dishonorably and inhumanly burned at Rouen. See
"<span class="smcap">Trial and Execution of Jeanne d'Arc</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_350">350.</a></p>

<p>Council of Basel. Pope Martin V succeeded by Eugenius IV.</p>

<p>1432. Prince Henry's navigators discover and take possession of the
Azores for the Portuguese.</p>

<p>Opening of the trade of the north to the English and Dutch by the
wars of the Hanse Towns, and Holstein, with Denmark.</p>

<p>1433. Treaty of the Council of Basel with the section of the Hussites
called Calixtines; this satisfies them and they secede from the Hussite
league.</p>

<p>1434. Cosmo de' Medici recalled to Florence; his party triumphant.</p>

<p>Organization of the national church (Utraquist) in Bohemia.</p>

<p>First exploration of the west coast of Africa by the Portuguese.</p>

<p>The Calixtines join the imperial army and defeat the Taborites at
Bohmisch-Brod.</p>

<p>1435. Treaty of Arras between France and Burgundy; the latter withdraws
from the English party.</p>

<p>Death of the Duke of Bedford.</p>

<p>1436. A settlement effected between Emperor Sigismund and the Hussites
by the treaty of Iglau; he is recognized as king of Bohemia.</p>

<p>Charles VII, the French King, recovers Paris from the English.</p>

<p>Eric, by a treaty of peace, relinquishes the greater part of Schleswig
to the Duke of Holstein and makes concessions at Stockholm which restore
tranquillity in Sweden.</p>

<p>1437. Death of Emperor Sigismund; election of Albert of Austria to
the throne of Hungary.</p>

<p>Murder of James I; his son, James II, succeeds him on the throne of
Scotland.</p>

<p>Pope Eugenius IV is summoned to appear before the Council of
Basel to answer various charges brought against him; he issues a bull
dissolving the council; he calls another at Ferrara, whither he invites
the Greek Emperor to attend and arrange for the union of the two
churches.</p>

<p>1438. Pragmatic Sanction of Charles VII; it secures the liberty of
the Gallican Church. See "<span class="smcap">Charles VII Issues His Pragmatic
Sanction</span>," vii, <a href="#Page_370">370.</a></p>

<p>Coronation of Albert II, King of Hungary; recognized by the Diet of
Frankfort.</p>
</div>
<h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> See <i>Dante Composes the Divina Commedia</i>, <a href="#Page_1">page 1.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> See <i>Extinction of the Order of Knights Templars</i>, <a href="#Page_51">page 51.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> See <i>The Third Estate Joins in the Government of France</i>, <a href="#Page_17">page 17.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> See <i>War of the Flemings with Philip the Fair</i>, <a href="#Page_23">page 23.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> See <i>First Swiss Struggle for Liberty</i>, <a href="#Page_28">page 28.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> See <i>The Swiss Win Their Independence</i>, <a href="#Page_238">page 238.</a></p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> See <i>Battle of Bannockburn</i>, <a href="#Page_41">page 41.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> See <i>Beginning and Progress of the Renaissance</i>, <a href="#Page_110">page 110.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> See <i>Crowning of Petrarch at Rome</i>, <a href="#Page_93">page 93.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> See <i>Rienzi's Revolution in Rome</i>, <a href="#Page_104">page 104.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> See <i>Conspiracy and Death of Marino Falieri at Venice</i>, <a href="#Page_154">page 154.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> See <i>Genoese Surrender to Venetians</i>, <a href="#Page_213">page 213.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> See <i>Rise of the Hanseatic League</i>, vol. vi, <a href="#Page_214">page 214.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> See <i>Union of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway</i>, <a href="#Page_243">page 243.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> See <i>Charles IV of Germany Publishes His Golden Bull</i>, <a href="#Page_160">page 160.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> See <i>The Black Death Ravages Europe</i>, <a href="#Page_130">page 130.</a></p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> See <i>Dancing Mania of the Middle Ages</i>, <a href="#Page_187">page 187.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> See <i>James van Artevelde Leads a Flemish Revolt</i>, <a href="#Page_68">page 68.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> See <i>Edward III of England Assumes the Title of King of France</i>,
<a href="#Page_68">page 68.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> See <i>Battles of Sluys and Cr&eacute;cy</i>, <a href="#Page_78">page 78.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> See <i>Insurrection of the Jacquerie in France</i>, <a href="#Page_164">page 164.</a></p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> See <i>Rebellion of Wat Tyler</i>, <a href="#Page_217">page 217.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> See <i>Turks Seize Gallipoli</i>, <a href="#Page_147">page 147.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> See <i>Conquests of Timur the Tartar</i>, <a href="#Page_169">page 169.</a></p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> See <i>Wycliffe Translates the Bible into English</i>,<a href="#Page_227"> page 227.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> See <i>Election of Antipope Clement VII</i>, <a href="#Page_201">page 201.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> See <i>Trial and Burning of John Huss</i>, <a href="#Page_294">page 294.</a></p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> See <i>Council of Constance</i>, <a href="#Page_284">page 284.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> See <i>The Hussite Wars</i>, <a href="#Page_294">page 294.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> See <i>The House of Hohenzollern Established in Brandenburg</i>, <a href="#Page_305">page
305.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> See <i>Deposition of Richard II</i>, <a href="#Page_251">page 251.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> See <i>Battle of Agincourt</i>, <a href="#Page_320">page 320.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> See <i>English Conquest of France</i>, <a href="#Page_320">page 320.</a></p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> See <i>Jeanne d'Arc's Victory at Orleans</i>, <a href="#Page_33">page 333.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> See <i>Trial and Execution of Jeanne d'Arc</i>, <a href="#Page_350">page 350.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> See <i>Charles VII Issues his Pragmatic Sanction</i>, <a href="#Page_370">page 370.</a></p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> See <i>Discovery of the Canary Islands: Beginning of Negro Slave
Trade</i>, <a href="#Page_266">page 266.</a></p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> "I am not going to lose the men for the old women."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">39</span></a>
"The coward who the great refusal made."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">40</span></a>

<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"The beams on the low shores now lost and dead."</span>
</div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">41</span></a>

<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i3">"A death-like shade&mdash;</span>
<span class="i0">Like that beneath black boughs and foliage green</span>
<span class="i0">O'er the cold stream in Alpine glens display'd."</span>
</div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">42</span></a>
<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i2">"O'er all the sandy desert falling slow,</span>
<span class="i0">Were shower'd dilated flakes of fire, like snow</span>
<span class="i0">On Alpine summits, when the wind is low."</span>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">43</span></a>

<div class="poem">
<div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"So will a greater fame redound to thee,</span>
<span class="i0">To have formed a party by thyself alone."</span>
</div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> Translated by Charles Leonard-Stuart.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> This Emperor was Albert I, son of Rudolph I.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> James van Artevelde was called "the Brewer of Ghent," because,
although born an aristocrat, he was enrolled in the Guild of Brewers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Translated from the French by Thomas Johnes.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Lord Berners' account of the advance of the Genoese is somewhat
different from this; he describes them as <i>leaping</i> forward with a <i>fell</i> cry.
The whole passage is so spirited and graphic that we give it entire:</p>

<p>"Whan the genowayes were assembled toguyder and beganne to
aproche, they made a great leape and crye to abasshe thenglysshmen,
but they stode styll and styredde nat for all that. Than the genowayes
agayne the seconde tyme made another leape and a fell crye and stepped
forwarde a lytell, and thenglysshmen remeued nat one fote; thirdly
agayne they leapt and cryed, and went forthe tyll they came within
shotte; than they shotte feersly with their crosbowes. Than thenglysshe
archers stept forthe one pase and lette fly their arowes so hotly and so
thycke that it semed snowe. Whan the genowayes felte the arowes persynge
through heedes, armes, and brestes, many of them cast downe
their crosbowes and did cutte their strynges and retourned dysconfited.
Whan the frenche kynge sawe them flye away, he said, Slee these rascals,
for they shall lette and trouble us without reason; than you shoulde
haue sene the men of armes dasshe in among them and kylled a great
nombre of them; and euerstyll the englysshmen shot where as they sawe
thyckest preace, the sharpe arowes ranne into the men of armes and into
their horses, and many fell horse and men amonge the genowayes, and
whan they were downe they coude nat relyne agayne; the preace was so
thycke that one ouerthrewe a nother. And also amonge the englysshemen
there were certayne rascalles that went a fote with great knyues, and
they went in among the men of armes and slewe and murdredde many as
they lay on the grounde, both erles, barownes, knyghts, and squyers,
whereof the kyng of Englande was after dyspleased, for he had rather
they had been taken prisoners."</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> His blindness was supposed to be caused by poison, which was given
to him when engaged in the wars of Italy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> The following is Lord Berners' version of this narration: "In the
mornyng the day of the batayle certayne frenchemen and almaygnes perforce
opyned the archers of the princes batayle, and came and fought
with the men at armes hande to hande. Than the second batayle of
thenglyshe men came to socour the prince's batayle, the whiche was
tyme, for they had as than moche ado, and they with the prince sent a
messangar to the kynge who was on a lytell wyndmill hill. Than the
knyght sayd to the kyng, Sir therle of Warwyke and therle of Cafort
[Stafford] Sir Reynolde Cobham and other such as be about the prince
your sonne are feersly fought with all, and are sore handled, wherefore
they desire you that you and your batayle woll come and ayde them, for
if the frenchemen encrease as they dout they woll your sonne and they
shall have moche a do. Than the kynge sayde, is my sonne deed or hurt
or on the yerthe felled? No, sir, quoth the knight, but he is hardely
matched wherfore he hath nede of your ayde. Well sayde the kyng, retourne
to hym and to them that sent you hyther, and say to them that
they sende no more to me for any adventure that falleth as long as my
sonne is alyve; and also say to them that they suffer hym this day to
wynne his spurres, for if God be pleased, I woll this iourney be his and
the honoure therof and to them that be aboute hym. Than the knyght
retourned agayn to them and shewed the kynges wordes, the which greatly
encouraged them, and repoyned in that they had sende to the kynge as they
dyd."</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Translated from the German by B. G. Babington.</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Thucydides, in his account of the earlier plague in Athens, <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> 430,
says, "It was supposed that the Peloponnesians had poisoned the cisterns."</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> Translated from the French by Charles Leonard-Stuart.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> Osman is the real Turkish name, which has been corrupted into Othman.
The descendants of his subjects style themselves Osmanlis&mdash;corrupted
into Ottoman.</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Edebali, a Mussulman prophet and saint, whose daughter Osman
married.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> A criminal tribunal, of which Steno himself was president.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> "Jacques Bonhomme." Froissart takes this for the name of an individual,
but it is the common nickname&mdash;like "Hodge" or "Giles"&mdash;of
the French peasantry. It is said that the term was applied by the
lords of the manor to their villeins or serfs, in derision of their awkwardness
and patient endurance of their lot. The "King who came from
Clermont"&mdash;the leader of the Jacquerie&mdash;was William Karl or Callet.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> A most wonderful scene. The B'hagiratha or Ganges issues from
under a very low arch at the foot of the grand snow-bed. The illiterate
mountaineers compare the pendent icicles to Mahodeva's hair. Hindoos
of research may formerly have been here; and if so, one cannot think of
any place to which they might more aptly give the name of a cow's mouth
than to this extraordinary <i>d&eacute;bouch&eacute;</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Translated from the German by B. G. Babington.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> "Chorus Sancti Viti, or St. Vitus' dance; the lascivious dance, Paracelsus
calls it, because they that are taken with it can do nothing but
dance till they be dead or cured. It is so called for that the parties so
troubled were wont to go to St. Vitus for help; and, after they had
danced there awhile, they were certainly freed. 'Tis strange to hear
how long they will dance, and in what manner, over stools, forms, and
tables. One in red clothes they cannot abide. Musick above all things
they love; and therefore magistrates in Germany will hire musicians to
play to them, and some lusty, sturdy companions to dance with them.
This disease hath been very common in Germany, as appears by those
relations of Schenkius, and Paracelsus in his book of madness, who
brags how many several persons he hath cured of it. Felix Platerus (<i>de
Mentis Alienat.</i> cap. 3) reports of a woman in Basel whom he saw, that
danced a whole month together. The Arabians call it a kind of palsie.
Bodine, in his fifth book, speaks of this infirmity; Monavius, in his
last epistle to Scoltizius, and in another to Dudithus, where you may
read more of it."&mdash;<i>Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> The Bishop Theodoret of Cyrus in Syria states that, at the festival
of St. John, large fires were annually kindled in several towns, through
which men, women, and children jumped; and that young children were
carried through by their mothers. He considered this custom as an ancient
Asiatic ceremony of purification, similar to that recorded of Ahaz,
in II Kings, xvi. 3. Zonaras, Balsamon, and Photius speak of the St.
John's fires in Constantinople, and the first looks upon them as the remains
of an old Grecian custom. Even in modern times fires are still lighted
on St. John's Day in Brittany and other remote parts of Continental Europe,
through the smoke of which the cattle are driven in the belief that
they will thus be protected from contagious and other diseases, and in
these practices protective fumigation originated. That such different
nations should have had the same idea of fixing the purification by fire
on St. John's Day is a remarkable coincidence, which perhaps can be
accounted for only by its analogy to baptism.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Beckmann makes many other observations on this well-known circumstance.
The priest named is the same who is still known in the
nursery tales of children as the <i>Knecht Ruprecht</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> <i>Dass dir Sanct Veitstanz ankomme</i> ("May you be seized with St.
Vitus' dance").</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> "This proceeding was, however, no invention of his, but an imitation
of a usual mode of enchantment by means of wax figures (<i>peri cunculas</i>).
The witches made a wax image of the person who was to be bewitched;
and in order to torment him, they stuck it full of pins, or melted it before
the fire. The books on magic, of the Middle Ages, are full of such things;
though the reader who may wish to obtain information on this subject
need not go so far back. Only eighty years since, the learned and celebrated
Storch, of the school of Stahl, published a treatise on witchcraft,
worthy of the fourteenth century."&mdash;<i>Treatise on the Diseases of Children.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Some authorities give twenty-nine.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> Selden, in his <i>Table Talk</i>, says: "There was once, I am sure, a parliamentary
pope. Pope Urban was made pope in England by act of
parliament, against Pope Clement: the act is not in the <i>Book of Statutes</i>,
either because he that compiled the book would not have the name of the
Pope there, or else he would not let it appear that they meddled with any
such thing; but it is upon the rolls."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> A groat equalled fourpence, or eight cents.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> In Walsingham may be seen a long account of the death of the Archbishop,
page 250. His head was carried in triumph through the streets
on the point of a lance, and fixed on London bridge. That it might be
the better known, the hat or bonnet worn by him was nailed to the
skull.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> When Tresilian, one of the judges, tried the insurgents at St. Alban's,
he impanelled three juries of twelve men each. The first was ordered to
present all whom they knew to be the chiefs of the tumult, the second
gave their opinion on the presentation of the first, and the third pronounced
the verdict of guilty or not guilty. It does not appear that witnesses
were examined. The juries spoke from their personal knowledge.
Thus each convict was condemned on the oaths of thirty-six men. At
first, on account of the multitude of executions, the condemned were beheaded:
afterward they were hanged and left on the gibbet as objects of
terror; but as their bodies were removed by their friends, the King
ordered them to be hanged in chains, the first instance in which express
mention of the practice is made. According to Holinshed the executions
amounted to fifteen hundred.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> The readers, as might be expected, often surreptitiously copied portions
of special interest. One is reminded of the story in ancient Irish
history of a curious decision arising out of an incident of this kind nearly
a thousand years before, which seems to have influenced the history of
Christianity in Britain. St. Columb, on a visit to the aged St. Finian in
Ulster, had permission to read in the Psalter belonging to his host. But
every night while the good old saint was sleeping, the young one was
busy in the chapel writing by a miraculous light till he had completed a
copy of the whole Psalter. The owner of the Psalter, discovering this,
demanded that it should be given up, as it had been copied unlawfully
from his book; while the copyist insisted that, the materials of labor
being his, he was entitled to what he had written. The dispute was referred
to Diarmad, the King at Tara, and his decision (genuinely Irish)
was given in St. Finian's favor. "To every book," said he, "belongs its
son-book [copy], as to every cow belongs her calf." Columb complained
of the decision as unjust, and the dispute is said to have been one of the
causes of his leaving Ireland for Iona.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> Oliver Wendell Holmes: <i>Autocrat of the Breakfast-table.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> A town in Schwyz. The name means a "hermitage." St. Meinrad,
according to legend, lived there (ninth century) as a hermit. It is a celebrated
pilgrim resort.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ed.</span></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> He descended from Henry III both by father and mother. But he
could not claim by the father's side, because the young Earl of March
was sprung from the Duke of Clarence, the elder brother of John of
Gaunt; nor by the mother's side, because she was sprung from Edmund
of Lancaster, a younger brother of Edward I. It was pretended that
Edmund was the elder brother, but deformed in body, and therefore set
aside with his own consent. If we may believe Hardyng, Henry on September
21st produced in council a document to prove the seniority of
Edmund over Edward, but that the contrary was shown by a number of
unanswerable authorities.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Charles IV.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> Allusion to John Ziska, leader of the Hussites, who waged a fierce
war against Wenzel and the empire.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> Head of the House of Hohenzollern, Burggraves of Nuremberg.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> This was the Dauphin, afterward Charles VII, whose brother Jean,
Duke of Burgundy, had, in 1407, procured the murder of the Duke of
Orleans.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> To <i>houspiller</i> is to maul, pull about, abuse, "worry like a dog";
hence the name <i>houspilleur</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> The English cardinal, most powerful ecclesiastic of the time.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Assistant judges.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Tipstaffs, constables.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> The Duke of Bedford (John of Lancaster), third son of Henry IV of
England, was regent of England and France, which office he assumed
on the death of Henry V, in 1422.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> The memory of Jeanne d'Arc was long and shamefully traduced by
descendants of those enemies of France whom she baffled. Even Shakespeare
(<i>Henry VI</i>) is so unjust to her&mdash;refining upon the brutal calumnies
of the historians&mdash;as to grieve his most loving critics. It remained for
the opening years of the twentieth century to see the Maid canonized by
the Church which, as the agent of her country's foes, was instrumental in
her destruction.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Ed.</span></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> Translated by Chauncey C. Starkweather, M.A., LL.B.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> The Catalan Grand Company was a formidable body of mercenary
soldiers; it arose in Sicily during the wars that followed the Sicilian Vespers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> See 1291.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> Date uncertain.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Date uncertain.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> A specimen of an early speaking-tube exists, connecting the room
said to have been occupied by Isabella with the old brewhouse, now a
tavern, by means of which Mortimer was wont to communicate with his
mistress. The castle stands upon a mount of 280 feet, sheer rock, and
the brewhouse is at its base. A peculiarity of the tube, bored through the
live rock, is an elbow-joint, which is a puzzle to scientists.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Date uncertain.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Often erroneously given as 1370, neglecting the fact that, by the old
manner of reckoning, the year began on March 25th.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> Date uncertain.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> By the French it is claimed that Jean Charlier de Gerson was the author
of <i>de Imitatione Christi</i>, usually attributed to Thomas &agrave; Kempis.</p></div>


<h4>END OF VOLUME VII</h4>









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