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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/27253-8.txt b/27253-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b6b6552 --- /dev/null +++ b/27253-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,17822 @@ +Project Gutenberg's The Discovery of America Vol. 1 (of 2), by John Fiske + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Discovery of America Vol. 1 (of 2) + with some account of Ancient America and the Spanish Conquest + +Author: John Fiske + +Release Date: November 13, 2008 [EBook #27253] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA *** + + + + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all +other inconsistencies are as in the original. The author's spelling has +been maintained. + +Unusual superscripts are shown as ^{xx}, e.g.: w^{ch} for which. + +Description of the characters not found in the Unicode tables: + + [=a] a with macron. + [=e] e with macron. + [=i] i with macron. + [=o] o with macron. + [=u] u with macron. + [)i] i with breve. + [-p] p with stroke. + [~m] m with tilde. + [~p] p with tilde. + [~q] q with tilde. + [=z] ezh. + [°u] u with ring.] + + + + +THE + +DISCOVERY OF AMERICA + +_WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT AMERICA AND THE SPANISH CONQUEST_ + + +BY + +JOHN FISKE + + +_IN TWO VOLUMES_ + +VOL. I. + + + Then I unbar the doors; my paths lead out + The exodus of nations; I disperse + Men to all shores that front the hoary main. + I too have arts and sorceries; + Illusion dwells forever with the wave. + I make some coast alluring, some lone isle + To distant men, who must go there or die. + EMERSON + + +[Illustration: Editor's arm.] + + + BOSTON AND NEW YORK + HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY + The Riverside Press, Cambridge + 1897 + + +Copyright, 1892, By JOHN FISKE. + +_All rights reserved._ + +SIXTEENTH THOUSAND. + + + _The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A._ + Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company. + + + + + TO + + EDWARD AUGUSTUS FREEMAN, + + A SCHOLAR WHO INHERITS THE GIFT OF MIDAS, AND + TURNS INTO GOLD WHATEVER SUBJECT HE + TOUCHES, I DEDICATE THIS BOOK, WITH + GRATITUDE FOR ALL THAT HE + HAS TAUGHT ME + + + + +PREFACE. + + +The present work is the outcome of two lines of study pursued, with more +or less interruption from other studies, for about thirty years. It will +be observed that the book has two themes, as different in character as +the themes for voice and piano in Schubert's "Frühlingsglaube," and yet +so closely related that the one is needful for an adequate comprehension +of the other. In order to view in their true perspective the series of +events comprised in the Discovery of America, one needs to form a mental +picture of that strange world of savagery and barbarism to which +civilized Europeans were for the first time introduced in the course of +the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in their voyages along the +African coast, into the Indian and Pacific oceans, and across the +Atlantic. Nothing that Europeans discovered during that stirring period +was so remarkable as these antique phases of human society, the mere +existence of which had scarcely been suspected, and the real character +of which it has been left for the present generation to begin to +understand. Nowhere was this ancient society so full of instructive +lessons as in aboriginal America, which had pursued its own course of +development, cut off and isolated from the Old World, for probably more +than fifty thousand years. The imperishable interest of those episodes +in the Discovery of America known as the conquests of Mexico and Peru +consists chiefly in the glimpses they afford us of this primitive world. +It was not an uninhabited continent that the Spaniards found, and in +order to comprehend the course of events it is necessary to know +something about those social features that formed a large part of the +burden of the letters of Columbus and Vespucius, and excited even more +intense and general interest in Europe than the purely geographical +questions suggested by the voyages of those great sailors. The +descriptions of ancient America, therefore, which form a kind of +background to the present work, need no apology. + +It was the study of prehistoric Europe and of early Aryan institutions +that led me by a natural sequence to the study of aboriginal America. In +1869, after sketching the plan of a book on our Aryan forefathers, I was +turned aside for five years by writing "Cosmic Philosophy." During that +interval I also wrote "Myths and Myth-Makers" as a side-work to the +projected book on the Aryans, and as soon as the excursion into the +field of general philosophy was ended, in 1874, the work on that book +was resumed. Fortunately it was not then carried to completion, for it +would have been sadly antiquated by this time. The revolution in theory +concerning the Aryans has been as remarkable as the revolution in +chemical theory which some years ago introduced the New Chemistry. It is +becoming eminently probable that the centre of diffusion of Aryan speech +was much nearer to Lithuania than to any part of Central Asia, and it +has for some time been quite clear that the state of society revealed in +Homer and the Vedas is not at all like primitive society, but very far +from it. By 1876 I had become convinced that there was no use in going +on without widening the field of study. The conclusions of the Aryan +school needed to be supplemented, and often seriously modified, by the +study of the barbaric world, and it soon became manifest that for the +study of barbarism there is no other field that for fruitfulness can be +compared with aboriginal America. + +This is because the progress of society was much slower in the western +hemisphere than in the eastern, and in the days of Columbus and Cortes +it had nowhere "caught up" to the points reached by the Egyptians of the +Old Empire or by the builders of Mycenæ and Tiryns. In aboriginal +America we therefore find states of society preserved in stages of +development similar to those of our ancestral societies in the Old World +long ages before Homer and the Vedas. Many of the social phenomena of +ancient Europe are also found in aboriginal America, but always in a +more primitive condition. The clan, phratry, and tribe among the +Iroquois help us in many respects to get back to the original +conceptions of the gens, curia, and tribe among the Romans. We can +better understand the growth of kingship of the Agamemnon type when we +have studied the less developed type in Montezuma. The house-communities +of the southern Slavs are full of interest for the student of the early +phases of social evolution, but the Mandan round-house and the Zuñi +pueblo carry us much deeper into the past. Aboriginal American +institutions thus afford one of the richest fields in the world for the +application of the comparative method, and the red Indian, viewed in +this light, becomes one of the most interesting of men; for in studying +him intelligently, one gets down into the stone age of human thought. No +time should be lost in gathering whatever can be learned of his ideas +and institutions, before their character has been wholly lost under the +influence of white men. Under that influence many Indians have been +quite transformed, while others have been as yet but little affected. +Some extremely ancient types of society, still preserved on this +continent in something like purity, are among the most instructive +monuments of the past that can now be found in the world. Such a type +is that of the Moquis of northeastern Arizona. I have heard a rumour, +which it is to be hoped is ill-founded, that there are persons who wish +the United States government to interfere with this peaceful and +self-respecting people, break up their pueblo life, scatter them in +farmsteads, and otherwise compel them, against their own wishes, to +change their habits and customs. If such a cruel and stupid thing were +ever to be done, we might justly be said to have equalled or surpassed +the folly of those Spaniards who used to make bonfires of Mexican +hieroglyphics. It is hoped that the present book, in which of course it +is impossible to do more than sketch the outlines and indicate the +bearings of so vast a subject, will serve to awaken readers to the +interest and importance of American archæology for the general study of +the evolution of human society. + +So much for the first and subsidiary theme. As for my principal theme, +the Discovery of America, I was first drawn to it through its close +relations with a subject which for some time chiefly occupied my mind, +the history of the contact between the Aryan and Semitic worlds, and +more particularly between Christians and Mussulmans about the shores of +the Mediterranean. It is also interesting as part of the history of +science, and furthermore as connected with the beginnings of one of the +most momentous events in the career of mankind, the colonization of the +barbaric world by Europeans. Moreover, the discovery of America has its +full share of the romantic fascination that belongs to most of the work +of the Renaissance period. I have sought to exhibit these different +aspects of the subject. + +The present book is in all its parts written from the original sources +of information. The work of modern scholars has of course been freely +used, but never without full acknowledgment in text or notes, and seldom +without independent verification from the original sources. +Acknowledgments are chiefly due to Humboldt, Morgan, Bandelier, Major, +Varnhagen, Markham, Helps, and Harrisse. To the last-named scholar I owe +an especial debt of gratitude, in common with all who have studied this +subject since his arduous researches were begun. Some of the most +valuable parts of his work have consisted in the discovery, +reproduction, and collation of documents; and to some extent his pages +are practically equivalent to the original sources inspected by him in +the course of years of search through European archives, public and +private. In the present book I must have expressed dissent from his +conclusions at least as often as agreement with them, but whether one +agrees with him or not, one always finds him helpful and stimulating. +Though he has in some sort made himself a Frenchman in the course of +his labours, it is pleasant to recall the fact that M. Harrisse is by +birth our fellow-countryman; and there are surely few Americans of our +time whom students of history have more reason for holding in honour. + +I have not seen Mr. Winsor's "Christopher Columbus" in time to make any +use of it. Within the last few days, while my final chapter is going to +press, I have received the sheets of it, a few days in advance of +publication. I do not find in it any references to sources of +information which I have not already fully considered, so that our +differences of opinion on sundry points may serve to show what diverse +conclusions may be drawn from the same data. The most conspicuous +difference is that which concerns the personal character of Columbus. +Mr. Winsor writes in a spirit of energetic (not to say violent) reaction +against the absurdities of Roselly de Lorgues and others who have tried +to make a saint of Columbus; and under the influence of this reaction he +offers us a picture of the great navigator that serves to raise a +pertinent question. No one can deny that Las Casas was a keen judge of +men, or that his standard of right and wrong was quite as lofty as any +one has reached in our own time. He had a much more intimate knowledge +of Columbus than any modern historian can ever hope to acquire, and he +always speaks of him with warm admiration and respect. But how could +Las Casas ever have respected the feeble, mean-spirited driveller whose +portrait Mr. Winsor asks us to accept as that of the Discoverer of +America? + +If, however, instead of his biographical estimate of Columbus, we +consider Mr. Winsor's contributions toward a correct statement of the +difficult geographical questions connected with the subject, we +recognize at once the work of an acknowledged master in his chosen +field. It is work, too, of the first order of importance. It would be +hard to mention a subject on which so many reams of direful nonsense +have been written as on the discovery of America; and the prolific +source of so much folly has generally been what Mr. Freeman fitly calls +"bondage to the modern map." In order to understand what the great +mariners of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were trying to do, and +what people supposed them to have done, one must begin by resolutely +banishing the modern map from one's mind. The ancient map must take its +place, but this must not be the ridiculous "Orbis Veteribus Notus," to +be found in the ordinary classical atlas, _which simply copies the +outlines of countries with modern accuracy from the modern map, and then +scatters ancient names over them!_ Such maps are worse than useless. In +dealing with the discovery of America one must steadily keep before +one's mind the quaint notions of ancient geographers, especially +Ptolemy and Mela, as portrayed upon such maps as are reproduced in the +present volume. It was just these distorted and hazy notions that swayed +the minds and guided the movements of the great discoverers, and went on +reproducing themselves upon newly-made maps for a century or more after +the time of Columbus. Without constant reference to these old maps one +cannot begin to understand the circumstances of the discovery of +America. + +In no way can one get at the heart of the matter more completely than by +threading the labyrinth of causes and effects through which the western +hemisphere came slowly and gradually to be known by the name AMERICA. +The reader will not fail to observe the pains which I have taken to +elucidate this subject, not from any peculiar regard for Americus +Vespucius, but because the quintessence of the whole geographical +problem of the discovery of the New World is in one way or another +involved in the discussion. I can think of no finer instance of the +queer complications that can come to surround and mystify an increase of +knowledge too great and rapid to be comprehended by a single generation +of men. + +In the solution of the problem as to the first Vespucius voyage I follow +the lead of Varnhagen, but always independently and with the documentary +evidence fully in sight. For some years I vainly tried to pursue +Humboldt's clues to some intelligible conclusion, and felt inhospitably +inclined toward Varnhagen's views as altogether too plausible; he seemed +to settle too many difficulties at once. But after becoming convinced of +the spuriousness of the Bandini letter (see below, vol. ii. p. 94); and +observing how the air at once was cleared in some directions, it seemed +that further work in textual criticism would be well bestowed. I made a +careful study of the diction of the letter from Vespucius to Soderini in +its two principal texts:--1. the Latin version of 1507, the original of +which is in the library of Harvard University, appended to +Waldseemüller's "Cosmographiæ Introductio"; 2. the Italian text +reproduced severally by Bandini, Canovai, and Varnhagen, from the +excessively rare original, of which only five copies are now known to be +in existence. It is this text that Varnhagen regards as the original +from which the Latin version of 1507 was made, through an intermediate +French version now lost. In this opinion Varnhagen does not stand alone, +as Mr. Winsor seems to think ("Christopher Columbus," p. 540, line 5 +from bottom), for Harrisse and Avezac have expressed themselves plainly +to the same effect (see below, vol. ii. p. 42). A minute study of this +text, with all its quaint interpolations of Spanish and Portuguese +idioms and seafaring phrases into the Italian ground-work of its +diction, long ago convinced me that it never was a _translation_ from +anything in heaven or earth or the waters under the earth. Nobody would +ever have translated a document _into_ such an extremely peculiar and +individual jargon. It is most assuredly an original text, and its author +was either Vespucius or the Old Nick. It was by starting from this text +as primitive that Varnhagen started correctly in his interpretation of +the statements in the letter, and it was for that reason that he was +able to dispose of so many difficulties at one blow. When he showed that +the landfall of Vespucius on his first voyage was near Cape Honduras and +had nothing whatever to do with the Pearl Coast, he began to follow the +right trail, and so the facts which had puzzled everybody began at once +to fall into the right places. This is all made clear in the seventh +chapter of the present work, where the general argument of Varnhagen is +in many points strongly reinforced. The evidence here set forth in +connection with the Cantino map is especially significant. + +It is interesting on many accounts to see the first voyage of Vespucius +thus elucidated, though it had no connection with the application of his +name by Waldseemüller to an entirely different region from any that was +visited upon that voyage. The real significance of the third voyage of +Vespucius, in connection with the naming of America, is now set forth, I +believe, for the first time in the light thrown upon the subject by the +opinions of Ptolemy and Mela. Neither Humboldt nor Major nor Harrisse +nor Varnhagen seems to have had a firm grasp of what was in +Waldseemüller's mind when he wrote the passage photographed below in +vol. ii. p. 136 of this work. It is only when we keep the Greek and +Roman theories in the foreground and unflinchingly bar out that +intrusive modern atlas, that we realize what the Freiburg geographer +meant and why Ferdinand Columbus was not in the least shocked or +surprised. + + * * * * * + +I have at various times given lectures on the discovery of America and +questions connected therewith, more especially at University College, +London, in 1879, at the Philosophical Institution in Edinburgh, in 1880, +at the Lowell Institute in Boston, in 1890, and in the course of my work +as professor in the Washington University at St. Louis; but the present +work is in no sense whatever a reproduction of such lectures. + +Acknowledgments are due to Mr. Winsor for his cordial permission to make +use of a number of reproductions of old maps and facsimiles already used +by him in the "Narrative and Critical History of America;" they are +mentioned in the lists of illustrations. I have also to thank Dr. +Brinton for allowing me to reproduce a page of old Mexican music, and +the Hakluyt Society for permission to use the Zeno and Catalan maps and +the view of Kakortok church. Dr. Fewkes has very kindly favoured me with +a sight of proof-sheets of some recent monographs by Bandelier. And for +courteous assistance at various libraries I have most particularly to +thank Mr. Kiernan of Harvard University, Mr. Appleton Griffin of the +Boston Public Library, and Mr. Uhler of the Peabody Institute in +Baltimore. + + * * * * * + +There is one thing which I feel obliged, though with extreme hesitation +and reluctance, to say to my readers in this place, because the time has +come when something ought to be said, and there seems to be no other +place available for saying it. For many years letters--often in a high +degree interesting and pleasant to receive--have been coming to me from +persons with whom I am not acquainted, and I have always done my best to +answer them. It is a long time since such letters came to form the +larger part of a voluminous mass of correspondence. The physical fact +has assumed dimensions with which it is no longer possible to cope. If I +were to answer all the letters which arrive by every mail, I should +never be able to do another day's work. It is becoming impossible even +to _read_ them all; and there is scarcely time for giving due attention +to one in ten. Kind friends and readers will thus understand that if +their queries seem to be neglected, it is by no means from any want of +good will, but simply from the lamentable fact that the day contains +only four-and-twenty hours. + +CAMBRIDGE, _October 25, 1891._ + + + + +CONTENTS. + + +CHAPTER I. + +ANCIENT AMERICA. + + PAGE + The American aborigines 1 + + Question as to their origin 2, 3 + + Antiquity of man in America 4 + + Shell-mounds, or middens 4, 5 + + The Glacial Period 6, 7 + + Discoveries in the Trenton gravel 8 + + Discoveries in Ohio, Indiana, and Minnesota 9 + + Mr. Cresson's discovery at Claymont, Delaware 10 + + The Calaveras skull 11 + + Pleistocene men and mammals 12, 13 + + Elevation and subsidence 13, 14 + + Waves of migration 15 + + The Cave men of Europe in the Glacial Period 16 + + The Eskimos are probably a remnant of the Cave men 17-19 + + There was probably no connection or intercourse by + water between ancient America and the Old World 20 + + There is one great American red race 21 + + Different senses in which the word "race" is used 21-23 + + No necessary connection between differences in culture + and differences in race 23 + + Mr. Lewis Morgan's classification of grades of culture 24-32 + + Distinction between Savagery and Barbarism 25 + + Origin of pottery 25 + + Lower, middle, and upper status of savagery 26 + + Lower status of barbarism; it ended differently in the + two hemispheres; in ancient America there was no + pastoral stage of development 27 + + Importance of Indian corn 28 + + Tillage with irrigation 29 + + Use of adobe-brick and stone in building 29 + + Middle status of barbarism 29, 30 + + Stone and copper tools 30 + + Working of metals; smelting of iron 30 + + Upper status of barbarism 31 + + The alphabet and the beginnings of civilization 32 + + So-called "civilizations" of Mexico and Peru 33, 34 + + Loose use of the words "savagery" and "civilization" 35 + + Value and importance of the term "barbarism" 35, 36 + + The status of barbarism is most completely exemplified + in ancient America 36, 37 + + Survival of bygone epochs of culture; work of the + Bureau of Ethnology 37, 38 + + Tribal society and multiplicity of languages in aboriginal + America 38, 39 + + Tribes in the upper status of savagery; Athabaskans, + Apaches, Shoshones, etc. 39 + + Tribes in the lower status of barbarism; the Dakota + group or family 40 + + The Minnitarees and Mandans 41 + + The Pawnee and Arickaree group 42 + + The Maskoki group 42 + + The Algonquin group 43 + + The Huron-Iroquois group 44 + + The Five Nations 45-47 + + Distinction between horticulture and field agriculture 48 + + Perpetual intertribal warfare, with torture and + cannibalism 49-51 + + Myths and folk-lore 51 + + Ancient law 52, 53 + + The patriarchal family not primitive 53 + + "Mother-right" 54 + + Primitive marriage 55 + + The system of reckoning kinship through females only 56 + + Original reason for the system 57 + + The primeval human horde 58, 59 + + Earliest family-group; the clan 60 + + "Exogamy" 60 + + Phratry and tribe 61 + + Effect of pastoral life upon property and upon the + family 61-63 + + The exogamous clan in ancient America 64 + + Intimate connection of aboriginal architecture with + social life 65 + + The long houses of the Iroquois 66, 67 + + Summary divorce 68 + + Hospitality 68 + + Structure of the clan 69, 70 + + Origin and structure of the phratry 70, 71 + + Structure of the tribe 72 + + Cross-relationships between clans and tribes; the Iroquois + Confederacy 72-74 + + Structure of the confederacy 75, 76 + + The "Long House" 76 + + Symmetrical development of institutions in ancient + America 77, 78 + + Circular houses of the Mandans 79-81 + + The Indians of the pueblos, in the middle status of + barbarism 82, 83 + + Horticulture with irrigation, and architecture with + adobe 83, 84 + + Possible origin of adobe architecture 84, 85 + + Mr. Cushing's sojourn at Zuñi 86 + + Typical structure of the pueblo 86-88 + + Pueblo society 89 + + Wonderful ancient pueblos in the Chaco valley 90-92 + + The Moqui pueblos 93 + + The cliff-dwellings 93 + + Pueblo of Zuñi 93, 94 + + Pueblo of Tlascala 94-96 + + The ancient city of Mexico was a great composite + pueblo 97 + + The Spanish discoverers could not be expected to understand + the state of society which they found there 97, 98 + + Contrast between feudalism and gentilism 98 + + Change from gentile society to political society in + Greece and Rome 99, 100 + + First suspicions as to the erroneousness of the Spanish + accounts 101 + + Detection and explanation of the errors, by Lewis + Morgan 102 + + Adolf Bandelier's researches 103 + + The Aztec Confederacy 104, 105 + + Aztec clans 106 + + Clan officers 107 + + Rights and duties of the clan 108 + + Aztec phratries 108 + + The _tlatocan_, or tribal council 109 + + The _cihuacoatl_, or "snake-woman" 110 + + The _tlacatecuhtli_, or "chief-of-men" 111 + + Evolution of kingship in Greece and Rome 112 + + Mediæval kingship 113 + + Montezuma was a "priest-commander" 114 + + Mode of succession to the office 114, 115 + + Manner of collecting tribute 116 + + Mexican roads 117 + + Aztec and Iroquois confederacies contrasted 118 + + Aztec priesthood; human sacrifices 119, 120 + + Aztec slaves 121, 122 + + The Aztec family 122, 123 + + Aztec property 124 + + Mr. Morgan's rules of criticism 125 + + He sometimes disregarded his own rules 126 + + Amusing illustrations from his remarks on "Montezuma's + Dinner" 126-128 + + The reaction against uncritical and exaggerated statements + was often carried too far by Mr. Morgan 128, 129 + + Great importance of the middle period of barbarism 130 + + The Mexicans compared with the Mayas 131-133 + + Maya hieroglyphic writing 132 + + Ruined cities of Central America 134-138 + + They are probably not older than the twelfth century 136 + + Recent discovery of the Chronicle of Chicxulub 138 + + Maya culture very closely related to Mexican 139 + + The "Mound-Builders" 140-146 + + The notion that they were like the Aztecs 142 + + Or, perhaps, like the Zuñis 143 + + These notions are not well sustained 144 + + The mounds were probably built by different peoples + in the lower status of barbarism, by Cherokees, + Shawnees, and other tribes 144, 145 + + It is not likely that there was a "race of Mound Builders" 146 + + Society in America at the time of the Discovery had + reached stages similar to stages reached by eastern + Mediterranean peoples fifty or sixty centuries + earlier 146, 147 + + +CHAPTER II. + +PRE-COLUMBIAN VOYAGES. + + Stories of voyages to America before Columbus; the + Chinese 148 + + The Irish. 149 + + Blowing and drifting; Cousin, of Dieppe 150 + + These stories are of small value 150 + + But the case of the Northmen is quite different 151 + + The Viking exodus from Norway 151, 152 + + Founding of a colony in Iceland, A. D. 874 153 + + Icelandic literature 154 + + Discovery of Greenland, A. D. 876 155, 156 + + Eric the Red, and his colony in Greenland, + A. D. 986 157-161 + + Voyage of Bjarni Herjulfsson 162 + + Conversion of the Northmen to Christianity 163 + + Leif Ericsson's voyage, A. D. 1000; Helluland and + Markland 164 + + Leif's winter in Vinland 165, 166 + + Voyages of Thorvald and Thorstein 167 + + Thorfinn Karlsefni, and his unsuccessful attempt to + found a colony in Vinland, A. D. 1007-10 167-169 + + Freydis, and her evil deeds in Vinland, 1011-12 170, 171 + + Voyage into Baffin's Bay, 1135 172 + + Description of a Viking ship discovered at Sandefiord, + in Norway 173-175 + + To what extent the climate of Greenland may have + changed within the last thousand years 176, 177 + + With the Northmen once in Greenland, the discovery + of the American continent was inevitable 178 + + Ear-marks of truth in the Icelandic narratives 179, 180 + + Northern limit of the vine 181 + + Length of the winter day 182 + + Indian corn 182, 183 + + Winter weather in Vinland 184 + + Vinland was probably situated somewhere between Cape Breton + and Point Judith 185 + + Further ear-marks of truth; savages and barbarians of the + lower status were unknown to mediæval Europeans 185, 186 + + The natives of Vinland as described in the Icelandic + narratives 187-193 + + Meaning of the epithet "Skrælings" 188, 189 + + Personal appearance of the Skrælings 189 + + The Skrælings of Vinland were Indians,--very likely + Algonquins 190 + + The "balista" or "demon's head" 191, 192 + + The story of the "uniped" 193 + + Character of the Icelandic records; misleading associations + with the word "saga" 194 + + The comparison between Leif Ericsson and Agamemnon, made by + a committee of the Massachusetts Historical Society, was + peculiarly unfortunate and inappropriate 194, 197 + + The story of the Trojan War, in the shape in which we find + it in Greek poetry, is pure folk-lore 195 + + The Saga of Eric the Red is not folk-lore 196 + + Mythical and historical sagas 197 + + The western or Hauks-bók version of Eric the Red's Saga 198 + + The northern or Flateyar-bók version 199 + + Presumption against sources not contemporary 200 + + Hauk Erlendsson and his manuscripts 201 + + The story is not likely to have been preserved to Hauk's + time by oral tradition only 202 + + Allusions to Vinland in other Icelandic documents 202-207 + + Eyrbyggja Saga 203 + + The abbot Nikulas, etc. 204 + + Ari Fródhi and his works 204 + + His significant allusion to Vinland 205 + + Other references 206 + + Differences between Hauks-bók and Flateyar-bók versions 207 + + Adam of Bremen 208 + + Importance of his testimony 209 + + His misconception of the situation of Vinland 210 + + Summary of the argument 211-213 + + Absurd speculations of zealous antiquarians 213-215 + + The Dighton inscription was made by Algonquins, and has + nothing to do with the Northmen 213, 214 + + Governor Arnold's stone windmill 215 + + There is no reason for supposing that the Northmen founded a + colony in Vinland 216 + + No archæological remains of them have been found south of + Davis strait 217 + + If the Northmen had founded a successful colony, they would + have introduced domestic cattle into the North American + fauna 218 + + And such animals could not have vanished and left no trace + of their existence 219, 220 + + Further fortunes of the Greenland colony 221 + + Bishop Eric's voyage in search of Vinland, 1121 222 + + The ship from Markland, 1347 223 + + The Greenland colony attacked by Eskimos, 1349 224 + + Queen Margaret's monopoly, and its baneful effects 225 + + Story of the Venetian brothers, Nicolò and Antonio Zeno 226 + + Nicolò Zeno wrecked upon one of the Færoe islands 227 + + He enters the service of Henry Sinclair, Earl of the Orkneys + and Caithness 228 + + Nicolò's voyage to Greenland, cir. 1394 229 + + Voyage of Earl Sinclair and Antonio Zeno 229, 230 + + Publication of the remains of the documents by the younger + Nicolò Zeno, 1558 231 + + The Zeno map 232, 233 + + Queer transformations of names 234-236 + + The name _Færoislander_ became _Frislanda_ 236 + + The narrative nowhere makes a claim to the "discovery + of America" 237 + + The "Zichmni" of the narrative means Henry Sinclair 238 + + Bardsen's "Description of Greenland" 239 + + The monastery of St. Olaus and its hot spring 240 + + Volcanoes of the north Atlantic ridge 241 + + Fate of Gunnbjörn's Skerries, 1456 242 + + Volcanic phenomena in Greenland 242, 243 + + Estotiland 244 + + Drogio 245 + + Inhabitants of Drogio and the countries beyond 246 + + The Fisherman's return to Frislanda 247 + + Was the account of Drogio woven into the narrative + by the younger Nicolò? 248 + + Or does it represent actual experiences in North + America? 249 + + The case of David Ingram, 1568 250 + + The case of Cabeza de Vaca, 1528-36 251 + + There may have been unrecorded instances of visits to + North America 252 + + The pre-Columbian voyages made no real contributions + to geographical knowledge 253 + + And were in no true sense a discovery of America 254 + + Real contact between the eastern and western hemisphere + was first established by Columbus 255 + + +CHAPTER III. + +EUROPE AND CATHAY. + + Why the voyages of the Northmen were not followed up 256 + + Ignorance of their geographical significance 257 + + Lack of instruments for ocean navigation 257 + + Condition of Europe in the year 1000 258, 259 + + It was not such as to favour colonial enterprise 260 + + The outlook of Europe was toward Asia 261 + + Routes of trade between Europe and Asia 262 + + Claudius Ptolemy and his knowledge of the earth 263 + + Early mention of China 264 + + The monk Cosmas Indicopleustes 265 + + Shape of the earth, according to Cosmas 266, 267 + + His knowledge of Asia 268 + + The Nestorians 268 + + Effects of the Saracen conquests 269 + + Constantinople in the twelfth century 270 + + The Crusades 270-274 + + Barbarizing character of Turkish conquest 271 + + General effects of the Crusades 272 + + The Fourth Crusade 273 + + Rivalry between Venice and Genoa 274 + + Centres and routes of mediæval trade 275, 276 + + Effects of the Mongol conquests 277 + + Cathay, origin of the name 277 + + Carpini and Rubruquis 278 + + First knowledge of an eastern ocean beyond Cathay 278 + + The data were thus prepared for Columbus; but as yet nobody + reasoned from these data to a practical conclusion 279 + + The Polo brothers 280 + + Kublai Khan's message to the Pope 281 + + Marco Polo and his travels in Asia 281, 282 + + First recorded voyage of Europeans around the Indo-Chinese + peninsula 282 + + Return of the Polos to Venice 283 + + Marco Polo's book, written in prison at Genoa, 1299; + its great contributions to geographical knowledge 284, 285 + + Prester John 285 + + Griffins and Arimaspians 286 + + The Catalan map, 1375 288, 289 + + Other visits to China 287-291 + + Overthrow of the Mongol dynasty, and shutting up of China 291 + + First rumours of the Molucca islands and Japan 292 + + The accustomed routes of Oriental trade were cut off in the + fifteenth century by the Ottoman Turks 293 + + Necessity for finding an "outside route to the Indies" 294 + + +CHAPTER IV. + +THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES. + +_EASTWARD OR PORTUGUESE ROUTE._ + + Question as to whether Asia could be reached by sailing + around Africa 295 + + Views of Eratosthenes 296 + + Opposing theory of Ptolemy 297 + + Story of the Phoenician voyage in the time of Necho 298-300 + + Voyage of Hanno 300, 301 + + Voyages of Sataspes and Eudoxus 302 + + Wild exaggerations 303 + + Views of Pomponius Mela 304, 305 + + Ancient theory of the five zones 306, 307 + + The Inhabited World, or Oecumene, and the Antipodes 308 + + Curious notions about Taprobane (Ceylon) 309 + + Question as to the possibility of crossing the torrid zone 309 + + Notions about sailing "up and down hill" 310, 311 + + Superstitious fancies 311, 312 + + Clumsiness of ships in the fifteenth century 312 + + Dangers from famine and scurvy 313 + + The mariner's compass; an interesting letter from Brunetto + Latini to Guido Cavalcanti 313-315 + + Calculating latitudes and longitudes 315 + + Prince Henry the Navigator 316-326 + + His idea of an ocean route to the Indies, and what it + might bring 318 + + The Sacred Promontory 319 + + The Madeira and Canary islands 320-322 + + Gil Eannes passes Cape Bojador 323 + + Beginning of the modern slave-trade, 1442 323 + + Papal grant of heathen countries to the Portuguese + crown 324, 325 + + Advance to Sierra Leone 326 + + Advance to the Hottentot coast 326, 327 + + Note upon the extent of European acquaintance with + savagery and the lower forms of barbarism previous + to the fifteenth century 327-329 + + Effect of the Portuguese discoveries upon the theories + of Ptolemy and Mela 329, 330 + + News of Prester John; Covilham's journey 331 + + Bartholomew Dias passes the Cape of Good Hope and enters the + Indian ocean 332 + + Some effects of this discovery 333 + + Bartholomew Columbus took part in it 333 + + Connection between these voyages and the work of Christopher + Columbus 334 + + +CHAPTER V. + +THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES. + +_WESTWARD OR SPANISH ROUTE._ + + Sources of information concerning the life of Columbus; + Las Casas and Ferdinand Columbus 335 + + The Biblioteca Colombina at Seville 336, 337 + + Bernaldez and Peter Martyr 338 + + Letters of Columbus 338 + + Defects in Ferdinand's information 339, 340 + + Researches of Henry Harrisse 341 + + Date of the birth of Columbus; archives of Savona 342 + + Statement of Bernaldez 343 + + Columbus's letter of September, 1501 344 + + The balance of probability is in favour of 1436 345 + + The family of Domenico Colombo, and its changes of + residence 346, 347 + + Columbus tells us that he was born in the city of Genoa 348 + + His early years 349-351 + + Christopher and his brother Bartholomew at Lisbon 351, 352 + + Philippa Moñiz de Perestrelo 352 + + Personal appearance of Columbus 353 + + His marriage, and life upon the island of Porto Santo 353, 354 + + The king of Portugal asks advice of the great astronomer + Toscanelli 355 + + Toscanelli's first letter to Columbus 356-361 + + His second letter to Columbus 361, 362 + + Who first suggested the feasibleness of a westward route + to the Indies? Was it Columbus? 363 + + Perhaps it was Toscanelli 363, 364 + + Note on the date of Toscanelli's first letter to + Columbus 365-367 + + The idea, being naturally suggested by the globular form of + the earth, was as old as Aristotle 368, 369 + + Opinions of ancient writers 370 + + Opinions of Christian writers 371 + + The "Imago Mundi" of Petrus Alliacus 372, 373 + + Ancient estimates of the size of the globe and the length of + the Oecumene 374 + + Toscanelli's calculation of the size of the earth, and of + the position of Japan (Cipango) 375, 376 + + Columbus's opinions of the size of the globe, the length of + the Oecumene, and the width of the Atlantic ocean from + Portugal to Japan 377-380 + + There was a fortunate mixture of truth and error in these + opinions of Columbus 381 + + The whole point and purport of Columbus's scheme lay in its + promise of a route to the Indies shorter than that which the + Portuguese were seeking by way of Guinea 381 + + Columbus's speculations on climate; his voyages to Guinea + and into the Arctic ocean 382 + + He may have reached Jan Mayen island, and stopped + at Iceland 383, 384 + + The Scandinavian hypothesis that Columbus "must + have" heard and understood the story of the Vinland + voyages 384, 385 + + It has not a particle of evidence in its favour 385 + + It is not probable that Columbus knew of Adam of + Bremen's allusion to Vinland, or that he would have + understood it if he had read it 386 + + It is doubtful if he would have stumbled upon the + story in Iceland 387 + + If he had heard it, he would probably have classed it + with such tales as that of St. Brandan's isle 388 + + He could not possibly have obtained from such a source his + opinion of the width of the ocean 388, 389 + + If he had known and understood the Vinland story, he had the + strongest motives for proclaiming it and no motive whatever + for concealing it 390-392 + + No trace of a thought of Vinland appears in any of his + voyages 393 + + Why did not Norway or Iceland utter a protest in 1493? 393 + + The idea of Vinland was not associated with the idea of + America until the seventeenth century 394 + + Recapitulation of the genesis of Columbus's scheme 395 + + Martin Behaim's improved astrolabe 395, 396 + + Negotiations of Columbus with John II. of Portugal 396, 397 + + The king is persuaded into a shabby trick 398 + + Columbus leaves Portugal and enters into the service + of Ferdinand and Isabella, 1486 398-400 + + The junto at Salamanca, 1486 401 + + Birth of Ferdinand Columbus, August 15, 1488 401 + + Bartholomew Columbus returns from the Cape of Good Hope, + December, 1487 402, 403 + + Christopher visits Bartholomew at Lisbon, cir. September, + 1488, and sends him to England 404 + + Bartholomew, after mishaps, reaches England cir. February, + 1490, and goes thence to France before 1492 405-407 + + The duke of Medina-Celi proposes to furnish the ships for + Columbus, but the queen withholds her consent 408, 409 + + Columbus makes up his mind to get his family together and go + to France, October, 1491 409, 410 + + A change of fortune; he stops at La Rábida, and meets the + prior Juan Perez, who writes to the queen 411 + + Columbus is summoned back to court 411 + + The junto before Granada, December, 1491 412, 413 + + Surrender of Granada, January 2, 1492 414 + + Columbus negotiates with the queen, who considers his terms + exorbitant 414-416 + + Interposition of Luis de Santangel 416 + + Agreement between Columbus and the sovereigns 417 + + Cost of the voyage 418 + + Dismay at Palos 419 + + The three famous caravels 420 + + Delay at the Canary islands 421 + + Martin Behaim and his globe 422, 423 + + Columbus starts for Japan, September 6, 1492 424 + + Terrors of the voyage:--1. Deflection of the needle 425 + + 2. The Sargasso sea 426, 427 + + 3. The trade wind 428 + + Impatience of the crews 428 + + Change of course from W. to W. S. W 429, 430 + + Discovery of land, October 12, 1492 431 + + Guanahani: which of the Bahama islands was it? 432 + + Groping for Cipango and the route to Quinsay 433, 434 + + Columbus reaches Cuba, and sends envoys to find a + certain Asiatic prince 434, 435 + + He turns eastward and Pinzon deserts him 435 + + Columbus arrives at Hayti and thinks it must be Japan 436 + + His flag-ship is wrecked, and he decides to go back to + Spain 437 + + Building of the blockhouse, La Navidad 438 + + Terrible storm in mid-ocean on the return voyage 439 + + Cold reception at the Azores 440 + + Columbus is driven ashore in Portugal, where the king is + advised to have him assassinated 440 + + But to offend Spain so grossly would be imprudent 441 + + Arrival of Columbus and Pinzon at Palos; death of Pinzon 442 + + Columbus is received by the sovereigns at Barcelona 443, 444 + + General excitement at the news that a way to the Indies had + been found 445 + + This voyage was an event without any parallel in history 446 + + +CHAPTER VI. + +THE FINDING OF STRANGE COASTS. + + The Discovery of America was a gradual process 447, 448 + + The letters of Columbus to Santangel and to Sanchez 449 + + Versification of the story by Giuliano Dati 450 + + Earliest references to the discovery 451 + + The earliest reference in English 452 + + The Portuguese claim to the Indies 453 + + Bulls of Pope Alexander VI. 454-458 + + The treaty of Tordesillas 459 + + Juan Rodriguez Fonseca, and his relations with + Columbus 460-462 + + Friar Boyle 462 + + Notable persons who embarked on the second voyage 463 + + Departure from Cadiz 464 + + Cruise among the Cannibal (Caribbee) islands 465 + + Fate of the colony at La Navidad 466 + + Building the town of Isabella 467 + + Exploration of Cibao 467, 468 + + Westward cruise; Cape Alpha and Omega 468-470 + + Discovery of Jamaica 471 + + Coasting the south side of Cuba 472 + + The "people of Mangon" 473 + + Speculations concerning the Golden Chersonese 474-476 + + A solemn expression of opinion 477 + + Vicissitudes of theory 477, 478 + + Arrival of Bartholomew Columbus in Hispaniola 478, 479 + + Mutiny in Hispaniola; desertion of Boyle and Margarite 479, 480 + + The government of Columbus was not tyrannical 481 + + Troubles with the Indians 481, 482 + + Mission of Juan Aguado 482 + + Discovery of gold mines, and speculations about Ophir 483 + + Founding of San Domingo, 1496 484 + + The return voyage to Spain 485 + + Edicts of 1495 and 1497 486, 487 + + Vexatious conduct of Fonseca; Columbus loses his temper 487 + + Departure from San Lucar on the third voyage 488 + + The belt of calms 489-491 + + Trinidad and the Orinoco 491, 492 + + Speculations as to the earth's shape; the mountain of + Paradise 494 + + Relation of the "Eden continent" to "Cochin China" 495 + + Discovery of the Pearl Coast 495 + + Columbus arrives at San Domingo 496 + + Roldan's rebellion and Fonseca's machinations 496, 497 + + Gama's voyage to Hindustan, 1497 498 + + Fonseca's creature, Bobadilla, sent to investigate the + troubles in Hispaniola 499 + + He imprisons Columbus 500 + + And sends him in chains to Spain 501 + + Release of Columbus; his interview with the sovereigns 502 + + How far were the sovereigns responsible for Bobadilla? 503 + + Ovando, another creature of Fonseca, appointed governor + of Hispaniola 503, 504 + + Purpose of Columbus's fourth voyage, to find a passage + from the Caribbee waters into the Indian ocean 504, 506 + + The voyage across the Atlantic 506 + + Columbus not allowed to stop at San Domingo 507 + + His arrival at Cape Honduras 508 + + Cape Gracias a Dios, and the coast of Veragua 509 + + Fruitless search for the strait of Malacca 510 + + Futile attempt to make a settlement in Veragua 511 + + Columbus is shipwrecked on the coast of Jamaica; shameful + conduct of Ovando 512 + + Columbus's last return to Spain 513 + + His death at Valladolid, May 20, 1506 513 + + "Nuevo Mundo;" arms of Ferdinand Columbus 514, 515 + + When Columbus died, the fact that a New World had been + discovered by him had not yet begun to dawn upon his mind, + or upon the mind of any voyager or any writer 515, 516 + + + + +ILLUSTRATIONS. + + + PAGE + + Portrait of the author _Frontispiece_ + + View and ground-plan of Seneca-Iroquois long house + _reduced from Morgan's Houses and House-Life of the + American Aborigines_ 66 + + View, cross-section, and ground-plan of Mandan round + house, _ditto_ 80 + + Ground-plan of Pueblo Hungo Pavie, _ditto_ 86 + + Restoration of Pueblo Hungo Pavie, _ditto_ 88 + + Restoration of Pueblo Bonito, _ditto_ 90 + + Ground-plan of Pueblo Peñasca Blanca, _ditto_ 92 + + Ground-plan of so-called "House of the Nuns" at Uxmal, + _ditto_ 133 + + Map of the East Bygd, or eastern settlement of the Northmen + in Greenland, _reduced from Rafn's Antiquitates + Americanæ_ 160, 161 + + Ruins of the church at Kakortok, _from Major's Voyages of + the Zeni, published by the Hakluyt Society_ 222 + + Zeno Map, cir. 1400, _ditto_ 232, 233 + + Map of the World according to Claudius Ptolemy, cir. A. D. + 150, _an abridged sketch after a map in Bunbury's History of + Ancient Geography_ _Facing_ 265 + + Two sheets of the Catalan Map, 1375, _from Yule's Cathay, + published by the Hakluyt Society_ 288, 289 + + Map of the World according to Pomponius Mela, cir. A. D. 50, + _from Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America_ 304 + + Map illustrating Portuguese voyages on the coast of Africa, + _from a sketch by the author_ 324 + + Toscanelli's Map, 1474, _redrawn and improved from a sketch + in Winsor's America_ _Facing_ 357 + + Annotations by Columbus, _reduced from a photograph in + Harrisse's Notes on Columbus_ 373 + + Sketch of Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492, preserved in the city + hall at Nuremberg, _reduced to Mercator's projection and + sketched by the author_ 422, 423 + + Sketch of Martin Behaim's Atlantic Ocean, with outline of the + American continent superimposed, _from Winsor's America_ 429 + + Map of the discoveries made by Columbus in his first and + second voyages, _sketched by the author_ 469 + + Map of the discoveries made by Columbus in his third and + fourth voyages, _ditto_ 493 + + Arms of Ferdinand Columbus, _from the title-page of + Harrisse's Fernand Colomb_ 515 + + + + +THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +ANCIENT AMERICA. + + +[Sidenote: The American aborigines.] + +When the civilized people of Europe first became acquainted with the +continents of North and South America, they found them inhabited by a +race of men quite unlike any of the races with which they were familiar +in the Old World. Between the various tribes of this aboriginal American +race, except in the sub-arctic region, there is now seen to be a general +physical likeness, such as to constitute an American type of mankind as +clearly recognizable as those types which we call Mongolian and Malay, +though far less pronounced than such types as the Australian or the +negro. The most obvious characteristics possessed in common by the +American aborigines are the copper-coloured or rather the +cinnamon-coloured complexion, along with the high cheek-bones and small +deep-set eyes, the straight black hair and absence or scantiness of +beard. With regard to stature, length of limbs, massiveness of frame, +and shape of skull, considerable divergencies may be noticed among the +various American tribes, as indeed is also the case among the members of +the white race in Europe, and of other races. With regard to culture the +differences have been considerable, although, with two or three apparent +but not real exceptions, there was nothing in pre-Columbian America that +could properly be called civilization; the general condition of the +people ranged all the way from savagery to barbarism of a high type. + +[Sidenote: Question as to their origin.] + +[Sidenote: Antiquity of man in America.] + +Soon after America was proved not to be part of Asia, a puzzling +question arose. Whence came these "Indians," and in what manner did they +find their way to the western hemisphere. Since the beginning of the +present century discoveries in geology have entirely altered our mental +attitude toward this question. It was formerly argued upon the two +assumptions that the geographical relations of land and water had been +always pretty much the same as we now find them, and that all the racial +differences among men have arisen since the date of the "Noachian +Deluge," which was generally placed somewhere between two and three +thousand years before the Christian era. Hence inasmuch as European +tradition knows nothing of any such race as the Indians, it was supposed +that at some time within the historic period they must have moved +eastward from Asia into America; and thus "there was felt to be a sort +of speculative necessity for discovering points of resemblance between +American languages, myths, and social observances and those of the +Oriental world. Now the aborigines of this Continent were made out to +be Kamtchatkans, and now Chinamen, and again they were shown, with +quaint erudition, to be remnants of the ten tribes of Israel. Perhaps +none of these theories have been exactly disproved, but they have all +been superseded and laid on the shelf."[1] The tendency of modern +discovery is indeed toward agreement with the time-honoured tradition +which makes the Old World, and perhaps Asia, the earliest dwelling-place +of mankind. Competition has been far more active in the fauna of the +eastern hemisphere than in that of the western, natural selection has +accordingly resulted in the evolution of higher forms, and it is there +that we find both extinct and surviving species of man's nearest +collateral relatives, those tailless half-human apes, the gorilla, +chimpanzee, orang, and gibbon. It is altogether probable that the people +whom the Spaniards found in America came by migration from the Old +World. But it is by no means probable that their migration occurred +within so short a period as five or six thousand years. A series of +observations and discoveries kept up for the last half-century seem to +show that North America has been continuously inhabited by human beings +since the earliest Pleistocene times, if not earlier. + + [Footnote 1: See my _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, p. 148. A + good succinct account of these various theories, monuments of + wasted ingenuity, is given in Short's _North Americans of + Antiquity_, chap. iii. The most elaborate statement of the + theory of an Israelite colonization of America is to be found + in the ponderous tomes of Lord Kingsborough, _Mexican + Antiquities_, London, 1831-48, 9 vols. elephant-folio. Such a + theory was entertained by the author of that curious piece of + literary imposture, _The Book of Mormon_. In this book we are + told that, when the tongues were confounded at Babel, the Lord + selected a certain Jared, with his family and friends, and + instructed them to build eight ships, in which, after a voyage + of 344 days, they were brought to America, where they "did + build many mighty cities," and "prosper exceedingly." But after + some centuries they perished because of their iniquities. In + the reign of Zedekiah, when calamity was impending over Judah, + two brothers, Nephi and Laman, under divine guidance led a + colony to America. There, says the veracious chronicler, their + descendants became great nations, and worked in _iron_, and had + stuffs of _silk_, besides keeping plenty of _oxen_ and _sheep_. + (_Ether_, ix. 18, 19; x. 23, 24.) Christ appeared and wrought + many wonderful works; people spake with tongues, and the dead + were raised. (3 _Nephi_, xxvi. 14, 15.) But about the close of + the fourth century of our era, a terrible war between Lamanites + and Nephites ended in the destruction of the latter. Some two + million warriors, with their wives and children, having been + slaughtered, the prophet Mormon escaped, with his son Moroni, + to the "hill Cumorah," hard by the "waters of Ripliancum," or + Lake Ontario. (_Ether_, xv. 2, 8, 11.) There they hid the + sacred tablets, which remained concealed until they were + miraculously discovered and translated by Joseph Smith in 1827. + There is, of course, no element of tradition in this story. It + is all pure fiction, and of a very clumsy sort, such as might + easily be devised by an ignorant man accustomed to the language + of the Bible; and of course it was suggested by the old notion + of the Israelitish origin of the red men. The references are to + _The Book of Mormon_, Salt Lake City: Deseret News Co., 1885.] + +[Sidenote: Shell-mounds.] + +The first group of these observations and discoveries relate to +"middens" or shell-heaps. On the banks of the Damariscotta river in +Maine are some of the most remarkable shell-heaps in the world. With an +average thickness of six or seven feet, they rise in places to a height +of twenty-five feet. They consist almost entirely of huge oyster-shells +often ten inches in length and sometimes much longer. The shells belong +to a salt-water species. In some places "there is an appearance of +stratification covered by an alternation of shells and earth, as if the +deposition of shells had been from time to time interrupted, and a +vegetable mould had covered the surface." In these heaps have been found +fragments of pottery and of the bones of such edible animals as the +moose and deer. "At the very foundation of one of the highest heaps," in +a situation which must for long ages have been undisturbed, Mr. Edward +Morse "found the remains of an ancient fire-place, where he exhumed +charcoal, bones, and pottery."[2] The significant circumstance is that +"at the present time oysters are only found in very small numbers, too +small to make it an object to gather them," and so far as memory and +tradition can reach, such seems to have been the case. The great size of +the heap, coupled with the notable change in the distribution of this +mollusk since the heap was abandoned, implies a very considerable lapse +of time since the vestiges of human occupation were first left here. +Similar conclusions have been drawn from the banks or mounds of shells +on the St. John's river in Florida,[3] on the Alabama river, at Grand +Lake on the lower Mississippi, and at San Pablo in the bay of San +Francisco. Thus at various points from Maine to California, and in +connection with one particular kind of memorial, we find records of the +presence of man at a period undoubtedly prehistoric, but not necessarily +many thousands of years old. + + [Footnote 2: _Second Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of + American Archæology_, etc., p. 18.] + + [Footnote 3: Visited in 1866-74 by Professor Jeffries Wyman, + and described in his _Fresh-Water Shell Mounds of the St. + John's River_, Cambridge, 1875.] + +[Sidenote: The Glacial Period.] + +The second group of discoveries carries us back much farther, even into +the earlier stages of that widespread glaciation which was the most +remarkable feature of the Pleistocene period. At the periods of greatest +cold "the continent of North America was deeply swathed in ice as far +south as the latitude of Philadelphia, while glaciers descended into +North Carolina."[4] The valleys of the Rocky Mountains also supported +enormous glaciers, and a similar state of things existed at the same +time in Europe. These periods of intense cold were alternated with long +interglacial periods during which the climate was warmer than it is +to-day. Concerning the antiquity of the Pleistocene age, which was +characterized by such extraordinary vicissitudes of heat and cold, there +has been, as in all questions relating to geological time, much conflict +of opinion. Twenty years ago geologists often argued as if there were an +unlimited fund of past time upon which to draw; but since Sir William +Thomson and other physicists emphasized the point that in an antiquity +very far from infinite this earth must have been a molten mass, there +has been a reaction. In many instances further study has shown that less +time was needed in order to effect a given change than had formerly been +supposed; and so there has grown up a tendency to shorten the time +assigned to geological periods. Here, as in so many other cases, the +truth is doubtless to be sought within the extremes. If we adopt the +magnificent argument of Dr. Croll, which seems to me still to hold its +ground against all adverse criticism,[5] and regard the Glacial epoch as +coincident with the last period of high eccentricity of the earth's +orbit, we obtain a result that is moderate and probable. That +astronomical period began about 240,000 years ago and came to an end +about 80,000 years ago. During this period the eccentricity was seldom +less than .04, and at one time rose to .0569. At the present time the +eccentricity is .0168, and nearly 800,000 years will pass before it +attains such a point as it reached during the Glacial epoch. For the +last 50,000 years the departure of the earth's orbit from a circular +form has been exceptionally small. + + [Footnote 4: _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, p. 39.] + + [Footnote 5: Croll, _Climate and Time in their Geological + Relations_, New York, 1875; _Discussions on Climate and + Cosmology_, New York, 1886; Archibald Geikie, _Text Book of + Geology_, pp. 23-29, 883-909, London, 1882; James Geikie, _The + Great Ice Age_, pp. 94-136, New York, 1874; _Prehistoric + Europe_, pp. 558-562, London, 1881; Wallace, _Island Life_, pp. + 101-225, New York, 1881. Some objections to Croll's theory may + be found in Wright's _Ice Age in North America_, pp. 405-505, + 585-595, New York, 1889. I have given a brief account of the + theory in my _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, pp. 57-76.] + +Now the traces of the existence of men in North America during the +Glacial epoch have in recent years been discovered in abundance, as for +example, the palæolithic quartzite implements found in the drift near +the city of St. Paul, which date from toward the close of the Glacial +epoch[6]; the fragment of a human jaw found in the red clay deposited in +Minnesota during an earlier part of that epoch;[7] the noble collection +of palæoliths found by Dr. C. C. Abbott in the Trenton gravels in New +Jersey; and the more recent discoveries of Dr. Metz and Mr. H. T. +Cresson. + + [Footnote 6: See Miss F. E. Babbitt, "Vestiges of Glacial Man + in Minnesota," in _Proceedings of the American Association_, + vol. xxxii., 1883.] + + [Footnote 7: See N. H. Winchell, _Annual Report of the State + Geologist of Minnesota_, 1877, p. 60.] + +[Sidenote: Discoveries in the Trenton gravel.] + +[Sidenote: Discoveries in Ohio, Indiana, and Minnesota;] + +The year 1873 marks an era in American archæology as memorable as the +year 1841 in the investigation of the antiquity of man in Europe. With +reference to these problems Dr. Abbott occupies a position similar to +that of Boucher de Perthes in the Old World, and the Trenton valley is +coming to be classic ground, like the valley of the Somme. In April, +1873, Dr. Abbott published his description of three rude implements +which he had found some sixteen feet below the surface of the ground "in +the gravels of a bluff overlooking the Delaware river." The implements +were in place in an undisturbed deposit, and could not have found their +way thither in any recent time; Dr. Abbott assigned them to the age of +the Glacial drift. This was the beginning of a long series of +investigations, in which Dr. Abbott's work was assisted and supplemented +by Messrs. Whitney, Carr, Putnam, Shaler, Lewis, Wright, Haynes, +Dawkins, and other eminent geologists and archæologists. By 1888 Dr. +Abbott had obtained not less than 60 implements from various recorded +depths in the gravel, while many others were found at depths not +recorded or in the talus of the banks.[8] Three human skulls and other +bones, along with the tusk of a mastodon, have been discovered in the +same gravel. Careful studies have been made of the conditions under +which the gravel-banks were deposited and their probable age; and it is +generally agreed that they date from the later portion of the Glacial +period, or about the time of the final recession of the ice-sheet from +this region. At that time, in its climate and general aspect, New York +harbour must have been much like a Greenland fiord of the present day. +In 1883 Professor Wright of Oberlin, after a careful study of the +Trenton deposits and their relations to the terrace and gravel deposits +to the westward, predicted that similar palæolithic implements would be +found in Ohio. Two years afterward, the prediction was verified by Dr. +Metz, who found a true palæolith of black flint at Madisonville, in the +Little Miami valley, eight feet below the surface. Since then further +discoveries have been made in the same neighbourhood by Dr. Metz, and in +Jackson county, Indiana, by Mr. H. T. Cresson; and the existence of man +in that part of America toward the close of the Glacial period may be +regarded as definitely established. The discoveries of Miss Babbitt and +Professor Winchell, in Minnesota, carry the conclusion still farther, +and add to the probability of the existence of a human population all +the way from the Atlantic coast to the upper Mississippi valley at that +remote antiquity. + + [Footnote 8: Wright's _Ice Age in North America_, p. 516.] + +[Sidenote: and in Delaware.] + +A still more remarkable discovery was made by Mr. Cresson in July, 1887, +at Claymont, in the north of Delaware. In a deep cut of the Baltimore +and Ohio Railroad, in a stratum of Philadelphia red gravel and brick +clay, Mr. Cresson obtained an unquestionable palæolith, and a few months +afterward his diligent search was rewarded with another.[9] This +formation dates from far back in the Glacial period. If we accept Dr. +Croll's method of reckoning, we can hardly assign to it an antiquity +less than 150,000 years. + + [Footnote 9: The chipped implements discovered by Messrs. + Abbott, Metz, and Cresson, and by Miss Babbitt, are all on + exhibition at the Peabody Museum in Cambridge, whither it is + necessary to go if one would get a comprehensive view of the + relics of interglacial man in North America. The collection of + implements made by Dr. Abbott includes much more than the + palæoliths already referred to. It is one of the most important + collections in the world, and is worth a long journey to see. + Containing more than 20,000 implements, all found within a very + limited area in New Jersey, "as now arranged, the collection + exhibits at one and the same time the sequence of peoples and + phases of development in the valley of the Delaware, from + palæolithic man, through the intermediate period, to the recent + Indians, and the relative numerical proportion of the many + forms of their implements, each in its time.... It is doubtful + whether any similar collection exists from which a student can + gather so much information at sight as in this, where the + natural pebbles from the gravel begin the series, and the + beautifully chipped points of chert, jasper, and quartz + terminate it in one direction, and the polished celts and + grooved stone axes in the other." There are three principal + groups,--first, the interglacial palæoliths, secondly, the + argillite points and flakes, and thirdly, the arrow-heads, + knives, mortars and pestles, axes and hoes, ornamental stones, + etc., of Indians of the recent period. Dr. Abbott's _Primitive + Industry_, published in 1881, is a useful manual for studying + this collection; and an account of his discoveries in the + glacial gravels is given in _Reports of the Peabody Museum_, + vol. ii. pp. 30-48, 225-258; see also vol. iii. p. 492. A + succinct and judicious account of the whole subject is given by + H. W. Haynes, "The Prehistoric Archæology of North America," in + Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History_, vol. i. pp. + 329-368.] + +[Sidenote: The Calaveras skull.] + +But according to Professor Josiah Whitney there is reason for supposing +that man existed in California at a still more remote period. He holds +that the famous skull discovered in 1866, in the gold-bearing gravels of +Calaveras county, belongs to the Pliocene age.[10] If this be so, it +seems to suggest an antiquity not less than twice as great as that just +mentioned. The question as to the antiquity of the Calaveras skull is +still hotly disputed among the foremost palæontologists, but as one +reads the arguments one cannot help feeling that theoretical +difficulties have put the objectors into a somewhat inhospitable +attitude toward the evidence so ably presented by Professor Whitney. It +has been too hastily assumed that, from the point of view of evolution, +the existence of Pliocene man is improbable. Upon general +considerations, however, we have strong reason for believing that human +beings must have inhabited some portions of the earth throughout the +whole duration of the Pliocene period, and it need not surprise us if +their remains are presently discovered in more places than one.[11] + + [Footnote 10: J. D. Whitney, "The Auriferous Gravels of the + Sierra Nevada", _Memoirs of the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy + at Harvard College_, Cambridge, 1880, vol. vi.] + + [Footnote 11: In an essay published in 1882 on "Europe before + the Arrival of Man" (_Excursions of an Evolutionist_, pp. + 1-40), I argued that if we are to find traces of the "missing + link," or primordial stock of primates from which man has been + derived, we must undoubtedly look for it in the Miocene (p. + 36). I am pleased at finding the same opinion lately expressed + by one of the highest living authorities. The case is thus + stated by Alfred Russel Wallace: "The evidence we now possess + of the exact nature of the resemblance of man to the various + species of anthropoid apes, shows us that he has little special + affinity for any one rather than another species, while he + differs from them all in several important characters in which + they agree with each other. The conclusion to be drawn from + these facts is, that his points of affinity connect him with + the whole group, while his special peculiarities equally + separate him from the whole group, and that he must, therefore, + have diverged from the common ancestral form before the + existing types of anthropoid apes had diverged from each other. + Now this divergence almost certainly took place as early as the + Miocene period, because in the Upper Miocene deposits of + western Europe remains of two species of ape have been found + allied to the gibbons, one of them, dryopithecus, nearly as + large as a man, and believed by M. Lartet to have approached + man in its dentition more than the existing apes. We seem + hardly, therefore, to have reached in the Upper Miocene the + epoch of the common ancestor of man and the anthropoids." + (_Darwinism_, p. 455, London, 1889.) Mr. Wallace goes on to + answer the objection of Professor Boyd Dawkins, "that man did + not probably exist in Pliocene times, because almost all the + known mammalia of that epoch are distinct species from those + now living on the earth, and that the same changes of the + environment which led to the modification of other mammalian + species would also have led to a change in man." This argument, + at first sight apparently formidable, quite overlooks the fact + that in the evolution of man there came a point after which + variations in his intelligence were seized upon more and more + exclusively by natural selection, to the comparative neglect of + physical variations. After that point man changed but little in + physical characteristics, except in size and complexity of + brain. This is the theorem first propounded by Mr. Wallace in + the _Anthropological Review_, May, 1864; restated in his + _Contributions to Natural Selection_, chap. ix., in 1870; and + further extended and developed by me in connection with the + theory of man's origin first suggested in my lectures at + Harvard in 1871, and worked out in _Cosmic Philosophy_, part + ii., chapters xvi., xxi., xxii.] + +[Sidenote: Pleistocene men and mammals.] + +Whatever may be the final outcome of the Calaveras controversy, there +can be no doubt as to the existence of man in North America far back in +early Pleistocene times. The men of the River-drift, who long dwelt in +western Europe during the milder intervals of the Glacial period, but +seem to have become extinct toward the end of it, are well known to +palæontologists through their bones and their rude tools. +Contemporaneously with these Europeans of the River-drift there +certainly lived some kind of men, of a similar low grade of culture, in +the Mississippi valley and on both the Atlantic and Pacific slopes of +North America. Along with these ancient Americans lived some terrestrial +mammals that still survive, such as the elk, reindeer, prairie wolf, +bison, musk-ox, and beaver; and many that have long been extinct, such +as the mylodon, megatherium, megalonyx, mastodon, Siberian elephant, +mammoth, at least six or seven species of ancestral horse, a huge bear +similar to the cave bear of ancient Europe, a lion similar to the +European cave lion, and a tiger as large as the modern tiger of Bengal. + +[Sidenote: Elevation and subsidence.] + +Now while the general relative positions of those stupendous abysses +that hold the oceans do not appear to have undergone any considerable +change since an extremely remote geological period, their shallow +marginal portions have been repeatedly raised so as to add extensive +territories to the edges of continents, and in some cases to convert +archipelagoes into continents, and to join continents previously +separated. Such elevation is followed in turn by an era of subsidence, +and almost everywhere either the one process or the other is slowly +going on. If you look at a model in relief of the continents and +ocean-floors, such as may be seen at the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy +in Cambridge, showing the results of a vast number of soundings in all +parts of the world, you cannot fail to be struck with the shallowness of +Bering Sea; it looks like a part of the continent rather than of the +ocean, and indeed it is just that,--an area of submerged continent. So +in the northern Atlantic there is a lofty ridge running from France to +Greenland. The British islands, the Orkney, Shetland, and Færoe groups, +and Iceland are the parts of this ridge high enough to remain out of +water. The remainder of it is shallow sea. Again and again it has been +raised, together with the floor of the German ocean, so as to become dry +land. Both before and since the time when those stone tools were dropped +into the red gravel from which Mr. Cresson took them the other day, the +northwestern part of Europe has been solid continent for more than a +hundred miles to the west of the French and Irish coasts, the Thames and +Humber have been tributaries to the Rhine, which emptied into the Arctic +ocean, and across the Atlantic ridge one might have walked to the New +World dry-shod.[12] In similar wise the northwestern corner of America +has repeatedly been joined to Siberia through the elevation of Bering +Sea. + + [Footnote 12: See, for example, the map of Europe in early + post-glacial times, in James Geikie's _Prehistoric Europe_.] + +There have therefore been abundant opportunities for men to get into +America from the Old World without crossing salt water. Probably this +was the case with the ancient inhabitants of the Delaware and Little +Miami valleys; it is not at all likely that men who used their kind of +tools knew much about going on the sea in boats. + +[Sidenote: Waves of migration.] + +Whether the Indians are descended from this ancient population or not, +is a question with which we have as yet no satisfactory method of +dealing. It is not unlikely that these glacial men may have perished +from off the face of the earth, having been crushed and supplanted by +stronger races. There may have been several successive waves of +migration, of which the Indians were the latest.[13] There is time +enough for a great many things to happen in a thousand centuries. It +will doubtless be long before all the evidence can be brought in and +ransacked, but of one thing we may feel pretty sure; the past is more +full of changes than we are apt to realize. Our first theories are +usually too simple, and have to be enlarged and twisted into all manner +of shapes in order to cover the actual complication of facts.[14] + + [Footnote 13: "There are three human crania in the Museum, + which were found in the gravel at Trenton, one several feet + below the surface, the others near the surface. These skulls, + which are of remarkable uniformity, are of small size and of + oval shape, differing from all other skulls in the Museum. In + fact they are of a distinct type, and hence of the greatest + importance. So far as they go they indicate that palæolithic + man was exterminated, or has become lost by admixture with + others during the many thousand years which have passed since + he inhabited the Delaware valley." F. W. Putnam, "The Peabody + Museum," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, + 1889, New Series, vol. vi. p. 189.] + + [Footnote 14: An excellent example of this is the expansion and + modification undergone during the past twenty years by our + theories of the Aryan settlement of Europe. See Benfey's + preface to Fick's _Woerterbuch der Indogermanischen + Grundsprache_, 1868; Geiger, _Zur Entwickelungsgeschichte der + Menschheit_, 1871; Cuno, _Forschungen im Gebiete der alten + Voelkerkunde_, 1871; Schmidt, _Die Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse + der Indogermanischen Sprachen_, 1872; Poesche, _Die Arier_, + 1878; Lindenschmit, _Handbuch der deutschen Alterthumskunde_, + 1880; Penka, _Origines Ariacæ_, 1883, and _Die Herkunft der + Arier_, 1886; Spiegel, _Die arische Periode und ihre Zustande_, + 1887; Rendal, _Cradle of the Aryans_, 1889; Schrader, + _Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte_, 1883, and second edition + translated into English, with the title _Prehistoric + Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_, 1890. Schrader's is an + epoch-making book. An attempt to defend the older and simpler + views is made by Max Müller, _Biographies of Words and the Home + of the Aryas_, 1888; see also Van den Gheyn, _L'origine + européenne des Aryas_, 1889. The whole case is well summed up + by Isaac Taylor, _Origin of the Aryans_, 1889.] + +[Sidenote: The Cave men of Europe in the Glacial Period.] + +[Sidenote: The Eskimos are probably a remnant of the Cave men.] + +In this connection the history of the Eskimos introduces us to some +interesting problems. Mention has been made of the River-drift men who +lived in Europe during the milder intervals of the Glacial period. At +such times they made their way into Germany and Britain, along with +leopards, hyænas, and African elephants. But as the cold intervals came +on and the edge of the polar ice-sheet crept southward and mountain +glaciers filled up the valleys, these men and beasts retreated into +Africa; and their place was taken by a sub-arctic race of men known as +the Cave men, along with the reindeer and arctic fox and musk-sheep. +More than once with the secular alternations of temperature did the +River-drift men thus advance and retreat and advance again, and as they +advanced the Cave men retreated, both races yielding to an enemy +stronger than either,--to wit, the hostile climate. At length all traces +of the River-drift men vanish, but what of the Cave men? They have left +no representatives among the present populations of Europe, but the +musk-sheep, which always went and came with the Cave men, is to-day +found only in sub-arctic America among the Eskimos, and the fossilized +bones of the musk-sheep lie in a regular trail across the eastern +hemisphere, from the Pyrenees through Germany and Russia and all the +vast length of Siberia. The stone arrow-heads, the sewing-needles, the +necklaces and amulets of cut teeth, and the daggers made from antler, +used by the Eskimos, resemble so minutely the implements of the Cave +men, that if recent Eskimo remains were to be put into the Pleistocene +caves of France and England they would be indistinguishable in +appearance from the remains of the Cave men which are now found +there.[15] There is another striking point of resemblance. The Eskimos +have a talent for artistic sketching of men and beasts, and scenes in +which men and beasts figure, which is absolutely unrivalled among rude +peoples. One need but look at the sketches by common Eskimo fishermen +which illustrate Dr. Henry Rink's fascinating book on Danish Greenland, +to realize that this rude Eskimo art has a character as pronounced and +unmistakable in its way as the much higher art of the Japanese. Now +among the European remains of the Cave men are many sketches of +mammoths, cave bears, and other animals now extinct, and hunting scenes +so artfully and vividly portrayed as to bring distinctly before us many +details of daily life in an antiquity so vast that in comparison with it +the interval between the pyramids of Egypt and the Eiffel tower shrinks +into a point. Such a talent is unique among savage peoples. It exists +only among the living Eskimos and the ancient Cave men; and when +considered in connection with so many other points of agreement, and +with the indisputable fact that the Cave men were a sub-arctic race, it +affords a strong presumption in favour of the opinion of that great +palæontologist, Professor Boyd Dawkins, that the Eskimos of North +America are to-day the sole survivors of the race that made their homes +in the Pleistocene caves of western Europe.[16] + + [Footnote 15: See Dawkins, _Early Man in Britain_, pp. + 233-245.] + + [Footnote 16: According to Dr. Rink the Eskimos formerly + inhabited the central portions of North America, and have + retreated or been driven northward; he would make the Eskimos + of Siberia an offshoot from those of America, though he freely + admits that there are grounds for entertaining the opposite + view. Dr. Abbott is inclined to attribute an Eskimo origin to + some of the palæoliths of the Trenton gravel. On the other + hand, Mr. Clements Markham derives the American Eskimos from + those of Siberia. It seems to me that these views may be + comprehended and reconciled in a wider one. I would suggest + that during the Glacial period the ancestral Eskimos may have + gradually become adapted to arctic conditions of life; that in + the mild interglacial intervals they migrated northward along + with the musk-sheep; and that upon the return of the cold they + migrated southward again, keeping always near the edge of the + ice-sheet. Such a southward migration would naturally enough + bring them in one continent down to the Pyrenees, in the other + down to the Alleghanies; and naturally enough the modern + inquirer has his attention first directed to the indications of + their final retreat, _both_ northward in America and + northeastward from Europe through Siberia. This is like what + happened with so many plants and animals. Compare Darwin's + remarks on "Dispersal in the Glacial Period," _Origin of + Species_, chap. xii. + + The best books on the Eskimos are those of Dr. Rink, _Tales and + Traditions of the Eskimo_, Edinburgh, 1875; _Danish Greenland_, + London, 1877; _The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and + Characteristics, especially in regard to Language_, Copenhagen, + 1887. See also Franz Boas, "The Central Eskimo," _Sixth Report + of the Bureau of Ethnology_, Washington, 1888, pp. 399-669; W. + H. Dall. _Alaska and its Resources_, 1870; Markham, "Origin and + Migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux," _Journal of the Royal + Geographical Society_, 1865; Cranz, _Historie von Groenland_, + Leipsic, 1765; Petitot, _Traditions indiennes du Canada + nord-ouest_, Paris, 1886; Pilling's _Bibliography of the Eskimo + Language_, Washington, 1887; Wells and Kelly, _English-Eskimo + and Eskimo-English Vocabularies, with Ethnographical Memoranda + concerning the Arctic Eskimos in Alaska and Siberia_, + Washington, 1890; Carstensen's _Two Summers in Greenland_, + London, 1890.] + +If we have always been accustomed to think of races of men only as they +are placed on modern maps, it at first seems strange to think of England +and France as ever having been inhabited by Eskimos. Facts equally +strange may be cited in abundance from zoölogy and botany. The camel is +found to-day only in Arabia and Bactria; yet in all probability the +camel originated in America,[17] and is an intruder into what we are +accustomed to call his native deserts, just as the people of the United +States are European intruders upon the soil of America. So the giant +trees of Mariposa grove are now found only in California, but there was +once a time when they were as common in Europe[18] as maple-trees to-day +in a New England village. + + [Footnote 17: Wallace, _Geographical Distribution of Animals_, + vol. ii. p. 155.] + + [Footnote 18: Asa Gray, "Sequoia and its History," in his + _Darwiniana_, pp. 205-235.] + +[Sidenote: There was probably no connection or intercourse by water +between ancient America and the Old World.] + +Familiarity with innumerable facts of this sort, concerning the +complicated migrations and distribution of plants and animals, has +entirely altered our way of looking at the question as to the origin of +the American Indians. As already observed, we can hardly be said to +possess sufficient data for determining whether they are descended from +the Pleistocene inhabitants of America, or have come in some later wave +of migration from the Old World. Nor can we as yet determine whether +they were earlier or later comers than the Eskimos. But since we have +got rid of that feeling of speculative necessity above referred to, for +bringing the red men from Asia within the historic period, it has become +more and more clear that they have dwelt upon American soil for a very +long time. The aboriginal American, as we know him, with his language +and legends, his physical and mental peculiarities, his social +observances and customs, is most emphatically a native and not an +imported article. He belongs to the American continent as strictly as +its opossums and armadillos, its maize and its golden-rod, or any +members of its aboriginal fauna and flora belong to it. In all +probability he came from the Old World at some ancient period, whether +pre-glacial or post-glacial, when it was possible to come by land; and +here in all probability, until the arrival of white men from Europe, he +remained undisturbed by later comers, unless the Eskimos may have been +such. There is not a particle of evidence to suggest any connection or +intercourse between aboriginal America and Asia within any such period +as the last twenty thousand years, except in so far as there may perhaps +now and then have been slight surges of Eskimo tribes back and forth +across Bering strait. + +[Sidenote: There is one great American "red" race.] + +The Indians must surely be regarded as an entirely different stock from +the Eskimos. On the other hand, the most competent American ethnologists +are now pretty thoroughly agreed that all the aborigines south of the +Eskimo region, all the way from Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn, belong to +one and the same race. It was formerly supposed that the higher culture +of the Aztecs, Mayas, and Peruvians must indicate that they were of +different race from the more barbarous Algonquins and Dakotas; and a +speculative necessity was felt for proving that, whatever may have been +the case with the other American peoples, this higher culture at any +rate must have been introduced within the historic period from the Old +World.[19] This feeling was caused partly by the fact that, owing to +crude and loosely-framed conceptions of the real points of difference +between civilization and barbarism, this Central American culture was +absurdly exaggerated. As the further study of the uncivilized parts of +the world has led to more accurate and precise conceptions, this kind of +speculative necessity has ceased to be felt. There is an increasing +disposition among scholars to agree that the warrior of Anahuac and the +shepherd of the Andes were just simply Indians, and that their culture +was no less indigenous than that of the Cherokees or Mohawks. + + [Footnote 19: Illustrations may be found in plenty in the + learned works of Brasseur de Bourbourg:--_Histoire des nations + civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique centrale_, 4 vols., + Paris, 1857-58; _Popol Vuh_, Paris, 1861; _Quatre lettres sur + le Mexique_, Paris, 1868; _Le manuscrit Troano_, Paris, 1870, + etc.] + +[Sidenote: Different senses in which the word "race" is used.] + +To prevent any possible misconception of my meaning, a further word of +explanation may be needed at this point. The word "race" is used in such +widely different senses that there is apt to be more or less vagueness +about it. The difference is mainly in what logicians call extension; +sometimes the word covers very little ground, sometimes a great deal. We +say that the people of England, of the United States, and of New South +Wales belong to one and the same race; and we say that an Englishman, a +Frenchman, and a Greek belong to three different races. There is a sense +in which both these statements are true. But there is also a sense in +which we may say that the Englishman, the Frenchman, and the Greek +belong to one and the same race; and that is when we are contrasting +them as white men with black men or yellow men. Now we may correctly say +that a Shawnee, an Ojibwa, and a Kickapoo belong to one and the same +Algonquin race; that a Mohawk and a Tuscarora belong to one and the same +Iroquois race; but that an Algonquin differs from an Iroquois somewhat +as an Englishman differs from a Frenchman. No doubt we may fairly say +that the Mexicans encountered by Cortes differed in race from the +Iroquois encountered by Champlain, as much as an Englishman differs from +an Albanian or a Montenegrin. But when we are contrasting aboriginal +Americans with white men or yellow men, it is right to say that Mexicans +and Iroquois belong to the same great red race. + +In some parts of the world two strongly contrasted races have become +mingled together, or have existed side by side for centuries without +intermingling. In Europe the big blonde Aryan-speaking race has mixed +with the small brunette Iberian race, producing the endless varieties in +stature and complexion which may be seen in any drawing-room in London +or New York. In Africa south of Sahara, on the other hand, we find, +interspersed among negro tribes but kept perfectly distinct, that +primitive dwarfish race with yellow skin and tufted hair to which belong +the Hottentots and Bushmen, the Wambatti lately discovered by Mr. +Stanley, and other tribes.[20] Now in America south of Hudson's Bay the +case seems to have been quite otherwise, and more as it would have been +in Europe if there had been only Aryans, or in Africa if there had been +only blacks.[21] + + [Footnote 20: See Werner, "The African Pygmies," _Popular + Science Monthly_, September, 1890,--a thoughtful and + interesting article.] + + [Footnote 21: This sort of illustration requires continual + limitation and qualification. The case in ancient America was + not _quite_ as it would have been in Europe if there had been + only Aryans there. The semi-civilized people of the Cordilleras + were relatively brachycephalous as compared with the more + barbarous Indians north and east of New Mexico. It is correct + to call this a distinction of race if we mean thereby a + distinction developed upon American soil, a differentiation + within the limits of the red race, and not an intrusion from + without. In this sense the Caribs also may be regarded as a + distinct sub-race; and, in the same sense, we may call the + Kafirs a distinct sub-race of African blacks. See, as to the + latter, Tylor, _Anthropology_, p. 39.] + +[Sidenote: No necessary connection between differences in culture and +differences in race.] + +The belief that the people of the Cordilleras must be of radically +different race from other Indians was based upon the vague notion that +grades of culture have some necessary connection with likenesses and +differences of race. There is no such necessary connection.[22] Between +the highly civilized Japanese and their barbarous Mandshu cousins the +difference in culture is much greater than the difference between +Mohawks and Mexicans; and the same may be said of the people of Israel +and Judah in contrast with the Arabs of the desert, or of the imperial +Romans in comparison with their Teutonic kinsmen as described by +Tacitus. + + [Footnote 22: As Sir John Lubbock well says, "Different races + in similar stages of development often present more features of + resemblance to one another than the same race does to itself in + different stages of its history." (_Origin of Civilization_, p. + 11.) If every student of history and ethnology would begin by + learning this lesson, the world would be spared a vast amount + of unprofitable theorizing.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Grades of culture.] + +At this point, in order to prepare ourselves the more clearly to +understand sundry facts with which we shall hereafter be obliged to +deal, especially the wonderful experiences of the Spanish conquerors, it +will be well to pause for a moment and do something toward defining the +different grades of culture through which men have passed in attaining +to the grade which can properly be called civilization. Unless we begin +with clear ideas upon this head we cannot go far toward understanding +the ancient America that was first visited and described for us by +Spaniards. The various grades of culture need to be classified, and that +most original and suggestive scholar, the late Lewis Morgan of +Rochester, made a brilliant attempt in this direction, to which the +reader's attention is now invited. + +[Sidenote: Distinction between Savagery and Barbarism.] + +[Sidenote: Origin of pottery.] + +Below _Civilization_ Mr. Morgan[23] distinguishes two principal grades +or stages of culture, namely _Savagery_ and _Barbarism_. There is much +looseness and confusion in the popular use of these terms, and this is +liable to become a fruitful source of misapprehension in the case of any +statement involving either of them. When popular usage discriminates +between them it discriminates in the right direction; there is a vague +but not uncertain feeling that savagery is a lower stage than barbarism. +But ordinarily the discrimination is not made and the two terms are +carelessly employed as if interchangeable. Scientific writers long since +recognized a general difference between savagery and barbarism, but Mr. +Morgan was the first to suggest a really useful criterion for +distinguishing between them. His criterion is the making of pottery; and +his reason for selecting it is that the making of pottery is something +that presupposes village life and more or less progress in the simpler +arts. The earlier methods of boiling food were either putting it into +holes in the ground lined with skins and then using heated stones, or +else putting it into baskets coated with clay to be supported over a +fire. The clay served the double purpose of preventing liquids from +escaping and protecting the basket against the flame. It was probably +observed that the clay was hardened by the fire, and thus in course of +time it was found that the clay would answer the purpose without the +basket.[24] Whoever first made this ingenious discovery led the way from +savagery to barbarism. Throughout the present work we shall apply the +name "savages" only to uncivilized people who do not make pottery. + + [Footnote 23: See his great work on _Ancient Society_, New + York, 1877.] + + [Footnote 24: See the evidence in Tylor, _Researches into the + Early History of Mankind_, pp. 269-272; cf. Lubbock, + _Prehistoric Times_, p. 573; and see Cushing's masterly "Study + of Pueblo Pottery," etc., _Reports of Bureau of Ethnology_, + iv., 473-521.] + +[Sidenote: Lower status of savagery.] + +But within each of these two stages Mr. Morgan distinguishes three +subordinate stages, or Ethnic Periods, which may be called either lower, +middle, and upper status, or older, middle, and later periods. The lower +status of savagery was that wholly prehistoric stage when men lived in +their original restricted habitat and subsisted on fruit and nuts. To +this period must be assigned the beginning of articulate speech. All +existing races of men had passed beyond it at an unknown antiquity. + +[Sidenote: Middle status of savagery.] + +Men began to pass beyond it when they discovered how to catch fish and +how to use fire. They could then begin (following coasts and rivers) to +spread over the earth. The middle status of savagery, thus introduced, +ends with the invention of that compound weapon, the bow and arrow. The +natives of Australia, who do not know this weapon, are still in the +middle status of savagery.[25] + + [Footnote 25: Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_, London, 1889, gives + a vivid picture of aboriginal life in Australia.] + +[Sidenote: Upper status of savagery.] + +The invention of the bow and arrow, which marks the upper status of +savagery, was not only a great advance in military art, but it also +vastly increased men's supply of food by increasing their power of +killing wild game. The lowest tribes in America, such as those upon the +Columbia river, the Athabaskans of Hudson's Bay, the Fuegians and some +other South American tribes, are in the upper status of savagery. + +[Sidenote: Lower status of barbarism: it ended differently in the two +hemispheres.] + +The transition from this status to the lower status of barbarism was +marked, as before observed, by the invention of pottery. The end of the +lower status of barbarism was marked in the Old World by the +domestication of animals other than the dog, which was probably +domesticated at a much earlier period as an aid to the hunter. The +domestication of horses and asses, oxen and sheep, goats and pigs, marks +of course an immense advance. Along with it goes considerable +development of agriculture, thus enabling a small territory to support +many people. It takes a wide range of country to support hunters. In the +New World, except in Peru, the only domesticated animal was the dog. +Horses, oxen, and the other animals mentioned did not exist in America, +during the historic period, until they were brought over from Europe by +the Spaniards. In ancient American society there was no such thing as a +pastoral stage of development,[26] and the absence of domesticable +animals from the western hemisphere may well be reckoned as very +important among the causes which retarded the progress of mankind in +this part of the world. + + [Footnote 26: The case of Peru, which forms an apparent but not + real exception to this general statement, will be considered + below in chap. ix.] + +[Sidenote: Importance of Indian corn.] + +On the other hand the ancient Americans had a cereal plant peculiar to +the New World, which made comparatively small demands upon the +intelligence and industry of the cultivator. Maize or "Indian corn" has +played a most important part in the history of the New World, as +regards both the red men and the white men. It could be planted without +clearing or ploughing the soil. It was only necessary to girdle the +trees with a stone hatchet, so as to destroy their leaves and let in the +sunshine. A few scratches and digs were made in the ground with a stone +digger, and the seed once dropped in took care of itself. The ears could +hang for weeks after ripening, and could be picked off without meddling +with the stalk; there was no need of threshing and winnowing. None of +the Old World cereals can be cultivated without much more industry and +intelligence. At the same time, when Indian corn is sown in tilled land +it yields with little labour more than twice as much food per acre as +any other kind of grain. This was of incalculable advantage to the +English settlers of New England, who would have found it much harder to +gain a secure foothold upon the soil if they had had to begin by +preparing it for wheat and rye without the aid of the beautiful and +beneficent American plant.[27] The Indians of the Atlantic coast of +North America for the most part lived in stockaded villages, and +cultivated their corn along with beans, pumpkins, squashes, and tobacco; +but their cultivation was of the rudest sort,[28] and population was too +sparse for much progress toward civilization. But Indian corn, when +sown in carefully tilled and irrigated land, had much to do with the +denser population, the increasing organization of labour, and the higher +development in the arts, which characterized the confederacies of Mexico +and Central America and all the pueblo Indians of the southwest. The +potato played a somewhat similar part in Peru. Hence it seems proper to +take the regular employment of tillage with irrigation as marking the +end of the lower period of barbarism in the New World. To this Mr. +Morgan adds the use of adobe-brick and stone in architecture, which also +distinguished the Mexicans and their neighbours from the ruder tribes of +North and South America. All these ruder tribes, except the few already +mentioned as in the upper period of savagery, were somewhere within the +lower period of barbarism. Thus the Algonquins and Iroquois, the Creeks, +the Dakotas, etc., when first seen by white men, were within this +period; but some had made much further progress within it than others. +For example, the Algonquin tribe of Ojibwas had little more than emerged +from savagery, while the Creeks and Cherokees had made considerable +advance toward the middle status of barbarism. + + [Footnote 27: See Shaler, "Physiography of North America," in + Winsor's _Narr. and Crit. Hist._ vol. iv. p. xiii.] + + [Footnote 28: "No manure was used," says Mr. Parkman, speaking + of the Hurons, "but at intervals of from ten to twenty years, + when the soil was exhausted and firewood distant, the village + was abandoned and a new one built." _Jesuits in North America_, + p. xxx.] + +[Sidenote: Middle status of barbarism.] + +Let us now observe some characteristics of this extremely interesting +middle period. It began, we see, in the eastern hemisphere with the +domestication of other animals than the dog, and in the western +hemisphere with cultivation by irrigation and the use of adobe-brick and +stone for building. It also possessed another feature which +distinguished it from earlier periods, in the materials of which its +tools were made. In the periods of savagery hatchets and spear-heads +were made of rudely chipped stones. In the lower period of barbarism the +chipping became more and more skilful until it gave place to polishing. +In the middle period tools were greatly multiplied, improved polishing +gave sharp and accurate points and edges, and at last metals began to be +used as materials preferable to stone. In America the metal used was +copper, and in some spots where it was very accessible there were +instances of its use by tribes not in other respects above the lower +status of barbarism,--as for example, the "mound-builders." In the Old +World the metal used was the alloy of copper and tin familiarly known as +bronze, and in its working it called for a higher degree of intelligence +than copper. + +[Sidenote: Working of metals.] + +Toward the close of the middle period of barbarism the working of metals +became the most important element of progress, and the period may be +regarded as ending with the invention of the process of smelting iron +ore. According to this principle of division, the inhabitants of the +lake villages of ancient Switzerland, who kept horses and oxen, pigs and +sheep, raised wheat and ground it into flour, and spun and wove linen +garments, but knew nothing of iron, were in the middle status of +barbarism. The same was true of the ancient Britons before they learned +the use of iron from their neighbours in Gaul. In the New World the +representatives of the middle status of barbarism were such peoples as +the Zuñis, the Aztecs, the Mayas, and the Peruvians. + +[Sidenote: Upper status of barbarism.] + +[Sidenote: Beginning of civilization.] + +The upper status of barbarism, in so far as it implies a knowledge of +smelting iron, was never reached in aboriginal America. In the Old World +it is the stage which had been reached by the Greeks of the Homeric +poems[29] and the Germans in the time of Cæsar. The end of this period +and the beginning of true civilization is marked by the invention of a +phonetic alphabet and the production of written records. This brings +within the pale of civilization such people as the ancient Phoenicians, +the Hebrews after the exodus, the ruling classes at Nineveh and Babylon, +the Aryans of Persia and India, and the Japanese. But clearly it will +not do to insist too narrowly upon the phonetic character of the +alphabet. Where people acquainted with iron have enshrined in +hieroglyphics so much matter of historic record and literary interest as +the Chinese and the ancient Egyptians, they too must be classed as +civilized; and this Mr. Morgan by implication admits. + + [Footnote 29: In the interesting architectural remains + unearthed by Dr. Schliemann at Mycenæ and Tiryns, there have + been found at the former place a few iron keys and knives, at + the latter one iron lance-head; but the form and workmanship of + these objects mark them as not older than the beginning of the + fifth century B. C., or the time of the Persian wars. With + these exceptions the weapons and tools found in these cities, + as also in Troy, were of bronze and stone. Bronze was in common + use, but obsidian knives and arrow-heads of fine workmanship + abound in the ruins. According to Professor Sayce, these ruins + must date from 2000 to 1700 B. C. The Greeks of that time would + accordingly be placed in the middle status of barbarism. (See + Schliemann's _Mycenæ_, pp. 75, 364; _Tiryns_, p. 171.) In the + state of society described in the Homeric poems the smelting of + iron was well known, but the process seems to have been costly, + so that bronze weapons were still commonly used. (Tylor, + _Anthropology_, p. 279.) The Romans of the regal period were + ignorant of iron. (Lanciani, _Ancient Rome in the Light of + Recent Discoveries_, Boston, 1888, pp. 39-48.) The upper period + of barbarism was shortened for Greece and Rome through the + circumstance that they learned the working of iron from Egypt + and the use of the alphabet from Phoenicia. Such copying, of + course, affects the symmetry of such schemes as Mr. Morgan's, + and allowances have to be made for it. It is curious that both + Greeks and Romans seem to have preserved some tradition of the + Bronze Age:-- + + [Greek: tois d' ên chalkea men teuchea, chalkeoi de te oikoi, + chalkô d' eirgazonto; melas d' ouk eske sidêros.] + Hesiod, _Opp. Di._ 134. + + Arma antiqua manus ungues dentesque fuerunt + Et lapides et item silvarum fragmina rami, + Et flamma atque ignes, postquam sunt cognita primum. + Posterius ferri vis est, ærisque reperta. + Et prior æris erat, quam ferri cognitus usus, etc. + Lucretius, v. 1283. + + Perhaps, as Munro suggests, Lucretius was thinking of Hesiod; + but it does not seem improbable that in both cases there may + have been a genuine tradition that their ancestors used bronze + tools and weapons before iron, since the change was + comparatively recent, and sundry religious observances tended + to perpetuate the memory of it.] + +[Sidenote: "Civilizations" of Mexico and Peru.] + +This brilliant classification of the stages of early culture will be +found very helpful if we only keep in mind the fact that in all wide +generalizations of this sort the case is liable to be somewhat unduly +simplified. The story of human progress is really not quite so easy to +decipher as such descriptions would make it appear, and when we have +laid down rules of this sort we need not be surprised if we now and then +come upon facts that will not exactly fit into them. In such an event +it is best not to try to squeeze or distort the unruly facts, but to +look and see if our rules will not bear some little qualification. The +faculty for generalizing is a good servant but a bad master. If we +observe this caution we shall find Mr. Morgan's work to be of great +value. It will be observed that, with one exception, his restrictions +leave the area of civilization as wide as that which we are accustomed +to assign to it in our ordinary speaking and thinking. That exception is +the case of Mexico, Central America, and Peru. We have so long been +accustomed to gorgeous accounts of the civilization of these countries +at the time of their discovery by the Spaniards that it may at first +shock our preconceived notions to see them set down as in the "middle +status of barbarism," one stage higher than Mohawks, and one stage lower +than the warriors of the Iliad. This does indeed mark a change since Dr. +Draper expressed the opinion that the Mexicans and Peruvians were +morally and intellectually superior to the Europeans of the sixteenth +century.[30] The reaction from the state of opinion in which such an +extravagant remark was even possible has been attended with some +controversy; but on the whole Mr. Morgan's main position has been +steadily and rapidly gaining ground, and it is becoming more and more +clear that if we are to use language correctly when we speak of the +civilizations of Mexico and Peru we really mean civilizations of an +extremely archaic type, considerably more archaic than that of Egypt in +the time of the Pharaohs. A "civilization" like that of the Aztecs, +without domestic animals or iron tools, with trade still in the +primitive stage of barter, with human sacrifices, and with cannibalism, +has certainly some of the most vivid features of barbarism. Along with +these primitive features, however, there seem to have been--after making +all due allowances--some features of luxury and splendour such as we are +wont to associate with civilization. The Aztecs, moreover, though +doubtless a full ethnical period behind the ancient Egyptians in general +advancement, had worked out a system of hieroglyphic writing, and had +begun to put it to some literary use. It would seem that a people may in +certain special points reach a level of attainment higher than the level +which they occupy in other points. The Cave men of the Glacial period +were ignorant of pottery, and thus had not risen above the upper status +of savagery; but their artistic talent, upon which we have remarked, was +not such as we are wont to associate with savagery. Other instances will +occur to us in the proper place. + + [Footnote 30: See his _Intellectual Development of Europe_, New + York, 1863, pp. 448, 464.] + +[Sidenote: Loose use of the words "savagery" and "civilization".] + +The difficulty which people usually find in realizing the true position +of the ancient Mexican culture arises partly from the misconceptions +which have until recently distorted the facts, and partly from the loose +employment of terms above noticed. It is quite correct to speak of the +Australian blackfellows as "savages," but nothing is more common than to +hear the same epithet employed to characterize Shawnees and Mohawks; +and to call those Indians "savages" is quite misleading. So on the other +hand the term "civilization" is often so loosely used as to cover a +large territory belonging to "barbarism." One does not look for +scientific precision in newspapers, but they are apt to reflect popular +habits of thought quite faithfully, and for that reason it is proper +here to quote from one. In a newspaper account of Mr. Cushing's recent +discoveries of buried towns, works of irrigation, etc., in Arizona, we +are first told that these are the remains of a "splendid prehistoric +civilization," and the next moment we are told, in entire +unconsciousness of the contradiction, that the people who constructed +these works had only stone tools. Now to call a people "civilized" who +have only stone tools is utterly misleading. Nothing but confusion of +ideas and darkening of counsel can come from such a misuse of words. +Such a people may be in a high degree interesting and entitled to credit +for what they have achieved, but the grade of culture which they have +reached is not "civilization." + +[Sidenote: Value and importance of the term "barbarism."] + +With "savagery" thus encroaching upon its area of meaning on the one +side, and "civilization" encroaching on the other, the word "barbarism," +as popularly apprehended, is left in a vague and unsatisfactory plight. +If we speak of Montezuma's people as barbarians one stage further +advanced than Mohawks, we are liable to be charged with calling them +"savages." Yet the term "barbarism" is a very useful one; indispensable, +indeed, in the history of human progress. There is no other word which +can serve in its stead as a designation of the enormous interval which +begins with the invention of pottery and ends with the invention of the +alphabet. The popular usage of the word is likely to become more +definite as it comes to be more generally realized how prodigious that +interval has been. When we think what a considerable portion of man's +past existence has been comprised within it, and what a marvellous +transformation in human knowledge and human faculty has been gradually +wrought between its beginning and its end, the period of barbarism +becomes invested with most thrilling interest, and its name ceases to +appear otherwise than respectable. It is Mr. Morgan's chief title to +fame that he has so thoroughly explored this period and described its +features with such masterly skill. + +[Sidenote: The status of barbarism is most completely exemplified in +ancient America.] + +[Sidenote: Survivals of bygone epochs of culture.] + +It is worth while to observe that Mr. Morgan's view of the successive +stages of culture is one which could not well have been marked out in +all its parts except by a student of American archæology. Aboriginal +America is the richest field in the world for the study of barbarism. +Its people present every gradation in social life during three ethnical +periods--the upper period of savagery and the lower and middle periods +of barbarism--so that the process of development may be most +systematically and instructively studied. Until we have become familiar +with ancient American society, and so long as our view is confined to +the phases of progress in the Old World, the demarcation between +civilized and uncivilized life seems too abrupt and sudden; we do not +get a correct measure of it. The oldest European tradition reaches back +only through the upper period of barbarism.[31] The middle and lower +periods have lapsed into utter oblivion, and it is only modern +archæological research that is beginning to recover the traces of them. +But among the red men of America the social life of ages more remote +than that of the lake villages of Switzerland is in many particulars +preserved for us to-day, and when we study it we begin to realize as +never before the continuity of human development, its enormous duration, +and the almost infinite accumulation of slow efforts by which progress +has been achieved. Ancient America is further instructive in presenting +the middle status of barbarism in a different form from that which it +assumed in the eastern hemisphere. Its most conspicuous outward +manifestations, instead of tents and herds, were strange and imposing +edifices of stone, so that it was quite natural that observers +interpreting it from a basis of European experience should mistake it +for civilization. Certain aspects of that middle period may be studied +to-day in New Mexico and Arizona, as phases of the older periods may +still be found among the wilder tribes, even after all the contact they +have had with white men. These survivals from antiquity will not +permanently outlive that contact, and it is important that no time +should be lost in gathering and putting on record all that can be +learned of the speech and arts, the customs and beliefs, everything that +goes to constitute the philology and anthropology of the red men. For +the intelligent and vigorous work of this sort now conducted by the +Bureau of Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution, under the direction +of Major Powell, no praise can be too strong and no encouragement too +hearty. + + [Footnote 31: Now and then, perhaps, but very rarely, it just + touches the close of the middle period, as, e. g., in the lines + from Hesiod and Lucretius above quoted.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Tribal society and multiplicity of languages in aboriginal +America.] + +A brief enumeration of the principal groups of Indians will be helpful +in enabling us to comprehend the social condition of ancient America. +The groups are in great part defined by differences of language, which +are perhaps a better criterion of racial affinity in the New World than +in the Old, because there seems to have been little or nothing of that +peculiar kind of conquest with incorporation resulting in complete +change of speech which we sometimes find in the Old World; as, for +example, when we see the Celto-Iberian population of Spain and the +Belgic, Celtic, and Aquitanian populations of Gaul forgetting their +native tongues, and adopting that of a confederacy of tribes in Latium. +Except in the case of Peru there is no indication that anything of this +sort went on, or that there was anything even superficially analogous to +"empire," in ancient America. What strikes one most forcibly at first is +the vast number of American languages. Adelung, in his "Mithridates," +put the number at 1,264, and Ludewig, in his "Literature of the American +Languages," put it roundly at 1,100. Squier, on the other hand, was +content with 400.[32] The discrepancy arises from the fact that where +one scholar sees two or three distinct languages another sees two or +three dialects of one language and counts them as one; it is like the +difficulty which naturalists find in agreeing as to what are species and +what are only varieties. The great number of languages and dialects +spoken by a sparse population is one mark of the universal prevalence of +a rude and primitive form of tribal society.[33] + + [Footnote 32: Winsor, "Bibliographical Notes on American + Linguistics," in his _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, vol. i. pp. + 420-428, gives an admirable survey of the subject. See also + Pilling's bibliographical bulletins of Iroquoian, Siouan, and + Muskhogean languages, published by the Bureau of Ethnology.] + + [Footnote 33: _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, pp. 147-174.] + +[Sidenote: Tribes in the upper status of savagery.] + +The lowest tribes in North America were those that are still to be found +in California, in the valley of the Columbia river, and on the shores of +Puget Sound. The Athabaskans of Hudson's Bay were on about the same +level of savagery. They made no pottery, knew nothing of horticulture, +depended for subsistence entirely upon bread-roots, fish, and game, and +thus had no village life. They were mere prowlers in the upper status of +savagery.[34] The Apaches of Arizona, preëminent even among red men for +atrocious cruelty, are an offshoot from the Athabaskan stock. Very +little better are the Shoshones and Bannocks that still wander among +the lonely bare mountains and over the weird sage-brush plains of Idaho. +The region west of the Rocky Mountains and north of New Mexico is thus +the region of savagery. + + [Footnote 34: For a good account of Indians in the upper status + of savagery until modified by contact with civilization, see + Myron Eells, "The Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of + Washington Territory," _Smithsonian Report_, 1887, pp. + 605-681.] + +[Sidenote: The Dakota family of tribes.] + +Between the Rocky Mountains and the Atlantic coast the aborigines, at +the time of the Discovery, might have been divided into six or seven +groups, of which three were situated mainly to the east of the +Mississippi river, the others mainly to the west of it. All were in the +lower period of barbarism. Of the western groups, by far the most +numerous were the Dakotas, comprising the Sioux, Poncas, Omahas, Iowas, +Kaws, Otoes, and Missouris. From the headwaters of the Mississippi their +territory extended westward on both sides of the Missouri for a thousand +miles. One of their tribes, the Winnebagos, had crossed the Mississippi +and pressed into the region between that river and Lake Michigan. + +[Sidenote: The Minnitarees and Mandans.] + +A second group, very small in numbers but extremely interesting to the +student of ethnology, comprises the Minnitarees and Mandans on the upper +Missouri.[35] The remnants of these tribes now live together in the same +village, and in personal appearance, as well as in intelligence, they +are described as superior to any other red men north of New Mexico. +From their first discovery, by the brothers La Vérendrye in 1742, down +to Mr. Catlin's visit nearly a century later, there was no change in +their condition,[36] but shortly afterward, in 1838, the greater part of +them were swept away by small-pox. The excellence of their horticulture, +the framework of their houses, and their peculiar religious ceremonies +early attracted attention. Upon Mr. Catlin they made such an impression +that he fancied there must be an infusion of white blood in them; and +after the fashion of those days he sought to account for it by a +reference to the legend of Madoc, a Welsh prince who was dimly imagined +to have sailed to America about 1170. He thought that Madoc's party +might have sailed to the Mississippi and founded a colony which ascended +that river and the Ohio, built the famous mounds of the Ohio valley, and +finally migrated to the upper Missouri.[37] To this speculation was +appended the inevitable list of words which happen to sound somewhat +alike in Mandan and in Welsh. In the realm of free fancy everything is +easy. That there was a Madoc who went somewhere in 1170 is quite +possible, but as shrewd old John Smith said about it, "where this place +was no history can show."[38] But one part of Mr. Catlin's speculation +may have hit somewhat nearer the truth. It is possible that the +Minnitarees or the Mandans, or both, may be a remnant of some of those +Mound-builders in the Mississippi valley concerning whom something will +presently be said. + + [Footnote 35: An excellent description of them, profusely + illustrated with coloured pictures, may be found in Catlin's + _North American Indians_, vol. i. pp. 66-207, 7th ed., London, + 1848; the author was an accurate and trustworthy observer. Some + writers have placed these tribes in the Dakota group because of + the large number of Dakota words in their language; but these + are probably borrowed words, like the numerous French words in + English.] + + [Footnote 36: See Francis Parkman's paper, "The Discovery of + the Rocky Mountains," _Atlantic Monthly_, June, 1888. I hope + the appearance of this article, two years ago, indicates that + we have not much longer to wait for the next of that + magnificent series of volumes on the history of the French in + North America.] + + [Footnote 37: _North American Indians_, vol. ii., Appendix A.] + + [Footnote 38: Smith's _Generall Historie of Virginia, New + England and the Summer Isles_, p. 1, London, 1626.] + +[Sidenote: Pawnees, etc.] + +The third group in this western region consists of the Pawnees and +Arickarees,[39] of the Platte valley in Nebraska, with a few kindred +tribes farther to the south. + + [Footnote 39: For the history and ethnology of these + interesting tribes, see three learned papers by J. B. Dunbar, + in _Magazine of American History_, vol. iv. pp. 241-281; vol. + v. pp. 321-342; vol. viii. pp. 734-756; also Grinnell's _Pawnee + Hero Stories and Folk-Tales_, New York, 1889.] + +[Sidenote: Maskoki family.] + +Of the three groups eastward of the Mississippi we may first mention the +Maskoki, or Muskhogees, consisting of the Choctaws, Chickasaws, +Seminoles, and others, with the Creek confederacy.[40] These tribes were +intelligent and powerful, with a culture well advanced toward the end of +the lower period of barbarism. + + [Footnote 40: These tribes of the Gulf region were formerly + grouped, along with others not akin to them, as "Mobilians." + The Cherokees were supposed to belong to the Maskoki family, + but they have lately been declared an intrusive offshoot from + the Iroquois stock. The remnants of another alien tribe, the + once famous Natchez, were adopted into the Creek confederacy. + For a full account of these tribes, see Gatschet, _A Migration + Legend of the Creek Indians_, vol. i., Philadelphia, 1884.] + +[Sidenote: Algonquin family of tribes.] + +The Algonquin family, bordering at its southern limits upon the Maskoki, +had a vast range northeasterly along the Atlantic coast until it reached +the confines of Labrador, and northwesterly through the region of the +Great Lakes and as far as the Churchill river[41] to the west of +Hudson's Bay. In other words, the Algonquins were bounded on the south +by the Maskoki,[42] on the west by the Dakotas, on the northwest by the +Athabaskans, on the northeast by Eskimos, and on the east by the ocean. +Between Lake Superior and the Red River of the North the Crees had their +hunting grounds, and closely related to them were the Pottawatomies, +Ojibwas, and Ottawas. One offshoot, including the Blackfeet, Cheyennes, +and Arrapahos, roamed as far west as the Rocky Mountains. The great +triangle between the upper Mississippi and the Ohio was occupied by the +Menomonees and Kickapoos, the Sacs and Foxes, the Miamis and Illinois, +and the Shawnees. Along the coast region the principal Algonquin tribes +were the Powhatans of Virginia, the Lenape or Delawares, the Munsees or +Minisinks of the mountains about the Susquehanna, the Mohegans on the +Hudson, the Adirondacks between that river and the St. Lawrence, the +Narragansetts and their congeners in New England, and finally the +Micmacs and Wabenaki far down East, as the last name implies. There is a +tradition, supported to some extent by linguistic evidence,[43] that the +Mohegans, with their cousins the Pequots, were more closely related to +the Shawnees than to the Delaware or coast group. While all the +Algonquin tribes were in the lower period of barbarism, there was a +noticeable gradation among them, the Crees and Ojibwas of the far North +standing lowest in culture, and the Shawnees, at their southernmost +limits, standing highest. + + [Footnote 41: Howse, _Grammar of the Cree Language_, London, + 1865, p. vii.] + + [Footnote 42: Except in so far as the Cherokees and Tuscaroras, + presently to be mentioned, were interposed.] + + [Footnote 43: Brinton, _The Lenape and their Legends_, p. 30.] + +[Sidenote: Huron-Iroquois family of tribes.] + +We have observed the Dakota tribes pressing eastward against their +neighbours and sending out an offshoot, the Winnebagos, across the +Mississippi river. It has been supposed that the Huron-Iroquois group of +tribes was a more remote offshoot from the Dakotas. This is very +doubtful; but in the thirteenth or fourteenth century the general trend +of the Huron-Iroquois movement seems to have been eastward, either in +successive swarms, or in a single swarm, which became divided and +scattered by segmentation, as was common with all Indian tribes. They +seem early to have proved their superiority over the Algonquins in +bravery and intelligence. Their line of invasion seems to have run +eastward to Niagara, and thereabouts to have bifurcated, one line +following the valley of the St. Lawrence, and the other that of the +Susquehanna. The Hurons established themselves in the peninsula between +the lake that bears their name and Lake Ontario. South of them and along +the northern shore of Lake Erie were settled their kindred, afterward +called the "Neutral Nation."[44] On the southern shore the Eries planted +themselves, while the Susquehannocks pushed on in a direction +sufficiently described by their name. Farthest of all penetrated the +Tuscaroras, even into the pine forests of North Carolina, where they +maintained themselves in isolation from their kindred until 1715. These +invasions resulted in some displacement of Algonquin tribes, and began +to sap the strength of the confederacy or alliance in which the +Delawares had held a foremost place. + + [Footnote 44: Because they refused to take part in the strife + between the Hurons and the Five Nations. Their Indian name was + Attiwandarons. They were unsurpassed for ferocity. See Parkman, + _Jesuits in North America_, p. xliv.] + +[Sidenote: The Five Nations.] + +But by far the most famous and important of the Huron-Iroquois were +those that followed the northern shore of Lake Ontario into the valley +of the St. Lawrence. In that direction their progress was checked by the +Algonquin tribe of Adirondacks, but they succeeded in retaining a +foothold in the country for a long time; for in 1535 Jacques Cartier +found on the site which he named Montreal an Iroquois village which had +vanished before Champlain's arrival seventy years later. Those Iroquois +who were thrust back in the struggle for the St. Lawrence valley, early +in the fifteenth century, made their way across Lake Ontario and +established themselves at the mouth of the Oswego river. They were then +in three small tribes,--the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas,--but as +they grew in numbers and spread eastward to the Hudson and westward to +the Genesee, the intermediate tribes of Oneidas and Cayugas were formed +by segmentation.[45] About 1450 the five tribes--afterwards known as the +Five Nations--were joined in a confederacy in pursuance of the wise +counsel which Hayowentha, or Hiawatha,[46] according to the legend, +whispered into the ears of the Onondaga sachem, Daganoweda. This union +of their resources combined, with their native bravery and cunning, and +their occupation of the most commanding military position in eastern +North America, to render them invincible among red men. They +exterminated their old enemies the Adirondacks, and pushed the Mohegans +over the mountains from the Hudson river to the Connecticut. When they +first encountered white men in 1609 their name had become a terror in +New England, insomuch that as soon as a single Mohawk was caught sight +of by the Indians in that country, they would raise the cry from hill to +hill, "A Mohawk! a Mohawk!" and forthwith would flee like sheep before +wolves, never dreaming of resistance.[47] + + [Footnote 45: Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 125.] + + [Footnote 46: Whether there was ever such a person as Hiawatha + is, to say the least, doubtful. As a traditional culture-hero + his attributes are those of Ioskeha, Michabo, Quetzalcoatl, + Viracocha, and all that class of sky-gods to which I shall + again have occasion to refer. See Brinton's _Myths of the New + World_, p. 172. When the Indian speaks of Hiawatha whispering + advice to Daganoweda, his meaning is probably the same as that + of the ancient Greek when he attributed the wisdom of some + mortal hero to whispered advice from Zeus or his messenger + Hermes. Longfellow's famous poem is based upon Schoolcraft's + book entitled _The Hiawatha Legends_, which is really a + misnomer, for the book consists chiefly of Ojibwa stories about + Manabozho, son of the West Wind. There was really no such + legend of Hiawatha as that which the poet has immortalized. See + Hale, _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, pp. 36, 180-183.] + + [Footnote 47: Cadwallader Colden, _History of the Five + Nations_, New York, 1727.] + +After the Five Nations had been supplied with firearms by the Dutch +their power increased with portentous rapidity.[48] At first they sought +to persuade their neighbours of kindred blood and speech, the Eries and +others, to join their confederacy; and failing in this they went to war +and exterminated them.[49] Then they overthrew one Algonquin tribe after +another until in 1690 their career was checked by the French. By that +time they had reduced to a tributary condition most of the Algonquin +tribes, even to the Mississippi river. Some writers have spoken of the +empire of the Iroquois, and it has been surmised that, if they had not +been interfered with by white men, they might have played a part +analogous to that of the Romans in the Old World; but there is no real +similarity between the two cases. The Romans acquired their mighty +strength by incorporating vanquished peoples into their own body +politic.[50] No American aborigines ever had a glimmering of the process +of state-building after the Roman fashion. No incorporation resulted +from the victories of the Iroquois. Where their burnings and massacres +stopped short of extermination, they simply took tribute, which was as +far as state-craft had got in the lower period of barbarism. General +Walker has summed up their military career in a single sentence: "They +were the scourge of God upon the aborigines of the continent."[51] + + [Footnote 48: Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_, p. 12.] + + [Footnote 49: All except the distant Tuscaroras, who in 1715 + migrated from North Carolina to New York, and joining the + Iroquois league made it the Six Nations. All the rest of the + outlying Huron-Iroquois stock was wiped out of existence before + the end of the seventeenth century, except the remnant of + Hurons since known as Wyandots.] + + [Footnote 50: See my _Beginnings of New England_, chap. i.] + + [Footnote 51: F. A. Walker, "The Indian Question," _North + American Review_, April, 1873, p. 370.] + +[Sidenote: Horticulture must be distinguished from field agriculture.] + +[Sidenote: Perpetual warfare.] + +The six groups here enumerated--Dakota, Mandan, Pawnee, Maskoki, +Algonquin, Iroquois--made up the great body of the aborigines of North +America who at the time of the Discovery lived in the lower status of +barbarism. All made pottery of various degrees of rudeness. Their tools +and weapons were of the Neolithic type,--stone either polished or +accurately and artistically chipped. For the most part they lived in +stockaded villages, and cultivated maize, beans, pumpkins, squashes, +sunflowers, and tobacco. They depended for subsistence partly upon such +vegetable products, partly upon hunting and fishing, the women generally +attending to the horticulture, the men to the chase. _Horticulture_ is +an appropriate designation for this stage in which the ground is merely +scratched with stone spades and hoes. It is incipient agriculture, but +should be carefully distinguished from the _field agriculture_ in which +extensive pieces of land are subdued by the plough. The assistance of +domestic animals is needed before such work can be carried far, and it +does not appear that there was an approach to field agriculture in any +part of pre-Columbian America except Peru, where men were harnessed to +the plough, and perhaps occasionally llamas were used in the same +way.[52] Where subsistence depended upon rude horticulture eked out by +game and fish, it required a large territory to support a sparse +population. The great diversity of languages contributed to maintain the +isolation of tribes and prevent extensive confederation. Intertribal +warfare was perpetual, save now and then for truces of brief duration. +Warfare was attended by wholesale massacre. As many prisoners as could +be managed were taken home by their captors; in some cases they were +adopted into the tribe of the latter as a means of increasing its +fighting strength, otherwise they were put to death with lingering +torments.[53] There was nothing which afforded the red men such +exquisite delight as the spectacle of live human flesh lacerated with +stone knives or hissing under the touch of firebrands, and for elaborate +ingenuity in devising tortures they have never been equalled.[54] +Cannibalism was quite commonly practised.[55] The scalps of slain +enemies were always taken, and until they had attained such trophies the +young men were not likely to find favour in the eyes of women. The +Indian's notions of morality were those that belong to that state of +society in which the tribe is the largest well-established political +aggregate. Murder without the tribe was meritorious unless it entailed +risk of war at an obvious disadvantage; murder within the tribe was +either revenged by blood-feud or compounded by a present given to the +victim's kinsmen. Such rudimentary _wergild_ was often reckoned in +wampum, or strings of beads made of a kind of mussel shell, and put to +divers uses, as personal ornament, mnemonic record, and finally money. +Religious thought was in the fetishistic or animistic stage,[56] while +many tribes had risen to a vague conception of tutelar deities embodied +in human or animal forms. Myth-tales abounded, and the folk-lore of the +red men is found to be extremely interesting and instructive.[57] Their +religion consisted mainly in a devout belief in witchcraft. No +well-defined priestly class had been evolved; the so-called "medicine +men" were mere conjurers, though possessed of considerable influence. + + [Footnote 52: See Humboldt, _Ansichten der Natur_, 3d ed., + Stuttgart, 1849, vol. i. p. 203.] + + [Footnote 53: "Women and children joined in these fiendish + atrocities, and when at length the victim yielded up his life, + his heart, if he were brave, was ripped from his body, cut in + pieces, broiled, and given to the young men, under the belief + that it would increase their courage; they drank his blood, + thinking it would make them more wary; and finally his body was + divided limb from limb, roasted or thrown into the seething + pot, and hands and feet, arms and legs, head and trunk, were + all stewed into a horrid mess and eaten amidst yells, songs, + and dances." Jeffries Wyman, in _Seventh Report of Peabody + Museum_, p. 37. For details of the most appalling character, + see Butterfield's _History of the Girtys_, pp. 176-182; Stone's + _Life of Joseph Brant_, vol. ii. pp. 31, 32; Dodge's _Plains of + the Great West_, p. 418, and _Our Wild Indians_, pp. 525-529; + Parkman's _Jesuits in North America_, pp. 387-391; and many + other places in Parkman's writings.] + + [Footnote 54: One often hears it said that the cruelty of the + Indians was not greater than that of mediæval Europeans, as + exemplified in judicial torture and in the horrors of the + Inquisition. But in such a judgment there is lack of due + discrimination. In the practice of torture by civil and + ecclesiastical tribunals in the Middle Ages, there was a + definite moral purpose which, however lamentably mistaken or + perverted, gave it a very different character from torture + wantonly inflicted for amusement. The atrocities formerly + attendant upon the sack of towns, as e. g. Beziers, Magdeburg, + etc., might more properly be regarded as an illustration of the + survival of a spirit fit only for the lowest barbarism: and the + Spanish conquerors of the New World themselves often exhibited + cruelty such as even Indians seldom surpass. See below, vol. + ii. p. 444. In spite of such cases, however, it must be held + that for artistic skill in inflicting the greatest possible + intensity of excruciating pain upon every nerve in the body, + the Spaniard was a bungler and a novice as compared with the + Indian. See Dodge's _Our Wild Indians_, pp. 536-538. Colonel + Dodge was in familiar contact with Indians for more than thirty + years, and writes with fairness and discrimination. + + In truth the question as to comparative cruelty is not so much + one of race as of occupation, except in so far as race is + moulded by long occupation. The "old Adam," i. e. the + inheritance from our brute ancestors, is very strong in the + human race. Callousness to the suffering of others than self is + part of this brute-inheritance, and under the influence of + certain habits and occupations this germ of callousness may be + developed to almost any height of devilish cruelty. In the + lower stages of culture the lack of political aggregation on a + large scale is attended with incessant warfare in the shape in + which it comes home to everybody's door. This state of things + keeps alive the passion of revenge and stimulates cruelty to + the highest degree. As long as such a state of things endures, + as it did in Europe to a limited extent throughout the Middle + Ages, there is sure to be a dreadful amount of cruelty. The + change in the conditions of modern warfare has been a very + important factor in the rapidly increasing mildness and + humanity of modern times. See my _Beginnings of New England_, + pp. 226-229. Something more will be said hereafter with + reference to the special causes concerned in the cruelty and + brutality of the Spaniards in America. Meanwhile it may be + observed in the present connection, that the Spanish + taskmasters who mutilated and burned their slaves were not + representative types of their own race to anything like the + same extent as the Indians who tortured Brébeuf or Crawford. If + the fiendish Pedrarias was a Spaniard, so too was the saintly + Las Casas. The latter type would be as impossible among + barbarians as an Aristotle or a Beethoven. Indeed, though there + are writers who would like to prove the contrary, it may be + doubted whether that type has ever attained to perfection + except under the influence of Christianity.] + + [Footnote 55: See the evidence collected by Jeffries Wyman, in + _Seventh Report of Peabody Museum_, pp. 27-37; cf. Wake, + _Evolution of Morality_, vol. i. p. 243. Many illustrations are + given by Mr. Parkman. In this connection it may be observed + that the name "Mohawk" means "Cannibal." It is an Algonquin + word, applied to this Iroquois tribe by their enemies in the + Connecticut valley and about the lower Hudson. The name by + which the Mohawks called themselves was "Caniengas," or + "People-at-the-Flint." See Hale, _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, + p. 173.] + + [Footnote 56: For accounts and explanations of animism see + Tylor's _Primitive Culture_, London, 1871, 2 vols.; Caspari, + _Urgeschichte der Menschheit_, Leipsic, 1877, 2 vols.; + Spencer's _Principles of Sociology_, part i.; and my _Myths and + Mythmakers_, chap. vii.] + + [Footnote 57: No time should be lost in gathering and recording + every scrap of this folk-lore that can be found. The American + Folk-Lore Society, founded chiefly through the exertions of my + friend Mr. W. W. Newell, and organized January 4, 1888, is + already doing excellent work and promises to become a valuable + aid, within its field, to the work of the Bureau of Ethnology. + Of the _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, published for the + society by Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., nine numbers have + appeared, and the reader will find them full of valuable + information. One may also profitably consult Knortz's _Märchen + und Sagen der nordamerikanischen Indianer_, Jena, 1871; + Brinton's _Myths of the New World_, N. Y., 1868, and his + _American Hero-Myths_, Phila., 1882; Leland's _Algonquin + Legends of New England_, Boston, 1884; Mrs. Emerson's _Indian + Myths_, Boston, 1884. Some brief reflections and criticisms of + much value, in relation to aboriginal American folk-lore, may + be found in Curtin's _Myths and Folk-Lore of Ireland_, pp. + 12-27.] + +But none of the characteristics of barbarous society above specified +will carry us so far toward realizing the gulf which divides it from +civilized society as the imperfect development of its domestic +relations. The importance of this subject is such as to call for a few +words of special elucidation. + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Ancient Law.] + +Thirty years ago, when Sir Henry Maine published that magnificent +treatise on Ancient Law, which, when considered in all its potency of +suggestiveness, has perhaps done more than any other single book of our +century toward placing the study of history upon a scientific basis, he +began by showing that in primitive society the individual is nothing and +the state nothing, while the family-group is everything, and that the +progress of civilization politically has consisted on the one hand in +the aggregation and building up of family-groups through intermediate +tribal organizations into states, and on the other hand in the +disentanglement of individuals from the family thraldom. In other words, +we began by having no political communities larger than clans, and no +bond of political union except blood relationship, and in this state of +things the individual, as to his rights and obligations, was submerged +in the clan. We at length come to have great nations like the English or +the French, in which blood-relationship as a bond of political union is +no longer indispensable or even much thought of, and in which the +individual citizen is the possessor of legal rights and subject to legal +obligations. No one in our time can forget how beautifully Sir Henry +Maine, with his profound knowledge of early Aryan law and custom, from +Ireland to Hindustan, delineated the slow growth of individual ownership +of property and individual responsibility for delict and crime out of an +earlier stage in which ownership and responsibility belonged only to +family-groups or clans. + +[Sidenote: The patriarchal family not primitive.] + +[Sidenote: "Mother-right."] + +[Sidenote: Primitive marriage.] + +[Sidenote: The system of reckoning kinship through females only.] + +In all these brilliant studies Sir Henry Maine started with the +patriarchal family as we find it at the dawn of history among all +peoples of Aryan and Semitic speech,--the patriarchal family of the +ancient Roman and the ancient Jew, the family in which kinship is +reckoned through males, and in which all authority centres in the eldest +male, and descends to his eldest son. Maine treated this patriarchal +family as primitive; but his great book had hardly appeared when other +scholars, more familiar than he with races in savagery or in the lower +status of barbarism, showed that his view was too restricted. We do not +get back to primitive society by studying Greeks, Romans, and Jews, +peoples who had nearly emerged from the later period of barbarism when +we first know them.[58] Their patriarchal family was perfected in shape +during the later period of barbarism, and it was preceded by a much +ruder and less definite form of family-group in which kinship was +reckoned only through the mother, and the headship never descended from +father to son. As so often happens, this discovery was made almost +simultaneously by two investigators, each working in ignorance of what +the other was doing. In 1861, the same year in which "Ancient Law" was +published, Professor Bachofen, of Basel, published his famous book, "Das +Mutterrecht," of which his co-discoverer and rival, after taking +exception to some of his statements, thus cordially writes: "It remains, +however, after all qualifications and deductions, that Bachofen, before +any one else, discovered the fact that a system of kinship through +mothers only, had anciently everywhere prevailed before the tie of blood +between father and child had found a place in systems of relationships. +And the honour of that discovery, the importance of which, as affording +a new starting-point for all history, cannot be overestimated, must +without stint or qualification be assigned to him."[59] Such are the +generous words of the late John Ferguson McLennan, who had no knowledge +of Bachofen's work when his own treatise on "Primitive Marriage" was +published in 1865. Since he was so modest in urging his own claims, it +is due to the Scotch lawyer's memory to say that, while he was inferior +in point of erudition to the Swiss professor, his book is characterized +by greater sagacity, goes more directly to the mark, and is less +encumbered by visionary speculations of doubtful value.[60] Mr. McLennan +proved, from evidence collected chiefly from Australians and South Sea +Islanders, and sundry non-Aryan tribes of Hindustan and Thibet, that +systems of kinship in which the father is ignored exist to-day, and he +furthermore discovered unmistakable and very significant traces of the +former existence of such a state of things among the Mongols, the Greeks +and Phoenicians, and the ancient Hebrews. By those who were inclined to +regard Sir Henry Maine's views as final, it was argued that Mr. +McLennan's facts were of a sporadic and exceptional character. But when +the evidence from this vast archaic world of America began to be +gathered in and interpreted by Mr. Morgan, this argument fell to the +ground, and as to the point chiefly in contention, Mr. McLennan was +proved to be right. Throughout aboriginal America, with one or two +exceptions, kinship was reckoned through females only, and in the +exceptional instances the vestiges of that system were so prominent as +to make it clear that the change had been but recently effected. During +the past fifteen years, evidence has accumulated from various parts of +the world, until it is beginning to appear as if it were the patriarchal +system that is exceptional, having been reached only by the highest +races.[61] Sir Henry Maine's work has lost none of its value, only, +like all human work, it is not final; it needs to be supplemented by the +further study of savagery as best exemplified in Australia and some +parts of Polynesia, and of barbarism as best exemplified in America. The +subject is, moreover, one of great and complicated difficulty, and leads +incidentally to many questions for solving which the data at our command +are still inadequate. It is enough for us now to observe in general that +while there are plenty of instances of change from the system of +reckoning kinship only through females, to the system of reckoning +through males, there do not appear to have been any instances of change +in the reverse direction; and that in ancient America the earlier system +was prevalent. + + [Footnote 58: Until lately our acquaintance with human history + was derived almost exclusively from literary memorials, among + which the Bible, the Homeric poems, and the Vedas, carried us + back about as far as literature could take us. It was natural, + therefore, to suppose that the society of the times of Abraham + or Agamemnon was "primitive," and the wisest scholars reasoned + upon such an assumption. With vision thus restricted to + civilized man and his ideas and works, people felt free to + speculate about uncivilized races (generally grouped together + indiscriminately as "savages") according to any _à priori_ whim + that might happen to captivate their fancy. But the discoveries + of the last half-century have opened such stupendous vistas of + the past that the age of Abraham seems but as yesterday. The + state of society described in the book of Genesis had five + entire ethnical periods, and the greater part of a sixth, + behind it; and its institutions were, comparatively speaking, + modern.] + + [Footnote 59: McLennan's _Studies in Ancient History, + comprising a reprint of Primitive Marriage_, etc. London, 1876, + p. 421.] + + [Footnote 60: There is much that is unsound in it, however, as + is often inevitably the case with books that strike boldly into + a new field of inquiry.] + + [Footnote 61: A general view of the subject may be obtained + from the following works: Bachofen, _Das Mutterrecht_, + Stuttgart, 1871, and _Die Sage von Tanaquil_, Heidelberg, 1870; + McLennan's _Studies in Ancient History_, London, 1876, and _The + Patriarchal Theory_, London, 1884; Morgan's _Systems of + Consanguinity_ (Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. + xvii.), Washington, 1871, and _Ancient Society_, New York, + 1877; Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_, + Cambridge, Eng., 1885; Lubbock, _Origin of Civilization_, 5th + ed., London, 1889; Giraud-Teulon, _La Mère chez certains + peuples de l'antiquité_, Paris, 1867, and _Les Origines de la + Famille_, Geneva, 1874; Starcke (of Copenhagen), _The Primitive + Family_, London, 1889. Some criticisms upon McLennan and Morgan + may be found in Maine's later works, _Early History of + Institutions_, London, 1875, and _Early Law and Custom_, + London, 1883. By far the ablest critical survey of the whole + field is that in Spencer's _Principles of Sociology_, vol. i. + pp. 621-797.] + +[Sidenote: Original reason for the system.] + +[Sidenote: The primeval human horde.] + +[Sidenote: Earliest family-group: the clan.] + +[Sidenote: "Exogamy."] + +If now we ask the reason for such a system of reckoning kinship and +inheritance, so strange according to all our modern notions, the true +answer doubtless is that which was given by prudent ([Greek: +Pepnymenos]) Telemachus to the goddess Athene when she asked him to tell +her truly if he was the son of Odysseus:--"My mother says I am his son, +for my part, I don't know; one never knows of one's self who one's +father is."[62] Already, no doubt, in Homer's time there was a gleam of +satire about this answer, such as it would show on a modern page; but in +more primitive times it was a very serious affair. From what we know of +the ideas and practices of uncivilized tribes all over the world, it is +evident that the sacredness of the family based upon indissoluble +marriage is a thing of comparatively modern growth. If the sexual +relations of the Australians, as observed to-day,[63] are an improvement +upon an antecedent state of things, that antecedent state must have been +sheer promiscuity. There is ample warrant for supposing, with Mr. +McLennan, that at the beginning of the lower status of savagery, long +since everywhere extinct, the family had not made itself distinctly +visible, but men lived in a horde very much like gregarious brutes.[64] +I have shown that the essential difference between this primeval human +horde and a mere herd of brutes consisted in the fact that the gradual +but very great prolongation of infancy had produced two effects: the +lengthening of the care of children tended to differentiate the horde +into family-groups, and the lengthening of the period of youthful mental +plasticity made it more possible for a new generation to improve upon +the ideas and customs of its predecessors.[65] In these two concomitant +processes--the development of the family and the increase of mental +plasticity, or ability to adopt new methods and strike out into new +paths of thought--lies the whole explanation of the moral and +intellectual superiority of men over dumb animals. But in each case the +change was very gradual.[66] The true savage is only a little less +unteachable than the beasts of the field. The savage family is at first +barely discernible amid the primitive social chaos in which it had its +origin. Along with polyandry and polygyny in various degrees and forms, +instances of exclusive pairing, of at least a temporary character, are +to be found among the lowest existing savages, and there are reasons for +supposing that such may have been the case even in primeval times. But +it was impossible for strict monogamy to flourish in the ruder stages of +social development; and the kind of family-group that was first clearly +and permanently differentiated from the primeval horde was not at all +like what civilized people would recognize as a family. It was the +_gens_ or _clan_, as we find it exemplified in all stages from the +middle period of savagery to the middle period of barbarism. The _gens_ +or _clan_ was simply--to define it by a third synonym--the _kin_; it was +originally a group of males and females who were traditionally aware of +their common descent reckoned in the female line. At this stage of +development there was quite generally though not universally prevalent +the custom of "exogamy," by which a man was forbidden to marry a woman +of his own clan. Among such Australian tribes as have been studied, this +primitive restriction upon promiscuity seems to be about the only one. + + [Footnote 62: [Greek: + All' age moi tode eipe kai atrekeôs katalexon, + ei dê ex autoio tosos pais eis Odysêos. + ainôs gar kephalên te kai ommata kala eoikas + keinô, epei thama toion emisgometh' allêloisin, + prin ge ton es Troiên anabêmenai, entha per alloi + Argeiôn hoi aristoi eban koilês epi nêusin + ek tou d' out' Odysêa egôn idon out' eme keinos. + + Tên d' au Têlemachos pepnymenos antion êuda + toigar egô toi, xeine, mal' atrekeôs agoreusô. + mêtêr men t' eme phêsi tou emmenai, autar egôge + ouk oid'; ou gar pô tis heon gonon autos anegnô.] + _Odyssey_, i. 206.] + + [Footnote 63: Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_, p. 213; Lubbock, + _Origin of Civilization_, p. 107; Morgan, _Ancient Society_, + part iii., chap. iii. "After battle it frequently happens among + the native tribes of Australia that the wives of the conquered, + of their own free-will, go over to the victors; reminding us of + the lioness which, quietly watching the fight between two + lions, goes off with the conqueror." Spencer, _Principles of + Sociology_, vol. i. p. 632.] + + [Footnote 64: The notion of the descent of the human race from + a single "pair," or of different races from different "pairs," + is a curious instance of transferring modern institutions into + times primeval. Of course the idea is absurd. When the elder + Agassiz so emphatically declared that "pines have originated in + forests, heaths in heaths, grasses in prairies, bees in hives, + herrings in shoals, buffaloes in herds, men in nations" (_Essay + on Classification_, London, 1859, p. 58), he made, indeed, a + mistake of the same sort, so far as concerns the origin of Man, + for the nation is a still more modern institution than the + family; but in the other items of his statement he was right, + and as regards the human race he was thinking in the right + direction when he placed _multitude_ instead of _duality_ at + the beginning. If instead of that extremely complex and highly + organized multitude called "nation" (in the plural), he had + started with the extremely simple and almost unorganized + multitude called "horde" (in the singular), the statement for + Man would have been correct. Such views were hardly within the + reach of science thirty years ago.] + + [Footnote 65: _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy_, part ii., chaps. + xvi., xxi., xxii.; _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, pp. + 306-319; _Darwinism, and other Essays_, pp. 40-49; _The Destiny + of Man_, §§ iii.-ix.] + + [Footnote 66: The slowness of the development has apparently + been such as befits the transcendent value of the result. + Though the question is confessedly beyond the reach of science, + may we not hold that civilized man, the creature of an infinite + past, is the child of eternity, maturing for an inheritance of + immortal life?] + +[Sidenote: Phratry and tribe.] + +Throughout all the earlier stages of culture, and even into the +civilized period, we find society organized with the clan for its +ultimate unit, although in course of time its character becomes greatly +altered by the substitution of kinship in the paternal, for that in the +maternal line. By long-continued growth and repeated segmentation the +primitive clan was developed into a more complex structure, in which a +group of clans constituted a _phratry_ or brotherhood, and a group of +phratries constituted a _tribe_. This threefold grouping is found so +commonly in all parts of the world as to afford good ground for the +belief that it has been universal. It was long ago familiar to +historians in the case of Greece and Rome, and of our Teutonic +forefathers,[67] but it also existed generally in ancient America, and +many obscure points connected with the history of the Greek and Roman +groups have been elucidated through the study of Iroquois and Algonquin +institutions. Along with the likenesses, however, there are numerous +unlikenesses, due to the change of kinship, among the European groups, +from the female line to the male. + + [Footnote 67: The Teutonic _hundred_ and Roman _curia_ answered + to the Greek _phratry_.] + +[Sidenote: Effect of pastoral life upon property and upon the family.] + +This change, as it occurred among Aryan and Semitic peoples, marked one +of the most momentous revolutions in the history of mankind. It probably +occurred early in the upper period of barbarism, or late in the middle +period, after the long-continued domestication of animals had resulted +in the acquisition of private property (_pecus, peculium, pecunia_) in +large amounts by individuals. In primitive society there was very little +personal property except in weapons, clothing (such as it was), and +trinkets. Real estate was unknown. Land was simply _occupied_ by the +tribe. There was general communism and social equality. In the Old +World the earliest instance of extensive "adverse possession" on the +part of individuals, as against other individuals in the clan-community, +was the possession of flocks and herds. Distinctions in wealth and rank +were thus inaugurated; slavery began to be profitable and personal +retainers and adherents useful in new ways. As in earlier stages the +community in marital relations had been part of the general community in +possessions, so now the exclusive possession of a wife or wives was part +of the system of private property that was coming into vogue. The man of +many cattle, the man who could attach subordinates to him through +motives of self-interest as well as personal deference, the man who +could defend his property against robbers, could also have his separate +household and maintain its sanctity. In this way, it is believed, +indissoluble marriage, in its two forms of monogamy and polygamy, +originated. That it had already existed sporadically is not denied, but +it now acquired such stability and permanence that the older and looser +forms of alliance, hitherto prevalent, fell into disfavour. A natural +result of the growth of private wealth and the permanence of the marital +relation was the change in reckoning kinship from the maternal to the +paternal line. This change was probably favoured by the prevalence of +polygamy among those who were coming to be distinguished as "upper +classes," since a large family of children by different mothers could be +held together only by reckoning the kinship through the father. Thus, we +may suppose, originated the patriarchal family. Even in its rudest form +it was an immense improvement upon what had gone before, and to the +stronger and higher social organization thus acquired we must largely +ascribe the rise of the Aryan and Semitic peoples to the foremost rank +of civilization.[68] + + [Footnote 68: Fenton's _Early Hebrew Life_, London, 1880, is an + interesting study of the upper period of barbarism; see also + Spencer, _Princip. of Sociol._, i. 724-737.] + +It is not intended to imply that there is no other way in which the +change to the male line may have been brought about among other peoples. +The explanation just given applies very well to the Aryan and Semitic +peoples, but it is inapplicable to the state of things which seems to +have existed in Mexico at the time of the Discovery.[69] The subject is +a difficult one, and sometimes confronts us with questions much easier +to ask than to answer. The change has been observed among tribes in a +lower stage than that just described.[70] On the other hand, as old +customs die hard, no doubt inheritance has in many places continued in +the maternal line long after paternity is fully known. Symmetrical +regularity in the development of human institutions has by no means been +the rule, and there is often much difficulty in explaining particular +cases, even when the direction of the general drift can be discerned. + + [Footnote 69: See below, p. 122.] + + [Footnote 70: As among the Hervey Islanders; Gill, _Myths and + Songs of the South Pacific_, p. 36. Sir John Lubbock would + account for the curious and widely spread custom of the + _Couvade_ as a feature of this change. _Origin of + Civilization_, pp. 14-17, 159; cf. Tylor, _Early Hist. of + Mankind_, pp. 288, 297.] + +[Sidenote: The exogamous clan in ancient America.] + +In aboriginal America, as already observed, kinship through females only +was the rule, and exogamy was strictly enforced,--the wife must be taken +from a different clan. Indissoluble marriage, whether monogamous or +polygamous, seems to have been unknown. The marriage relation was +terminable at the will of either party.[71] The abiding unit upon which +the social structure was founded was not the family but the exogamous +clan. + + [Footnote 71: "There is no embarrassment growing out of + problems respecting the woman's future support, the division of + property, or the adjustment of claims for the possession of the + children. The independent self-support of every adult healthy + Indian, male or female, and the gentile relationship, which is + more wide-reaching and authoritative than that of marriage, + have already disposed of these questions, which are usually so + perplexing for the white man. So far as personal maintenance is + concerned, a woman is, as a rule, just as well off without a + husband as with one. What is hers, in the shape of property, + remains her own whether she is married or not. In fact, + marriage among these Indians seems to be but the natural mating + of the sexes, to cease at the option of either of the + interested parties." Clay MacCauley, "The Seminole Indians of + Florida", in _Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, + Washington, 1887, p. 497. For a graphic account of the state of + things among the Cheyennes and Arrapahos, see Dodge, _Our Wild + Indians_, pp. 204-220.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Intimate connection of aboriginal architecture with social +life.] + +I have been at some pains to elucidate this point because the house-life +of the American aborigines found visible, and in some instances very +durable, expression in a remarkable style of house-architecture. The +manner in which the Indians built their houses grew directly out of the +requirements of their life. It was an unmistakably characteristic +architecture, and while it exhibits manifold unlikenesses in detail, +due to differences in intelligence as well as to the presence or absence +of sundry materials, there is one underlying principle always manifest. +That underlying principle is adaptation to a certain mode of communal +living such as all American aborigines that have been carefully studied +are known to have practised. Through many gradations, from the sty of +the California savage up to the noble sculptured ruins of Uxmal and +Chichen-Itza, the principle is always present. Taken in connection with +evidence from other sources, it enables us to exhibit a gradation of +stages of culture in aboriginal North America, with the savages of the +Sacramento and Columbia valleys at the bottom, and the Mayas of Yucatan +at the top; and while in going from one end to the other a very long +interval was traversed, we feel that the progress of the aborigines in +crossing that interval was made along similar lines.[72] + + [Footnote 72: See Morgan's _Houses and House-Life of the + American Aborigines_, Washington, 1881, an epoch-making book of + rare and absorbing interest.] + +[Illustration: Seneca-Iroquois long house.] + +[Illustration: Ground-plan of long house.] + +[Sidenote: The long houses of the Iroquois.] + +The principle was first studied and explained by Mr. Morgan in the case +of the famous "long houses" of the Iroquois. "The long house ... was +from fifty to eighty and sometimes one hundred feet long. It consisted +of a strong frame of upright poles set in the ground, which was +strengthened with horizontal poles attached with withes, and surmounted +with a triangular, and in some cases with a round roof. It was covered +over, both sides and roof, with long strips of elm bark tied to the +frame with strings or splints. An external frame of poles for the sides +and of rafters for the roof were then adjusted to hold the bark shingles +between them, the two frames being tied together. The interior of the +house was comparted[73] at intervals of six or eight feet, leaving each +chamber entirely open like a stall upon the passageway which passed +through the centre of the house from end to end. At each end was a +doorway covered with suspended skins. Between each four apartments, two +on a side, was a fire-pit in the centre of the hall, used in common by +their occupants. Thus a house with five fires would contain twenty +apartments and accommodate twenty families, unless some apartments were +reserved for storage. They were warm, roomy, and tidily-kept +habitations. Raised bunks were constructed around the walls of each +apartment for beds. From the roof-poles were suspended their strings of +corn in the ear, braided by the husks, also strings of dried squashes +and pumpkins. Spaces were contrived here and there to store away their +accumulations of provisions. Each house, as a rule, was occupied by +related families, the mothers and their children belonging to the same +gens, while their husbands and the fathers of these children belonged to +other gentes; consequently the gens or clan of the mother largely +predominated in the household. Whatever was taken in the hunt or raised +by cultivation by any member of the household ... was for the common +benefit. Provisions were made a common stock within the household."[74] + + [Footnote 73: This verb of Mr. Morgan's at first struck me as + odd, but though rarely used, it is supported by good authority; + see _Century Dictionary_, s. v.] + + [Footnote 74: The Iroquois ceased to build such houses before + the beginning of the present century. I quote Mr. Morgan's + description at length, because his book is out of print and + hard to obtain. It ought to be republished, and in octavo, like + his _Ancient Society_, of which it is a continuation.] + +"Over every such household a matron presided, whose duty it was to +supervise its domestic economy. After the single daily meal had been +cooked at the different fires within the house, it was her province to +divide the food from the kettle to the several families according to +their respective needs. What remained was placed in the custody of +another person until she again required it."[75] + + [Footnote 75: Lucien Carr, "On the Social and Political + Position of Woman among the Huron-Iroquois Tribes," _Reports of + Peabody Museum_, vol. iii. p. 215.] + +[Sidenote: Summary divorce.] + +Not only the food was common property, but many chattels, including the +children, belonged to the gens or clan. When a young woman got married +she brought her husband home with her. Though thenceforth an inmate of +this household he remained an alien to her clan. "If he proved lazy and +failed to do his share of the providing, woe be to him. No matter how +many children, or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at +any time be ordered to pick up his blanket and budge; and after such +orders it would not be healthful for him to disobey; the house would be +too hot for him; and unless saved by the intercession of some aunt or +grandmother [of his wife] he must retreat to his own clan, or, as was +often done, go and start a new matrimonial alliance in some other.... +The female portion ruled the house."[76] + + [Footnote 76: This was not incompatible with the subjection of + women to extreme drudgery and ill-treatment. For an instructive + comparison with the case among the tribes of the Far West, see + Dodge, _Our Wild Indians_, chap. xvi.] + +[Sidenote: Hospitality.] + +Though there was but one freshly-cooked meal, taken about the middle of +the day, any member of the household when hungry could be helped from +the common stock. Hospitality was universal. If a person from one of the +other communal households, or a stranger from another tribe (in time of +peace), were to visit the house, the women would immediately offer him +food, and it was a breach of etiquette to decline to eat it. This custom +was strictly observed all over the continent and in the West India +Islands, and was often remarked upon by the early discoverers, in whose +minds it was apt to implant idyllic notions that were afterward rudely +disturbed. The prevalence of hospitality among uncivilized races has +long been noted by travellers, and is probably in most cases, as it +certainly was in ancient America, closely connected with communism in +living. + +[Sidenote: Structure of the clan.] + +The clan, which practised this communism, had its definite organization, +officers, rights, and duties. Its official head was the "sachem," whose +functions were of a civil nature. The sachem was elected by the clan and +must be a member of it, so that a son could not be chosen to succeed his +father, but a sachem could be succeeded by his uterine brother or by his +sister's son, and in this way customary lines of succession could and +often did tend to become established. The clan also elected its +"chiefs," whose functions were military; the number of chiefs was +proportionate to that of the people composing the clan, usually one +chief to every fifty or sixty persons. The clan could depose its sachem +or any of its chiefs. Personal property, such as weapons, or trophies, +or rights of user in the garden-plots, was inheritable in the female +line, and thus stayed within the clan. The members were reciprocally +bound to help, defend, and avenge one another. The clan had the right of +adopting strangers to strengthen itself. It had the right of naming its +members, and these names were always obviously significant, like Little +Turtle, Yellow Wolf, etc.; of names like our Richard or William, with +the meaning lost, or obvious only to scholars, no trace is to be found +in aboriginal America. The clan itself, too, always had a name, which +was usually that of some animal,--as Wolf, Eagle, or Salmon, and a rude +drawing or pictograph of the creature served as a "totem" or primitive +heraldic device. A mythological meaning was attached to this emblem. The +clan had its own common religious rites and common burial place. There +was a clan-council, of which women might be members; there were +instances, indeed, of its being composed entirely of women, whose +position was one of much more dignity and influence than has commonly +been supposed. Instances of squaw sachems were not so very rare.[77] + + [Footnote 77: Among the Wyandots there is in each clan a + council composed of four squaws, and this council elects the + male sachem who is its head. Therefore the tribal council, + which is the aggregate of the clan-councils, consists one fifth + of men and four fifths of women. See Powell, "Wyandot + Government: a Short Study of Tribal Society," in _First Annual + Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, Washington, 1881, pp. + 59-69; and also Mr. Carr's interesting essay above cited.] + +[Sidenote: Origin and structure of the phratry.] + +The number of clans in a tribe naturally bore some proportion to the +populousness of the tribe, varying from three, in the case of the +Delawares, to twenty or more, as in the case of the Ojibwas and Creeks. +There were usually eight or ten, and these were usually grouped into two +or three phratries. The phratry seems to have originated in the +segmentation of the overgrown clan, for in some cases exogamy was +originally practised as between the phratries and afterward the custom +died out while it was retained as between their constituent clans.[78] +The system of naming often indicates this origin of the phratry, though +seldom quite so forcibly as in the case of the Mohegan tribe, which was +thus composed:[79]-- + +I. WOLF PHRATRY. + +_Clans:_ 1. Wolf, 2. Bear, 3. Dog, 4. Opossum. + +II. TURTLE PHRATRY. + +_Clans:_ 5. Little Turtle, 6. Mud Turtle, 7. Great Turtle, 8. Yellow +Eel. + +III. TURKEY PHRATRY. + +_Clans:_ 9. Turkey, 10. Crane, 11. Chicken. + +Here the senior clan in the phratry tends to keep the original +clan-name, while the junior clans have been guided by a sense of kinship +in choosing their new names. This origin of the phratry is further +indicated by the fact that the phratry does not always occur; sometimes +the clans are organized directly into the tribe. The phratry was not so +much a governmental as a religious and social organization. Its most +important function seems to have been supplementing or reinforcing the +action of the single clan in exacting compensation for murder; and this +point is full of interest because it helps us to understand how among +our Teutonic forefathers the "hundred" (the equivalent of the phratry) +became charged with the duty of prosecuting criminals. The Greek phratry +had a precisely analogous function.[80] + + [Footnote 78: H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific + States_, vol. i. p. 109.] + + [Footnote 79: Morgan, _Houses and House-Life_, p. 16.] + + [Footnote 80: See Freeman, _Comparative Politics_, p. 117; + Stubbs, _Const. Hist._, vol. i. pp. 98-104; Grote, _History of + Greece_, vol. iii. pp. 74, 88. It is interesting to compare + Grote's description with Morgan's (_Anc. Soc._, pp. 71, 94) and + note both the closeness of the general parallelism and the + character of the specific variations.] + +[Sidenote: Structure of the tribe.] + +The Indian tribe was a group of people distinguished by the exclusive +possession of a dialect in common. It possessed a tribal name and +occupied a more or less clearly defined territory; there were also +tribal religious rites. Its supreme government was vested in the council +of its clan-chiefs and sachems; and as these were thus officers of the +tribe as well as of the clan, the tribe exercised the right of investing +them with office, amid appropriate solemnities, after their election by +their respective clans. The tribal-council had also the right to depose +chiefs and sachems. In some instances, not always, there was a head +chief or military commander for the tribes, elected by the tribal +council. Such, was the origin of the office which, in most societies of +the Old World, gradually multiplied its functions and accumulated power +until it developed into true kingship. Nowhere in ancient North America +did it quite reach such a stage. + +[Sidenote: Cross-relationships between clans and tribes: the Iroquois +Confederacy.] + +Among the greater part of the aborigines no higher form of social +structure was attained than the tribe. There were, however, several +instances of permanent confederation, of which the two most interesting +and most highly developed were the League of the Iroquois, mentioned +above, and the Mexican Confederacy, presently to be considered. The +principles upon which the Iroquois league was founded have been +thoroughly and minutely explained by Mr. Morgan.[81] It originated in a +union of five tribes composed of clans in common, and speaking five +dialects of a common language. These tribes had themselves arisen +through the segmentation of a single overgrown tribe, so that portions +of the original clans survived in them all. The Wolf, Bear, and Turtle +clan were common to all the five tribes; three other clans were common +to three of the five. "All the members of the same gens [clan], whether +Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, or Senecas, were brothers and +sisters to each other in virtue of their descent from the same common +[female] ancestor, and they recognized each other as such with the +fullest cordiality. When they met, the first inquiry was the name of +each other's gens, and next the immediate pedigree of each other's +sachems; after which they were able to find, under their peculiar system +of consanguinity, the relationship in which they stood to each other.... +This cross-relationship between persons of the same gens in the +different tribes is still preserved and recognized among them in all its +original force. It explains the tenacity with which the fragments of the +old confederacy still cling together."[82] Acknowledged consanguinity +is to the barbarian a sound reason, and the only one conceivable, for +permanent political union; and the very existence of such a confederacy +as that of the Five Nations was rendered possible only through the +permanence of the clans or communal households which were its ultimate +units. We have here a clue to the policy of these Indians toward the +kindred tribes who refused to join their league. These tribes, too, so +far as is known, would seem to have contained the same clans. After a +separation of at least four hundred years the Wyandots have still five +of their eight clans in common with the Iroquois. When the Eries and +other tribes would not join the league of their kindred, the refusal +smacked of treason to the kin, and we can quite understand the deadly +fury with which the latter turned upon them and butchered every man, +woman, and child except such as they saw fit to adopt into their own +clans. + + [Footnote 81: In his _League of the Iroquois_, Rochester, 1851, + a book now out of print and excessively rare. A brief summary + is given in his _Ancient Society_, chap. v., and in his _Houses + and House-Life_, pp. 23-41. Mr. Morgan was adopted into the + Seneca tribe, and his life work was begun by a profound and + exhaustive study of this interesting people.] + + [Footnote 82: _Houses and House-Life_, p. 33. At the period of + its greatest power, about 1675, the people of the confederacy + were about 25,000 in number. In 1875, according to official + statistics (see table appended to Dodge's _Plains of the Great + West_, pp. 441-448), there were in the state of New York 198 + Oneidas, 203 Onondagas, 165 Cayugas, 3,043 Senecas, and 448 + Tuscaroras,--in all 4,057. Besides these there were 1,279 + Oneidas on a reservation in Wisconsin, and 207 Senecas in the + Indian Territory. The Mohawks are not mentioned in the list. + During the Revolutionary War, and just afterward, the Mohawks + migrated into Upper Canada (Ontario), for an account of which + the reader may consult the second volume of Stone's _Life of + Brant_. Portions of the other tribes also went to Canada. In + New York the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were converted to + Christianity by Samuel Kirkland and withheld from alliance with + the British during the Revolution; the others still retain + their ancient religion. They are for the most part farmers and + are now increasing in numbers. Their treatment by the state of + New York has been honourably distinguished for justice and + humanity.] + +[Sidenote: Structure of the confederacy.] + +Each of the Five Tribes retained its local self-government. The supreme +government of the confederacy was vested in a General Council of fifty +sachems, "equal in rank and authority." The fifty sachemships were +created in perpetuity in certain clans of the several tribes; whenever a +vacancy occurred, it was filled by the clan electing one of its own +members; a sachem once thus elected could be deposed by the clan-council +for good cause; "but the right to invest these sachems with office was +reserved to the General Council." These fifty sachems of the confederacy +were likewise sachems in their respective tribes, "and with the chiefs +of these tribes formed the council of each, which was supreme over all +matters pertaining to the tribe exclusively." The General Council could +not convene itself, but could be convened by any one of the five tribal +councils. The regular meeting was once a year in the autumn, in the +valley of Onondaga, but in stirring times extra sessions were frequent. +The proceedings were opened by an address from one of the sachems, "in +the course of which he thanked the Great Spirit [i. e. Ioskeha, the +sky-god] for sparing their lives and permitting them to meet together;" +after this they were ready for business. It was proper for any orator +from among the people to address the Council with arguments, and the +debates were sometimes very long and elaborate. When it came to voting, +the fifty sachems voted by tribes, each tribe counting as a unit, and +unanimity was as imperative as in an English jury, so that one tribe +could block the proceedings. The confederacy had no head-sachem, or +civil chief-magistrate; but a military commander was indispensable, and, +curiously enough, without being taught by the experience of a Tarquin, +the Iroquois made this a dual office, like the Roman consulship. There +were two permanent chieftainships, one in the Wolf, the other in the +Turtle clan, and both in the Seneca tribe, because the western border +was the most exposed to attack.[83] The chiefs were elected by the clan, +and inducted into office by the General Council; their tenure was during +life or good behaviour. This office never encroached upon the others in +its powers, but an able warrior in this position could wield great +influence. + + [Footnote 83: Somewhat on the same principle that in mediæval + Europe led an earl or count, commanding an exposed border + district or _march_ to rise in power and importance and become + a "margrave" [_mark_ + _graf_ = march-count] or "marquis." + Compare the increase of sovereignty accorded to the earls of + Chester and bishops of Durham as rulers of the two principal + march counties of England.] + +[Sidenote: The "Long House."] + +Such was the famous confederacy of the Iroquois. They called it the Long +House, and by this name as commonly as any other it is known in history. +The name by which they called themselves was Hodenosaunee, or "People of +the Long House." The name was picturesquely descriptive of the long and +narrow strip of villages with its western outlook toward the Niagara, +and its eastern toward the Hudson, three hundred miles distant. But it +was appropriate also for another and a deeper reason than this. We have +seen that in its social and political structure, from top to bottom and +from end to end, the confederacy was based upon and held together by the +gentes, clans, communal households, or "long houses," which were its +component units. They may be compared to the hypothetical indestructible +atoms of modern physics, whereof all material objects are composed. The +whole institutional fabric was the outgrowth of the group of ideas and +habits that belong to a state of society ignorant of and incapable of +imagining any other form of organization than the clan held together by +the tie of a common maternal ancestry. The house architecture was as +much a constituent part of the fabric as the council of sachems. There +is a transparency about the system that is very different from the +obscurity we continually find in Europe and Asia, where different strata +of ideas and institutions have been superimposed one upon another and +crumpled and distorted with as little apparent significance or purpose +as the porches and gables of a so-called "Queen Anne" house.[84] +Conquest in the Old World has resulted in the commingling and manifold +fusion of peoples in very different stages of development. In the New +World there has been very little of that sort of thing. Conquest in +ancient America was pretty much all of the Iroquois type, entailing in +its milder form the imposition of tribute, in its more desperate form +the extermination of a tribe with the adoption of its remnants into the +similarly-constituted tribe of the conquerors. There was therefore but +little modification of the social structure while the people, gradually +acquiring new arts, were passing through savagery and into a more or +less advanced stage of barbarism. The symmetry of the structure and the +relation of one institution to another is thus distinctly apparent. + + [Footnote 84: For instance, the whole discussion in Gomme's + _Village Community_, London, 1890, an excellent book, abounds + with instances of this crumpling.] + +The communal household and the political structure built upon it, as +above described in the case of the Iroquois, seem to have existed all +over ancient North America, with agreement in fundamental +characteristics and variation in details and degree of development. +There are many corners as yet imperfectly explored, but hitherto, in so +far as research has been rewarded with information, it all points in the +same general direction. Among the tribes above enumerated as either in +savagery or in the lower status of barbarism, so far as they have been +studied, there seems to be a general agreement, as to the looseness of +the marriage tie the clan with descent in the female line, the phratry, +the tribe, the officers and councils, the social equality, the community +in goods (with exceptions already noted), and the wigwam or house +adapted to communal living. + +[Illustration: View, Cross-section, and Ground-plan of Mandan round +house.] + +[Sidenote: Circular houses of the Mandans.] + +The extreme of variation consistent with adherence to the common +principle was to be found in the shape and material of the houses. Those +of the savage tribes were but sorry huts. The long house was used by the +Powhatans and other Algonquin tribes. The other most highly developed +type may be illustrated by the circular frame-houses of the +Mandans.[85] These houses were from forty to sixty feet in diameter. A +dozen or more posts, each about eight inches in diameter, were set in +the ground, "at equal distances in the circumference of a circle, and +rising about six feet above the level of the floor." The tops of the +posts were connected by horizontal stringers; and outside each post a +slanting wooden brace sunk in the ground about four feet distant served +as a firm support to the structure. The spaces between these braces were +filled by tall wooden slabs, set with the same slant and resting against +the stringers. Thus the framework of the outer wall was completed. To +support the roof four posts were set in the ground about ten feet apart +in the form of a square, near the centre of the building. They were from +twelve to fifteen feet in height, and were connected at the top by four +stringers forming a square. The rafters rested upon these stringers and +upon the top of the circular wall below. The rafters were covered with +willow matting, and upon this was spread a layer of prairie grass. Then +both wall and roof, from the ground up to the summit, were covered with +earth, solid and hard, to a thickness of at least two feet. The rafters +projected above the square framework at the summit, so as to leave a +circular opening in the centre about four feet in diameter. This hole +let in a little light, and let out some of the smoke from the fire which +blazed underneath in a fire-pit lined with stone slabs set on edge. +The only other aperture for light was the doorway, which was a kind of +vestibule or passage some ten feet in length. Curtains of buffalo robes +did duty instead of doors. The family compartments were triangles with +base at the outer wall, and apex opening upon the central hearth; and +the partitions were hanging mats or skins, which were tastefully fringed +and ornamented with quill-work and pictographs.[86] In the lower Mandan +village, visited by Catlin, there were about fifty such houses, each +able to accommodate from thirty to forty persons. The village, situated +upon a bold bluff at a bend of the Missouri river, and surrounded by a +palisade of stout timbers more than ten feet in height, was very strong +for defensive purposes. Indeed, it was virtually impregnable to Indian +methods of attack, for the earth-covered houses could not be set on fire +by blazing arrows, and just within the palisade ran a trench in which +the defenders could securely skulk, while through the narrow chinks +between the timbers they could shoot arrows fast enough to keep their +assailants at a distance. This purpose was further secured by rude +bastions, and considering the structure as a whole one cannot help +admiring the ingenuity which it exhibits. It shows a marked superiority +over the conceptions of military defence attained by the Iroquois or any +other Indians north of New Mexico. Besides the communal houses the +village contained its "medicine lodge," or council house, and an open +area for games and ceremonies. In the spaces between the houses were +the scaffolds for drying maize, buffalo meat, etc., ascended by +well-made portable ladders. Outside the village, at a short distance on +the prairie, was a group of such scaffolds upon which the dead were left +to moulder, somewhat after the fashion of the Parsees.[87] + + [Footnote 85: Morgan, _Houses and House-life_, pp. 126-129; + Catlin's _North Amer. Indians_, i. 81 _ff._] + + [Footnote 86: Catlin, i. 83.] + + [Footnote 87: Catlin, i. 90.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The Indians of the pueblos,--in the middle status of +barbarism.] + +We are now prepared to understand some essential points in the life of +the groups of Indians occupying the region of the Cordilleras, both +north and south of the Isthmus of Darien, all the way from Zuñi to +Quito. The principal groups are the Moquis and Zuñis of Arizona and New +Mexico, the Nahuas or Nahuatlac tribes of Mexico, the Mayas, Quichés, +and kindred peoples of Central America; and beyond the isthmus, the +Chibchas of New Granada, and sundry peoples comprised within the domain +of the Incas. With regard to the ethnic relationships of these various +groups, opinion is still in a state of confusion; but it is not +necessary for our present purpose that we should pause to discuss the +numerous questions thus arising. Our business is to get a clear notion +in outline of the character of the culture to which these peoples had +attained at the time of the Discovery. Here we observe, on the part of +all, a very considerable divergence from the average Indian level which +we have thus far been describing. + +This divergence increases as we go from Zuñi toward Cuzco, reaching its +extreme, on the whole, among the Peruvians, though in some respects the +nearest approach to civilization was made by the Mayas. All these +peoples were at least one full ethnical period nearer to true +civilization than the Iroquois,--and a vast amount of change and +improvement is involved in the conception of an entire ethnical period. +According to Mr. Morgan, one more such period would have brought the +average level of these Cordilleran peoples to as high a plane as that of +the Greeks described in the Odyssey. Let us now observe the principal +points involved in the change, bearing in mind that it implies a +considerable lapse of time. While the date 1325, at which the city of +Mexico was founded, is the earliest date in the history of that country +which can be regarded as securely established, it was preceded by a long +series of generations of migration and warfare, the confused and +fragmentary record of which historians have tried--hitherto with scant +success--to unravel. To develop such a culture as that of the Aztecs out +of an antecedent culture similar to that of the Iroquois must of course +have taken a long time. + +[Sidenote: Horticulture with irrigation, and architecture with adobe.] + +It will be remembered that the most conspicuous distinctive marks of the +grade of culture attained by the Cordilleran peoples were two,--the +cultivation of maize in large quantities by irrigation, and the use of +adobe-brick or stone in building. Probably there was at first, to some +extent, a causal connection between the former and the latter. The +region of the Moqui-Zuñi culture is a region in which arid plains become +richly fertile when water from neighbouring cliffs or peaks is +directed down upon them. It is mainly an affair of sluices, not of pump +or well, which seem to have been alike beyond the ken of aboriginal +Americans of whatever grade. The change of occupation involved in +raising large crops of corn by the aid of sluices would facilitate an +increase in density of population, and would encourage a preference for +agricultural over predatory life. Such changes would be likely to favour +the development of defensive military art. The Mohawk's surest defence +lay in the terror which his prowess created hundreds of miles away. One +can easily see how the forefathers of our Moquis and Zuñis may have come +to prefer the security gained by living more closely together and +building impregnable fortresses. + +[Sidenote: Possible origin of adobe architecture.] + +The earthen wall of the Mandan, supported on a framework of posts and +slabs, seems to me curiously and strikingly suggestive of the incipient +pottery made by surrounding a basket with a coating of clay.[88] When it +was discovered how to make the earthen bowl or dish without the basket, +a new era in progress was begun. So when it was discovered that an +earthen wall could be fashioned to answer the requirements of +house-builders without the need of a permanent wooden framework, another +great step was taken. Again the consequences were great enough to make +it mark the beginning of a new ethnical period. If we suppose the +central portion of our continent, the Mississippi and Missouri valleys, +to have been occupied at some time by tribes familiar with the Mandan +style of building; and if we further suppose a gradual extension or +migration of this population, or some part of it, westward into the +mountain region; that would be a movement into a region in which timber +was scarce, while adobe clay was abundant. Under such circumstances the +useful qualities of that peculiar clay could not fail to be soon +discovered. The simple exposure to sunshine would quickly convert a +Mandan house built with it into an adobe house; the coating of earth +would become a coating of brick. It would not then take long to +ascertain that with such adobe-brick could be built walls at once light +and strong, erect and tall, such as could not be built with common clay. +In some such way as this I think the discovery must have been made by +the ancestors of the Zuñis, and others who have built pueblos. After the +pueblo style of architecture, with its erect walls and terraced stories, +had become developed, it was an easy step, when the occasion suggested +it, to substitute for the adobe-brick coarse rubble-stones embedded in +adobe. The final stage was reached in Mexico and Yucatan, when soft +coralline limestone was shaped into blocks with a flint chisel and laid +in courses with adobe-mortar. + + [Footnote 88: See above, p. 25.] + +[Sidenote: Mr. Cushing at Zuñi.] + +The pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona are among the most interesting +structures in the world. Several are still inhabited by the descendants +of the people who were living in them at the time of the Spanish +Discovery, and their primitive customs and habits of thought have been +preserved to the present day with but little change. The long sojourn +of Mr. Cushing, of the Bureau of Ethnology, in the Zuñi pueblo, has +already thrown a flood of light upon many points in American +archæology.[89] As in the case of American aborigines generally, the +social life of these people is closely connected with their +architecture, and the pueblos which are still inhabited seem to furnish +us with the key to the interpretation of those that we find deserted or +in ruins, whether in Arizona or in Guatemala. + + [Footnote 89: See his articles in the _Century Magazine_, Dec., + 1882, Feb., 1883, May, 1883; and his papers on "Zuñi Fetiches," + _Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology_, ii. 9-45; "A Study of + Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth," id. iv. + 473-521; see also Mrs. Stevenson's paper, "Religious Life of a + Zuñi Child," id. v. 539-555; Sylvester Baxter, "An Aboriginal + Pilgrimage," _Century Magazine_, Aug., 1882.] + +[Illustration: Pueblo Hungo Pavie. Chaco Cañon N. M.] + +[Sidenote: Typical structure of the pueblo.] + +In the architecture of the pueblos one typical form is reproduced with +sundry variations in detail. The typical form is that of a solid block +of buildings making three sides of an extensive rectangular enclosure +or courtyard. On the inside, facing upon the courtyard, the structure +is but one story in height; on the outside, looking out upon the +surrounding country, it rises to three, or perhaps even five or six +stories. From inside to outside the flat roofs rise in a series of +terraces, so that the floor of the second row is continuous with the +roof of the first, the floor of the third row is continuous with the +roof of the second, and so on. The fourth side of the rectangle is +formed by a solid block of one-story apartments, usually with one or two +narrow gateways overlooked by higher structures within the enclosure. +Except these gateways there is no entrance from without; the only +windows are frowning loop-holes, and access to the several apartments is +gained through skylights reached by portable ladders. Such a structure +is what our own forefathers would have naturally called a "burgh," or +fortress; it is in one sense a house, yet in another sense a town;[90] +its divisions are not so much houses as compartments; it is a +joint-tenement affair, like the Iroquois long houses, but in a higher +stage of development. + + [Footnote 90: Cf. [Greek: oikos], "house," with Latin _vicus_, + "street" or "village," Sanskrit _vesa_, "dwelling-place," + English _wick_, "mansion" or "village."] + +[Illustration: Restoration of Pueblo Hungo Pavie.] + +[Sidenote: Pueblo society.] + +So far as they have been studied, the pueblo Indians are found to be +organized in clans, with descent in the female line, as in the case of +the ruder Indians above described. In the event of marriage the young +husband goes to live with his wife, and she may turn him out of doors if +he deserves it.[91] The ideas of property seem still limited to that +of possessory right, with the ultimate title in the clan, except that +portable articles subject to individual ownership have become more +numerous. In government the council of sachems reappears with a +principal sachem, or cacique, called by the Spaniards "gobernador." +There is an organized priesthood, with distinct orders, and a ceremonial +more elaborate than those of the ruder Indians. In every pueblo there is +to be found at least one "estufa," or council-house, for governmental or +religious transactions. Usually there are two or three or more such +estufas. In mythology, in what we may call pictography or rudimentary +hieroglyphics, as well as in ordinary handicrafts, there is a marked +advance beyond the Indians of the lower status of barbarism, after +making due allowances for such things as the people of the pueblos have +learned from white men.[92] + + [Footnote 91: "With the woman rests the security of the + marriage ties; and it must be said, in her high honour, that + she rarely abuses the privilege; that is, never sends her + husband 'to the home of his fathers,' unless he richly deserves + it." But should not Mr. Cushing have said "home of his + mothers," or perhaps, of "his sisters and his cousins and his + aunts?" For a moment afterward he tells us, "To her belong all + the children; and descent, including inheritance, is on her + side." _Century Magazine_, May, 1883, p. 35.] + + [Footnote 92: For example, since the arrival of the Spaniards + some or perhaps all of the pueblos have introduced chimneys + into their apartments; but when they were first visited by + Coronado, he found the people wearing cotton garments, and + Franciscan friars in 1581 remarked upon the superior quality of + their shoes. In spinning and weaving, as well as in the + grinding of meal, a notable advance had been made.] + +[Illustration: Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.] + +[Illustration: Pueblo Peñasca Blanca.] + +[Sidenote: Wonderful ancient pueblos in the Chaco valley.] + +[Sidenote: The Moqui pueblos.] + +[Sidenote: The cliff pueblos.] + +From the pueblos still existing, whether inhabited or in ruins, we may +eventually get some sort of clue to the populations of ancient towns +visited by the Spanish discoverers.[93] The pueblo of Zuñi seems to have +had at one time a population of 5,000, but it has dwindled to less than +2,000. Of the ruined pueblos, built of stone with adobe mortar, in the +valley of the Rio Chaco, the Pueblo Hungo Pavie contained 73 apartments +in the first story, 53 in the second, and 29 in the third, with an +average size of 18 feet by 13; and would have accommodated about 1,000 +Indians. In the same valley Pueblo Bonito, with four stories, contained +not less than 640 apartments, with room enough for a population of +3,000; within a third of a mile from this huge structure stood Pueblo +Chettro Kettle, with 506 apartments. The most common variation from the +rectangular shape was that in which a terraced semicircle was +substituted for the three terraced sides, as in Pueblo Bonito, or the +whole rectangular design was converted into an ellipse, as in Pueblo +Peñasca Blanca. There are indications that these fortresses were not in +all cases built at one time, but that, at least in some cases, they grew +by gradual accretions.[94] The smallness of the distances between those +in the Chaco valley suggests that their inhabitants must have been +united in a confederation; and one can easily see that an actual +juxtaposition or partial coalescence of such communities would have +made a city of very imposing appearance. The pueblos are always found +situated near a river, and their gardens, lying outside, are easily +accessible to sluices from neighbouring cliffs or mesas. But in some +cases, as the Wolpi pueblo of the Moquis, the whole stronghold is built +upon the summit of the cliff; there is a coalescence of communal +structures, each enclosing a courtyard, in which there is a spring for +the water-supply; and the irrigated gardens are built in terrace-form +just below on the bluff, and protected by solid walls. From this curious +pueblo another transition takes us to the extraordinary cliff-houses found +in the Chelly, Mancos, and McElmo cañons, and elsewhere,--veritable +human eyries perched in crevices or clefts of the perpendicular rock, +accessible only by dint of a toilsome and perilous climb; places of +refuge, perhaps for fragments of tribes overwhelmed by more barbarous +invaders, yet showing in their dwelling-rooms and estufas marks of +careful building and tasteful adornment.[95] + + [Footnote 93: At least a better one than Mr. Prescott had when + he naively reckoned five persons to a household, _Conquest of + Mexico_, ii. 97.] + + [Footnote 94: Morgan, _Houses and House-Life_, chap. vii.] + + [Footnote 95: For careful descriptions of the ruined pueblos + and cliff-houses, see Nadaillac's _Prehistoric America_, chap. + v., and Short's _North Americans of Antiquity_, chap. vii. The + latter sees in them the melancholy vestiges of a people + gradually "succumbing to their unpropitious surroundings--a + land which is fast becoming a howling wilderness, with its + scourging sands and roaming savage Bedouin--the Apaches."] + +[Sidenote: Pueblo of Zuñi.] + +The pueblo of Zuñi is a more extensive and complex structure than the +ruined pueblos on the Chaco river. It is not so much an enormous +communal house as a small town formed of a number of such houses crowded +together, with access from one to another along their roof-terraces. +Some of the structures are of adobe brick, others of stone embedded in +adobe mortar and covered with plaster. There are two open plazas or +squares in the town, and several streets, some of which are covered ways +passing beneath the upper stories of houses. The effect, though not +splendid, must be very picturesque, and would doubtless astonish and +bewilder visitors unprepared for such a sight. When Coronado's men +discovered Zuñi in 1540, although that style of building was no longer a +novelty to them, they compared the place to Granada. + +[Sidenote: Pueblo of Tlascala.] + +Now it is worthy of note that Cortes made the same comparison in the +case of Tlascala, one of the famous towns at which he stopped on his +march from Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico. In his letter to the emperor +Charles V., he compared Tlascala to Granada, "affirming that it was +larger, stronger, and more populous than the Moorish capital at the time +of the conquest, and quite as well built."[96] Upon this Mr. Prescott +observes, "we shall be slow to believe that its edifices could have +rivalled those monuments of Oriental magnificence, whose light aerial +forms still survive after the lapse of ages, the admiration of every +traveller of sensibility and taste. The truth is that Cortes, like +Columbus, saw objects through the warm medium of his own fond +imagination, giving them a higher tone of colouring and larger +dimensions than were strictly warranted by the fact." Or, as Mr. +Bandelier puts it, when it comes to general statements about numbers +and dimensions, "the descriptions of the conquerors cannot be taken as +facts, only as the expression of feelings, honestly entertained but +uncritical." From details given in various Spanish descriptions, +including those of Cortes himself, it is evident that there could not +have been much difference in size between Tlascala and its neighbour +Cholula. The population of the latter town has often been given as from +150,000 to 200,000; but, from elaborate archæological investigations +made on the spot in 1881, Mr. Bandelier concludes that it cannot have +greatly exceeded 30,000, and this number really agrees with the +estimates of two very important Spanish authorities, Las Casas and +Torquemada, when correctly understood.[97] We may therefore suppose that +the population of Tlascala was about 30,000. Now the population of the +city of Granada, at the time of its conquest by Ferdinand and Isabella, +is said by the greatest of Spanish historians[98] to have been about +200,000. It would thus appear that Cortes sometimes let his feelings run +away with him; and, all things considered, small blame to him if he did! +In studying the story of the Spanish conquest of America, liberal +allowance must often be made for inaccuracies of statement that were +usually pardonable and sometimes inevitable. + + [Footnote 96: "La qual ciudad ... es muy mayor que Granada, y + muy mas fuerte, y de tan buenos edificios, y de mucha mas + gente, que Granada tenia al tiempo que se gaño." Cortes, + _Relacion segunda al Emperador_, ap. Lorenzana, p. 58, cited in + Prescott's _Conquest of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 401 (7th ed., + London, 1855).] + + [Footnote 97: See Bandelier's _Archæological Tour in Mexico_, + Boston, 1885, pp. 160-164. Torquemada's words, cited by + Bandelier, are "Quando entraron los Españoles, dicen que tenia + mas de quarenta mil vecinos esta ciudad." _Monarquía Indiana_, + lib. iii. cap. xix. p. 281. A prolific source of error is the + ambiguity in the word _vecinos_, which may mean either + "inhabitants" or "householders." Where Torquemada meant 40,000 + inhabitants, uncritical writers fond of the marvellous have + understood him to mean 40,000 houses, and multiplying this + figure by 5, the average number of persons _in a modern + family_, have obtained the figure 200,000. But 40,000 houses + peopled after the old Mexican fashion, with at least 200 + persons in a house (to put it as low as possible), would make a + city of 8,000,000 inhabitants! Las Casas, in his _Destruycion + de las Indias_, vii., puts the population of Cholula at about + 30,000. I observe that Llorente (in his _Oeuvres de Las Casas_, + tom. i. p. 38) translates the statement correctly. I shall + recur to this point below, vol. ii. p. 264.] + + [Footnote 98: Mariana, _Historia de España_, Valencia, 1795, + tom. viii. p. 317.] + +But when Cortes described Tlascala as "quite as well built" as Granada, +it is not at all likely that he was thinking about that exquisite +Moorish architecture which in the mind of Mr. Prescott or any cultivated +modern writer is the first thing to be suggested by the name. The +Spaniards of those days did not admire the artistic work of "infidels;" +they covered up beautiful arabesques with a wash of dirty plaster, and +otherwise behaved very much like the Puritans who smashed the +"idolatrous" statues in English cathedrals. When Cortes looked at +Tlascala, and Coronado looked at Zuñi, and both soldiers were reminded +of Granada, they were probably looking at those places with a +professional eye as fortresses hard to capture; and from this point of +view there was doubtless some justice in the comparison. + +[Sidenote: The ancient city of Mexico was a great composite pueblo.] + +In the description of Tlascala by the Spaniards who first saw it, with +its dark and narrow streets, its houses of adobe, or "the better sort" +of stone laid in adobe mortar, and its flat and terraced roofs, one is +irresistibly reminded of such a pueblo as Zuñi. Tlascala was a town of +a type probably common in Mexico. In some respects, as will hereafter +appear, the city of Mexico showed striking variations from the common +type. Yet there too were to be seen the huge houses, with terraced +roofs, built around a square courtyard; in one of them 450 Spaniards, +with more than 1,000 Tlascalan allies, were accommodated; in another, +called "Montezuma's palace," one of the conquerors, who came several +times intending to see the whole of it, got so tired with wandering +through the interminable succession of rooms that at length he gave it +up and never saw them all.[99] This might have happened in such a +building as Pueblo Bonito; and a suspicion is raised that Montezuma's +city was really a vast composite pueblo, and that its so-called palaces +were communal buildings in principle like the pueblos of the Chaco +valley. + + [Footnote 99: "Et io entrai piu di quattro volte in una casa + del gran Signor non por altro effetto che per vederla, et ogni + volta vi camminauo tanto che mi stancauo, et mai la fini di + vedere tutta." _Relatione fatta per un gentil' huomo del Signor + Fernando Cortese_, apud Ramusio, _Navigationi et Viaggi_, + Venice, 1556, tom. iii. fol. 309.] + +[Sidenote: Natural mistake of the Spanish discoverers.] + +[Sidenote: Contrast between feudalism and gentilism.] + +[Sidenote: Change from gentile society to political society.] + +Of course the Spanish discoverers could not be expected to understand +the meaning of what they saw. It dazed and bewildered them. They knew +little or nothing of any other kind of society than feudal monarchy, and +if they made such mistakes as to call the head war-chief a "king" (i. e. +feudal king) or "emperor," and the clan-chiefs "lords" or "noblemen," if +they supposed that these huge fortresses were like feudal castles and +palaces in Europe, they were quite excusable. Such misconceptions were +common enough before barbarous societies had been much studied; and many +a dusky warrior, without a tithe of the pomp and splendour about him +that surrounded Montezuma, has figured in the pages of history as a +mighty potentate girt with many of the trappings of feudalism.[100] +Initial misconceptions that were natural enough, indeed unavoidable, +found expression in an absurdly inappropriate nomenclature; and then the +use of wrong names and titles bore fruit in what one cannot properly +call a theory but rather an incoherent medley of notions about barbaric +society. Nothing could be further from _feudalism_, in which the +relation of landlord and tenant is a fundamental element, than the +society of the American aborigines, in which that relation was utterly +unknown and inconceivable. This more primitive form of society is not +improperly called _gentilism_, inasmuch as it is based upon the gens or +clan, with communism in living, and with the conception of individual +ownership of property undeveloped. It was gentilism that everywhere +prevailed throughout the myriads of unrecorded centuries during which +the foremost races of mankind struggled up through savagery and +barbarism into civilization, while weaker and duller races lagged behind +at various stages on the way. The change from "gentile" society to +political society as we know it was in some respects the most important +change that has occurred in human affairs since men became human. It +might be roughly defined as the change from personal to territorial +organization. It was accomplished when the stationary clan became +converted into the township, and the stationary tribe into the small +state;[101] when the conception of individual property in land was fully +acquired; when the tie of physical kinship ceased to be indispensable as +a bond for holding a society together; when the _clansman_ became a +_citizen_. This momentous change was accomplished among the Greeks +during a period beginning shortly before the first Olympiad (B. C. +776), and ending with the reforms of Kleisthenes at Athens (B. C. 509); +among the Romans it was accomplished by the series of legislative +changes beginning with those ascribed to Servius Tullius (about B. C. +550), and perfected by the time of the first Punic War (B. C. 264-241). +In each case about three centuries was required to work the change.[102] +If now the reader, familiar with European history, will reflect upon the +period of more than a thousand years which intervened between the date +last named and the time when feudalism became thoroughly established, if +he will recall to mind the vast and powerful complication of causes +which operated to transform civil society from the aspect which it wore +in the days of Regulus and the second Ptolemy to that which it had +assumed in the times of Henry the Fowler or Fulk of Anjou, he will begin +to realize how much "feudalism" implies, and what a wealth of experience +it involves, above and beyond the change from "gentile" to "civil" +society. It does not appear that any people in ancient America ever +approached very near to this earlier change. None had fairly begun to +emerge from gentilism; none had advanced so far as the Greeks of the +first Olympiad or the Romans under the rule of the Tarquins. + + [Footnote 100: When Pocahontas visited London in 1616 she was + received at court as befitted a "king's daughter," and the old + Virginia historian, William Stith (born in 1689), says it was a + "constant tradition" in his day that James I. "became jealous, + and was highly offended at Mr. Rolfe for marrying a princess." + The notion was that "if Virginia descended to Pocahontas, as it + might do at Powhatan's death, at her own death the kingdom + would be vested in Mr. Rolfe's posterity." Esten Cooke's + _Virginia_, p. 100. Powhatan (i. e. Wahunsunakok, chief of the + Powhatan tribe) was often called "emperor" by the English + settlers. To their intense bewilderment he told one of them + that his office would descend to his [maternal] brothers, even + though he had sons living. It was thought that this could not + be true.] + + [Footnote 101: The small states into which tribes were at first + transformed have in many cases survived to the present time as + portions of great states or nations. The shires or counties of + England, which have been reproduced in the United States, + originated in this way, as I have briefly explained in my + little book on _Civil Government in the United States_, p. 49. + When you look on the map of England, and see the town of + _Icklingham_ in the county of _Suffolk_, it means that this + place was once the "home" of the "Icklings" or "children of + Ickel," a clan which formed part of the tribe of Angles known + as "South folk." So the names of Gaulish tribes survived as + names of French provinces, e. g. _Auvergne_ from the _Arverni_, + _Poitou_ from the _Pictavi_, _Anjou_ from the _Andecavi_, + _Béarn_ from the _Bigerrones_, etc.] + + [Footnote 102: "It was no easy task to accomplish such a + fundamental change, however simple and obvious it may now + seem.... Anterior to experience, a township, as the unit of a + political system, was abstruse enough to tax the Greeks and + Romans to the depths of their capacities before the conception + was formed and set in practical operation." Morgan, _Ancient + Society_, p. 218.] + +[Sidenote: Suspicions as to the erroneousness of the Spanish accounts.] + +[Sidenote: Detection and explanation of the errors, by Lewis Morgan.] + +The first eminent writer to express a serious doubt as to the +correctness of the earlier views of Mexican civilization was that +sagacious Scotchman, William Robertson.[103] The illustrious statesman +and philologist, Albert Gallatin, founder of the American Ethnological +Society, published in the first volume of its "Transactions" an essay +which recognized the danger of trusting the Spanish narratives without +very careful and critical scrutiny.[104] It is to be observed that Mr. +Gallatin approached the subject with somewhat more knowledge of +aboriginal life in America than had been possessed by previous writers. +A similar scepticism was expressed by Lewis Cass, who also knew a great +deal about Indians.[105] Next came Mr. Morgan,[106] the man of +path-breaking ideas, whose minute and profound acquaintance with Indian +life was joined with a power of penetrating the hidden implications of +facts so keen and so sure as to amount to genius. Mr. Morgan saw the +nature of the delusion under which the Spaniards laboured; he saw that +what they mistook for feudal castles owned by great lords, and inhabited +by dependent retainers, were really huge communal houses, owned and +inhabited by clans, or rather by segments of overgrown clans. He saw +this so vividly that it betrayed him now and then into a somewhat +impatient and dogmatic manner of statement; but that was a slight fault, +for what he saw was not the outcome of dreamy speculation but of +scientific insight. His researches, which reduced "Montezuma's empire" +to a confederacy of tribes dwelling in pueblos, governed by a council of +chiefs, and collecting tribute from neighbouring pueblos, have been +fully sustained by subsequent investigation. + + [Footnote 103: Robertson's _History of America_, 9th ed. vol. + iii. pp. 274, 281.] + + [Footnote 104: "Notes on the Semi-civilized Nations of Mexico, + Yucatan, and Central America," _American Ethnological Society's + Transactions_, vol. i., New York, 1852. There is a brief + account of Mr. Gallatin's pioneer work in American philology + and ethnology in Stevens's _Albert Gallatin_, pp. 386-396.] + + [Footnote 105: Cass, "Aboriginal Structures," _North Amer. + Review_, Oct., 1840.] + + [Footnote 106: Mr. R. A. Wilson's _New History of the Conquest + of Mexico_, Philadelphia, 1859, denounced the Spanish + conquerors as wholesale liars, but as his book was ignorant, + uncritical, and full of wild fancies, it produced little + effect. It was demolished, with neatness and despatch, in two + articles in the _Atlantic Monthly_, April and May, 1859, by the + eminent historian John Foster Kirk, whose _History of Charles + the Bold_ is in many respects a worthy companion to the works + of Prescott and Motley. Mr. Kirk had been Mr. Prescott's + secretary.] + +[Sidenote: Adolf Bandelier's researches.] + +The state of society which Cortes saw has, indeed, passed away, and its +monuments and hieroglyphic records have been in great part destroyed. +Nevertheless some monuments and some hieroglyphic records remain, and +the people are still there. Tlascalans and Aztecs, descendants in the +eleventh or twelfth generation from the men whose bitter feuds gave such +a golden opportunity to Cortes, still dwell upon the soil of Mexico, and +speak the language in which Montezuma made his last harangue to the +furious people. There is, moreover, a great mass of literature in +Spanish, besides more or less in Nahuatl, written during the century +following the conquest, and the devoted missionaries and painstaking +administrators, who wrote books about the country in which they were +working, were not engaged in a wholesale conspiracy for deceiving +mankind. From a really critical study of this literature, combined with +archæological investigation, much may be expected; and a noble beginning +has already been made. A more extensive acquaintance with Mexican +literature would at times have materially modified Mr. Morgan's +conclusions, though without altering their general drift. At this point +the work has been taken up by Mr. Adolf Bandelier, of Highland, +Illinois, to whose rare sagacity and untiring industry as a field +archæologist is joined such a thorough knowledge of Mexican literature +as few men before him have possessed. Armed with such resources, Mr. +Bandelier is doing for the ancient history of America work as +significant as that which Mommsen has done for Rome, or Baur for the +beginnings of Christianity. When a sufficient mass of facts and +incidents have once been put upon record, it is hard for ignorant +misconception to bury the truth in a pit so deep but that the delving +genius of critical scholarship will sooner or later drag it forth into +the light of day.[107] + + [Footnote 107: A summary of Mr. Bandelier's principal results, + with copious citation and discussion of original Spanish and + Nahuatl sources, is contained in his three papers, "On the art + of war and mode of warfare of the ancient Mexicans,"--"On the + distribution and tenure of land, and the customs with respect + to inheritance, among the ancient Mexicans,"--"On the social + organization and mode of government of the ancient Mexicans," + _Peabody Museum Reports_, vol. ii., 1876-79, pp. 95-161, + 385-448, 557-699.] + +[Sidenote: The Aztec confederacy.] + +At this point in our exposition a very concise summary of Mr. +Bandelier's results will suffice to enable the reader to understand +their import. What has been called the "empire of Montezuma" was in +reality a confederacy of three tribes, the Aztecs, Tezcucans, and +Tlacopans,[108] dwelling in three large composite pueblos situated very +near together in one of the strongest defensive positions ever occupied +by Indians. This Aztec confederacy extended its "sway" over a +considerable portion of the Mexican peninsula, but that "sway" could not +correctly be described as "empire," for it was in no sense a military +occupation of the country. The confederacy did not have garrisons in +subject pueblos or civil officials to administer their affairs for them. +It simply sent some of its chiefs about from one pueblo to another to +collect tribute. This tax consisted in great part of maize and other +food, and each tributary pueblo reserved a certain portion of its tribal +territory to be cultivated for the benefit of the domineering +confederacy. If a pueblo proved delinquent or recalcitrant, Aztec +warriors swooped down upon it in stealthy midnight assault, butchered +its inhabitants and emptied its granaries, and when the paroxysm of rage +had spent itself, went exulting homeward, carrying away women for +concubines, men to be sacrificed, and such miscellaneous booty as could +be conveyed without wagons or beasts to draw them.[109] If the sudden +assault, with scaling ladders, happened to fail, the assailants were +likely to be baffled, for there was no artillery, and so little food +could be carried that a siege meant starvation for the besiegers. + + [Footnote 108: In the Iroquois confederacy the Mohawks enjoyed + a certain precedence or seniority, the Onondagas had the + central council-fire, and the Senecas, who had the two head + war-chiefs, were much the most numerous. In the Mexican + confederacy the various points of superiority seem to have been + more concentrated in the Aztecs; but spoils and tribute were + divided into five portions, of which Mexico and Tezcuco each + took two, and Tlacopan one.] + + [Footnote 109: The wretched prisoners were ordinarily compelled + to carry the booty.] + +The tributary pueblos were also liable to be summoned to furnish a +contingent of warriors to the war-parties of the confederacy, under the +same penalties for delinquency as in the case of refusal of tribute. In +such cases it was quite common for the confederacy to issue a peremptory +summons, followed by a declaration of war. When a pueblo was captured, +the only way in which the vanquished people could stop the massacre was +by holding out signals of submission; a parley then sometimes adjusted +the affair, and the payment of a year's tribute in advance induced the +conquerors to depart, but captives once taken could seldom if ever be +ransomed. If the parties could not agree upon terms, the slaughter was +renewed, and sometimes went on until the departing victors left nought +behind them but ruined houses belching from loop-hole and doorway lurid +clouds of smoke and flame upon narrow silent streets heaped up with +mangled corpses. + +The sway of the Aztec confederacy over the Mexican peninsula was thus +essentially similar to the sway of the Iroquois confederacy over a great +part of the tribes between the Connecticut river and the Mississippi. +It was simply the levying of tribute,--a system of plunder enforced by +terror. The so-called empire was "only a partnership formed for the +purpose of carrying on the business of warfare, and that intended, not +for the extension of territorial ownership, but only for an increase of +the means of subsistence."[110] There was none of that coalescence and +incorporation of peoples which occurs after the change from gentilism to +civil society has been effected. Among the Mexicans, as elsewhere +throughout North America, the tribe remained intact as the highest +completed political integer. + + [Footnote 110: Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 563.] + +[Sidenote: Aztec clans.] + +The Aztec tribe was organized in clans and phratries, and the number of +clans would indicate that the tribe was a very large one.[111] There +were twenty clans, called in the Nahuatl language "calpullis." We may +fairly suppose that the average size of a clan was larger than the +average tribe of Algonquins or Iroquois; but owing to the compact "city" +life, this increase of numbers did not result in segmentation and +scattering, as among Indians in the lower status. Each Aztec clan seems +to have occupied a number of adjacent communal houses, forming a kind of +precinct, with its special house or houses for official purposes, +corresponding to the _estufas_ in the New Mexican pueblos. The houses +were the common property of the clan, and so was the land which its +members cultivated; and such houses and land could not be sold or +bartered away by the clan, or in anywise alienated. The idea of "real +estate" had not been developed; the clan simply exercised a right of +occupancy, and--as among some ruder Indians--its individual members +exercised certain limited rights of user in particular garden-plots. + + [Footnote 111: The notion of an immense population groaning + under the lash of taskmasters, and building huge palaces for + idle despots must be dismissed. The statements which refer to + such a vast population are apt to be accompanied by + incompatible statements. Mr. Morgan is right in throwing the + burden of proof upon those who maintain that a people without + domestic animals or field agriculture could have been so + numerous (_Anc. Soc._, p. 195). On the other hand, I believe + Mr. Morgan makes a grave mistake in the opposite direction, in + underestimating the numbers that could be supported upon Indian + corn even under a system of horticulture without the use of the + plough. Some pertinent remarks on the extraordinary + reproductive power of maize in Mexico may be found in Humboldt, + _Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne_, Paris, 1811, tom. + iii. pp. 51-60; the great naturalist is of course speaking of + the yield of maize in ploughed lands, but, after making due + allowances, the yield under the ancient system must have been + well-nigh unexampled in barbaric agriculture.] + +[Sidenote: Clan officers.] + +The clan was governed by a clan council, consisting of chiefs +(_tecuhtli_) elected by the clan, and inducted into office after a cruel +religious ordeal, in which the candidate was bruised, tortured, and half +starved. An executive department was more clearly differentiated from +the council than among the Indians of the lower status. The clan +(_calpulli_) had an official head, or sachem, called the _calpullec_; +and also a military commander called the _ahcacautin_, or "elder +brother." The _ahcacautin_ was also a kind of peace officer, or +constable, for the precinct occupied by the clan, and carried about with +him a staff of office; a tuft of white feathers attached to this staff +betokened that his errand was one of death. The clan elected its +_calpullec_ and _ahcacautin_, and could depose them for cause.[112] + + [Footnote 112: Compare this description with that of the + institutions of Indians in the lower status, above, p. 69.] + +[Sidenote: Rights and duties of the clan.] + +The members of the clan were reciprocally bound to aid, defend, and +avenge one another; but wergild was no longer accepted, and the penalty +for murder was death. The clan exercised the right of naming its +members. Such names were invariably significant (as _Nezahualcoyotl_, +"Hungry Coyote," _Axayacatl_, "Face-in-the-Water," etc.), and more or +less "medicine," or superstitious association, was attached to the name. +The clans also had their significant names and totems. Each clan had its +peculiar religious rites, its priests or medicine-men who were members +of the clan council, and its temple or medicine-house. Instead of +burying their dead the Mexican tribes practised cremation; there was, +therefore, no common cemetery, but the funeral ceremonies were conducted +by the clan. + +[Sidenote: Aztec phratries.] + +The clans of the Aztecs, like those of many other Mexican tribes, were +organized into four phratries; and this divided the city of Mexico, as +the Spaniards at once remarked, into four quarters. The phratry had +acquired more functions than it possessed in the lower status. Besides +certain religious and social duties, and besides its connection with the +punishment of criminals, the Mexican phratry was an organization for +military purposes.[113] The four phratries were four divisions of the +tribal host, each with its captain. In each of the quarters was an +arsenal, or "dart-house," where weapons were stored, and from which they +were handed out to war-parties about to start on an expedition. + + [Footnote 113: In this respect it seems to have had some + resemblance to the Roman _centuria_ and Teutonic _hundred_. So + in prehistoric Greece we may perhaps infer from Nestor's advice + to Agamemnon that a similar organization existed:-- + + [Greek: krin' andras kata phyla, kata phrêtras, Agamemnon, + hôs phrêtrê phrêtrêphin arêgê, phyla de phylois.] + _Iliad_, ii. 362. + + But the phratry seems never to have reached so high a + development among the Greeks as among the Romans and the early + English.] + +[Sidenote: The tribal council.] + +The supreme government of the Aztecs was vested in the tribal council +composed of twenty members, one for each clan. The member, representing +a clan, was not its _calpullec_, or "sachem;" he was one of the +_tecuhtli_, or clan-chiefs, and was significantly called the "speaker" +(_tlatoani_). The tribal council, thus composed of twenty speakers, was +called the _tlatocan_, or "place of speech."[114] At least as often as +once in ten days the council assembled at the _tecpan_, or official +house of the tribe, but it could be convened whenever occasion required, +and in cases of emergency was continually in session. Its powers and +duties were similar to those of an ancient English shiremote, in so far +as they were partly directive and partly judicial. A large part of its +business was settling disputes between the clans. It superintended the +ceremonies of investiture with which the chiefs and other officers of +the clans were sworn into office. At intervals of eighty days there was +an "extra session" of the _tlatocan_, attended also by the twenty "elder +brothers," the four phratry-captains, the two executive chiefs of the +tribe, and the leading priests, and at such times a reconsideration of +an unpopular decision might be urged; but the authority of the +_tlatocan_ was supreme, and from its final decision there could be no +appeal.[115] + + [Footnote 114: Compare _parliament_ from _parler_. These twenty + were the "grandees," "counsellors," and "captains" mentioned by + Bernal Diaz as always in Montezuma's company; "y siempre á la + contina estaban en su compañía veinte grandes señores y + consejeros y capitanes," etc. _Historia verdadera_, ii. 95. See + Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 646.] + + [Footnote 115: Mr. Bandelier's note on this point gives an + especially apt illustration of the confusion of ideas and + inconsistencies of statement amid which the early Spanish + writers struggled to understand and describe this strange + society: _op. cit._ p. 651.] + +[Sidenote: The "snake-woman."] + +The executive chiefs of the tribe were two in number, as was commonly +the case in ancient America. The tribal sachem, or civil executive, bore +the grotesque title of _cihuacoatl_, or "snake-woman."[116] His relation +to the tribe was in general like that of the _calpullec_ to the clan. He +executed the decrees of the tribal council, of which he was _ex officio_ +a member, and was responsible for the housing of tribute and its proper +distribution among the clans. He was also chief judge, and he was +lieutenant to the head war-chief in command of the tribal host.[117] +He was elected for life by the tribal council, which could depose him +for misconduct. + + [Footnote 116: In Aztec mythology Cihuacoatl was wife of the + supreme night deity, Tezcatlipoca. Squier, _Serpent Symbol in + America_, pp. 159-166, 174-183. On the connection between + serpent worship and human sacrifices, see Fergusson's _Tree and + Serpent Worship_, pp. 3-5, 38-41. Much evidence as to American + serpent worship is collected in J. G. Müller's _Geschichte der + amerikanischen Urreligionen_, Basel, 1855. The hieroglyphic + emblem of the Aztec tribal sachem was a female head surmounted + by a snake.] + + [Footnote 117: Other tribes besides the Aztec had the + "snake-woman." In the city of Mexico the Spaniards mistook him + for a "second-king," or "royal lieutenant." In other towns they + regarded him, somewhat more correctly, as "governor," and + called him _gobernador_,--a title still applied to the tribal + sachem of the pueblo Indians, as e. g. in Zuñi heretofore + mentioned; see above p. 89.] + +[Sidenote: The "chief-of men."] + +[Sidenote: Evolution of kingship in Greece and Rome.] + +The office of head war-chief was an instance of primitive royalty in a +very interesting stage of development. The title of this officer was +_tlacatecuhtli_, or "chief-of-men."[118] He was primarily head war-chief +of the Aztec tribe, but about 1430 became supreme military commander of +the three confederate tribes, so that his office was one of peculiar +dignity and importance. When the Spaniards arrived upon the scene +Montezuma was _tlacatecuhtli_, and they naturally called him "king." To +understand precisely how far such an epithet could correctly be applied +to him, and how far it was misleading, we must recall the manner in +which early kingship arose in Europe. The Roman _rex_ was an officer +elected for life; the typical Greek _basileus_ was a somewhat more fully +developed king, inasmuch as his office was becoming practically +hereditary; otherwise _rex_ was about equivalent to _basileus_. Alike in +Rome and in Greece the king had at least three great functions, and +possibly four.[119] He was, primarily, chief commander, secondly, chief +priest, thirdly, chief judge; whether he had reached the fourth stage +and added the functions of chief civil executive, is matter of dispute. +Kingship in Rome and in most Greek cities was overthrown at so early a +date that some questions of this sort are difficult to settle. But in +all probability the office grew up through the successive acquisition of +ritual, judicial, and civil functions by the military commander. The +paramount necessity of consulting the tutelar deities before fighting +resulted in making the general a priest competent to perform sacrifices +and interpret omens;[120] he thus naturally became the most important +among priests; an increased sanctity invested his person and office; and +by and by he acquired control over the dispensation of justice, and +finally over the whole civil administration. One step more was needed to +develop the _basileus_ into a despot, like the king of Persia, and that +was to let him get into his hands the law-making power, involving +complete control over taxation. When the Greeks and Romans became +dissatisfied with the increasing powers of their kings, they destroyed +the office. The Romans did not materially diminish its functions, but +put them into commission, by entrusting them to two consuls of equal +authority elected annually. The Greeks, on the other hand, divided the +royal functions among different officers, as e. g. at Athens among the +nine archons.[121] + + [Footnote 118: This title seems precisely equivalent to [Greek: + anax andrôn], commonly applied to Agamemnon, and sometimes to + other chieftains, in the Iliad.] + + [Footnote 119: Ramsay's _Roman Antiquities_, p. 64; Hermann's + _Political Antiquities of Greece_, p. 105; Morgan, _Anc. Soc._, + p. 248.] + + [Footnote 120: Such would naturally result from the + desirableness of securing unity of command. If Demosthenes had + been in sole command of the Athenian armament in the harbour of + Syracuse, and had been a _basileus_, with priestly authority, + who can doubt that some such theory of the eclipse as that + suggested by Philochorus would have been adopted, and thus one + of the world's great tragedies averted? See Grote, _Hist. + Greece_, vol. vii. chap. lx. M. Fustel de Coulanges, in his + admirable book _La Cité antique_, pp. 205-210, makes the + priestly function of the king primitive, and the military + function secondary; which is entirely inconsistent with what we + know of barbarous races.] + + [Footnote 121: It is worthy of note that the archon who + retained the priestly function was called _basileus_, showing + perhaps that at that time this had come to be most prominent + among the royal functions, or more likely that it was the one + with which reformers had some religious scruples about + interfering. The Romans, too, retained part of the king's + priestly function in an officer called _rex sacrorum_, whose + duty was at times to offer a sacrifice in the forum, and then + run away as fast as legs could carry him,--[Greek: hên thysas + ho basileus, kata tachos apeisi pheugôn ex agoras] (!) + Plutarch, _Quæst. Rom._ 63.] + +[Sidenote: Mediæval kingship.] + +The typical kingship in mediæval Europe, after the full development of +the feudal system, was very different indeed from the kingship in early +Greece and Rome. In the Middle Ages all priestly functions had passed +into the hands of the Church.[122] A king like Charles VII. of France, +or Edward III. of England, was military commander, civil magistrate, +chief judge, and _supreme landlord_; the people were his tenants. That +was the kind of king with which the Spanish discoverers of Mexico were +familiar. + + [Footnote 122: Something of the priestly quality of "sanctity," + however, surrounded the king's person; and the ceremony of + anointing the king at his coronation was a survival of the + ancient rite which invested the head war-chief with priestly + attributes.] + +[Sidenote: Montezuma was a "priest-commander."] + +Now the Mexican _tlacatecuhtli_, or "chief-of-men," was much more like +Agamemnon in point of kingship than like Edward III. He was not supreme +landlord, for landlordship did not exist in Mexico. He was not chief +judge or civil magistrate; those functions belonged to the +"snake-woman." Mr. Bandelier regards the "chief-of-men" as simply a +military commander; but for reasons which I shall state hereafter,[123] +it seems quite clear that he exercised certain very important priestly +functions, although beside him there was a kind of high-priest or +medicine-chief. If I am right in holding that Montezuma was a +"priest-commander," then incipient royalty in Mexico had advanced at +least one stage beyond the head war-chief of the Iroquois, and remained +one stage behind the _basileus_ of the Homeric Greeks. + + [Footnote 123: They can be most conveniently stated in + connection with the story of the conquest of Mexico; see below, + vol. ii. p. 278. When Mr. Bandelier completes his long-promised + paper on the ancient Mexican religion, perhaps it will appear + that he has taken these facts into the account.] + +[Sidenote: Mode of succession to the office.] + +The _tlacatecuhtli_, or "chief-of-men," was elected by an assembly +consisting of the tribal council, the "elder brothers" of the several +clans, and certain leading priests. Though the office was thus elective, +the choice seems to have been practically limited to a particular clan, +and in the eleven chiefs who were chosen from 1375 to 1520 a certain +principle or custom of succession seems to be plainly indicated.[124] +There was a further limit to the order of succession. Allusion has been +made to the four phratry-captains commanding the quarters of the city. +Their cheerful titles were "man of the house of darts," "cutter of men," +"bloodshedder," and "chief of the eagle and cactus." These captains were +military chiefs of the phratries, and also magistrates charged with the +duty of maintaining order and enforcing the decrees of the council in +their respective quarters. The "chief of the eagle and cactus" was chief +executioner,--Jack Ketch. He was not eligible for the office of +"chief-of-men;" the three other phratry-captains were eligible. Then +there was a member of the priesthood entitled "man of the dark house." +This person, with the three eligible captains, made a quartette, and one +of this privileged four _must_ succeed to the office of "chief-of-men." + + [Footnote 124: I cannot follow Mr. Bandelier in discrediting + Clavigero's statement that the office of _tlacatecuhtli_ + "should always remain in the house of Acamapitzin," inasmuch as + the eleven who were actually elected were all closely akin to + one another. In point of fact it _did_ remain "in the house of + Acamapitzin."] + +The eligibility of the "man of the dark house" may be cited here as +positive proof that sometimes the "chief-of-men" could be a +"priest-commander." That in all cases he acquired priestly functions +after election, even when he did not possess them before, is indicated +by the fact that at the ceremony of his induction into office he +ascended to the summit of the pyramid sacred to the war-god +Huitzilopochtli, where he was anointed by the high-priest with a black +ointment, and sprinkled with sanctified water; having thus become +consecrated he took a censer of live coals and a bag of copal, and as +his first official act offered incense to the war-god.[125] + + [Footnote 125: H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific + States_, vol. ii. p. 145. Hence the accounts of the reverent + demeanour of the people toward Montezuma, though perhaps + overcoloured, are not so absurd as Mr. Morgan deemed them. Mr. + Morgan was sometimes too anxious to reduce Montezuma to the + level of an Iroquois war-chief.] + +[Sidenote: Manner of collecting tribute.] + +As the "chief-of-men" was elected, so too he could be deposed for +misbehaviour. He was _ex officio_ a member of the tribal council, and he +had his official residence in the _tecpan_, or tribal house, where the +meetings of the council were held, and where the hospitalities of the +tribe were extended to strangers. As an administrative officer, the +"chief-of-men" had little to do within the limits of the tribe; that, as +already observed, was the business of the "snake-woman." But outside of +the confederacy the "chief-of-men" exercised administrative functions. +He superintended the collection of tribute. Each of the three +confederate tribes appointed, through its tribal council, agents to +visit the subjected pueblos and gather in the tribute. These agents were +expressively termed _calpixqui_, "crop-gatherers." As these men were +obliged to spend considerable time in the vanquished pueblos in the +double character of tax-collectors and spies, we can imagine how hateful +their position was. Their security from injury depended upon the +reputation of their tribes for ruthless ferocity.[126] The tiger-like +confederacy was only too ready to take offence; in the lack of a decent +pretext it often went to war without one, simply in order to get human +victims for sacrifice. + + [Footnote 126: As I have elsewhere observed in a similar + case:--"Each summer there came two Mohawk elders, secure in the + dread that Iroquois prowess had everywhere inspired; and up and + down the Connecticut valley they seized the tribute of weapons + and wampum, and proclaimed the last harsh edict issued from the + savage council at Onondaga." _Beginnings of New England_, p. + 121.] + +Once appointed, the tax-gatherers were directed by the "chief-of-men." +The tribute was chiefly maize, but might be anything the conquerors +chose to demand,--weapons, fine pottery or featherwork, gold ornaments, +or female slaves. Sometimes the tributary pueblo, instead of sacrificing +all its prisoners of war upon its own altars, sent some of them up to +Mexico as part of its tribute. The ravening maw of the horrible deities +was thus appeased, not by the pueblo that paid the blackmail, but by the +power that extorted it, and thus the latter obtained a larger share of +divine favour. Generally the unhappy prisoners were forced to carry the +corn and other articles. They were convoyed by couriers who saw that +everything was properly delivered at the _tecpan_, and also brought +information by word of mouth and by picture-writing from the _calpixqui_ +to the "chief-of-men." When the newly-arrived Spaniards saw these +couriers coming and going they fancied that they were "ambassadors." +This system of tribute-taking made it necessary to build roads, and this +in turn facilitated, not only military operations, but trade, which had +already made some progress albeit of a simple sort. These "roads" might +perhaps more properly be called Indian trails,[127] but they served +their purpose. + + [Footnote 127: See Salmeron's letter of August 13, 1531, to the + Council of the Indies, cited in Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 696. + The letter recommends that to increase the security of the + Spanish hold upon the country the roads should be made + practicable for beasts and wagons. They were narrow paths + running straight ahead up hill and down dale, sometimes + crossing narrow ravines upon heavy stone culverts.] + +[Sidenote: Aztec and Iroquois confederacies contrasted.] + +The general similarity of the Aztec confederacy to that of the +Iroquois, in point of social structure, is thus clearly manifest. Along +with this general similarity we have observed some points of higher +development, such as one might expect to find in traversing the entire +length of an ethnical period. Instead of stockaded villages, with houses +of bark or of clay supported upon a wooden framework, we have pueblos of +adobe-brick or stone, in various stages of evolution, the most advanced +of which present the appearance of castellated cities. Along with the +systematic irrigation and increased dependence upon horticulture, we +find evidences of greater density of population; and we see in the +victorious confederacy a more highly developed organization for adding +to its stock of food and other desirable possessions by the systematic +plunder of neighbouring weaker communities. Naturally such increase in +numbers and organization entails some increase in the number of officers +and some differentiation of their functions, as illustrated in the +representation of the clans (_calpulli_) in the tribal council +(_tlatocan_), by speakers (_tlatoani_) chosen for the purpose, and not +by the official heads (_calpullec_) of the clan. Likewise in the +military commander-in-chief (_tlacatecuhtli_) we observe a marked +increase in dignity, and--as I have already suggested and hope to +maintain--we find that his office has been clothed with sacerdotal +powers, and has thus taken a decided step toward kingship of the ancient +type, as depicted in the Homeric poems. + +[Sidenote: Aztec priesthood: human sacrifices.] + +No feature of the advance is more noteworthy than the development of +the medicine-men into an organized priesthood.[128] The presence of this +priesthood and its ritual was proclaimed to the eyes of the traveller in +ancient Mexico by the numerous tall truncated pyramids (_teocallis_), on +the flat summits of which men, women, and children were sacrificed to +the gods. This custom of human sacrifice seems to have been a +characteristic of the middle period of barbarism, and to have survived, +with diminishing frequency, into the upper period. There are abundant +traces of its existence throughout the early Aryan world, from Britain +to Hindustan, as well as among the ancient Hebrews and their +kindred.[129] But among all these peoples, at the earliest times at +which we can study them with trustworthy records, we find the custom of +human sacrifice in an advanced stage of decline, and generally no longer +accompanied by the custom of cannibalism in which it probably +originated.[130] Among the Mexicans, however, when they were first +visited by the Spaniards, cannibalism flourished as nowhere else in the +world except perhaps in Fiji, and human sacrifices were conducted on +such a scale as could not have been witnessed in Europe without going +back more than forty centuries. + + [Footnote 128: The priesthood was not hereditary, nor did it + form a caste. There was no hereditary nobility in ancient + Mexico, nor were there any hereditary vocations, as "artisans," + "merchants," etc. See Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 599.] + + [Footnote 129: See the copious references in Tylor's _Primitive + Culture_, ii. 340-371; Mackay, _Religious Development of the + Greeks and Hebrews_, ii. 406-434; Oort and Hooykaas, _The Bible + for Young People_, i. 30, 189-193; ii. 102, 220; iii. 21, 170, + 316, 393, 395; iv. 85, 226. Ghillany, _Die Menschenopfer der + alten Hebräer_, Nuremberg, 1842, treats the subject with much + learning.] + + [Footnote 130: Spencer, _Princip. Sociol._, i. 287; Tylor, _op. + cit._ ii. 345.] + +The custom of sacrificing captives to the gods was a marked advance upon +the practice in the lower period of barbarism, when the prisoner, unless +saved by adoption into the tribe of his captors, was put to death with +lingering torments. There were occasions on which the Aztecs tortured +their prisoners before sending them to the altar,[131] but in general +the prisoner was well-treated and highly fed,--fatted, in short, for the +final banquet in which the worshippers participated with their savage +deity.[132] In a more advanced stage of development than that which the +Aztecs had reached, in the stage when agriculture became extensive +enough to create a steady demand for servile labour, the practice of +enslaving prisoners became general; and as slaves became more and more +valuable, men gradually succeeded in compounding with their deities for +easier terms,--a ram, or a kid, or a bullock, instead of the human +victim.[133] + + [Footnote 131: Mr. Prescott, to avoid shocking the reader with + details, refers him to the twenty-first canto of Dante's + Inferno, _Conquest of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 64.] + + [Footnote 132: See below, vol. ii. p. 283.] + + [Footnote 133: The victim, by the offer of which the wrath of + the god was appeased or his favour solicited, must always be + some valued possession of the sacrificer. Hence, e. g., among + the Hebrews "wild animals, as not being property, were + generally considered unfit for sacrifice." (Mackay, _op. cit._ + ii. 398.) Among the Aztecs (Prescott, _loc. cit._) on certain + occasions of peculiar solemnity the clan offered some of its + own members, usually children. In the lack of prisoners such + offerings would more often be necessary, hence one powerful + incentive to war. The use of prisoners to buy the god's favour + was to some extent a substitute for the use of the clan's own + members, and at a later stage the use of domestic animals was a + further substitution. The legend of Abraham and Isaac + (_Genesis_, xxii. 1-14) preserves the tradition of this latter + substitution among the ancient Hebrews. Compare the Boeotian + legend of the temple of Dionysos Aigobolos:--[Greek: thyontes + gar tô theô proêchthêsan pote hypo methês es hybrin, hôste kai + tou Dionysou ton hierea apokteinousin; apokteinantas de autika + epelabe nosos loimôdês; kai sphisin aphiketo hama ek Delphôn, + tô Dionysô thyein paida hôraion; etesi de ou pollois hysteron + ton theon phasin aiga hiereion hypallaxai sphisin anti tou + paidos.] + +Pausanias, ix. 8. A further stage of progress was the substitution of a +mere inanimate symbol for a living victim, whether human or brute, as +shown in the old Roman custom of appeasing "Father Tiber" once a year by +the ceremony of drowning a lot of dolls in that river. Of this +significant rite Mommsen aptly observes, "Die Ideen göttlicher Gnade und +Versöhnbarkeit sind hier ununterscheidbar gemischt mit der frommen +Schlauigkeit, welche es versucht den gefährlichen Herrn durch +scheinhafte Befriedigung zu berücken und abzufinden." _Römische +Geschichte_, 4e Aufl., 1865, Bd. i. p. 176. After reading such a remark +it may seem odd to find the writer, in a footnote, refusing to accept +the true explanation of the custom; but that was a quarter of a century +ago, when much less was known about ancient society than now.] + +[Sidenote: Aztec slaves.] + +The ancient Mexicans had not arrived at this stage, which in the Old +World characterized the upper period of barbarism. Slavery had, however, +made a beginning among the Aztecs. The nucleus of the small +slave-population of Mexico consisted of _outcasts_, persons expelled +from the clan for some misdemeanour. The simplest case was that in which +a member of a clan failed for two years to cultivate his +garden-plot.[134] The delinquent member was deprived, not only of his +right of user, but of all his rights as a clansman, and the only way to +escape starvation was to work upon some other lot, either in his own or +in some other clan, and be paid in such pittance from its produce as the +occupant might choose to give him. This was slavery in embryo. The +occupant did not own this outcast labourer, any more than he owned his +lot; he only possessed a limited right of user in both labourer and lot. +To a certain extent it was "adverse" or exclusive possession. If the +slave ran away or was obstinately lazy, he could be made to wear a +wooden collar and sold without his consent; if it proved too troublesome +to keep him, the collared slave could be handed over to the priests for +sacrifice.[135] In this class of outcasts and their masters we have an +interesting illustration of a rudimentary phase of slavery and of +private property. + + [Footnote 134: Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 611.] + + [Footnote 135: There was, however, in this extreme case, a + right of sanctuary. If the doomed slave could flee and hide + himself in the _tecpan_ before the master or one of his sons + could catch him, he became free and recovered his clan-rights; + and no third person was allowed to interfere in aid of the + pursuer. Torquemada, _Monarquía indiana_, ii. 564-566.] + +[Sidenote: The Aztec family.] + +At this point it is worthy of note that in the development of the family +the Aztecs had advanced considerably beyond the point attained by +Shawnees and Mohawks, and a little way toward the point attained in the +patriarchal family of the ancient Romans and Hebrews. In the Aztec clan +(which was exogamous[136]) the change to descent in the male line seems +to have been accomplished before the time of the Discovery. Apparently +it had been recently accomplished. Names for designating family +relationships remained in that primitive stage in which no distinction +is made between father and uncle, grandchildren and cousins. The family +was still too feebly established to count for much in the structure of +society, which still rested firmly upon the clan.[137] Nevertheless the +marriage bonds were drawn much tighter than among Indians of the lower +status, and penalties for incontinence were more severe. The wife became +her husband's property and was entitled to the protection of his clan. +All matrimonial arrangements were controlled by the clan, and no member +of it, male or female, was allowed to remain unmarried, except for +certain religious reasons. The penalty for contumacy was expulsion from +the clan, and the same penalty was inflicted for such sexual +irregularities as public opinion, still in what we should call quite a +primitive stage, condemned. Men and women thus expelled went to swell +the numbers of that small class of outcasts already noted. With men the +result, as we have seen, was a kind of slavery; with women it was +prostitution; and it is curious to see that the same penalty, entailing +such a result, was visited alike upon unseemly frailty and upon refusal +to marry. In either case the sin consisted in rebellion against the +clan's standards of proper or permissible behaviour. + + [Footnote 136: Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, + vol. ii. p. 251.] + + [Footnote 137: Bandelier, _op. cit._ pp. 429, 570, 620.] + +[Sidenote: Aztec property.] + +The inheritance in the male line, the beginnings of individual property +in slaves, the tightening of the marriage bond, accompanied by the +condemnation of sundry irregularities heretofore tolerated, are +phenomena which we might expect to find associated together. They are +germs of the upper status of barbarism, as well as of the earliest +status of civilization more remotely to follow. The common cause, of +which they are the manifestations, is an increasing sense of the value +and importance of personal property. In the Old World this sense grew up +during a pastoral stage of society such as the New World never knew, and +by the ages of Abraham and Agamemnon[138] it had produced results such +as had not been reached in Mexico at the time of the Discovery. Still +the tendency in the latter country was in a similar direction. Though +there was no notion of real estate, and the house was still +clan-property, yet the number and value of articles of personal +ownership had no doubt greatly increased during the long interval which +must have elapsed since the ancestral Mexicans entered upon the middle +status. The mere existence of large and busy market-places with regular +and frequent fairs, even though trade had scarcely begun to emerge from +the stage of barter, is sufficient proof of this. Such fairs and markets +do not belong to the Mohawk chapter in human progress. They imply a +considerable number and diversity of artificial products, valued as +articles of personal property. A legitimate inference from them is the +existence of a certain degree of luxury, though doubtless luxury of a +barbaric type. + + [Footnote 138: I here use these world-famous names without any + implication as to their historical character, or their precise + date, which are in themselves interesting subjects for + discussion. I use them as best symbolizing the state of society + which existed about the northern and eastern shores of the + eastern Mediterranean, several centuries before the + Olympiads.] + +[Sidenote: Mr. Morgan's rules.] + +It is at this point, I think, that a judicious critic will begin to part +company with Mr. Morgan. As regards the outward aspect of the society +which the Spaniards found in Mexico, that eminent scholar more than once +used arguments that were inconsistent with principles of criticism laid +down by himself. At the beginning of his chapter on the Aztec +confederacy Mr. Morgan proposed the following rules:-- + +"The histories of Spanish America may be trusted in whatever relates to +the acts of the Spaniards, and to the acts and personal characteristics +of the Indians; in whatever relates to their weapons, implements and +utensils, fabrics, food and raiment, and things of a similar character. + +"But in whatever relates to Indian society and government, their social +relations and plan of life, they are nearly worthless, because they +learned nothing and knew nothing of either. We are at full liberty to +reject them in these respects and commence anew; using any facts they +may contain which harmonize with what is known of Indian society."[139] + + [Footnote 139: Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 186, note.] + +Perhaps it would have been better if the second of these rules had been +somewhat differently worded; for even with regard to the strange society +and government, the Spanish writers have recorded an immense number of +valuable facts, without which Mr. Bandelier's work would have been +impossible. It is not so much the _facts_ as the _interpretations_ of +the Spanish historians that are "nearly worthless," and even their +misinterpretations are interesting and instructive when once we rightly +understand them. Sometimes they really help us toward the truth. + +[Sidenote: Mr. Morgan sometimes disregarded his own rules: "Montezuma's +Dinner."] + +The broad distinction, however, as stated in Mr. Morgan's pair of rules, +is well taken. In regard to such a strange form of society the Spanish +discoverers of Mexico could not help making mistakes, but in regard to +utensils and dress their senses were not likely to deceive them, and +their statements, according to Mr. Morgan, may be trusted. Very good. +But as soon as Mr. Morgan had occasion to write about the social life of +the Aztecs, he forgot his own rules and paid as little respect to the +senses of eye-witnesses as to their judgment. This was amusingly +illustrated in his famous essay on "Montezuma's Dinner."[140] When +Bernal Diaz describes Montezuma as sitting on a low chair at a table +covered with a white cloth, Mr. Morgan declares that it could not have +been so,--there were no chairs or tables! On second thought he will +admit that there may have been a wooden block hollowed out for a stool, +but in the matter of a table he is relentless. So when Cortes, in his +despatch to the emperor, speaks of the "wine-cellar" and of the presence +of "secretaries" at dinner, Mr. Morgan observes, "Since cursive writing +was unknown among the Aztecs, the presence of these secretaries is an +amusing feature in the account. The wine-cellar also is remarkable for +two reasons: firstly, because the level of the streets and courts was +but four feet above the level of the water, which made cellars +impossible; and, secondly, because the Aztecs had no knowledge of wine. +An acid beer (_pulque_), made by fermenting the juice of the maguey, was +a common beverage of the Aztecs; but it is hardly supposable that even +this was used at dinner."[141] + + [Footnote 140: _North Amer. Review_, April, 1876. The substance + of it was reproduced in his _Houses and House-Life_, chap. x.] + + [Footnote 141: _Houses and House-Life_, p. 241.] + +To this I would reply that the fibre of that same useful plant from +which the Aztecs made their "beer" supplied them also with paper, upon +which they were in the habit of writing, not indeed in cursive +characters, but in hieroglyphics. This kind of writing, as well as any +other, accounts for the presence of secretaries, which seems to me, by +the way, a very probable and characteristic feature in the narrative. +From the moment the mysterious strangers landed, every movement of +theirs had been recorded in hieroglyphics, and there is no reason why +notes of what they said and did should not have been taken at dinner. As +for the place where the _pulque_ was kept, it was a venial slip of the +pen to call it a "wine-cellar," even if it was not below the ground. The +language of Cortes does not imply that he visited the "cellar;" he saw a +crowd of Indians drinking the beverage, and supposing the great house he +was in to be Montezuma's, he expressed his sense of that person's +hospitality by saying that "his wine-cellar was open to all." And +really, is it not rather a captious criticism which in one breath chides +Cortes for calling the beverage "wine," and in the next breath goes on +to call it "beer"? The _pulque_ was neither the one nor the other; for +want of any other name a German might have called it beer, a Spaniard +would be more likely to call it wine. And why is it "hardly supposable" +that _pulque_ was used at dinner? Why should Mr. Morgan, who never dined +with Montezuma, know so much more about _such things_ than Cortes and +Bernal Diaz, who did?[142] + + [Footnote 142: Mr. Andrew Lang asks some similar questions in + his _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, vol. ii. p. 349, but in a + tone of impatient contempt which, as applied to a man of Mr. + Morgan's calibre, is hardly becoming.] + +[Sidenote: The reaction against uncritical and exaggerated statements.] + +The Spanish statements of facts are, of course, not to be accepted +uncritically. When we are told of cut slabs of porphyry inlaid in the +walls of a room, we have a right to inquire how so hard a stone could be +cut with flint or copper chisels,[143] and are ready to entertain the +suggestion that some other stone might easily have been mistaken for +porphyry. Such a critical inquiry is eminently profitable, and none the +less so when it brings us to the conclusion that the Aztecs did succeed +in cutting porphyry. Again, when we read about Indian armies of 200,000 +men, pertinent questions arise as to the commissariat, and we are led to +reflect that there is nothing about which old soldiers spin such +unconscionable yarns as about the size of the armies they have +thrashed. In a fairy tale, of course, such suggestions are impertinent; +things can go on anyhow. In real life it is different. The trouble with +most historians of the conquest of Mexico has been that they have made +it like a fairy tale, and the trouble with Mr. Morgan was that, in a +wholesome and much-needed spirit of reaction, he was too much inclined +to dismiss the whole story as such. He forgot the first of his pair of +rules, and applied the second to everything alike. He felt "at full +liberty to reject" the testimony of the discoverers as to what they saw +and tasted, and to "commence anew," reasoning from "what is known of +Indian society." And here Mr. Morgan's mind was so full of the kind of +Indian society which he knew more minutely and profoundly than any other +man, that he was apt to forget that there could be any other kind. He +overlooked his own distinction between the lower and middle periods of +barbarism in his attempt to ignore or minimize the points of difference +between Aztecs and Iroquois.[144] In this way he did injustice to his +own brilliant and useful classification of stages of culture, and in +particular to the middle period of barbarism, the significance of which +he was the first to detect, but failed to realize fully because his +attention had been so intensely concentrated upon the lower period. + + [Footnote 143: For an excellent account of ancient Mexican + knives and chisels, see Dr. Valentini's paper on "Semi-Lunar + and Crescent-Shaped Tools," in _Proceedings of Amer. Antiq. + Soc._, New Series, vol. iii. pp. 449-474. Compare the very + interesting Spanish observations on copper hatchets and flint + chisels in Clavigero, _Historia antigua_, tom. i. p. 242; + Mendieta, _Historia ecclesiastica indiana_, tom. iv. cap. xii.] + + [Footnote 144: It often happens that the followers of a great + man are more likely to run to extremes than their master, as, + for example, when we see the queen of pueblos rashly described + as "a collection of mud huts, such as Cortes found and + dignified with the name of a city." _Smithsonian Report_, 1887, + part i. p. 691. This is quite inadmissible.] + +[Sidenote: Importance of the middle period of barbarism.] + +In truth, the middle period of barbarism was one of the most important +periods in the career of the human race, and full of fascination to the +student, as the unfading interest in ancient Mexico and the huge mass of +literature devoted to it show. It spanned the interval between such +society as that of Hiawatha and such as that of the Odyssey. One more +such interval (and, I suspect, a briefer one, because the use of iron +and the development of inheritable wealth would accelerate progress) led +to the age that could _write_ the Odyssey, one of the most beautiful +productions of the human mind. If Mr. Morgan had always borne in mind +that, on his own classification, Montezuma must have been at least as +near to Agamemnon as to Powhatan, his attitude toward the Spanish +historians would have been less hostile. A Moqui pueblo stands near the +lower end of the middle period of barbarism; ancient Troy stood next the +upper end. Mr. Morgan found apt illustrations in the former; perhaps if +he had lived long enough to profit by the work of Schliemann and +Bandelier, he might have found equally apt ones in the latter. Mr. +Bandelier's researches certainly show that the ancient city of Mexico, +in point of social development, stood somewhere between the two. + +How that city looked may best be described when we come to tell what its +first Spanish visitors saw. Let it suffice here to say that, upon a +reasonable estimate of their testimony, pleasure-gardens, menageries and +aviaries, fountains and baths, tessellated marble floors, finely wrought +pottery, exquisite featherwork, brilliant mats and tapestries, silver +goblets, dainty spices burning in golden censers, varieties of highly +seasoned dishes, dramatic performances, jugglers and acrobats, ballad +singers and dancing girls,--such things were to be seen in this city of +snake-worshipping cannibals. It simulated civilization as a tree-fern +simulates a tree. + + * * * * * + +[Illustration: Ground-plan of so-called "House of the Nuns" at Uxmal.] + +[Sidenote: Mexicans and Mayas.] + +In its general outlines the account here given of Aztec society and +government at the time of the Discovery will probably hold true of all +the semi-civilized communities of the Mexican peninsula and Central +America. The pueblos of Mexico were doubtless of various grades of size, +strength, and comfort, ranging from such structures as Zuñi up to the +city of Mexico. The cities of Chiapas, Yucatan, and Guatemala, whose +ruins, in those tropical forests, are so impressive, probably belong to +the same class. The Maya-Quiché tribes, who dwelt and still dwell in +this region, were different in stock-language from their neighbours of +Mexico; but there are strong reasons for believing that the two great +groups, Mexicans and Mayas, arose from the expansion and segmentation of +one common stock, and there is no doubt as to the very close similarity +between the two in government, religion, and social advancement. In some +points the Mayas were superior. They possessed a considerable +literature, written in highly developed hieroglyphic characters upon +maguey paper and upon deerskin parchment, so that from this point of +view they stood upon the threshold of civilization as strictly +defined.[145] But, like the Mexicans, they were ignorant of iron, their +society was organized upon the principle of gentilism, they were +cannibals and sacrificed men and women to idols, some of which were +identical with those of Mexico. The Mayas had no conception of property +in land; their buildings were great communal houses, like pueblos; in +some cases these so-called palaces, at first supposed to be scanty +remnants of vast cities, were themselves the entire "cities;" in other +cases there were doubtless large composite pueblos fit to be called +cities. + + [Footnote 145: This writing was at once recognized by learned + Spaniards, like Las Casas, as entirely different from anything + found elsewhere in America. He found in Yucatan "letreros de + ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguna parte," Las Casas, + _Historia apologética_, cap. cxxiii. For an account of the + hieroglyphics, see the learned essays of Dr. Cyrus Thomas, _A + Study of the Manuscript Troano_, Washington, 1882; "Notes on + certain Maya and Mexican MSS.," _Third Report of the Bureau of + Ethnology_, pp. 7-153; "Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices," + _Sixth Report_, pp. 259-371. (The paper last mentioned ends + with the weighty words, "The more I study these characters the + stronger becomes the conviction that they have grown out of a + pictographic system similar to that common among the Indians of + North America." Exactly so; and this is typical of every aspect + and every detail of ancient American culture. It is becoming + daily more evident that the old notion of an influence from + Asia has not a leg to stand on.) See also a suggestive paper by + the astronomer, E. S. Holden, "Studies in Central American + Picture-Writing," _First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, + pp. 205-245; Brinton, _Ancient Phonetic Alphabet of Yucatan_, + New York, 1870; _Essays of an Americanist_, Philadelphia, 1890, + pp. 193-304; Léon de Rosny, _Les écritures figuratives_, Paris, + 1870; _L'interprétation des anciens textes Mayas_, Paris, 1875; + _Essai sur le déchiffrement de l'écriture hiératique de + l'Amérique Centrale_, Paris, 1876; Förstemann, _Erläuterungen + der Maya Handschrift_, Dresden, 1886. The decipherment is as + yet but partially accomplished. The Mexican system of writing + is clearly developed from the ordinary Indian pictographs; it + could not have arisen from the Maya system, but the latter + might well have been a further development of the Mexican + system; the Maya system had probably developed some characters + with a phonetic value, i. e. was groping toward the + alphabetical stage; but how far this groping had gone must + remain very doubtful until the decipherment has proceeded + further. Dr. Isaac Taylor is too hasty in saying that "the + Mayas employed twenty-seven characters which must be admitted + to be alphabetic" (Taylor, _The Alphabet_, vol. i. p. 24); this + statement is followed by the conclusion that the Maya system of + writing was "superior in simplicity and convenience to that + employed ... by the great Assyrian nation at the epoch of its + greatest power and glory." Dr. Taylor has been misled by Diego + de Landa, whose work (_Relation des choses de l'Yucatan_, ed. + Brasseur, Paris, 1864) has in it some pitfalls for the unwary.] + +[Sidenote: Ruined cities of Central America.] + +These noble ruins have excited great and increasing interest since the +publication of Mr. Stephens's charming book just fifty years ago.[146] +An air of profound mystery surrounded them, and many wild theories were +propounded to account for their existence. They were at first accredited +with a fabulous antiquity, and in at least one instance this notion was +responsible for what must be called misrepresentation, if not +humbug.[147] Having been placed by popular fancy at such a remote age, +they were naturally supposed to have been built, not by the Mayas,--who +still inhabit Yucatan and do not absolutely dazzle us with their exalted +civilization,--but by some wonderful people long since vanished. Now as +to this point the sculptured slabs of Uxmal and Chichen-Itza tell their +own story. They are covered with hieroglyphic inscriptions, and these +hieroglyphs are the same as those in which the Dresden Codex and other +Maya manuscripts still preserved are written; though their decipherment +is not yet complete, there is no sort of doubt as to their being written +in the Maya characters. Careful inspection, moreover, shows that the +buildings in which these inscriptions occur are not so very ancient. Mr. +Stephens, who was one of their earliest as well as sanest explorers, +believed them to be the work of the Mayas at a comparatively recent +period.[148] The notion of their antiquity was perhaps suggested by the +belief that certain colossal mahogany trees growing between and over +the ruins at Palenque must be nearly 2,000 years old. But when M. de +Charnay visited Palenque in 1859 he had the eastern side of the "palace" +cleared of its dense vegetation in order to get a good photograph; and +when he revisited the spot in 1881 he found a sturdy growth of young +mahogany the age of which he knew did not exceed twenty-two years. +Instead of making a ring once a year, as in our sluggish and temperate +zone, these trees had made rings at the rate of about one in a month; +their trunks were already more than two feet in diameter; judging from +this rate of growth the biggest giant on the place need not have been +more than 200 years old, if as much.[149] + + [Footnote 146: Stephens, _Incidents of Travel in Central + America, Chiapas, and Yucatan_, 2 vols., New York, 1841.] + + [Footnote 147: It occurred in the drawings of the artist + Fréderic de Waldeck, who visited Palenque before Stephens, but + whose researches were published later. "His drawings," says Mr. + Winsor, "are exquisite; but he was not free from a tendency to + improve and restore, where the conditions gave a hint, and so + as we have them in the final publication they have not been + accepted as wholly trustworthy." _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, i. + 194. M. de Charnay puts it more strongly. Upon his drawing of a + certain panel at Palenque, M. de Waldeck "has seen fit to place + three or four elephants. What end did he propose to himself in + giving this fictitious representation? Presumably to give a + prehistoric origin to these ruins, since it is an ascertained + fact that elephants in a fossil state only have been found on + the American continent. It is needless to add that neither + Catherwood, who drew these inscriptions most minutely, nor + myself who brought impressions of them away, nor living man, + ever saw these elephants and their fine trunks. But such is the + mischief engendered by preconceived opinions. With some writers + it would seem that to give a recent date to these monuments + would deprive them of all interest. It would have been + fortunate had explorers been imbued with fewer prejudices and + gifted with a little more common sense, for then we should have + known the truth with regard to these ruins long since." + Charnay, _The Ancient Cities of the New World_, London, 1887, + p. 248. The gallant explorer's indignation is certainly quite + pardonable.] + + [Footnote 148: Some of his remarks are worth quoting in detail, + especially in view of the time when they were written: "I + repeat my opinion that we are not warranted in going back to + any ancient nation of the Old World for the builders of these + cities; that they are not the work of people who have passed + away and whose history is lost, but that there are strong + reasons to believe them the creations of the same races who + inhabited the country at the time of the Spanish conquest, or + some not very distant progenitors. And I would remark that we + began our exploration without any theory to support.... Some + are beyond doubt older than others; some are known to have been + inhabited at the time of the Spanish conquest, and others, + perhaps, were really in ruins before; ... but in regard to + Uxmal, at least, we believe that it was an existing and + inhabited city at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards." + Stephens, _Central America_, etc., vol. ii. p. 455.] + + [Footnote 149: Charnay, _The Ancient Cities of the New World_, + p. 260.] + +[Sidenote: They are probably not older than the twelfth century.] + +These edifices are not so durably constructed as those which in Europe +have stood for more than a thousand years. They do not indicate a high +civilization on the part of their builders. They do not, as Mr. Andrew +Lang says, "throw Mycenæ into the shade, and rival the remains of +Cambodia."[150] In pictures they may seem to do so, but M. de Charnay, +after close and repeated examination of these buildings, assures us that +as structures they "cannot be compared with those at Cambodia, which +belong to nearly the same period, the twelfth century, and which, +notwithstanding their greater and more resisting proportions, are found +in the same dilapidated condition."[151] It seems to me that if Mr. +Lang had spoken of the Yucatan ruins as rivalling the remains of Mycenæ, +instead of "throwing them into the shade," he would have come nearer the +mark. The builders of Uxmal, like those of Mycenæ, did not understand +the principle of the arch, but were feeling their way toward it.[152] +And here again we are brought back, as seems to happen whatever road we +follow, to the middle status of barbarism. The Yucatan architecture +shows the marks of its origin in the adobe and rubble-stone work of the +New Mexico pueblos. The inside of the wall "is a rude mixture of friable +mortar and small irregular stones," and under the pelting tropical rains +the dislocation of the outer facing is presently effected. The large +blocks, cut with flint chisels, are of a soft stone that is soon damaged +by weather; and the cornices and lintels are beams of a very hard wood, +yet not so hard but that insects bore into it. From such considerations +it is justly inferred that the highest probable antiquity for most of +the ruins in Yucatan or Central America is the twelfth or thirteenth +century of our era.[153] Some, perhaps, may be no older than the ancient +city of Mexico, built A. D. 1325. + + [Footnote 150: Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, vol. ii. p. + 348.] + + [Footnote 151: Charnay, _op. cit._ p. 209. "I may remark that + [the] virgin forests [here] have no very old trees, being + destroyed by insects, moisture, lianas, etc.; and old monteros + tell me that mahogany and cedar trees, which are most durable, + do not live above 200 years," id. p. 447.] + + [Footnote 152: The reader will find it suggestive to compare + portions of Schliemann's _Mycenæ_ and M. de Charnay's book, + just cited, with Morgan's _Houses and House-Life_, chap. xi.] + + [Footnote 153: Charnay, _op. cit._ p. 411. Copan and Palenque + may be two or three centuries older, and had probably fallen + into ruins before the arrival of the Spaniards.] + +[Sidenote: Chronicle of Chicxulub.] + +But we are no longer restricted to purely archæological evidence. One of +the most impressive of all these ruined cities is Chichen-Itza, which is +regarded as older than Uxmal, but not so old as Izamal. Now in recent +times sundry old Maya documents have been discovered in Yucatan, and +among them is a brief history of the Spanish conquest of that country, +written in the Roman character by a native chief, Nakuk Pech, about +1562. It has been edited, with an English translation, by that zealous +and indefatigable scholar, to whom American philology owes such a debt +of gratitude,--Dr. Daniel Brinton. This chronicle tells us several +things that we did not know before, and, among others, it refers most +explicitly to Chichen-Itza and Izamal as inhabited towns during the time +that the Spaniards were coming, from 1519 to 1542. If there could have +been any lingering doubt as to the correctness of the views of Stephens, +Morgan, and Charnay, this contemporaneous documentary testimony dispels +it once for all.[154] + + [Footnote 154: Brinton, _The Maya Chronicles_, Philadelphia, + 1882, "Chronicle of Chicxulub," pp. 187-259. This book is of + great importance, and for the ancient history of Guatemala + Brinton's _Annals of the Cakchiquels_, Philadelphia, 1885, is + of like value and interest. + + Half a century ago Mr. Stephens wrote in truly prophetic vein, + "the convents are rich in manuscripts and documents written by + the early fathers, caciques, and Indians, who very soon + acquired the knowledge of Spanish and the art of writing. These + have never been examined with the slightest reference to this + subject; _and I cannot help thinking that some precious + memorial is now mouldering in the library of a neighbouring + convent, which would determine the history of some one of these + ruined cities_." Vol. ii. p. 456. The italicizing, of course, + is mine.] + +[Sidenote: Maya culture very closely related to Mexican.] + +The Mexicans and Mayas believed themselves to be akin to each other, +they had several deities and a large stock of traditional lore in +common, and there was an essential similarity in their modes of life; so +that, since we are now assured that such cities as Izamal and +Chichen-Itza were contemporary with the city of Mexico, we shall +probably not go very far astray if we assume that the elaborately carved +and bedizened ruins of the former may give us some hint as to how things +might have looked in the latter. Indeed this complicated and grotesque +carving on walls, door-posts, and lintels was one of the first things to +attract the attention of the Spaniards in Mexico. They regarded it with +mingled indignation and awe, for serpents, coiled or uncoiled, with +gaping mouths, were most conspicuous among the objects represented. The +visitors soon learned that all this had a symbolic and religious +meaning, and with some show of reason they concluded that this strange +people worshipped the Devil. + + * * * * * + +We have now passed in review the various peoples of North America, from +the Arctic circle to the neighbourhood of the isthmus of Darien, and can +form some sort of a mental picture of the continent at the time of its +discovery by Europeans in the fifteenth century. Much more might have +been said without going beyond the requirements of an outline sketch, +but quite as much has been said as is consistent with the general plan +of this book. I have not undertaken at present to go beyond the isthmus +of Darien, because this preliminary chapter is already disproportionately +long, and after this protracted discussion the reader's attention may be +somewhat relieved by an entire change of scene. Enough has been set +forth to explain the narrative that follows, and to justify us +henceforth in taking certain things for granted. The outline description +of Mexico will be completed when we come to the story of its conquest by +Spaniards, and then we shall be ready to describe some principal +features of Peruvian society and to understand how the Spaniards +conquered that country. + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The "Mound-Builders."] + +[Sidenote: The notion that they were like the Aztecs;] + +[Sidenote: or like the Zuñis.] + +There is, however, one conspicuous feature of North American antiquity +which has not yet received our attention, and which calls for a few +words before we close this chapter. I refer to the mounds that are +scattered over so large a part of the soil of the United States, and +more particularly to those between the Mississippi river and the +Alleghany mountains, which have been the subject of so much theorizing, +and in late years of so much careful study.[155] Vague and wild were +the speculations once rife about the "Mound-Builders" and their +wonderful civilization. They were supposed to have been a race quite +different from the red men, with a culture perhaps superior to our own, +and more or less eloquence was wasted over the vanished "empire" of the +mound-builders. There is no reason, however, for supposing that there +ever was an empire of any sort in ancient North America, and no relic of +the past has ever been seen at any spot on our planet which indicates +the former existence of a vanished civilization even remotely +approaching our own. The sooner the student of history gets his head +cleared of all such rubbish, the better. As for the mounds, which are +scattered in such profusion over the country west of the Alleghanies, +there are some which have been built by Indians since the arrival of +white men in America, and which contain knives and trinkets of European +manufacture. There are many others which are much older, and in which +the genuine remains sometimes indicate a culture like that of Shawnees +or Senecas, and sometimes suggest something perhaps a little higher. +With the progress of research the vast and vague notion of a distinct +race of "Mound-Builders" became narrowed and defined. It began to seem +probable that the builders of the more remarkable mounds were tribes of +Indians who had advanced beyond the average level in horticulture, and +consequently in density of population, and perhaps in political and +priestly organization. Such a conclusion seemed to be supported by the +size of some of the "ancient garden-beds," often covering more than a +hundred acres, filled with the low parallel ridges in which corn was +planted. The mound people were thus supposed to be semi-civilized red +men, like the Aztecs, and some of their elevated earthworks were +explained as places for human sacrifice, like the pyramids of Mexico and +Central America. It was thought that the "civilization" of the +Cordilleran peoples might formerly have extended northward and eastward +into the Mississippi valley, and might after a while have been pushed +back by powerful hordes of more barbarous invaders. A further +modification and reduction of this theory likened the mound-builders to +the pueblo Indians of New Mexico. Such was the opinion of Mr. Morgan, +who offered a very ingenious explanation of the extensive earthworks at +High Bank, in Ross county, Ohio, as the fortified site of a pueblo.[156] +Although there is no reason for supposing that the mound-builders +practised irrigation (which would not be required in the Mississippi +valley) or used adobe-brick, yet Mr. Morgan was inclined to admit them +into his middle status of barbarism because of the copper hatchets and +chisels found in some of the mounds, and because of the apparent +superiority in horticulture and the increased reliance upon it. He +suggested that a people somewhat like the Zuñis might have migrated +eastward and modified their building habits to suit the altered +conditions of the Mississippi valley, where they dwelt for several +centuries, until at last, for some unknown reason, they retired to the +Rocky Mountain region. It seems to me that an opinion just the reverse +of Mr. Morgan's would be more easily defensible,--namely, that the +ancestors of the pueblo Indians were a people of building habits +somewhat similar to the Mandans, and that their habits became modified +in adaptation to a country which demanded careful irrigation and +supplied adobe-clay in abundance. If ever they built any of the mounds +in the Mississippi valley, I should be disposed to place their +mound-building period before their pueblo period. + + [Footnote 155: For original researches in the mounds one cannot + do better than consult the following papers in the _Reports of + the Bureau of Ethnology_:--1. by W. H. Holmes, "Art in Shell of + the Ancient Americans," ii. 181-305; "The Ancient Pottery of + the Mississippi Valley," iv. 365-436; "Prehistoric Textile + Fabrics of the United States," iii. 397-431; followed by an + illustrated catalogue of objects collected chiefly from mounds, + iii. 433-515;--2. H. W. Henshaw, "Animal Carvings from the + Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," ii. 121-166;--3. Cyrus + Thomas, "Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the United + States," v. 7-119; also three of the Bureau's "Bulletins" by + Dr. Thomas, "The Problem of the Ohio Mounds," "The Circular, + Square, and Octagonal Earthworks of Ohio," and "Work in Mound + Exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology;" also two articles by + Dr. Thomas in the _Magazine of American History_:--"The Houses + of the Mound-Builders," xi. 110-115; "Indian Tribes in + Prehistoric Times," xx. 193-201. See also Horatio Hale, "Indian + Migrations," in _American Antiquarian_, v. 18-28, 108-124; M. + F. Force, _To What Race did the Mound-Builders belong?_ + Cincinnati, 1875; Lucien Carr, _Mounds of the Mississippi + Valley historically considered_, 1883; Nadaillac's _Prehistoric + America_, ed. W. H. Dall, chaps. iii., iv. The earliest work of + fundamental importance on the subject was Squier's _Ancient + Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, Philadelphia, 1848, being + the first volume of the Smithsonian Contributions to + Knowledge.--For statements of the theory which presumes either + a race connection or a similarity in culture between the + mound-builders and the pueblo Indians, see Dawson, _Fossil + Men_, p. 55; Foster, _Prehistoric Races of the United States_, + Chicago, 1873, chaps. iii., v.-x.; Sir Daniel Wilson, + _Prehistoric Man_, chap. x. The annual _Smithsonian Reports_ + for thirty years past illustrate the growth of knowledge and + progressive changes of opinion on the subject. The + bibliographical account in Winsor's _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, i. + 397-412, is full of minute information.] + + [Footnote 156: _Houses and House-Life_, chap. ix.] + +[Sidenote: The mounds were probably built by different peoples in the +lower status of barbarism;] + +[Sidenote: by Cherokees;] + +[Sidenote: and by Shawnees, and other tribes.] + +Recent researches, however, make it more and more improbable that the +mound-builders were nearly akin to such people as the Zuñis or similar +to them in grade of culture. Of late years the exploration of the +mounds has been carried on with increasing diligence. More than 2,000 +mounds have been opened, and at least 38,000 ancient relics have been +gathered from them: such as quartzite arrow-heads and spades, greenstone +axes and hammers, mortars and pestles, tools for spinning and weaving, +and cloth, made of spun thread and woven with warp and woof, somewhat +like a coarse sail-cloth. The water-jugs, kettles, pipes, and sepulchral +urns have been elaborately studied. The net results of all this +investigation, up to the present time, have been concisely summed up by +Dr. Cyrus Thomas.[157] The mounds were not all built by one people, but +by different tribes as clearly distinguishable from one another as +Algonquins are distinguishable from Iroquois. These mound-building +tribes were not superior in culture to the Iroquois and many of the +Algonquins as first seen by white men. They are not to be classified +with Zuñis, still less with Mexicans or Mayas, in point of culture, but +with Shawnees and Cherokees. Nay more,--some of them _were_ Shawnees and +Cherokees. The missionary Johann Heckewelder long ago published the +Lenape tradition of the Tallegwi or Allighewi people, who have left +their name upon the Alleghany river and mountains.[158] The Tallegwi +have been identified with the Cherokees, who are now reckoned among the +most intelligent and progressive of Indian peoples.[159] The Cherokees +were formerly classed in the Muskoki group, along with the Creeks and +Choctaws, but a closer study of their language seems to show that they +were a somewhat remote offshoot of the Huron-Iroquois stock. For a long +time they occupied the country between the Ohio river and the Great +Lakes, and probably built the mounds that are still to be seen there. +Somewhere about the thirteenth or fourteenth century they were gradually +pushed southward into the Muskoki region by repeated attacks from the +Lenape and Hurons. The Cherokees were probably also the builders of the +mounds of eastern Tennessee and western North Carolina. They retained +their mound-building habits some time after the white men came upon the +scene. On the other hand the mounds and box-shaped stone graves of +Kentucky, Tennessee, and northern Georgia were probably the work of +Shawnees, and the stone graves in the Delaware valley are to be ascribed +to the Lenape. There are many reasons for believing that the mounds of +northern Mississippi were constructed by Chickasaws, and the burial +tumuli and "effigy mounds" of Wisconsin by Winnebagos. The Minnitarees +and Mandans were also very likely at one time a mound-building people. + + [Footnote 157: _Work in Mound Exploration of the Bureau of + Ethnology_, Washington, 1887. For a sight of the thousands of + objects gathered from the mounds, one should visit the Peabody + Museum at Cambridge and the Smithsonian Institution at + Washington.] + + [Footnote 158: Heckewelder, _History of the Indian Nations of + Pennsylvania_, etc., Philadelphia, 1818; cf. Squier, + _Historical and Mythological Traditions of the Algonquins_, a + paper read before the New York Historical Society in June, + 1848; also Brinton, _The Lenape and their Legends_, + Philadelphia, 1885.] + + [Footnote 159: For a detailed account of their later history, + see C. C. Royce, "The Cherokee Nation," _Reports of Bureau of + Ethnology_, v. 121-378.] + +If this view, which is steadily gaining ground, be correct, our +imaginary race of "Mound-Builders" is broken up and vanishes, and +henceforth we may content ourselves with speaking of the authors of the +ancient earthworks as "Indians." There were times in the career of +sundry Indian tribes when circumstances induced them to erect mounds as +sites for communal houses or council houses, medicine-lodges or +burial-places; somewhat as there was a period in the history of our own +forefathers in England when circumstances led them to build moated +castles, with drawbridge and portcullis; and there is no more occasion +for assuming a mysterious race of "Mound-Builders" in America than for +assuming a mysterious race of "Castle-Builders" in England. + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Society in America at the time of the Discovery had reached +stages similar to stages reached by eastern Mediterranean peoples fifty +or sixty centuries earlier.] + +Thus, at whatever point we touch the subject of ancient America, we +find scientific opinion tending more and more steadily toward the +conclusion that its people and their culture were indigenous. One of the +most important lessons impressed upon us by a long study of comparative +mythology is that human minds in different parts of the world, but under +the influence of similar circumstances, develop similar ideas and clothe +them in similar forms of expression. It is just the same with political +institutions, with the development of the arts, with social customs, +with culture generally. To repeat the remark already quoted from Sir +John Lubbock,--and it is well worth repeating,--"Different races in +similar stages of development often present more features of resemblance +to one another than the same race does to itself in different stages of +its history." When the zealous Abbé Brasseur found things in the history +of Mexico that reminded him of ancient Egypt, he hastened to the +conclusion that Mexican culture was somehow "derived" from that of +Egypt. It was natural enough for him to do so, but such methods of +explanation are now completely antiquated. Mexican culture was no more +Egyptian culture than a prickly-pear is a lotus. It was an outgrowth of +peculiar American conditions acting upon the aboriginal American mind, +and such of its features as remind us of ancient Egypt or prehistoric +Greece show simply that it was approaching, though it had not reached, +the standard attained in those Old World countries. From this point of +view the resemblances become invested with surpassing interest. Ancient +America, as we have seen, was a much more archaic world than the world +of Europe and Asia, and presented in the time of Columbus forms of +society that on the shores of the Mediterranean had been outgrown before +the city of Rome was built. Hence the intense and peculiar fascination +of American archæology, and its profound importance to the student of +general history. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +PRE-COLUMBIAN VOYAGES. + + +There is something solemn and impressive in the spectacle of human life +thus going on for countless ages in the Eastern and Western halves of +our planet, each all unknown to the other and uninfluenced by it. The +contact between the two worlds practically begins in 1492. + +[Sidenote: The Chinese.] + +[Sidenote: The Irish.] + +[Sidenote: Cousin, of Dieppe.] + +By this statement it is not meant to deny that occasional visitors may +have come and did come before that famous date from the Old World to the +New. On the contrary I am inclined to suspect that there may have been +more such occasional visits than we have been wont to suppose. For the +most part, however, the subject is shrouded in the mists of obscure +narrative and fantastic conjecture. When it is argued that in the fifth +century of the Christian era certain Buddhist missionary priests came +from China by way of Kamtchatka and the Aleutian islands, and kept on +till they got to a country which they called Fusang, and which was +really Mexico, one cannot reply that such a thing was necessarily and +absolutely impossible; but when other critics assure us that, after all, +Fusang was really Japan, perhaps one feels a slight sense of +relief.[160] So of the dim whispers of voyages to America undertaken by +the Irish, in the days when the cloisters of sweet Innisfallen were a +centre of piety and culture for northwestern Europe,[161] we may say +that this sort of thing has not much to do with history, or history with +it. Irish anchorites certainly went to Iceland in the seventh +century,[162] and in the course of this book we shall have frequent +occasion to observe that first and last there has been on all seas a +good deal of blowing and drifting done. It is credibly reported that +Japanese junks have been driven ashore on the coasts of Oregon and +California;[163] and there is a story that in 1488 a certain Jean +Cousin, of Dieppe, while sailing down the west coast of Africa, was +caught in a storm and blown across to Brazil.[164] This was certainly +quite possible, for it was not so very unlike what happened in 1500 to +Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, as we shall hereafter see;[165] nevertheless, +the evidence adduced in support of the story will hardly bear a critical +examination.[166] + + [Footnote 160: This notion of the Chinese visiting Mexico was + set forth by the celebrated Deguignes in 1761, in the _Mémoires + de l'Académie des Inscriptions_, tom. xxviii. pp. 506-525. Its + absurdity was shown by Klaproth, "Recherches sur le pays de Fou + Sang," _Nouvelles annales des voyages_, Paris, 1831, 2e série, + tom. xxi. pp. 58-68; see also Klaproth's introduction to + _Annales des empereurs du Japon_, Paris, 1834, pp. iv.-ix.; + Humboldt, _Examen critique de l'histoire de la géographie du + nouveau continent_, Paris, 1837, tom. ii. pp. 62-84. The fancy + was revived by C. G. Leland ("Hans Breitmann"), in his + _Fusang_, London, 1875, and was again demolished by the + missionary, S. W. Williams, in the _Journal of the American + Oriental Society_, vol. xi., New Haven, 1881.] + + [Footnote 161: On the noble work of the Irish church and its + missionaries in the sixth and seventh centuries, see + Montalembert, _Les moines d'Occident_, tom. ii. pp. 465-661; + tom. iii. pp. 79-332; Burton's _History of Scotland_, vol. i. + pp. 234-277; and the instructive map in Miss Sophie Bryant's + _Celtic Ireland_, London, 1889, p. 60. The notice of the + subject in Milman's _Latin Christianity_, vol. ii. pp. 236-247, + is entirely inadequate.] + + [Footnote 162: The passion for solitude led some of the + disciples of St. Columba to make their way from Iona to the + Hebrides, and thence to the Orkneys, Shetlands, Færoes, and + Iceland, where a colony of them remained until the arrival of + the Northmen in 874. See Dicuil, _Liber de mensura Orbis Terræ_ + (A. D. 825), Paris, 1807; Innes, _Scotland in the Middle Ages_, + p. 101; Lanigan, _Ecclesiastical History of Ireland_, chap. + iii.; Maurer, _Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte des Germanischen + Nordens_, i. 35. For the legend of St. Brandan, see Gaffarel, + _Les voyages de St. Brandan_, Paris, 1881.] + + [Footnote 163: C. W. Brooks, of San Francisco, cited in + Higginson, _Larger History of the United States_, p. 24.] + + [Footnote 164: Desmarquets, _Mémoires chronologiques pour + servir à l'histoire de Dieppe_, Paris, 1785, tom. i. pp. 91-98; + Estancelin, _Recherches sur les voyages et découvertes des + navigateurs normands_, etc., Paris, 1832, pp. 332-361.] + + [Footnote 165: See below, vol. ii. p. 96.] + + [Footnote 166: As Harrisse says, concerning the alleged voyages + of Cousin and others, "Quant aux voyages du Dieppois Jean + Cousin en 1488, de João Ramalho en 1490, et de João Vaz + Cortereal en 1464 ou 1474, le lecteur nous pardonnera de les + passer sous silence." _Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1884, tom. i. + p. 307.] + +[Sidenote: Those stories are of little value;] + +It is not my purpose to weary the reader with a general discussion of +these and some other legends or rumours of pre-Columbian visitors to +America. We may admit, at once, that "there is no good reason why any +one of them may not have done" what is claimed, but at the same time the +proof that any one of them _did_ do it is very far from +satisfactory.[167] Moreover the questions raised are often of small +importance, and belong not so much to the serious workshop of history as +to its limbo prepared for learned trifles, whither we will hereby +relegate them.[168] + + [Footnote 167: Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, i. 59.] + + [Footnote 168: Sufficiently full references may be found in + Watson's _Bibliography of the Pre-Columbian Discoveries of + America_, appended to Anderson's _America not discovered by + Columbus_, 3d ed., Chicago, 1883, pp. 121-164; and see the + learned chapters by W. H. Tillinghast on "The Geographical + Knowledge of the Ancients considered in relation to the + Discovery of America," and by Justin Winsor on "Pre-Columbian + Explorations," in _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, vol. i.] + +[Sidenote: but the case of the Northmen is entirely different.] + +[Sidenote: The Viking exodus from Norway.] + +[Sidenote: Founding of Iceland, A. D. 874.] + +But when we come to the voyages of the Northmen in the tenth and +eleventh centuries, it is quite a different affair. Not only is this a +subject of much historic interest, but in dealing with it we stand for a +great part of the time upon firm historic ground. The narratives which +tell us of Vinland and of Leif Ericsson are closely intertwined with the +authentic history of Norway and Iceland. In the ninth century of our era +there was a process of political consolidation going on in Norway, +somewhat as in England under Egbert and his successors. After a war of +twelve years, King Harold Fairhair overthrew the combined forces of the +Jarls, or small independent princes, in the decisive naval battle of +Hafursfiord in the year 872. This resulted in making Harold the feudal +landlord of Norway. Allodial tenures were abolished, and the Jarls were +required to become his vassals. This consolidation of the kingdom was +probably beneficial in its main consequences, but to many a proud spirit +and crafty brain it made life in Norway unendurable. These bold Jarls +and their Viking[169] followers, to whom, as to the ancient Greeks, the +sea was not a barrier, but a highway,[170] had no mind to stay at home +and submit to unwonted thraldom. So they manned their dragon-prowed +keels, invoked the blessing of Wodan, god of storms, upon their +enterprise, and sailed away. Some went to reinforce their kinsmen who +were making it so hot for Alfred in England[171] and for Charles the +Bald in Gaul; some had already visited Ireland and were establishing +themselves at Dublin and Limerick; others now followed and found homes +for themselves in the Hebrides and all over Scotland north of glorious +Loch Linnhe and the Murray frith; some made their way through the blue +Mediterranean to "Micklegard," the Great City of the Byzantine Emperor, +and in his service wielded their stout axes against Magyar and +Saracen;[172] some found their amphibious natures better satisfied upon +the islands of the Atlantic ridge,--the Orkneys, Shetlands, and +Færoes, and especially noble Iceland. There an aristocratic republic +soon grew up, owning slight and indefinite allegiance to the kings of +Norway.[173] The settlement of Iceland was such a wholesale colonization +of communities of picked men as had not been seen since ancient Greek +times, and was not to be seen again until Winthrop sailed into +Massachusetts Bay. It was not long before the population of Iceland +exceeded 50,000 souls. Their sheep and cattle flourished, hay crops were +heavy, a lively trade--with fish, oil, butter, skins, and wool, in +exchange for meal and malt--was kept up with Norway, Denmark, and the +British islands, political freedom was unimpaired,[174] justice was (for +the Middle Ages) fairly well administered, naval superiority kept all +foes at a distance; and under such conditions the growth of the new +community in wealth[175] and culture was surprisingly rapid. In the +twelfth century, before literature had begun to blossom in the modern +speech of France or Spain or Italy, there was a flourishing literature +in prose and verse in Iceland. Especial attention was paid to history, +and the "Landnáma-bók," or statistical and genealogical account of the +early settlers, was the most complete and careful work of the kind which +had ever been undertaken by any people down to quite recent times. Few +persons in our day adequately realize the extent of the early Icelandic +literature or its richness. The poems, legends, and histories earlier +than the date when Dante walked and mused in the streets of Florence +survive for us now in some hundreds of works, for the most part of rare +and absorbing interest. The "Heimskringla," or chronicle of Snorro +Sturleson, written about 1215, is one of the greatest history books in +the world.[176] + + [Footnote 169: The proper division of this Old Norse word is + not into _v[=i]-king_, but into _v[)i]k-ing_. The first + syllable means a "bay" or "fiord," the second is a patronymic + termination, so that "vikings" are "sons of the fiord,"--an + eminently appropriate and descriptive name.] + + [Footnote 170: Curtius (_Griechische Etymologie_, p. 237) + connects [Greek: pontos] with [Greek: patos]; compare the + Homeric expressions [Greek: hygra keleutha, ichthyoenta + keleutha], etc.] + + [Footnote 171: The descendants of these Northmen formed a very + large proportion of the population of the East Anglian + counties, and consequently of the men who founded New England. + The East Anglian counties have been conspicuous for resistance + to tyranny and for freedom of thought. See my _Beginnings of + New England_, p. 62.] + + [Footnote 172: They were the Varangian guard at Constantinople, + described by Sir Walter Scott in _Count Robert of Paris_. About + this same time their kinsmen, the Russ, moving eastward from + Sweden, were subjecting Slavic tribes as far as Novgorod and + Kief, and laying the foundations of the power that has since, + through many and strange vicissitudes, developed into Russia. + See Thomsen, _The Relations between Ancient Russia and + Scandinavia_, Oxford, 1877.] + + [Footnote 173: Fealty to Norway was not formally declared until + 1262.] + + [Footnote 174: The settlement of Iceland is celebrated by + Robert Lowe in verses which show that, whatever his opinion may + have been in later years as to the use of a classical + education, his own early studies must always have been a source + of comfort to him:-- + + [Greek: Chaire kai en nephelaisi kai en niphadessi bareiais + Kai pyri kai seismois nêse saleuomenê + Enthade gar basilêos hyperbion hybrin alyxas + Dêmos Hyperboreôn, kosmou ep' eschatiê, + Autarkê bioton theiôn t' erethismata Mousôn + Kai thesmous hagnês heuren eleutherias.] + + These verses are thus rendered by Sir Edmund Head (_Viga Glums + Saga_, p. v.):-- + + "Hail, Isle! with mist and snowstorms girt around, + Where fire and earthquake rend the shattered ground,-- + Here once o'er furthest ocean's icy path + The Northmen fled a tyrant monarch's wrath: + Here, cheered by song and story, dwelt they free, + And held unscathed their laws and liberty." + + Laing (_Heimskringla_, vol. i. p. 57) couples Iceland and New + England as the two modern colonies most distinctly "founded on + principle and peopled at first from higher motives than want or + gain."] + + [Footnote 175: Just what was then considered wealth, for an + individual, may best be understood by a concrete instance. The + historian Snorro Sturleson, born in 1178, was called a rich + man. "In one year, in which fodder was scarce, he lost 120 head + of oxen without being seriously affected by it." The fortune + which he got with his first wife Herdisa, in 1199, was + equivalent nominally to $4,000, or, according to the standard + of to-day, about $80,000. Laing, _Heimskringla_, vol. i. pp. + 191, 193.] + + [Footnote 176: Laing's excellent English translation of it was + published in London in 1844. The preliminary dissertation, in + five chapters, is of great value. A new edition, revised by + Prof. Rasmus Anderson, was published in London in 1889. Another + charming book is Sir George Dasent's _Story of Burnt Njal_, + Edinburgh, 1861, 2 vols., translated from the _Njals Saga_. + Both the saga itself and the translator's learned introduction + give an admirable description of life in Iceland at the end of + the tenth century, the time when the voyages to America were + made. It is a very instructive chapter in history. + + The Icelanders of the present day retain the Old Norse + language, while on the Continent it has been modified into + Swedish and Norwegian-Danish. They are a well-educated people, + and, in proportion to their numbers, publish many books.] + +[Sidenote: Discovery of Greenland, 876.] + +[Sidenote: Eric's Colony in Greenland, 986.] + +Now from various Icelandic chronicles[177] we learn that in 876, only +two years after the island commonwealth was founded, one of the +settlers named Gunnbjörn was driven by foul weather to some point on the +coast of Greenland, where he and his crew contrived to pass the winter, +their ship being locked in ice; when the spring set them free, they +returned to Iceland. In the year 983 Eric the Red, a settler upon Öxney +(Ox-island) near the mouth of Breidafiord, was outlawed for killing a +man in a brawl. Eric then determined to search for the western land +which Gunnbjörn had discovered. He set out with a few followers, and in +the next three years these bold sailors explored the coasts of Greenland +pretty thoroughly for a considerable distance on each side of Cape +Farewell. At length they found a suitable place for a home, at the head +of Igaliko fiord, not far from the site of the modern Julianeshaab.[178] +It was fit work for Vikings to penetrate so deep a fiord and find out +such a spot, hidden as it is by miles upon miles of craggy and +ice-covered headlands. They proved their sagacity by pitching upon one +of the pleasantest spots on the gaunt Greenland coast; and there upon a +smooth grassy plain may still be seen the ruins of seventeen houses +built of rough blocks of sandstone, their chinks caulked up with clay +and gravel. In contrast with most of its bleak surroundings the place +might well be called Greenland, and so Eric named it, for, said he, it +is well to have a pleasant name if we would induce people to come +hither. The name thus given by Eric to this chosen spot has been +extended in modern usage to the whole of the vast continental region +north of Davis strait, for the greater part of which it is a flagrant +misnomer.[179] In 986 Eric ventured back to Iceland, and was so +successful in enlisting settlers for Greenland that on his return voyage +he started with five and twenty ships. The loss from foul weather and +icebergs was cruel. Eleven vessels were lost; the remaining fourteen, +carrying probably from four to five hundred souls, arrived safely at the +head of Igaliko fiord, and began building their houses at the place +called Brattahlid. Their settlement presently extended over the head of +Tunnudliorbik fiord, the next deep inlet to the northwest; they called +it Ericsfiord. After a while it extended westward as far as Immartinek, +and eastward as far as the site of Friedrichsthal; and another distinct +settlement of less extent was also made about four hundred miles to the +northwest, near the present site of Godthaab. The older settlement, +which began at Igaliko fiord, was known as the East Bygd;[180] the +younger settlement, near Godthaab, was called the West Bygd. + + [Footnote 177: A full collection of these chronicles is given + in Rafn's _Antiquitates Americanæ_, Copenhagen, 1837, in the + original Icelandic, with Danish and Latin translations. This + book is of great value for its full and careful reproduction of + original texts; although the rash speculations and the want of + critical discernment shown in the editor's efforts to determine + the precise situation of Vinland have done much to discredit + the whole subject in the eyes of many scholars. That is, + however, very apt to be the case with first attempts, like + Rafn's, and the obvious defects of his work should not be + allowed to blind us to its merits. In the footnotes to the + present chapter I shall cite it simply as "Rafn;" as the exact + phraseology is often important, I shall usually cite the + original Icelandic, and (for the benefit of readers unfamiliar + with that language) shall also give the Latin version, which + has been well made, and quite happily reflects the fresh and + pithy vigour of the original. An English translation of all the + essential parts may be found in De Costa, _Pre-Columbian + Discovery of America by the Northmen_, 2d ed., Albany, 1890; + see also Slafter, _Voyages of the Northmen to America_, Boston, + 1877 (Prince Society). An Icelandic version, interpolated in + Peringskiold's edition of the _Heimskringla_, 1697, is + translated in Laing, vol. iii. pp. 344-361. + + The first modern writer to call attention to the Icelandic + voyages to Greenland and Vinland was Arngrim Jónsson, in his + _Crymogoea_, Hamburg, 1610, and more explicitly in his + _Specimen Islandiæ historicum_, Amsterdam, 1643. The voyages + are also mentioned by Campanius, in his _Kort beskrifning om + provincien Nya Swerige uti America_, Stockholm, 1702. The + first, however, to bring the subject prominently before + European readers was that judicious scholar Thormodus Torfæus, + in his two books _Historia Vinlandiæ antiquæ_, and _Historia + Gronlandiæ antiquæ_, Copenhagen, 1705 and 1706. Later writers + have until very recently added but little that is important to + the work of Torfæus. In the voluminous literature of the + subject the discussions chiefly worthy of mention are Forster's + _Geschichte der Entdeckungen und Schiffahrten im Norden_, + Frankfort, 1784, pp. 44-88; and Humboldt, _Examen critique_, + etc., Paris, 1837, tom. i. pp. 84-104; see, also, Major, + _Select Letters of Columbus_, London, 1847 (Hakluyt Soc.) pp. + xii.-xxi. The fifth chapter of Samuel Laing's preliminary + dissertation to the _Heimskringla_, which is devoted to this + subject, is full of good sense; for the most part the shrewd + Orkneyman gets at the core of the thing, though now and then a + little closer knowledge of America would have been useful to + him. The latest critical discussion of the sources, marking a + very decided advance since Rafn's time, is the paper by Gustav + Storm, professor of history in the University of Christiania, + "Studier over Vinlandsreiserne," in _Aarbøger for Nordisk + Oldkyndighed og Historie_, Copenhagen, 1887, pp. 293-372. + + Since this chapter was written I have seen an English + translation of the valuable paper just mentioned, "Studies on + the Vineland Voyages," in _Mémoires de la société royale des + antiquaires du Nord_, Copenhagen, 1888, pp. 307-370. I have + therefore in most cases altered my footnote references below, + making the page-numbers refer to the English version (in which, + by the way, some parts of the Norwegian original are, for no + very obvious reason, omitted). By an odd coincidence there + comes to me at the same time a book fresh from the press, whose + rare beauty of mechanical workmanship is fully equalled by its + intrinsic merit, _The Finding of Wineland the Good--the History + of the Icelandic Discovery of America_, edited and translated + from the earliest records by Arthur Middleton Reeves, London, + 1890. This beautiful quarto contains phototype plates of the + original Icelandic vellums in the _Hauks-bók_, the MS. AM. 557, + and the _Flateyar-bók_, together with the texts carefully + edited, an admirable English translation, and several chapters + of critical discussion decidedly better than anything that has + gone before it. On reading it carefully through, it seems to me + the best book we have on the subject in English, or perhaps in + any language. + + Since the above was written, the news has come of the sudden + and dreadful death of Mr. Reeves, in the railroad disaster at + Hagerstown, Indiana, February 25, 1891. Mr. Reeves was an + American scholar of most brilliant promise, only in his + thirty-fifth year.] + + [Footnote 178: Rink, _Danish Greenland_, p. 6.] + + [Footnote 179: We thus see the treacherousness of one of the + arguments cited by the illustrious Arago to prove that the + Greenland coast must be colder now than in the tenth century. + The Icelanders, he thinks, called it "a green land" because of + its verdure, and therefore it must have been warmer than at + present. But the land which Eric called green was evidently + nothing more than the region about Julianeshaab, which still + has plenty of verdure; and so the argument falls to the ground. + See Arago, _Sur l'état thermométrique du globe terrestre_, in + his _Oeuvres_, tom. v. p. 243. There are reasons, however, for + believing that Greenland was warmer in the tenth century than + at present. See below, p. 176.] + + [Footnote 180: The map is reduced from Rafn's _Antiquitates + Americanæ_, tab. xv. The ruins dotted here and there upon it + have been known ever since the last rediscovery of Greenland in + 1721, but until after 1831 they were generally supposed to be + the ruins of the West Bygd. After the fifteenth century, when + the old colony had perished, and its existence had become a + mere literary tradition, there grew up a notion that the names + East Bygd and West Bygd indicated that the two settlements must + have been respectively eastward and westward of Cape Farewell; + and after 1721 much time was wasted in looking for vestiges of + human habitations on the barren and ice-bound eastern coast. At + length, in 1828-31, the exploring expedition sent out by the + Danish government, under the very able and intelligent Captain + Graah, demonstrated that both settlements were west of Cape + Farewell, and that the ruins here indicated upon the map are + the ruins of the East Bygd. It now became apparent that a + certain description of Greenland by Ivar Bardsen--written in + Greenland in the fourteenth century, and generally accessible + to European scholars since the end of the sixteenth, but not + held in much esteem before Captain Graah's expedition--was + quite accurate and extremely valuable. From Bardsen's + description, about which we shall have more to say hereafter, + we can point out upon the map the ancient sites with much + confidence. Of those mentioned in the present work, the + bishop's church, or "cathedral" (a view of which is given + below, p. 222), was at Kakortok. The village of Gardar, which + gave its name to the bishopric, was at Kaksiarsuk, at the + northeastern extremity of Igaliko fiord. Opposite Kaksiarsuk, + on the western fork of the fiord, the reader will observe a + ruined church; that marks the site of Brattahlid. The fiord of + Igaliko was called by the Northmen Einarsfiord; and that of + Tunnudliorbik was their Ericsfiord. The monastery of St. Olaus, + visited by Nicolò Zeno (see below, p. 240), is supposed by Mr. + Major to have been situated near the Iisblink at the bottom of + Tessermiut fiord, between the east shore of the fiord and the + small lake indicated on the map.] + +[Illustration: The East Bygd, or Eastern Settlement of the Northmen in +Greenland.] + +This colonization of Greenland by the Northmen in the tenth century is +as well established as any event that occurred in the Middle Ages. For +four hundred years the fortunes of the Greenland colony formed a part, +albeit a very humble part, of European history. Geographically speaking, +Greenland is reckoned as a part of America, of the western +hemisphere, and not of the eastern. The Northmen who settled in +Greenland had, therefore, in this sense found their way to America. +Nevertheless one rightly feels that in the history of geographical +discovery an arrival of Europeans in Greenland is equivalent merely to +reaching the vestibule or ante-chamber of the western hemisphere. It is +an affair begun and ended outside of the great world of the red men. + +But the story does not end here. Into the world of the red men the +voyagers from Iceland did assuredly come, as indeed, after once getting +a foothold upon Greenland, they could hardly fail to do. Let us pursue +the remainder of the story as we find it in our Icelandic sources of +information, and afterwards it will be proper to inquire into the +credibility of these sources. + +[Sidenote: Voyage of Bjarni Herjulfson, 986.] + +One of the men who accompanied Eric to Greenland was named Herjulf, +whose son Bjarni, after roving the seas for some years, came home to +Iceland in 986 to drink the Yuletide ale with his father. Finding him +gone, he weighed anchor and started after him to Greenland, but +encountered foggy weather, and sailed on for many days by guess-work +without seeing sun or stars. When at length he sighted land it was a +shore without mountains, showing only small heights covered with dense +woods. It was evidently not the land of fiords and glaciers for which +Bjarni was looking. So without stopping to make explorations he turned +his prow to the north and kept on. The sky was now fair, and after +scudding nine or ten days with a brisk breeze astern, Bjarni saw the +icy crags of Greenland looming up before him, and after some further +searching found his way to his father's new home.[181] On the route he +more than once sighted land on the larboard. + + [Footnote 181: In Herjulfsfiord, at the entrance to which the + modern Friedrichsthal is situated. Across the fiord from + Friedrichsthal a ruined church stands upon the cape formerly + known as Herjulfsness. See map.] + +[Sidenote: Conversion of the Northmen to Christianity.] + +This adventure of Bjarni's seems not to have excited general curiosity +or to have awakened speculation. Indeed, in the dense geographical +ignorance of those times there is no reason why it should have done so. +About 994 Bjarni was in Norway, and one or two people expressed some +surprise that he did not take more pains to learn something about the +country he had seen; but nothing came of such talk till it reached the +ears of Leif, the famous son of Eric the Red. This wise and stately +man[182] spent a year or two in Norway about 998. Roman missionary +priests were then preaching up and down the land, and had converted the +king, Olaf Tryggvesson, great-grandson of Harold Fairhair. Leif became a +Christian and was baptised, and when he returned to Greenland he took +priests with him who converted many people, though old Eric, it is said, +preferred to go in the way of his fathers, and deemed boisterous +Valhalla, with its cups of wassail, a place of better cheer than the New +Jerusalem, with its streets of gold. + + [Footnote 182: "Leifr var mikill madhr ok sterkr, manna + sköruligastr at sjá, vitr madhr ok gódhr hófsmadhr um alla + hluti," i. e. "Leif was a large man and strong, of noble + aspect, prudent and moderate in all things." Rafn, p. 33.] + +[Sidenote: Leif Ericsson's voyage, 1000.] + +[Sidenote: Helluland.] + +[Sidenote: Markland.] + +[Sidenote: Vinland.] + +Leif's zeal for the conversion of his friends in Greenland did not so +far occupy his mind as to prevent him from undertaking a voyage of +discovery. His curiosity had been stimulated by what he had heard about +Bjarni's experiences, and he made up his mind to go and see what the +coasts to the south of Greenland were like. He sailed from +Brattahlid--probably in the summer or early autumn of the year +1000[183]--with a crew of five and thirty men. Some distance to the +southward they came upon a barren country covered with big flat stones, +so that they called it Helluland, or "slate-land." There is little room +for doubt that this was the coast opposite Greenland, either west or +east of the strait of Belle Isle; in other words, it was either Labrador +or the northern coast of Newfoundland. Thence, keeping generally to the +southward, our explorers came after some days to a thickly wooded coast, +where they landed and inspected the country. What chiefly impressed them +was the extent of the forest, so that they called the place Markland, or +"wood-land." Some critics have supposed that this spot was somewhere +upon the eastern or southern coast of Newfoundland, but the more general +opinion places it somewhere upon the coast of Cape Breton island or +Nova Scotia. From this Markland our voyagers stood out to sea, and +running briskly before a stiff northeaster it was more than two days +before they came in sight of land. Then, after following the coast for a +while, they went ashore at a place where a river, issuing from a lake, +fell into the sea. They brought their ship up into the lake and cast +anchor. The water abounded in excellent fish, and the country seemed so +pleasant that Leif decided to pass the winter there, and accordingly his +men put up some comfortable wooden huts or booths. One day one of the +party, a "south country" man, whose name was Tyrker,[184] came in from a +ramble in the neighbourhood making grimaces and talking to himself in +his own language (probably German), which his comrades did not +understand. On being interrogated as to the cause of his excitement, +he replied that he had discovered vines loaded with grapes, and was much +pleased at the sight inasmuch as he had been brought up in a vine +country. Wild grapes, indeed, abounded in this autumn season, and Leif +accordingly called the country Vinland. The winter seems to have passed +off very comfortably. Even the weather seemed mild to these visitors +from high latitudes, and they did not fail to comment on the unusual +length of the winter day. Their language on this point has been so +construed as to make the length of the shortest winter day exactly nine +hours, which would place their Vinland in about the latitude of Boston. +But their expressions do not admit of any such precise construction; and +when we remember that they had no accurate instruments for measuring +time, and that a difference of about fourteen minutes between sunrise +and sunset on the shortest winter day would make all the difference +between Boston and Halifax, we see how idle it is to look for the +requisite precision in narratives of this sort, and to treat them as one +would treat the reports of a modern scientific exploring expedition. + + [Footnote 183: The year seems to have been that in which + Christianity was definitely established by law in Iceland, + viz., A. D. 1000. The chronicle _Thattr Eireks Raudha_ is + careful about verifying its dates by checking one against + another. See Rafn, p. 15. The most masterly work on the + conversion of the Scandinavian people is Maurer's _Die + Bekehrung des Norwegischen Stammes zum Christenthume_, Munich, + 1855; for an account of the missionary work in Iceland and + Greenland, see vol. i. pp. 191-242, 443-452.] + + [Footnote 184: The name means "Turk," and has served as a + touchstone for the dullness of commentators. To the Northmen a + "Southman" would naturally be a German, and why should a German + be called a Turk? or how should these Northmen happen to have + had a Turk in their company? Mr. Laing suggests that he may + have been a Magyar. Yes; or he may have visited the Eastern + Empire and taken part in a fight _against_ Turks, and so have + got a soubriquet, just as Thorhall Gamlason, after returning + from Vinland to Iceland, was ever afterward known as "the + Vinlander." That did not mean that he was an American redskin. + See below, p. 203. From Tyrker's grimaces one commentator + sagely infers that he had been eating grapes and got drunk; and + another (even Mr. Laing!) thinks it necessary to remind us that + all the grape-juice in Vinland would not fuddle a man unless it + had been fermented,--and then goes on to ascribe the absurdity + to our innocent chronicle, instead of the stupid annotator. See + _Heimskringla_, vol. i. p. 168.] + +[Sidenote: Voyages of Thorvald and Thorstein, 1002-05.] + +In the spring of 1001 Leif returned to Greenland with a cargo of +timber.[185] The voyage made much talk. Leif's brother Thorvald caught +the inspiration,[186] and, borrowing Leif's ship, sailed in 1002, and +succeeded in finding Vinland and Leif's huts, where his men spent two +winters. In the intervening summer they went on an exploring expedition +along the coast, fell in with some savages in canoes, and got into a +fight in which Thorvald was killed by an arrow. In the spring of 1004 +the ship returned to Brattahlid. Next year the third brother, Thorstein +Ericsson, set out in the same ship, with his wife Gudrid and a crew of +thirty-five men; but they were sore bestead with foul weather, got +nowhere, and accomplished nothing. Thorstein died on the voyage, and his +widow returned to Greenland. + + [Footnote 185: On the homeward voyage he rescued some + shipwrecked sailors near the coast of Greenland, and was + thenceforward called Leif the Lucky (et postea cognominatus est + Leivus Fortunatus). The pleasant reports from the newly found + country gave it the name of "Vinland the Good." In the course + of the winter following Leif's return his father died.] + + [Footnote 186: "Jam crebri de Leivi in Vinlandiam profectione + sermones serebantur, Thorvaldus vero, frater ejus, nimis pauca + terræ loca explorata fuisse judicavit." Rafn, p. 39.] + +[Sidenote: Thorfinn Karlsefni, and his unsuccessful attempt to found a +colony in Vinland, 1007-10.] + +In the course of the next summer, 1006, there came to Brattahlid from +Iceland a notable personage, a man of craft and resource, wealthy withal +and well born, with the blood of many kinglets or jarls flowing in his +veins. This man, Thorfinn Karlsefni, straightway fell in love with the +young and beautiful widow Gudrid, and in the course of the winter there +was a merry wedding at Brattahlid. Persuaded by his adventurous bride, +whose spirit had been roused by the reports from Vinland and by her +former unsuccessful attempt to find it, Thorfinn now undertook to visit +that country in force sufficient for founding a colony there. +Accordingly in the spring of 1007 he started with three or four +ships,[187] carrying one hundred and sixty men, several women, and quite +a cargo of cattle. In the course of that year his son Snorro was born in +Vinland,[188] and our chronicle tells us that this child was three years +old before the disappointed company turned their backs upon that land of +promise and were fain to make their way homeward to the fiords of +Greenland. It was the hostility of the natives that compelled Thorfinn +to abandon his enterprise. At first they traded with him, bartering +valuable furs for little strips of scarlet cloth which they sought most +eagerly; and they were as terribly frightened by his cattle as the +Aztecs were in later days by the Spanish horses.[189] The chance +bellowing of a bull sent them squalling to the woods, and they did not +show themselves again for three weeks. After a while quarrels arose, the +natives attacked in great numbers, many Northmen were killed, and in +1010 the survivors returned to Greenland with a cargo of timber and +peltries. On the way thither the ships seem to have separated, and one +of them, commanded by Bjarni Grimolfsson, found itself bored by worms +(the _teredo_) and sank, with its commander and half the crew.[190] + + [Footnote 187: Three is the number usually given, but at least + four of their ships would be needed for so large a company; and + besides Thorfinn himself, three other captains are + mentioned,--Snorro Thorbrandsson, Bjarni Grimolfsson, and + Thorhall Gamlason. The narrative gives a picturesque account of + this Thorhall, who was a pagan and fond of deriding his + comrades for their belief in the new-fangled Christian notions. + He seems to have left his comrades and returned to Europe + before they had abandoned their enterprise. A further reference + to him will be made below, p. 203.] + + [Footnote 188: To this boy Snorro many eminent men have traced + their ancestry,--bishops, university professors, governors of + Iceland, and ministers of state in Norway and Denmark. The + learned antiquarian Finn Magnusson and the celebrated sculptor + Thorwaldsen regarded themselves as thus descended from Thorfinn + Karlsefni.] + + [Footnote 189: Compare the alarm of the Wampanoag Indians in + 1603 at the sight of Martin Pring's mastiff. Winsor, _Narr. and + Crit. Hist._, iii. 174.] + + [Footnote 190: The fate of Bjarni was pathetic and noble. It + was decided that as many as possible should save themselves in + the stern boat. "Then Bjarni ordered that the men should go in + the boat by lot, and not according to rank. As it would not + hold all, they accepted the saying, and when the lots were + drawn, the men went out of the ship into the boat. The lot was + that Bjarni should go down from the ship to the boat with one + half of the men. Then those to whom the lot fell went down from + the ship to the boat. When they had come into the boat, a young + Icelander, who was the companion of Bjarni, said: 'Now thus do + you intend to leave me, Bjarni?' Bjarni replied, 'That now + seems necessary.' He replied with these words: 'Thou art not + true to the promise made when I left my father's house in + Iceland.' Bjarni replied: 'In this thing I do not see any other + way'; continuing, 'What course can you suggest?' He said: 'I + see this, that we change places and thou come up here and I go + down there.' Bjarni replied: 'Let it be so, since I see that + you are so anxious to live, and are frightened by the prospect + of death.' Then they changed places, and he descended into the + boat with the men, and Bjarni went up into the ship. It is + related that Bjarni and the sailors with him in the ship + perished in the worm sea. Those who went in the boat went on + their course until they came to land, where they told all these + things." De Costa's version from _Saga Thorfinns Karlsefnis_, + Rafn, pp. 184-186.] + +[Sidenote: Freydis, and her evil deeds in Vinland, 1011-12.] + +Among Karlsefni's companions on this memorable expedition was one +Thorvard, with his wife Freydis, a natural daughter of Eric the Red. +About the time of their return to Greenland in the summer of 1010, a +ship arrived from Norway, commanded by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi. +During the winter a new expedition was planned, and in the summer of +1011 two ships set sail for Vinland, one with Freydis, Thorvard, and a +crew of 30 men, the other with Helgi and Finnbogi, and a crew of 35 men. +There were also a number of women. The purpose was not to found a colony +but to cut timber. The brothers arrived first at Leif's huts and had +begun carrying in their provisions and tools, when Freydis, arriving +soon afterward, ordered them off the premises. They had no right, she +said, to occupy her brother's houses. So they went out and built other +huts for their party a little farther from the shore. Before their +business was accomplished "winter set in, and the brothers proposed to +have some games for amusement to pass the time. So it was done for a +time, till discord came among them, and the games were given up, and +none went from one house to the other; and things went on so during a +great part of the winter." At length came the catastrophe. Freydis one +night complained to her husband that the brothers had given her evil +words and struck her, and insisted that he should forthwith avenge the +affront. Presently Thorvard, unable to bear her taunts, was aroused to a +deed of blood. With his followers he made a night attack upon the huts +of Helgi and Finnbogi, seized and bound all the occupants, and killed +the men one after another in cold blood. Five women were left whom +Thorvard would have spared; as none of his men would raise a hand +against them, Freydis herself took an axe and brained them one and all. +In the spring of 1012 the party sailed for Brattahlid in the ship of +the murdered brothers, which was the larger and better of the two. +Freydis pretended that they had exchanged ships and left the other party +in Vinland. With gifts to her men, and dire threats for any who should +dare tell what had been done, she hoped to keep them silent. Words were +let drop, however, which came to Leif's ears, and led him to arrest +three of the men and put them to the torture until they told the whole +story. "'I have not the heart,' said Leif, 'to treat my wicked sister as +she deserves; but this I will foretell them [Freydis and Thorvard] that +their posterity will never thrive.' So it went that nobody thought +anything of them save evil from that time." + +[Sidenote: The whole story is eminently probable.] + +With this grewsome tale ends all account of Norse attempts at exploring +or colonizing Vinland, though references to Vinland by no means end +here.[191] Taking the narrative as a whole, it seems to me a sober, +straightforward, and eminently probable story. We may not be able to say +with confidence exactly where such places as Markland and Vinland were, +but it is clear that the coasts visited on these southerly and +southwesterly voyages from Brattahlid must have been parts of the coast +of North America, unless the whole story is to be dismissed as a figment +of somebody's imagination. But for a figment of the imagination, and of +European imagination withal, it has far too many points of +verisimilitude, as I shall presently show. + + [Footnote 191: The stories of Gudleif Gudlaugsson and Ari + Marsson, with the fanciful speculations about "Hvitramannaland" + and "Irland it Mikla," do not seem worthy of notice in this + connection. They may be found in De Costa, _op. cit._ pp. + 159-177; and see Reeves, _The Finding of Wineland the Good_, + chap. v.] + +[Sidenote: Voyage into Baffin's Bay, 1135.] + +In the first place, it is an extremely probable story from the time that +Eric once gets settled in Brattahlid. The founding of the Greenland +colony is the only strange or improbable part of the narrative, but that +is corroborated in so many other ways that we know it to be true; as +already observed, no fact in mediæval history is better established. +When I speak of the settlement of Greenland as strange, I do not mean +that there is anything strange in the Northmen's accomplishing the +voyage thither from Iceland. That island is nearer to Greenland than to +Norway, and we know, moreover, that Norse sailors achieved more +difficult things than penetrating the fiords of southern Greenland. Upon +the island of Kingitorsook in Baffin's Bay (72° 55' N., 56° 5' W.) near +Upernavik, in a region supposed to have been unvisited by man before the +modern age of Arctic exploration, there were found in 1824 some small +artificial mounds with an inscription upon stone:--"Erling Sighvatson +and Bjarni Thordharson and Eindrid Oddson raised these marks and cleared +ground on Saturday before Ascension Week, 1135." That is to say, they +took symbolic possession of the land.[192] + + [Footnote 192: Laing, _Heimskringla_, i. 152.] + +[Sidenote: A Viking ship discovered at Sandefiord, in Norway.] + +In order to appreciate how such daring voyages were practicable, we must +bear in mind that the Viking "ships" were probably stronger and more +seaworthy, and certainly much swifter, than the Spanish vessels of the +time of Columbus. One was unearthed a few years ago at Sandefiord in +Norway, and may be seen at the museum in Christiania. Its pagan owner +had been buried in it, and his bones were found amidships, along with +the bones of a dog and a peacock, a few iron fish-hooks and other +articles. Bones of horses and dogs, probably sacrificed at the funeral +according to the ancient Norse custom, lay scattered about. This craft +has been so well described by Colonel Higginson,[193] that I may as well +quote the passage in full:-- + + [Footnote 193: See his _Larger History of the United States_, + pp. 32-34.] + +[Sidenote: Description of the ship.] + +She "was seventy-seven feet eleven inches at the greatest length, and +sixteen feet eleven inches at the greatest width, and from the top of +the keel to the gunwale amidships she was five feet nine inches deep. +She had twenty ribs, and would draw less than four feet of water. She +was clinker-built; that is, had plates slightly overlapped, like the +shingles on the side of a house. The planks and timbers of the frame +were fastened together with withes made of roots, but the oaken boards +of the side were united by iron rivets firmly clinched. The bow and +stern were similar in shape, and must have risen high out of water, but +were so broken that it was impossible to tell how they originally ended. +The keel was deep and made of thick oak beams, and there was no trace of +any metallic sheathing; but an iron anchor was found almost rusted to +pieces. There was no deck and the seats for rowers had been taken out. +The oars were twenty feet long, and the oar-holes, sixteen on each side, +had slits sloping towards the stern to allow the blades of the oars to +be put through from inside. The most peculiar thing about the ship was +the rudder, which was on the starboard or right side, this side being +originally called 'steerboard' from this circumstance. The rudder was +like a large oar, with long blade and short handle, and was attached, +not to the side of the boat, but to the end of a conical piece of wood +which projected almost a foot from the side of the vessel, and almost +two feet from the stern. This piece of wood was bored down its length, +and no doubt a rope passing through it secured the rudder to the ship's +side. It was steered by a tiller attached to the handle, and perhaps +also by a rope fastened to the blade. As a whole, this disinterred +vessel proved to be anything but the rude and primitive craft which +might have been expected; it was neatly built and well preserved, +constructed on what a sailor would call beautiful lines, and eminently +fitted for sea service. Many such vessels may be found depicted on the +celebrated Bayeux tapestry; and the peculiar position of the rudder +explains the treaty mentioned in the Heimskringla, giving to Norway all +lands lying west of Scotland between which and the mainland a vessel +could pass with her rudder shipped.... This was not one of the very +largest ships, for some of them had thirty oars on each side, and +vessels carrying from twenty to twenty-five were not uncommon. The +largest of these were called Dragons, and other sizes were known as +Serpents or Cranes. The ship itself was often so built as to represent +the name it bore: the dragon, for instance, was a long low vessel, with +the gilded head of a dragon at the bow, and the gilded tail at the +stern; the moving oars at the side might represent the legs of the +imaginary creature, the row of shining red and white shields that were +hung over the gunwale looked like the monster's scales, and the sails +striped with red and blue might suggest his wings. The ship preserved at +Christiania is described as having had but a single mast, set into a +block of wood so large that it is said no such block could now be cut in +Norway. Probably the sail was much like those still carried by large +open boats in that country,--a single square on a mast forty feet +long.[194] These masts have no standing rigging, and are taken down when +not in use; and this was probably the practice of the Vikings." + + [Footnote 194: Perhaps it may have been a square-headed lug, + like those of the Deal galley-punts; see Leslie's _Old Sea + Wings, Ways, and Words, in the Days of Oak and Hemp_, London, + 1890, p. 21.] + +[Sidenote: The climate of Greenland.] + +In such vessels, well stocked with food and weapons, the Northmen were +accustomed to spend many weeks together on the sea, now and then +touching land. In such vessels they made their way to Algiers and +Constantinople, to the White Sea, to Baffin's Bay. It is not, therefore, +their voyage to Greenland that seems strange, but it is their success in +founding a colony which could last for more than four centuries in that +inhospitable climate. The question is sometimes asked whether the +climate of Greenland may not have undergone some change within the last +thousand years.[195] If there has been any change, it must have been +very slight; such as, perhaps, a small variation in the flow of ocean +currents might occasion. I am inclined to believe that there may have +been such a change, from the testimony of Ivar Bardsen, steward of the +Gardar bishopric in the latter half of the fourteenth century, or about +halfway between the time of Eric the Red and our own time. According to +Bardsen there had long been a downward drifting of ice from the north +and a consequent accumulation of bergs and floes upon the eastern coast +of Greenland, insomuch that the customary route formerly followed by +ships coming from Iceland was no longer safe, and a more southerly route +had been generally adopted.[196] This slow southward extension of the +polar ice-sheet upon the east of Greenland seems still to be going on at +the present day.[197] It is therefore not at all improbable, but on the +contrary quite probable, that a thousand years ago the mean annual +temperature of the tip end of Greenland, at Cape Farewell, was a few +degrees higher than now.[198] But a slight difference of this sort +might have an important bearing upon the fortunes of a colony planted +there. For example, it would directly affect the extent of the hay crop. +Grass grows very well now in the neighbourhood of Julianeshaab. In +summer it is still a "green land," with good pasturage for cattle, but +there is difficulty in getting hay enough to last through the nine +months of winter. In 1855 "there were in Greenland 30 to 40 head of +horned cattle, about 100 goats, and 20 sheep;" but in the ancient +colony, with a population not exceeding 6,000 persons, "herds of cattle +were kept which even yielded produce for exportation to Europe."[199] So +strong a contrast seems to indicate a much more plentiful grass crop +than to-day, although some hay might perhaps have been imported from +Iceland in exchange for Greenland exports, which were chiefly whale oil, +eider-down, and skins of seals, foxes, and white bears. + + [Footnote 195: Some people must have queer notions about the + lapse of past time. I have more than once had this question put + to me in such a way as to show that what the querist really had + in mind was some vague impression of the time when oaks and + chestnuts, vines and magnolias, grew luxuriantly over a great + part of Greenland! But that was in the Miocene period, probably + not less than a million years ago, and has no obvious bearing + upon the deeds of Eric the Red.] + + [Footnote 196: Bardsen, _Descriptio Groenlandiæ_, appended to + Major's _Voyages of the Venetian Brothers_, etc., pp. 40, 41; + and see below, p. 242.] + + [Footnote 197: Zahrtmann, _Journal of Royal Geographical + Society_, London, 1836, vol. v. p. 102. On this general subject + see J. D. Whitney, "The Climate Changes of Later Geological + Times," in _Memoirs of the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy at + Harvard College_, Cambridge, 1882, vol. vii. According to + Professor Whitney there has also been a deterioration in the + climate of Iceland.] + + [Footnote 198: One must not too hastily infer that the mean + temperature of points on the American coast south of Davis + strait would be affected in the same way. The relation between + the phenomena is not quite so simple. For example, a warm early + spring on the coast of Greenland increases the discharge of + icebergs from its fiords to wander down the Atlantic ocean; and + this increase of floating ice tends to chill and dampen the + summers at least as far South as Long Island, if not farther.] + + [Footnote 199: Rink's _Danish Greenland_, pp. 27, 96, 97.] + +[Sidenote: With the Northmen once in Greenland, the discovery of the +American continent was almost inevitable.] + +[Sidenote: Voyages for timber.] + +When once the Northmen had found their way to Cape Farewell, it would +have been marvellous if such active sailors could long have avoided +stumbling upon the continent of North America. Without compass or +astrolabe these daring men were accustomed to traverse long stretches of +open sea, trusting to the stars; and it needed only a stiff +northeasterly breeze, with persistent clouds and fog, to land a westward +bound "dragon" anywhere from Cape Race to Cape Cod. This is what appears +to have happened to Bjarni Herjulfsson in 986, and something quite like +it happened to Henry Hudson in 1609.[200] Curiosity is a motive quite +sufficient to explain Leif's making the easy summer voyage to find out +what sort of country Bjarni had seen. He found it thickly wooded, and as +there was a dearth of good timber both in Greenland and in Iceland, it +would naturally occur to Leif's friends that voyages for timber, to be +used at home and also to be exported to Iceland, might turn out to be +profitable.[201] As Laing says, "to go in quest of the wooded countries +to the southwest, from whence driftwood came to their shores, was a +reasonable, intelligible motive for making a voyage in search of the +lands from whence it came, and where this valuable material could be got +for nothing."[202] + + [Footnote 200: See Read's _Historical Inquiry concerning Henry + Hudson_, Albany, 1866, p. 160.] + + [Footnote 201: "Nú tekst umrædha at nýju um Vínlandsferdh, + thviat sú ferdh thikir bædhi gódh til fjár ok virdhíngar," i. + e. "Now they began to talk again about a voyage to Vinland, for + the voyage thither was both gainful and honourable." Rafn, p. + 65.] + + [Footnote 202: _Heimskringla_, i, 168.] + +[Sidenote: Ear-marks of truth in the narrative.] + +If now we look at the details of the story we shall find many ear-marks +of truth in it. We must not look for absolute accuracy in a narrative +which--as we have it--is not the work of Leif or Thorfinn or any of +their comrades, but of compilers or copyists, honest and careful as it +seems to me, but liable to misplace details and to call by wrong names +things which they had never seen. Starting with these modest +expectations we shall find the points of verisimilitude numerous. To +begin with the least significant, somewhere on our northeastern coast +the voyagers found many foxes.[203] These animals, to be sure, are found +in a great many countries, but the point for us is that in a southerly +and southwesterly course from Cape Farewell these sailors are said to +have found them. If our narrators had been drawing upon their +imaginations or dealing with semi-mythical materials, they would as +likely as not have lugged into the story elephants from Africa or +hippogriffs from Dreamland; mediæval writers were blissfully ignorant of +all canons of probability in such matters.[204] But our narrators simply +mention an animal which has for ages abounded on our northeastern +coasts. One such instance is enough to suggest that they were following +reports or documents which emanated ultimately from eye-witnesses and +told the plain truth. A dozen such instances, if not neutralized by +counter-instances, are enough to make this view extremely probable; and +then one or two instances which could not have originated in the +imagination of a European writer will suffice to prove it. + + [Footnote 203: "Fjöldi var thar melrakka," i. e. "ibi vulpium + magnus numerus erat," Rafn, p. 138.] + + [Footnote 204: It is extremely difficult for an impostor to + concoct a narrative without making blunders that can easily be + detected by a critical scholar. For example, the Book of + Mormon, in the passage cited (see above, p. 3), in supremely + blissful ignorance introduces oxen, sheep, and silk-worms, as + well as the knowledge of smelting iron, into pre-Columbian + America.] + +Let us observe, then, that on coming to Markland they "slew a +bear;"[205] the river and lake (or bay) in Vinland abounded with salmon +bigger than Leif's people had ever seen;[206] on the coast they caught +halibut;[207] they came to an island where there were so many eider +ducks breeding that they could hardly avoid treading on their eggs;[208] +and, as already observed, it was because of the abundance of wild grapes +that Leif named the southernmost country he visited Vinland. + + [Footnote 205: "Thar í drápu their einn björn," i. e. "in qua + ursum interfecerunt," id. p. 138.] + + [Footnote 206: "Hvorki skorti thar lax í ánni nè í vatninu, ok + stærra lax enn their hefdhi fyrr sèdh," i. e. "ibi neque in + fluvio neque in lacu deerat salmonum copia, et quidem majoris + corporis quam antea vidissent," id. p. 32.] + + [Footnote 207: "Helgir fiskar," i. e. "sacri pisces," id. p. + 148. The Danish phrase is "helleflyndre," i. e. "holy + flounder." The English _halibut_ is _hali_ = _holy_ + _but_ = + _flounder_. This word _but_ is classed as Middle English, but + may still be heard in the north of England. The fish may have + been so called "from being eaten particularly on holy days" + (_Century Dict._ s.v.); or possibly from a pagan superstition + that water abounding in flat fishes is especially safe for + mariners (Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ ix. 70); or possibly from some + lost folk-tale about St. Peter (Maurer, _Isländische Volkssagen + der Gegenwart_, Leipsic, 1860, p. 195).] + + [Footnote 208: "Svâ var mörg ædhr í eynni, at varla mátti gánga + fyri eggjum," i. e. "tantus in insula anatum mollissimarum + numerus erat, ut præ ovis transiri fere non posset," id. p. + 141. Eider ducks breed on our northeastern coasts as far south + as Portland, and are sometimes in winter seen as far south as + Delaware. They also abound in Greenland and Iceland, and, as + Wilson observes, "their nests are crowded so close together + that a person can scarcely walk without treading on them.... + The Icelanders have for ages known the value of eider down, and + have done an extensive business in it." See Wilson's _American + Ornithology_, vol. iii. p. 50.] + +[Sidenote: Northern limit of the vine.] + +From the profusion of grapes--such that the ship's stern boat is said on +one occasion to have been filled with them[209]--we get a clue, though +less decisive than could be wished, to the location of Vinland. The +extreme northern limit of the vine in Canada is 47°, the parallel which +cuts across the tops of Prince Edward and Cape Breton islands on the +map.[210] Near this northern limit, however, wild grapes are by no means +plenty; so that the coast upon which Leif wintered must apparently have +been south of Cape Breton. Dr. Storm, who holds that Vinland was on the +southern coast of Nova Scotia, has collected some interesting testimony +as to the growth of wild grapes in that region, but on the whole the +abundance of this fruit seems rather to point to the shores of +Massachusetts Bay.[211] + + [Footnote 209: + {"Svâ er sagt at eptirbátr theirra var fylldr + af vinberjurn."} + { So it-is-said that afterboat their was filled + of vine-berries.} + Rafn, p. 36.] + + [Footnote 210: Storm, "Studies on the Vinland Voyages," + _Mémoires de la société royale des antiquaires du Nord_, + Copenhagen, 1888, p. 351. The limit of the vine at this + latitude is some distance inland; near the shore the limit is a + little farther south, and in Newfoundland it does not grow at + all. Id. p. 308.] + + [Footnote 211: The attempt of Dr. Kohl (_Maine Hist. Soc._, New + Series, vol. i.) to connect the voyage of Thorfinn with the + coast of Maine seems to be successfully refuted by De Costa, + _Northmen in Maine_, etc., Albany, 1870.] + +[Sidenote: Length of the winter day.] + +We may now observe that, while it is idle to attempt to determine +accurately the length of the winter day, as given in our chronicles, +nevertheless since that length attracted the attention of the voyagers, +as something remarkable, it may fairly be supposed to indicate a +latitude lower than they were accustomed to reach in their trading +voyages in Europe. Such a latitude as that of Dublin, which lies +opposite Labrador, would have presented no novelty to them, for voyages +of Icelanders to their kinsmen in Dublin, and in Rouen as well, were +common enough. Halifax lies about opposite Bordeaux, and Boston a little +south of opposite Cape Finisterre, in Spain, so that either of these +latitudes would satisfy the conditions of the case; either would show a +longer winter day than Rouen, which was about the southern limit of +ordinary trading voyages from Iceland. At all events, the length of day +indicates for Vinland a latitude south of Cape Breton. + +[Sidenote: Indian corn.] + +The next point to be observed is the mention of "self-sown +wheat-fields."[212] This is not only an important ear-mark of truth in +the narrative, but it helps us somewhat further in determining the +position of Vinland. The "self-sown" cereal, which these Icelanders +called "wheat," was in all probability what the English settlers six +hundred years afterward called "corn," in each case applying to a new +and nameless thing the most serviceable name at hand. In England "corn" +means either wheat, barley, rye, and oats collectively, or more +specifically wheat; in Scotland it generally means oats; in America it +means maize, the "Indian corn," the cereal peculiar to the western +hemisphere. The beautiful waving plant, with its exquisitely tasselled +ears, which was one of the first things to attract Champlain's +attention, could not have escaped the notice of such keen observers as +we are beginning to find Leif and Thorfinn to have been. A cereal like +this, requiring so little cultivation that without much latitude of +speech it might be described as growing wild, would be interesting to +Europeans visiting the American coast; but it would hardly occur to +European fancy to invent such a thing. The mention of it is therefore a +very significant ear-mark of the truth of the narrative. As regards the +position of Vinland, the presence of maize seems to indicate a somewhat +lower latitude than Nova Scotia. Maize requires intensely hot summers, +and even under the most careful European cultivation does not flourish +north of the Alps. In the sixteenth century its northern-most limit on +the American coast seems to have been at the mouth of the Kennebec +(44°), though farther inland it was found by Cartier at Hochelaga, on +the site of Montreal (45° 30'). A presumption is thus raised in favour +of the opinion that Vinland was not farther north than Massachusetts +Bay.[213] + + [Footnote 212: + {"Sjálfsána hveitiakra" } + { } Rafn, p. 147. + { Self-sown wheat-acres }] + + [Footnote 213: Dr. Storm makes perhaps too much of this + presumption. He treats it as decisive against his own opinion + that Vinland was the southern coast of Nova Scotia, and + accordingly he tries to prove that the self-sown corn was not + maize, but "wild rice" (_Zizania aquatica_). _Mémoires_, etc., + p. 356. But his argument is weakened by excess of ingenuity.] + +[Sidenote: Winter weather in Vinland.] + +This presumption is supported by what is said about the climate of +Vinland, though it must be borne in mind that general statements about +climate are apt to be very loose and misleading. We are told that it +seemed to Leif's people that cattle would be able to pass the winter out +of doors there, for there was no frost and the grass was not much +withered.[214] On the other hand, Thorfinn's people found the winter +severe, and suffered from cold and hunger.[215] Taken in connection with +each other, these two statements would apply very well to-day to our +variable winters on the coast southward from Cape Ann. The winter of +1889-90 in Cambridge, for example, might very naturally have been +described by visitors from higher latitudes as a winter without frost +and with grass scarcely withered. Indeed, we might have described it so +ourselves. On Narragansett and Buzzard's bays such soft winter weather +is still more common; north of Cape Ann it is much less common. The +severe winter (_magna hiems_) is of course familiar enough anywhere +along the northeastern coast of America. + + [Footnote 214: "Thar var svâ gódhr landskostr at thví er theim + sýndist, at thar mundi eingi fènadhr fódhr thurfa á vetrum; + thar kvomu eingi frost á vetrum, ok lítt rènudhu thar grös," i. + e. "tanta autem erat terræ bonitas, ut inde intelligere esset, + pecora hieme pabulo non indigere posse, nullis incidentibus + algoribus hiemalibus, et graminibus parum flaccescentibus." + Rafn, p. 32.] + + [Footnote 215: "Thar voru their um vetrinn; ok gjördhist vetr + mikill, en ekki fyri unnit ok gjördhist íllt til matarins, ok + tókust af veidhirnar," i. e. "hic hiemarunt; cum vero magna + incideret hiems, nullumque provisum esset alimentum, cibus + coepit deficere capturaque cessabat," Id. p. 174.] + +[Sidenote: Probable situation of Vinland.] + +On the whole, we may say with some confidence that the place described +by our chroniclers as Vinland was situated somewhere between Point +Judith and Cape Breton; possibly we may narrow our limits and say that +it was somewhere between Cape Cod and Cape Ann. But the latter +conclusion is much less secure than the former. In such a case as this, +the more we narrow our limits the greater our liability to error.[216] +While by such narrowing, moreover, the question may acquire more +interest as a bone of contention among local antiquarians, its value for +the general historian is not increased. + + [Footnote 216: A favourite method of determining the exact + spots visited by the Northmen has been to compare their + statements regarding the shape and trend of the coasts, their + bays, headlands, etc., with various well-known points on the + New England coast. It is a tempting method, but unfortunately + treacherous, because the same general description will often + apply well enough to several different places. It is like + summer boarders in the country struggling to tell one another + where they have been to drive,--past a school-house, down a + steep hill, through some woods, and by a saw-mill, etc.] + +[Sidenote: "Savages" unknown to mediæval Europeans.] + +[Sidenote: The natives of Vinland.] + +But we have not yet done with the points of verisimilitude in our story. +We have now to cite two or three details that are far more striking than +any as yet mentioned,--details that could never have been conjured up by +the fancy of any mediæval European. We must bear in mind that "savages," +whether true savages or people in the lower status of barbarism, were +practically unknown to Europeans before the fifteenth century. There +were no such people in Europe or in any part of Asia or Africa visited +by Europeans before the great voyages of the Portuguese. Mediæval +Europeans knew nothing whatever about people who would show surprise at +the sight of an iron tool[217] or frantic terror at the voice of a +bull, or who would eagerly trade off valuable property for worthless +trinkets. Their imagination might be up to inventing hobgoblins and +people with heads under their shoulders,[218] but it was not up to +inventing such simple touches of nature as these. Bearing this in mind, +let us observe that Thorfinn found the natives of Vinland eager to give +valuable furs[219] in exchange for little strips of scarlet cloth to +bind about their heads. When the Northmen found the cloth growing scarce +they cut it into extremely narrow strips, but the desire of the natives +was so great that they would still give a whole skin for the smallest +strip. They wanted also to buy weapons, but Thorfinn forbade his men to +sell them. One of the natives picked up an iron hatchet and cut wood +with it; one after another tried and admired it; at length one tried it +on a stone and broke its edge, and then they scornfully threw it +down.[220] One day while they were trading, Thorfinn's bull ran out +before them and bellowed, whereupon the whole company was instantly +scattered in headlong flight. After this, when threatened with an attack +by the natives, Thorfinn drew up his men for a fight and put the bull in +front, very much as Pyrrhus used elephants--at first with success--to +frighten the Romans and their horses.[221] + + [Footnote 217: It is not meant that stone implements did not + continue to be used in some parts of Europe far into the Middle + Ages. But this was not because iron was not perfectly well + known, but because in many backward regions it was difficult to + obtain or to work, so that stone continued in use. As my + friend, Mr. T. S. Perry, reminds me, Helbig says that + stone-pointed spears were used by some of the English at the + battle of Hastings, and stone battle-axes by some of the Scots + under William Wallace at the end of the thirteenth century. + _Die Italiker in der Poebene_, Leipsic, 1879, p. 42. Helbig's + statement as to Hastings is confirmed by Freeman, _Norman + Conquest of England_, vol. iii. p. 473.] + + [Footnote 218: My use of the word "inventing" is, in this + connection, a slip of the pen. Of course the tales of "men + whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders," the Sciopedæ, + etc., as told by Sir John Mandeville, were not invented by the + mediæval imagination, but copied from ancient authors. They may + be found in Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, lib. vii., and were mentioned + before his time by Ktesias, as well as by Hecatæus, according + to Stephanus of Byzantium. Cf. Aristophanes, _Aves_, 1553; + Julius Solinus, _Polyhistor_, ed. Salmasius, cap. 240. Just as + these sheets are going to press there comes to me Mr. Perry's + acute and learned _History of Greek Literature_, New York, + 1890, in which this subject is mentioned in connection with the + mendacious and medical Ktesias:--These stories have probably + acquired a literary currency "by exercise of the habit, not + unknown even to students of science, of indiscriminate copying + from one's predecessors, so that in reading Mandeville we have + the ghosts of the lies of Ktesias, almost sanctified by the + authority of Pliny, who quoted them and thereby made them a + part of mediæval folk-lore--and from folk-lore, probably, they + took their remote start" (p. 522).] + + [Footnote 219: "En that var grávara ok safvali ok allskonar + skinnavara" (Rafn, p. 59),--i. e. gray fur and sable and all + sorts of skinwares; in another account, "skinnavöru ok algrá + skinn," which in the Danish version is "skindvarer og ægte + graaskind" (id. p. 150),--i. e. skinwares and genuine gray + furs. Cartier in Canada and the Puritans in Massachusetts were + not long in finding that the natives had good furs to sell.] + + [Footnote 220: Rafn, p. 156.] + + [Footnote 221: Much curious information respecting the use of + elephants in war may be found in the learned work of the + Chevalier Armandi, _Histoire militaire des éléphants_, Paris, + 1843. As regards Thorfinn's bull, Mr. Laing makes the kind of + blunder that our British cousins are sometimes known to make + when they get the Rocky Mountains within sight of Bunker Hill + monument. "A continental people in that part of America," says + Mr. Laing, "could not be strangers to the much more formidable + bison." _Heimskringla_, p. 169. Bisons on the Atlantic coast, + Mr. Laing?! And then his comparison quite misses the point; a + bison, if the natives had been familiar with him, would not + have been at all formidable as compared to the bull which they + had never before seen. A horse is much less formidable than a + cougar, but Aztec warriors who did not mind a cougar were + paralyzed with terror at the sight of men on horseback. It is + the unknown that frightens in such cases. Thorfinn's natives + were probably familiar with such large animals as moose and + deer, but a deer isn't a bull.] + +[Sidenote: Meaning of the epithet "Skrælings."] + +These incidents are of surpassing interest, for they were attendant upon +the first meeting (in all probability) that ever took place between +civilized Europeans and any people below the upper status of +barbarism.[222] Who were these natives encountered by Thorfinn? The +Northmen called them "Skrælings," a name which one is at first sight +strongly tempted to derive from the Icelandic verb _skrækja_, identical +with the English _screech_. A crowd of excited Indians might most +appropriately be termed Screechers.[223] This derivation, however, is +not correct. The word _skræling_ survives in modern Norwegian, and means +a feeble or puny or _insignificant_ person. Dr. Storm's suggestion is in +all probability correct, that the name "Skrælings," as applied to the +natives of America, had no ethnological significance, but simply meant +"inferior people;" it gave concise expression to the white man's opinion +that they were "a bad lot." In Icelandic literature the name is usually +applied to the Eskimos, and hence it has been rashly inferred that +Thorfinn found Eskimos in Vinland. Such was Rafn's opinion, and since +his time the commentators have gone off upon a wrong trail and much +ingenuity has been wasted.[224] It would be well to remember, however, +that the Europeans of the eleventh century were not ethnologists; in +meeting these inferior peoples for the first time they were more likely +to be impressed with the broad fact of their inferiority than to be nice +in making distinctions. When we call both Australians and Fuegians +"savages," we do not assert identity or relationship between them; and +so when the Northmen called Eskimos and Indians by the same disparaging +epithet, they doubtless simply meant to call them savages. + + [Footnote 222: The Phoenicians, however (who in this connection + may be classed with Europeans), must have met with some such + people in the course of their voyages upon the coasts of + Africa. I shall treat of this more fully below, p. 327.] + + [Footnote 223: As for Indians, says Cieza de Leon, they are all + noisy (alharaquientos). _Segunda Parte de la Crónica del Peru_, + cap. xxiii.] + + [Footnote 224: For example, Dr. De Costa refers to Dr. Abbott's + discoveries as indicating "that the Indian was preceded by a + people like the Eskimos, whose stone implements are found in + the Trenton gravel." _Pre-Columbian Discovery_, p. 132. Quite + so; but that was in the Glacial Period (!!), and when the edge + of the ice-sheet slowly retreated northward, the Eskimo, who is + emphatically an Arctic creature, doubtless retreated with it, + just as he retreated from Europe. See above, p. 18. There is + not the slightest reason for supposing that there were any + Eskimos south of Labrador so lately as nine hundred years ago.] + +[Sidenote: Personal appearance of the Skrælings.] + +Our chronicle describes the Skrælings of Vinland as swarthy in hue, +ferocious in aspect, with ugly hair, big eyes, and broad cheeks.[225] +This will do very well for Indians, except as to the eyes. We are +accustomed to think of Indian eyes as small; but in this connection it +is worthy of note that a very keen observer, Marc Lescarbot, in his +minute and elaborate description of the physical appearance of the +Micmacs of Acadia, speaks with some emphasis of their large eyes.[226] +Dr. Storm quite reasonably suggests that the Norse expression may refer +to the size not of the eye-ball, but of the eye-socket, which in the +Indian face is apt to be large; and very likely this is what the +Frenchman also had in mind. + + [Footnote 225: "Their voru svartir menn ok illiligir, ok havdhu + íllt hár á höfdhi. Their voru mjök eygdhir ok breidhir í + kinnum," i. e. "Hi homines erant nigri, truculenti specie, + foedam in capite comam habentes, oculis magnis et genis latis." + Rafn, p. 149. The Icelandic _svartr_ is more precisely rendered + by the identical English _swarthy_ than by the Latin _niger_.] + + [Footnote 226: "Mais quãt à noz Sauvages, pour ce qui regarde + les ïeux ilz ne les ont ni bleuz, ni verds, mais noirs pour la + pluspart, ainsi que les cheveux; & neantmoins ne sont petits, + cõme ceux des anciens Scythes, mais d'une grandeur bien + agréable." Lescarbot, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, Paris, + 1612, tom. ii. p. 714.] + +[Sidenote: The Skrælings of Vinland were Indians,--very likely +Algonquins.] + +These Skrælings were clad in skins, and their weapons were bows and +arrows, slings, and stone hatchets. In the latter we may now, I think, +be allowed to recognize the familiar tomahawk; and when we read that, in +a sharp fight with the natives, Thorbrand, son of the commander Snorro, +was slain, and the woman Freydis afterward found his corpse in the +woods, with a flat stone sticking in the head, and his naked sword lying +on the ground beside him, we seem to see how it all happened.[227] We +seem to see the stealthy Indian suddenly dealing the death-blow, and +then obliged for his own safety to dart away among the trees without +recovering his tomahawk or seizing the sword. The Skrælings came up the +river or lake in a swarm of canoes, all yelling at the top of their +voices (_et illi omnes valde acutum ululabant_), and, leaping ashore, +began a formidable attack with slings and arrows. The narrative calls +these canoes "skin-boats" (_hudhkeipar_), whence it has been inferred +that the writer had in mind the _kayaks_ and _umiaks_ of the +Eskimos.[228] I suspect that the writer did have such boats in mind, and +accordingly used a word not strictly accurate. Very likely his +authorities failed to specify a distinction between bark-boats and +skin-boats, and simply used the handiest word for designating canoes as +contrasted with their own keeled boats.[229] + + [Footnote 227: "Hún fann fyrir sèr mann daudhan, thar var + Thorbrandr Snorrason, ok stódh hellusteinn í höfdhi honum; + sverdhit lá bert í hjá honum," i. e. "Illa incidit in mortuum + hominem, Thorbrandum Snorrii filium, cujus capiti lapis planus + impactus stetit; nudus juxta eum gladius jacuit." Rafn, p. + 154.] + + [Footnote 228: These Eskimo skin-boats are described in Rink's + _Danish Greenland_, pp. 113, 179.] + + [Footnote 229: Cf. Storm, _op. cit._ pp. 366, 367.] + +One other point which must be noticed here in connection with the +Skrælings is a singular manoeuvre which they are said to have practised +in the course of the fight. They raised upon the end of a pole a big +ball, not unlike a sheep's paunch, and of a bluish colour; this ball +they swung from the pole over the heads of the white men, and it fell to +the ground with a horrid noise.[230] Now, according to Mr. Schoolcraft, +this was a mode of fighting formerly common among the Algonquins, in New +England and elsewhere. This big ball was what Mr. Schoolcraft calls the +"balista," or what the Indians themselves call the "demon's head." It +was a large round boulder, sewed up in a new skin and attached to a +pole. As the skin dried it enwrapped the stone tightly; and then it was +daubed with grotesque devices in various colours. "It was borne by +several warriors who acted as balisteers. Plunged upon a boat or canoe, +it was capable of sinking it. Brought down upon a group of men on a +sudden, it produced consternation and death."[231] This is a most +remarkable feature in the narrative, for it shows us the Icelandic +writer (here manifestly controlled by some authoritative source of +information) describing a very strange mode of fighting, which we know +to have been characteristic of the Algonquins. Karlsefni's men do not +seem to have relished this outlandish style of fighting; they retreated +along the river bank until they came to a favourable situation among +some rocks, where they made a stand and beat off their swarming +assailants. The latter, as soon as they found themselves losing many +warriors without gaining their point, suddenly turned and fled to their +canoes, and paddled away with astonishing celerity. Throughout the +account it seems to me perfectly clear that we are dealing with Indians. + + [Footnote 230: "That sá their Karlsefni at Skrælíngar færdhu + upp á stöng knött stundar mykinn thví nær til at jafna sem + saudharvömb, ok helzt blán at lit, ok fleygdhu af stönginni upp + á landit yfir lidh theirra Karlsefnis, ok lèt illilega vidhr, + thar sem nidhr kom. Vidh thetta sló ótta myklum á Karlsefni ok + allt lidh hans, svâ at thá fýsti engis annars enn flýja, ok + halda undan upp medh ánni, thvíat theim thótti lidh Skrælínga + drífa at sèr allum megin, ok lètta eigi, fyrr enn their koma + til hamra nokkurra, ok veittu thar vidhrtöku hardha," i. e. + "Viderunt Karlsefniani quod Skrælingi longurio sustulerunt + globum ingentem, ventri ovillo haud absimilem, colore fere + cæruleo; hune ex longurio in terram super manum Karlsefnianorum + contorserunt, qui ut decidit, dirum sonuit. Hac re terrore + perculsus est Karlsefnius suique omnes, ut nihil aliud cuperent + quam fugere et gradum referre sursum secundum fluvium: + credebant enim se ab Skrælingis undique circumveniri. Hinc non + gradum stitere, priusquam ad rupes quasdam pervenissent, ubi + acriter resistebant." Rafn, p. 153.] + + [Footnote 231: Schoolcraft, _Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge_, + Philadelphia, 1860, 6 vols. 4to, vol. i. p. 89; a figure of + this weapon is given in the same volume, plate xv. fig. 2, from + a careful description by Chingwauk, an Algonquin chief.] + +[Sidenote: The uniped.] + +The coexistence of so many unmistakable marks of truth in our narratives +may fairly be said to amount to a demonstration that they must be +derived, through some eminently trustworthy channel, from the statements +of intelligent eye-witnesses who took part in the events related. Here +and there, no doubt, we come upon some improbable incident or a touch of +superstition, such as we need not go back to the eleventh century to +find very common among seamen's narratives; but the remarkable thing in +the present case is that there are so few such features. One fabulous +creature is mentioned. Thorfinn and his men saw from their vessel a +glittering speck upon the shore at an opening in the woods. They hailed +it, whereupon the creature proceeded to perform the quite human act of +shooting an arrow, which killed the man at the helm. The narrator calls +it a "uniped," or some sort of one-footed goblin,[232] but that is +hardly reasonable, for after the shooting it went on to perform the +further quite human and eminently Indian-like act of running away.[233] +Evidently this discreet "uniped" was impressed with the desirableness of +living to fight another day. In a narrative otherwise characterized by +sobriety, such an instance of fancy, even supposing it to have come down +from the original sources, counts for as much or as little as Henry +Hudson's description of a mermaid.[234] + + [Footnote 232: Rafn, p. 160; De Costa, p. 134; Storm, p. 330.] + + [Footnote 233: Here the narrator seems determined to give us a + genuine smack of the marvellous, for when the fleeing uniped + comes to a place where his retreat seems cut off by an arm of + the sea, he runs (glides, or hops?) across the water without + sinking. In Vigfusson's version, however, the marvellous is + eliminated, and the creature simply runs over the stubble and + disappears. The incident is evidently an instance where the + narrative has been "embellished" by introducing a feature from + ancient classical writers. The "Monocoli," or one-legged + people, are mentioned by Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, vii. 2: "Item + hominum genus qui Monocoli vocarentur, singulis cruribus, miræ + pernicitatis ad saltum." Cf. Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticæ_, + viii. 4.] + + [Footnote 234: Between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla, June 15, + 1608. For the description, with its droll details, see _Purchas + his Pilgrimes_, iii. 575.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Misleading associations with the word "saga."] + +[Sidenote: Unfortunate comparison between Leif Ericsson and Agamemnon.] + +[Sidenote: The story of the Trojan War, as we have it, is pure +folk-lore.] + +It is now time for a few words upon the character of the records upon +which our story is based. And first, let us remark upon a possible +source of misapprehension due to the associations with which a certain +Norse word has been clothed. The old Norse narrative-writings are called +"sagas," a word which we are in the habit of using in English as +equivalent to legendary or semi-mythical narratives. To cite a "saga" as +authority for a statement seems, therefore, to some people as +inadmissible as to cite a fairy-tale; and I cannot help suspecting that +to some such misleading association of ideas is due the particular form +of the opinion expressed some time ago by a committee of the +Massachusetts Historical Society,--"that there is the same sort of +reason for believing in the existence of Leif Ericsson that there is for +believing in the existence of Agamemnon. They are both traditions +accepted by later writers, and there is no more reason for regarding as +true the details related about the discoveries of the former than there +is for accepting as historic truth the narrative contained in the +Homeric poems." The report goes on to observe that "it is antecedently +probable that the Northmen discovered America in the early part of the +eleventh century; and this discovery is confirmed by the same sort of +historical tradition, not strong enough to be called evidence, upon +which our belief in many of the accepted facts of history rests."[235] +The second of these statements is characterized by critical moderation, +and expresses the inevitable and wholesome reaction against the rash +enthusiasm of Professor Rafn half a century ago, and the vagaries of +many an uninstructed or uncritical writer since his time. But the first +statement is singularly unfortunate. It would be difficult to find a +comparison more inappropriate than that between Agamemnon and Leif, +between the Iliad and the Saga of Eric the Red. The story of the Trojan +War and its heroes, as we have it in Homer and the Athenian dramatists, +is pure folk-lore as regards form, and chiefly folk-lore as regards +contents. It is in a high degree probable that this mass of folk-lore +surrounds a kernel of plain fact, that in times long before the first +Olympiad an actual "king of men" at Mycenæ conducted an expedition +against the great city by the Simois, that the Agamemnon of the poet +stands in some such relation toward this chieftain as that in which the +Charlemagne of mediæval romance stands toward the mighty Emperor of the +West.[236] Nevertheless the story, as we have it, is simply folk-lore. +If the Iliad and Odyssey contain faint reminiscences of actual events, +these events are so inextricably wrapped up with mythical phraseology +that by no cunning of the scholar can they be construed into history. +The motives and capabilities of the actors and the conditions under +which they accomplish their destinies are such as exist only in +fairy-tales. Their world is as remote from that in which we live as the +world of Sindbad and Camaralzaman; and this is not essentially altered +by the fact that Homer introduces us to definite localities and familiar +customs as often as the Irish legends of Finn M'Cumhail.[237] + + [Footnote 235: _Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc._, December, 1887.] + + [Footnote 236: I used this argument twenty years ago in + qualification of the over-zealous solarizing views of Sir G. W. + Cox and others. See my _Myths and Mythmakers_, pp. 191-202; and + cf. Freeman on "The Mythical and Romantic Elements in Early + English History," in his _Historical Essays_, i. 1-39.] + + [Footnote 237: Curtin, _Myths and Folk-Lore of Ireland_, pp. + 12, 204, 303; Kennedy, _Legendary Fictions of the Irish Celts_, + pp. 203-311.] + +[Sidenote: The Saga of Eric the Red is not folk-lore.] + +It would be hard to find anything more unlike such writings than the +class of Icelandic sagas to which that of Eric the Red belongs. Here we +have quiet and sober narrative, not in the least like a fairy-tale, but +often much like a ship's log. Whatever such narrative may be, it is not +folk-lore. In act and motive, in its conditions and laws, its world is +the every-day world in which we live. If now and then a "uniped" happens +to stray into it, the incongruity is as conspicuous as in the case of +Hudson's mermaid, or a ghost in a modern country inn; whereas in the +Homeric fabric the supernatural is warp and woof. To assert a likeness +between two kinds of literature so utterly different is to go very far +astray. + +[Sidenote: Mythical and historical sagas.] + +As already observed, I suspect that misleading associations with the +word "saga" may have exerted an unconscious influence in producing this +particular kind of blunder,--for it is nothing less than a blunder. +Resemblance is tacitly assumed between the Iliad and an Icelandic saga. +Well, between the Iliad and _some_ Icelandic sagas there is a real and +strong resemblance. In truth these sagas are divisible into two well +marked and sharply contrasted classes. In the one class belong the Eddic +Lays, and the _mythical sagas_, such as the Volsunga, the stories of +Ragnar, Frithiof, and others; and along with these, though totally +different in source, we may for our present purpose group the _romantic +sagas_, such as Parceval, Remund, Karlamagnus, and others brought from +southern Europe. These are alike in being composed of legendary and +mythical materials; they belong essentially to the literature of +folk-lore. In the other class come the _historical sagas_, such as those +of Njal and Egil, the Sturlunga, and many others, with the numerous +biographies and annals.[238] These writings give us history, and often +very good history indeed. "Saga" meant simply any kind of literature in +narrative form; the good people of Iceland did not happen to have such a +handy word as "history," which they could keep entire when they meant it +in sober earnest and chop down into "story" when they meant it +otherwise. It is very much as if we were to apply the same word to the +Arthur legends and to William of Malmesbury's judicious and accurate +chronicles, and call them alike "stories." + + [Footnote 238: Nowhere can you find a more masterly critical + account of Icelandic literature than in Vigfusson's + "Prolegomena" to his edition of _Sturlunga Saga_, Oxford, 1878, + vol. i. pp. ix.-ccxiv. There is a good but very brief account + in Horn's _History of the Literature of the Scandinavian + North_, transl. by R. B. Anderson, Chicago, 1884, pp. 50-70.] + +[Sidenote: The western or Hauks-bók version of Eric the Red's Saga.] + +The narrative upon which our account of the Vinland voyages is chiefly +based belongs to the class of historical sagas. It is the Saga of Eric +the Red, and it exists in two different versions, of which one seems to +have been made in the north, the other in the west, of Iceland. The +western version is the earlier and in some respects the better. It is +found in two vellums, that of the great collection known as _Hauks-bók_ +(AM. 544), and that which is simply known as AM. 557 from its catalogue +number in Arni Magnusson's collection. Of these the former, which is the +best preserved, was written in a beautiful hand by Hauk Erlendsson, +between 1305 and 1334, the year of his death. This western version is +the one which has generally been printed under the title, "Saga of +Thorfinn Karlsefni." It is the one to which I have most frequently +referred in the present chapter.[239] + + [Footnote 239: It is printed in Rafn, pp. 84-187, and in + _Grönlands historiske Mindesmærker_, i. 352-443. The most + essential part of it may now be found, under its own name, in + Vigfusson's _Icelandic Prose Reader_, pp. 123-140.] + +[Sidenote: The northern or Flateyar-bók version.] + +The northern version is that which was made about the year 1387 by the +priest Jón Thórdharson, and contained in the famous compilation known as +the _Flateyar-bók_, or "Flat Island Book."[240] This priest was editing +the saga of King Olaf Tryggvesson, which is contained in that +compilation, and inasmuch as Leif Ericsson's presence at King Olaf's +court was connected both with the introduction of Christianity into +Greenland and with the discovery of Vinland, Jón paused, after the +manner of mediæval chroniclers, and inserted then and there what he knew +about Eric and Leif and Thorfinn. In doing this, he used parts of the +original saga of Eric the Red (as we find it reproduced in the western +version), and added thereunto a considerable amount of material +concerning the Vinland voyages derived from other sources. Jón's version +thus made has generally been printed under the title, "Saga of Eric the +Red."[241] + + [Footnote 240: It belonged to a man who lived on Flat Island, + in one of the Iceland fiords.] + + [Footnote 241: It is printed in Rafn, pp. 1-76, under the title + "Thættir af Eireki Rauda ok Grænlendíngum." For a critical + account of these versions, see Storm, _op. cit._ pp. 319-325; I + do not, in all respects, follow him in his depreciation of the + Flateyar-bók version.] + +[Sidenote: Presumption against sources not contemporary.] + +Now the older version, written at the beginning of the fourteenth +century, gives an account of things which happened three centuries +before it was written. A cautious scholar will, as a rule, be slow to +consider any historical narrative as quite satisfactory authority, even +when it contains no improbable statements, unless it is nearly +contemporary with the events which it records. Such was the rule laid +down by the late Sir George Cornewall Lewis, and it is a very good rule; +the proper application of it has disencumbered history of much rubbish. +At the same time, like all rules, it should be used with judicious +caution and not allowed to run away with us. As applied by Lewis to +Roman history it would have swept away in one great cataclysm not only +kings and decemvirs, but Brennus and his Gauls to boot, and left us with +nothing to swear by until the invasion of Pyrrhus.[242] Subsequent +research has shown that this was going altogether too far. The mere fact +of distance in time between a document and the events which it records +is only negative testimony against its value, for it may be a faithful +transcript of some earlier document or documents since lost. It is so +difficult to prove a negative that the mere lapse of time simply raises +a presumption the weight of which should be estimated by a careful +survey of all the probabilities in the case. Among the many Icelandic +vellums that are known to have perished[243] there may well have been +earlier copies of Eric the Red's Saga. + + [Footnote 242: Lewis's _Inquiry into the Credibility of the + Early Roman History_, 2 vols., London, 1855.] + + [Footnote 243: And notably in that terrible fire of October, + 1728, which consumed the University Library at Copenhagen, and + broke the heart of the noble collector of manuscripts, Arni + Magnusson. The great eruption of Hecla in 1390 overwhelmed two + famous homesteads in the immediate neighbourhood. From the + local history of these homesteads and their inmates, Vigfusson + thinks it not unlikely that some records may still be there + "awaiting the spade and pickaxe of a new Schliemann." + _Sturlunga Saga_, p. cliv.] + +[Sidenote: Hauk Erlendsson and his manuscripts.] + +Hauk Erlendsson reckoned himself a direct descendant, in the eighth +generation, from Snorro, son of Thorfinn and Gudrid, born in Vinland. He +was an important personage in Iceland, a man of erudition, author of a +brief book of contemporary annals and a treatise on arithmetic in which +he introduced the Arabic numerals into Iceland. In those days the lover +of books, if he would add them to his library, might now and then obtain +an original manuscript, but usually he had to copy them or have them +copied by hand. The Hauks-bók, with its 200 skins, one of the most +extensive Icelandic vellums now in existence, is really Hauk's private +library, or what there is left of it, and it shows that he was a man who +knew how to make a good choice of books. He did a good deal of his +copying himself, and also employed two clerks in the same kind of +work.[244] + + [Footnote 244: An excellent facsimile of Hauk's handwriting is + given in Rafn, tab. iii., lower part; tab. iv. and the upper + part of tab. iii. are in the hands of his two amanuenses. See + Vigfusson, _op. cit._ p. clxi.] + +[Sidenote: The story is not likely to have been preserved to Hauk's time +by oral tradition only.] + +Now I do not suppose it will occur to any rational being to suggest that +Hauk may have written down his version of Eric the Red's Saga from an +oral tradition nearly three centuries old. The narrative could not have +been so long preserved in its integrity, with so little extravagance of +statement and so many marks of truthfulness in details foreign to +ordinary Icelandic experience, if it had been entrusted to oral +tradition alone. One might as well try to imagine Drake's "World +Encompassed" handed down by oral tradition from the days of Queen +Elizabeth to the days of Queen Victoria. Such transmission is possible +enough with heroic poems and folk-tales, which deal with a few dramatic +situations and a stock of mythical conceptions familiar at every +fireside; but in a simple matter-of-fact record of sailors' observations +and experiences on a strange coast, oral tradition would not be long in +distorting and jumbling the details into a result quite undecipherable. +The story of the Zeno brothers, presently to be cited, shows what +strange perversions occur, even in written tradition, when the copyist, +instead of faithfully copying records of unfamiliar events, tries to +edit and amend them. One cannot reasonably doubt that Hauk's vellum of +Eric the Red's Saga, with its many ear-marks of truth above mentioned, +was copied by him--and quite carefully and faithfully withal--from some +older vellum not now forthcoming. + +[Sidenote: Allusions to Vinland in other documents.] + +As we have no clue, however, beyond the internal evidence, to the age or +character of the sources from which Hauk copied, there is nothing left +for us to do but to look into other Icelandic documents, to see if +anywhere they betray a knowledge of Vinland and the voyages thither. +Incidental references to Vinland, in narratives concerned with other +matters, are of great significance in this connection; for they imply on +the part of the narrator a presumption that his readers understand such +references, and that it is not necessary to interrupt his story in order +to explain them. Such incidental references imply the existence, during +the interval between the Vinland voyages and Hauk's manuscript, of many +intermediate links of sound testimony that have since dropped out of +sight; and therefore they go far toward removing whatever presumption +may be alleged against Hauk's manuscript because of its distance from +the events. + +[Sidenote: Eyrbyggja Saga.] + +Now the Eyrbyggja Saga, written between 1230 and 1260, is largely +devoted to the settlement of Iceland, and is full of valuable notices of +the heathen institutions and customs of the tenth century. The +Eyrbyggja, having occasion to speak of Thorbrand Snorrason, observes +incidentally that he went from Greenland to Vinland with Karlsefni and +was killed in a battle with the Skrælings.[245] We have already +mentioned the death of this Thorbrand, and how Freydis found his body in +the woods. + + [Footnote 245: Vigfusson, _Eyrbyggja Saga_, pp. 91, 92. Another + of Karlsefni's comrades, Thorhall Gamlason, is mentioned in + _Grettis Saga_, Copenhagen, 1859, pp. 22, 70; he went back to + Iceland, settled on a farm there, and was known for the rest of + his life as "the Vinlander." See above, pp. 165, 168.] + +[Sidenote: The abbot Nikulas, etc.] + +Three Icelandic tracts on geography, between the twelfth and fourteenth +centuries, mention Helluland and Vinland, and in two of these accounts +Markland is interposed between Helluland and Vinland.[246] One of these +tracts mentions the voyages of Leif and Thorfinn. It forms part of an +essay called "Guide to the Holy Land," by Nikulas Sæmundsson, abbot of +Thvera, in the north of Iceland, who died 1159. This Nikulas was curious +in matters of geography, and had travelled extensively. + + [Footnote 246: Werlauf, _Symbolæ ad Geogr. Medii Ævi_, + Copenhagen, 1820.] + +[Sidenote: Ari Fródhi.] + +With the celebrated Ari Thorgilsson, usually known as Fródhi, "the +learned," we come to testimony nearly contemporaneous in time and +extremely valuable in character. This erudite priest, born in 1067, was +the founder of historical writing in Iceland. He was the principal +author of the "Landnáma-bók," already mentioned as a work of thorough +and painstaking research unequalled in mediæval literature. His other +principal works were the "Konunga-bók," or chronicle of the kings of +Norway, and the "Islendinga-bók," or description of Iceland.[247] Ari's +books, written not in monkish Latin, but in a good vigorous vernacular, +were a mine of information from which all subsequent Icelandic +historians were accustomed to draw such treasures as they needed. To his +diligence and acumen they were all, from Snorro Sturlason down, very +much indebted. He may be said to have given the tone to history-writing +in Iceland, and it was a high tone. + + [Footnote 247: For a critical estimate of Ari's literary + activity and the extent of his work, the reader is referred to + Möbius, _Are's Isländerbuch_, Leipsic, 1869; Maurer, "Über Ari + Thorgilsson und sein Isländerbuch," in _Germania_, xv.; Olsen, + _Ari Thorgilsson hinn Fródhi_, Reykjavik, 1889, pp. 214-240.] + +[Sidenote: Ari's significant allusion to Vinland.] + +Unfortunately Ari's Islendinga-bók has perished. One cannot help +suspecting that it may have contained the contemporary materials from +which Eric the Red's Saga in the Hauks-bók was ultimately drawn. For +Ari made an abridgment or epitome of his great book, and this epitome, +commonly known as "Libellus Islandorum," still survives. In it Ari makes +brief mention of Greenland, and refers to his paternal uncle, Thorkell +Gellison, as authority for his statements. This Thorkell Gellison, of +Helgafell, a man of high consideration who flourished about the middle +of the eleventh century, had visited Greenland and talked with one of +the men who accompanied Eric when he went to settle in Brattahlid in +986. From this source Ari gives us the interesting information that +Eric's party found in Greenland "traces of human habitations, fragments +of boats, and stone implements; so from this one might conclude that +people of the kind who inhabited Vinland and were known by the (Norse) +Greenlanders as Skrælings must have roamed about there."[248] Observe +the force of this allusion. The settlers in Greenland did not at first +(nor for a long time) meet with barbarous or savage natives there, but +only with the vestiges of their former presence. But when Ari wrote the +above passage, the memory of Vinland and its fierce Skrælings was still +fresh, and Ari very properly inferred from the archæological remains in +Greenland that a people similar (in point of barbarism) to the +Skrælings must have been there. Unless Ari and his readers had a +distinct recollection of the accounts of Vinland, such a reference would +have been only an attempt to explain the less obscure by the more +obscure. It is to be regretted that we have in this book no more +allusions to Vinland; but if Ari could only leave us one such allusion, +he surely could not have made that one more pointed. + + [Footnote 248: Their "fundo thar manna vister bæthi austr ok + vestr á landi ok kæiplabrot ok steinsmíthi, that es af thví má + scilja, at thar hafdhi thessconar thjóth farith es Vínland + hefer bygt, ok Grænlendínger calla Skrelínga," i. e. + "invenerunt ibi, tam in orientali quam occidentali terræ parte, + humanæ habitationis vestigia, navicularum fragmenta et opera + fabrilia ex lapide, ex quo intelligi potest, ibi versatum esse + nationem quæ Vinlandiam incoluit quamque Grænlandi Skrælingos + appellant." Rafn, p. 207.] + +[Sidenote: Other references.] + +But this is not quite the only reference that Ari makes to Vinland. +There are three others that must in all probability be assigned to him. +Two occur in the Landnáma-bók, the first in a passage where mention is +made of Ari Marsson's voyage to a place in the western ocean near +Vinland;[249] the only point in this allusion which need here concern us +is that Vinland is tacitly assumed to be a known geographical situation +to which others may be referred. The second reference occurs in one of +those elaborate and minutely specific genealogies in the Landnáma-bók: +"Their son was Thordhr Hest-höfdhi, father of Karlsefni, who found +Vinland the Good, Snorri's father," etc.[250] The third reference occurs +in the Kristni Saga, a kind of supplement to the Landnáma-bók, giving an +account of the introduction of Christianity into Iceland; here it is +related how Leif Ericsson came to be called "Leif the Lucky," 1. from +having rescued a shipwrecked crew off the coast of Greenland, 2. from +having discovered "Vinland the Good."[251] From these brief allusions, +and from the general relation in which Ari Fródhi stood to later +writers, I suspect that if the greater Islendinga-bók had survived to +our time we should have found in it more about Vinland and its +discoverers. At any rate, as to the existence of a definite and +continuous tradition all the way from Ari down to Hauk Erlendsson, there +can be no question whatever.[252] + + [Footnote 249: _Landnáma-bók_, part ii. chap. xxii.] + + [Footnote 250: Id. part iii. chap. x.] + + [Footnote 251: _Kristni Saga_, apud _Biskupa Sögur_, + Copenhagen, 1858, vol. i. p. 20.] + + [Footnote 252: Indeed, the parallel existence of the + Flateyar-bók version of Eric the Red's Saga, alongside of the + Hauks-bók version, is pretty good proof of the existence of a + written account older than Hauk's time. The discrepancies + between the two versions are such as to show that Jón + Thordharson did not copy from Hauk, but followed some other + version not now forthcoming. Jón mentions six voyages in + connection with Vinland: 1. Bjarni Herjulfsson; 2. Leif; 3. + Thorvald; 4. Thorstein and Gudrid; 5. Thorfinn Karlsefni; 6. + Freydis. Hauk, on the other hand, mentions only the two + principal voyages, those of Leif and Thorfinn; ignoring Bjarni, + he accredits his adventures to Leif on his return voyage from + Norway in 999, and he makes Thorvald a comrade of Thorfinn, and + mixes his adventures with the events of Thorfinn's voyage. Dr. + Storm considers Hauk's account intrinsically the more probable, + and thinks that in the Flateyar-bók we have a later + amplification of the tradition. But while I agree with Dr. + Storm as to the general superiority of the Hauk version, I am + not convinced by his arguments on this point. It seems to me + likely that the Flateyar-bók here preserves more faithfully the + details of an older tradition too summarily epitomized in the + Hauks-bók. As the point in no way affects the general + conclusions of the present chapter, it is hardly worth arguing + here. The main thing for us is that the divergencies between + the two versions, when coupled with their agreement in the most + important features, indicate that both writers were working + upon the basis of an antecedent written tradition, like the + authors of the first and third synoptic gospels. Only here, of + course, there are in the divergencies no symptoms of what the + Tübingen school would call "_tendenz_," impairing and obscuring + to an indeterminate extent the general trustworthiness of the + narratives. On the whole, it is pretty clear that Hauks-bók and + Flateyar-bók were independent of each other, and collated, each + in its own way, earlier documents that have probably since + perished.] + +[Sidenote: Adam of Bremen.] + +The testimony of Adam of Bremen brings us yet one generation nearer to +the Vinland voyages, and is very significant. Adam was much interested +in the missionary work in the north of Europe, and in 1073, the same +year that Hildebrand was elected to the papacy, he published his famous +"Historia Ecclesiastica" in which he gave an account of the conversion +of the northern nations from the time of Leo III. to that of +Hildebrand's predecessor. In prosecuting his studies, Adam made a visit +to the court of Swend Estridhsen, king of Denmark, nephew of Cnut the +Great, king of Denmark and England. Swend's reign began in 1047, so that +Adam's visit must have occurred between that date and 1073. The voyage +of Leif and Thorfinn would at that time have been within the memory of +living men, and would be likely to be known in Denmark, because the +intercourse between the several parts of the Scandinavian world was +incessant; there was continual coming and going. Adam learned what he +could of Scandinavian geography, and when he published his history, he +did just what a modern writer would do under similar circumstances; he +appended to his book some notes on the geography of those remote +countries, then so little known to his readers in central and southern +Europe. After giving some account of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, he +describes the colony in Iceland, and then the further colony in +Greenland, and concludes by saying that out in that ocean there is +another country, or island, which has been visited by many persons, and +is called Vinland because of wild grapes that grow there, out of which a +very good wine can be made. Either rumour had exaggerated the virtues of +fox-grape juice, or the Northmen were not such good judges of wine as of +ale. Adam goes on to say that corn, likewise, grows in Vinland without +cultivation; and as such a statement to European readers must needs have +a smack of falsehood, he adds that it is based not upon fable and +guess-work, but upon "trustworthy reports (_certa relatione_) of the +Danes." + +[Sidenote: Adam's misconception of the situation.] + +Scanty as it is, this single item of strictly contemporary testimony is +very important, because quite incidentally it gives to the later +accounts such confirmation as to show that they rest upon a solid basis +of continuous tradition and not upon mere unintelligent hearsay.[253] +The unvarying character of the tradition, in its essential details, +indicates that it must have been committed to writing at a very early +period, probably not later than the time of Ari's uncle Thorkell, who +was contemporary with Adam of Bremen. If, however, we read the whole +passage in which Adam's mention of Vinland occurs, it is clear from the +context that his own information was not derived from an inspection of +Icelandic documents. He got it, as he tells us, by talking with King +Swend; and all that he got, or all that he thought worth telling, was +this curious fact about vines and self-sown corn growing so near to +Greenland; for Adam quite misconceived the situation of Vinland, and +imagined it far up in the frozen North. After his mention of Vinland, +the continental character of which he evidently did not suspect, he goes +on immediately to say, "After this island nothing inhabitable is to be +found in that ocean, all being covered with unendurable ice and +boundless darkness." That most accomplished king, Harold Hardrada, says +Adam, tried not long since to ascertain how far the northern ocean +extended, and plunged along through this darkness until he actually +reached the end of the world, and came near tumbling off![254] Thus the +worthy Adam, while telling the truth about fox-grapes and maize as well +as he knew how, spoiled the effect of his story by putting Vinland in +the Arctic regions. The juxtaposition of icebergs and vines was a little +too close even for the mediæval mind so hospitable to strange yarns. +Adam's readers generally disbelieved the "trustworthy reports of the +Danes," and when they thought of Vinland at all, doubtless thought of it +as somewhere near the North Pole.[255] We shall do well to bear this in +mind when we come to consider the possibility of Columbus having +obtained from Adam of Bremen any hint in the least likely to be of use +in his own enterprise.[256] + + [Footnote 253: It is further interesting as the only undoubted + reference to Vinland in a mediæval book written beyond the + limits of the Scandinavian world. There is also, however, a + passage in Ordericus Vitalis (_Historia Ecclesiastica_, iv. + 29), in which _Finland_ and the Orkneys, along with Greenland + and Iceland, are loosely described as forming part of the + dominions of the kings of Norway. This Finland does not appear + to refer to the country of the Finns, east of the Baltic, and + it has been supposed that it may have been meant for Vinland. + The book of Ordericus was written about 1140.] + + [Footnote 254: The passage from Adam of Bremen deserves to be + quoted in full: "Præterea unam adhuc insulam [regionam] + recitavit [i. e. Svendus rex] a multis in eo repertam oceano, + quæ dicitur Vinland, eo quod ibi vites sponte nascantur, vinum + bonum gerentes [ferentes]; nam et fruges ibi non seminatas + abundare, non fabulosa opinione, sed certa comperimus relatione + Danorum. Post quam insulam terra nulla invenitur habitabilis in + illo oceano, sed omnia quæ ultra sunt glacie intolerabili ac + caligine immensa plena sunt; cujus rei Marcianus ita meminit: + ultra Thyle, inquiens, navigare unius diei mare concretum est. + Tentavit hoc nuper experientissimus Nordmannorum princeps + Haroldus, qui latitudinem septentrionalis oceani perscrutatus + navibus, tandem caligantibus ante ora deficientis mundi + finibus, immane abyssi baratrum, retroactis vestigiis, vix + salvus evasit." _Descriptio insularum aquilonis_, cap. 38, apud + _Hist. Ecclesiastica_, iv. ed. Lindenbrog, Leyden, 1595. No + such voyage is known to have been undertaken by Harold of + Norway, nor is it likely. Adam was probably thinking of an + Arctic voyage undertaken by one Thorir under the auspices of + King Harold; one of the company brought back a polar bear and + gave it to King Swend, who was much pleased with it. See Rafn, + 339. "Regionam" and "ferentes" in the above extract are variant + readings found in some editions.] + + [Footnote 255: "Det har imidlertid ikke forhindret de senere + forfattere, der benyttede Adam, fra at blive mistænksomme, og + saalænge Adams beretning stod alene, har man i regelen vægret + sig for at tro den. Endog den norske forfatter, der skrev + 'Historia Norvegiæ' og som foruden Adam vel ogsaa bar kjendt de + hjemlige sagn om Vinland, maa have anseet beretningen for + fabelagtig og derfor forbigaaet den; han kjendte altfor godt + Grønland som et nordligt isfyldt Polarland til at ville tro + paa, at i nærheden fandtes et Vinland." Storm, in _Aarbøger for + Nordisk Oldkyndighed_, etc., Copenhagen, 1887, p. 300.] + + [Footnote 256: See below, p. 386.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Summary of the argument.] + +To sum up the argument:--we have in Eric the Red's Saga, as copied by +Hauk Erlendsson, a document for the existence of which we are required +to account. That document contains unmistakable knowledge of some +things which mediæval Europeans could by no human possibility have +learned, except through a visit to some part of the coast of North +America further south than Labrador or Newfoundland. It tells an +eminently probable story in a simple, straightforward way, agreeing in +its details with what we know of the North American coast between Point +Judith and Cape Breton. Its general accuracy in the statement and +grouping of so many remote details is proof that its statements were +controlled by an exceedingly strong and steady tradition,--altogether +too strong and steady, in my opinion, to have been maintained simply by +word of mouth. These Icelanders were people so much given to writing +that their historic records during the Middle Ages were, as the late Sir +Richard Burton truly observed, more complete than those of any other +country in Europe.[257] It is probable that the facts mentioned in +Hauk's document rested upon some kind of a written basis as early as the +eleventh century; and it seems quite clear that the constant tradition, +by which all the allusions to Vinland and the Skrælings are controlled, +had become established by that time. The data are more scanty than we +could wish, but they all point in the same direction as surely as straws +blown by a steady wind, and their cumulative force is so great as to +fall but little short of demonstration. For these reasons it seems to me +that the Saga of Eric the Red should be accepted as history; and there +is another reason which might not have counted for much at the +beginning of this discussion, but at the end seems quite solid and +worthy of respect. The narrative begins with the colonization of +Greenland and goes on with the visits to Vinland. It is unquestionably +sound history for the first part; why should it be anything else for the +second part? What shall be said of a style of criticism which, in +dealing with one and the same document, arbitrarily cuts it in two in +the middle and calls the first half history and the last half legend? +which accepts its statements as serious so long as they keep to the +north of the sixtieth parallel, and dismisses them as idle as soon as +they pass to the south of it? Quite contrary to common sense, I should +say. + + [Footnote 257: Burton, _Ultima Thule_, London, 1875, i. 237.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Absurd speculations of zealous antiquarians.] + +[Sidenote: There is no reason for supposing that the Northmen founded a +colony in Vinland.] + +[Sidenote: No archæological remains of the Northmen have been found +south of Davis strait.] + +The only discredit which has been thrown upon the story of the Vinland +voyages, in the eyes either of scholars or of the general public, has +arisen from the eager credulity with which ingenious antiquarians have +now and then tried to prove more than facts will warrant. It is +peculiarly a case in which the judicious historian has had frequent +occasion to exclaim, Save me from my friends! The only fit criticism +upon the wonderful argument from the Dighton inscription is a reference +to the equally wonderful discovery made by Mr. Pickwick at Cobham;[258] +and when it was attempted, some sixty years ago, to prove that Governor +Arnold's old stone windmill at Newport[259] was a tower built by the +Northmen, no wonder if the exposure of this rather laughable notion +should have led many people to suppose that the story of Leif and +Thorfinn had thereby been deprived of some part of its support. But the +story never rested upon any such evidence, and does not call for +evidence of such sort. There is nothing in the story to indicate that +the Northmen ever founded a colony in Vinland, or built durable +buildings there. The distinction implicitly drawn by Adam of Bremen, who +narrates the colonization of Iceland and Greenland, and then goes on to +speak of Vinland, not as colonized, but simply as discovered, is a +distinction amply borne out by our chronicles. Nowhere is there the +slightest hint of a colony or settlement established in Vinland. On the +contrary, our plain, business-like narrative tells us that Thorfinn +Karlsefni tried to found a colony and failed; and it tells us why he +failed. The Indians were too many for him. The Northmen of the eleventh +century, without firearms, were in much less favourable condition for +withstanding the Indians than the Englishmen of the seventeenth; and at +the former period there existed no cause for emigration from Norway and +Iceland at all comparable to the economic, political, and religious +circumstances which, in a later age, sent thousands of Englishmen to +Virginia and New England. The founding of colonies in America in the +sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was no pastime; it was a tale of +drudgery, starvation, and bloodshed, that curdles one's blood to read; +more attempts failed than succeeded. Assuredly Thorfinn gave proof of +the good sense ascribed to him when he turned his back upon Vinland. But +if he or any other Northman had ever succeeded in establishing a colony +there, can anybody explain why it should not have stamped the fact of +its existence either upon the soil, or upon history, or both, as +unmistakably as the colony of Greenland? Archæological remains of the +Northmen abound in Greenland, all the way from Immartinek to near Cape +Farewell; the existence of one such relic on the North American +continent has never yet been proved. Not a single vestige of the +Northmen's presence here, at all worthy of credence, has ever been +found. The writers who have, from time to time, mistaken other things +for such vestiges, have been led astray because they have failed to +distinguish between the different conditions of proof in Greenland and +in Vinland. As Mr. Laing forcibly put the case, nearly half a century +ago, "Greenland was a colony with communications, trade, civil and +ecclesiastical establishments, and a considerable population," for more +than four centuries. "Vinland was only visited by flying parties of +woodcutters, remaining at the utmost two or three winters, but never +settling there permanently.... To expect here, as in Greenland, material +proofs to corroborate the documentary proofs, is weakening the latter by +linking them to a sort of evidence which, from the very nature of the +case,--the temporary visits of a ship's crew,--cannot exist in Vinland, +and, as in the case of Greenland, come in to support them."[260] + + [Footnote 258: See _Pickwick Papers_, chap. xi. I am indebted + to Mr. Tillinghast, of Harvard University Library, for calling + my attention to a letter from Rev. John Lathrop, of Boston, to + Hon. John Davis, August 10, 1809, containing George + Washington's opinion of the Dighton inscription. When President + Washington visited Cambridge in the fall of 1789, he was shown + about the college buildings by the president and fellows of the + university. While in the museum he was observed to "fix his + eye" upon a full-size copy of the Dighton inscription made by + the librarian, James Winthrop. Dr. Lathrop, who happened to be + standing near Washington, "ventured to give the opinion which + several learned men had entertained with respect to the origin + of the inscription." Inasmuch as some of the characters were + thought to resemble "oriental" characters, and inasmuch as the + ancient Phoenicians had sailed outside of the Pillars of + Hercules, it was "conjectured" that some Phoenician vessels had + sailed into Narragansett bay and up the Taunton river. "While + detained by winds, or other causes now unknown, the people, it + has been conjectured, made the inscription, now to be seen on + the face of the rock, and which we may suppose to be a record + of their fortunes or of their fate." + + "After I had given the above account, the President smiled and + said he believed the learned gentlemen whom I had mentioned + were mistaken; and added that in the younger part of his life + his business called him to be very much in the wilderness of + Virginia, which gave him an opportunity to become acquainted + with many of the customs and practices of the Indians. The + Indians, he said, had a way of writing and recording their + transactions, either in war or hunting. When they wished to + make any such record, or leave an account of their exploits to + any who might come after them, they scraped off the outer bark + of a tree, and with a vegetable ink, or a little paint which + they carried with them, on the smooth surface they wrote in a + way that was generally understood by the people of their + respective tribes. As he had so often examined the rude way of + writing practised by the Indians of Virginia, and observed many + of the characters on the inscription then before him so nearly + resembled the characters used by the Indians, he had no doubt + the inscription was made long ago by some natives of America." + _Proceedings of Massachusetts Historical Society_, vol. x. p. + 115. This pleasant anecdote shows in a new light Washington's + accuracy of observation and unfailing common-sense. Such + inscriptions have been found by the thousand, scattered over + all parts of the United States; for a learned study of them see + Garrick Mallery, "Pictographs of the North American Indians," + _Reports of Bureau of Ethnology_, iv. 13-256. "The voluminous + discussion upon the Dighton rock inscription," says Colonel + Mallery, "renders it impossible wholly to neglect it.... It is + merely a type of Algonquin rock-carving, not so interesting as + many others.... It is of purely Indian origin, and is executed + in the peculiar symbolic character of the Kekeewin," p. 20. The + characters observed by Washington in the Virginia forests would + very probably have been of the same type. Judge Davis, to whom + Dr. Lathrop's letter was addressed, published in 1809 a paper + maintaining the Indian origin of the Dighton inscription. + + A popular error, once started on its career, is as hard to kill + as a cat. Otherwise it would be surprising to find, in so + meritorious a book as Oscar Peschel's _Geschichte des + Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, Stuttgart, 1877, p. 82, an + unsuspecting reliance upon Rafn's ridiculous interpretation of + this Algonquin pictograph. In an American writer as well + equipped as Peschel, this particular kind of blunder would of + course be impossible; and one is reminded of Humboldt's remark, + "Il est des recherches qui ne peuvent s'exécuter que près des + sources mêmes." _Examen critique_, etc., tom. ii. p. 102. + + In old times, I may add, such vagaries were usually saddled + upon the Phoenicians, until since Rafn's time the Northmen have + taken their place as the pack-horses for all sorts of + antiquarian "conjecture."] + + [Footnote 259: See Palfrey's _History of New England_, vol. i. + pp. 57-59; Mason's _Reminiscences of Newport_, pp. 392-407. + Laing (_Heimskringla_, pp. 182-185) thinks the Yankees must + have intended to fool Professor Rafn and the Royal Society of + Antiquaries at Copenhagen; "Those sly rogues of Americans," + says he, "dearly love a quiet hoax;" and he can almost hear + them chuckling over their joke in their club-room at Newport. I + am afraid these Yankees were less rogues and more fools than + Mr. Laing makes out.] + + [Footnote 260: Laing, _Heimskringla_, vol. i. p. 181.] + +[Sidenote: If the Northmen had founded a successful colony, they would +have introduced domestic cattle into the North American fauna;] + +[Sidenote: and such animals could not have vanished and left no trace of +their existence.] + +The most convincing proof that the Northmen never founded a colony in +America, south of Davis strait, is furnished by the total absence of +horses, cattle, and other domestic animals from the soil of North +America until they were brought hither by the Spanish, French, and +English settlers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. If the +Northmen had ever settled in Vinland, they would have brought cattle +with them, and if their colony had been successful, it would have +introduced such cattle permanently into the fauna of the country. +Indeed, our narrative tells us that Karlsefni's people "had with them +all kinds of cattle, having the intention to settle in the land if they +could."[261] Naturally the two things are coupled in the narrator's +mind. So the Portuguese carried livestock in their earliest expeditions +to the Atlantic islands;[262] Columbus brought horses and cows, with +vines and all kinds of grain, on his second voyage to the West +Indies;[263] when the French, under Baron Léry, made a disastrous +attempt to found a colony on or about Cape Breton in 1518, they left +behind them, upon Sable island, a goodly stock of cows and pigs, which +throve and multiplied long after their owners had gone;[264] the +Pilgrims at Plymouth had cattle, goats, and swine as early as 1623.[265] +In fact, it would be difficult to imagine a community of Europeans +subsisting anywhere for any length of time without domestic animals. We +have seen that the Northmen took pains to raise cattle in Greenland, and +were quick to comment upon the climate of Vinland as favourable for +pasturage. To suppose that these men ever founded a colony in North +America, but did not bring domestic animals thither, would be absurd. +But it would be scarcely less absurd to suppose that such animals, +having been once fairly introduced into the fauna of North America, +would afterward have vanished without leaving a vestige of their +presence. As for the few cattle for which Thorfinn could find room in +his three or four dragon-ships, we may easily believe that his people +ate them up before leaving the country, especially since we are told +they were threatened with famine. But that domestic cattle, after being +supported on American soil during the length of time involved in the +establishment of a successful colony (say, for fifty or a hundred +years), should have disappeared without leaving abundant traces of +themselves, is simply incredible. Horses and kine are not dependent upon +man for their existence; when left to themselves, in almost any part of +the world, they run wild and flourish in what naturalists call a "feral" +state. Thus we find feral horned cattle in the Falkland and in the +Ladrone islands, as well as in the ancient Chillingham Park, in +Northumberland; we find feral pigs in Jamaica; feral European dogs in La +Plata; feral horses in Turkestan, and also in Mexico, descended from +Spanish horses.[266] If the Northmen had ever founded a colony in +Vinland, how did it happen that the English and French in the +seventeenth century, and from that day to this, have never set eyes upon +a wild horse, or wild cattle, pigs, or hounds, or any such indication +whatever of the former presence of civilized Europeans? I do not +recollect ever seeing this argument used before, but it seems to me +conclusive. It raises against the hypothesis of a Norse colonization in +Vinland a presumption extremely difficult if not impossible to +overcome.[267] + + [Footnote 261: "Their höfdhu medh sèr allskonar fènadh, thvíat + their ætlödhu at byggja landit, ef their mætti that," i. e., + "illi omne pecudum genus secum habuerunt, nam terram, si + liceret, coloniis frequentare cogitarunt." Rafn, p. 57.] + + [Footnote 262: Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 241.] + + [Footnote 263: Irving's _Life of Columbus_, New York, 1828, + vol. i. p. 293.] + + [Footnote 264: _Histoire chronologique de la Nouvelle France_, + pp. 40, 58; this work, written in 1689 by the Recollet friar + Sixte le Tac, has at length been published (Paris, 1888) with + notes and other original documents by Eugène Réveillaud. See, + also, Læt, _Novus Orbis_, 39.] + + [Footnote 265: John Smith, _Generall Historie_, 247.] + + [Footnote 266: Darwin, _Animals and Plants under + Domestication_, London, 1868, vol. i pp. 27, 77, 84.] + + [Footnote 267: The views of Professor Horsford as to the + geographical situation of Vinland and its supposed colonization + by Northmen are set forth in his four monographs, _Discovery of + America by Northmen--address at the unveiling of the statue of + Leif Eriksen_, etc., Boston, 1888; _The Problem of the + Northmen_, Cambridge, 1889; _The Discovery of the Ancient City + of Norumbega_, Boston, 1890; _The Defences of Norumbega_, + Boston, 1891. Among Professor Horsford's conclusions the two + principal are: 1. that the "river flowing through a lake into + the sea" (Rafn, p. 147) is Charles river, and that Leif's + booths were erected near the site of the present Cambridge + hospital; 2. that "Norumbega"--a word loosely applied by some + early explorers to some region or regions somewhere between the + New Jersey coast and the Bay of Fundy--was the Indian utterance + of "Norbega" or "Norway;" and that certain stone walls and dams + at and near Watertown are vestiges of an ancient "city of + Norumbega," which was founded and peopled by Northmen and + carried on a more or less extensive trade with Europe for more + than three centuries. + + With regard to the first of these conclusions, it is perhaps as + likely that Leif's booths were within the present limits of + Cambridge as in any of the numerous places which different + writers have confidently assigned for them, all the way from + Point Judith to Cape Breton. A judicious scholar will object + not so much to the conclusion as to the character of the + arguments by which it is reached. Too much weight is attached + to hypothetical etymologies. + + With regard to the Norse colony alleged to have flourished for + three centuries, it is pertinent to ask, what became of its + cattle and horses? Why do we find no vestiges of the + burial-places of these Europeans? or of iron tools and weapons + of mediæval workmanship? Why is there no documentary mention, + in Scandinavia or elsewhere in Europe, of this transatlantic + trade? etc., etc. Until such points as these are disposed of, + any further consideration of the hypothesis may properly be + postponed.] + +[Illustration: Ruins of the church at Kakortok.] + +[Sidenote: Further fortunes of the Greenland colony.] + +[Sidenote: Bishop Eric's voyage in search of Vinland, 1121.] + +[Sidenote: The ship from Markland, 1347.] + +As for the colony in Greenland, while its population seems never to have +exceeded 5,000 or 6,000 souls, it maintained its existence and its +intercourse with Europe uninterruptedly from its settlement in 986, by +Eric the Red, for more than four hundred years. Early in the fourteenth +century the West Bygd, or western settlement, near Godthaab, seems to +have contained ninety farmsteads and four churches; while the East Bygd, +or eastern settlement, near Julianeshaab, contained one hundred and +ninety farmsteads, with one cathedral and eleven smaller churches, two +villages, and three or four monasteries.[268] Between Tunnudliorbik and +Igaliko fiords, and about thirty miles from the ruined stone houses of +Brattahlid, there now stands, imposing in its decay, the simple but +massive structure of Kakortok church, once the "cathedral" church of the +Gardar bishopric, where the Credo was intoned and censers swung, while +not less than ten generations lived and died. About the beginning of the +twelfth century there was a movement at Rome for establishing new +dioceses in "the islands of the ocean;" in 1106 a bishop's see was +erected in the north of Iceland, and one at about the same time in the +Færoes. In 1112, Eric Gnupsson,[269] having been appointed by Pope +Paschal II. "bishop of Greenland and Vinland _in partibus infidelium_," +went from Iceland to organize his new diocese in Greenland. It is +mentioned in at least six different vellums that in 1121 Bishop Eric +"went in search of Vinland."[270] It is nowhere mentioned that he found +it, and Dr. Storm thinks it probable that he perished in the enterprise, +for, within the next year or next but one, the Greenlanders asked for a +new bishop, and Eric's successor, Bishop Arnold, was consecrated in +1124.[271] After Eric there was a regular succession of bishops +appointed by the papal court, down at least to 1409, and seventeen of +these bishops are mentioned by name. We do not learn that any of them +ever repeated Eric's experiment of searching for Vinland. So far as +existing Icelandic vellums know, there was no voyage to Vinland after +1121. Very likely, however, there may have been occasional voyages for +timber from Greenland to the coast of the American continent, which did +not attract attention or call for comment in Iceland. This is rendered +somewhat probable from an entry in the "Elder Skálholt Annals," a vellum +written about 1362. This informs us that in 1347 "there came a ship from +Greenland, less in size than small Icelandic trading-vessels. It was +without an anchor. There were seventeen men on board, and they had +sailed to Markland, but had afterwards been driven hither by storms at +sea."[272] This is the latest mention of any voyage to or from the +countries beyond Greenland. + + [Footnote 268: Laing, _Heimskringla_, i. 141. A description of + the ruins may be found in two papers in _Meddelelser om + Gronland_, Copenhagen, 1883 and 1889.] + + [Footnote 269: Sometimes called Eric Uppsi; he is mentioned in + the Landnáma-bók as a native of Iceland.] + + [Footnote 270: Storm, _Islandske Annaler_, Christiania, 1888; + Reeves, _The Finding of Wineland the Good_, London, 1890, pp. + 79-81.] + + [Footnote 271: Storm, in _Aarbøger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed_, + 1887, p. 319.] + + [Footnote 272: Reeves, _op. cit._ p. 83. In another vellum it + is mentioned that in 1347 "a ship came from Greenland, which + had sailed to Markland, and there were eighteen men on board." + As Mr. Reeves well observes: "The nature of the information + indicates that the knowledge of the discovery had not + altogether faded from the memories of the Icelanders settled in + Greenland. It seems further to lend a measure of plausibility + to a theory that people from the Greenland colony may from time + to time have visited the coast to the southwest of their home + for supplies of wood, or for some kindred purpose. The visitors + in this case had evidently intended to return directly from + Markland to Greenland, and had they not been driven out of + their course to Iceland, the probability is that this voyage + would never have found mention in Icelandic chronicles, and all + knowledge of it must have vanished as completely as did the + colony to which the Markland visitors belonged."] + +[Sidenote: The Greenland colony attacked by Eskimos.] + +If the reader is inclined to wonder why a colony could be maintained in +southern Greenland more easily than on the coasts of Nova Scotia or +Massachusetts, or even why the Northmen did not at once abandon their +fiords at Brattahlid and come in a flock to these pleasanter places, he +must call to mind two important circumstances. First, the settlers in +southern Greenland did not meet with barbarous natives, but only with +vestiges of their former presence. It was not until the twelfth century +that, in roaming the icy deserts of the far north in quest of seals and +bearskins, the Norse hunters encountered tribes of Eskimo using stone +knives and whalebone arrow-heads;[273] and it was not until the +fourteenth century that we hear of their getting into a war with these +people. In 1349 the West Bygd was attacked and destroyed by Eskimos; in +1379 they invaded the East Bygd and wrought sad havoc; and it is +generally believed that some time after 1409 they completed the +destruction of the colony. + + [Footnote 273: Storm, _Monumenta historica Norvegiæ_, p. 77.] + +[Sidenote: Queen Margaret's monopoly, and its baneful effects.] + +Secondly, the relative proximity of Greenland to the mother country, +Iceland, made it much easier to sustain a colony there than in the more +distant Vinland. In colonizing, as in campaigning, distance from one's +base is sometimes the supreme circumstance. This is illustrated by the +fact that the very existence of the Greenland colony itself depended +upon perpetual and untrammelled exchange of commodities with Iceland; +and when once the source of supply was cut off, the colony soon +languished. In 1380 and 1387 the crowns of Norway and Denmark descended +upon Queen Margaret, and soon she made her precious contribution to the +innumerable swarm of instances that show with how little wisdom the +world is ruled. She made the trade to Greenland, Iceland, and the Færoe +isles "a royal monopoly which could only be carried on in ships +belonging to, or licensed by, the sovereign.... Under the monopoly of +trade the Icelanders could have no vessels, and no object for sailing to +Greenland; and the vessels fitted out by government, or its lessees, +would only be ready to leave Denmark or Bergen for Iceland at the season +they ought to have been ready to leave Iceland to go to Greenland. The +colony gradually fell into oblivion."[274] When this prohibitory +management was abandoned after 1534 by Christian III., it was altogether +too late. Starved by the miserable policy of governmental interference +with freedom of trade, the little Greenland colony soon became too weak +to sustain itself against the natives whose hostility had, for half a +century, been growing more and more dangerous. Precisely when or how it +perished we do not know. The latest notice we have of the colony is of a +marriage ceremony performed (probably in the Kakortok church), in 1409, +by Endrede Andreasson, the last bishop.[275] When, after three +centuries, the great missionary, Hans Egede, visited Greenland, in 1721, +he found the ruins of farmsteads and villages, the population of which +had vanished. + + [Footnote 274: Laing, _Heimskringla_, i. 147. It has been + supposed that the Black Death, by which all Europe was ravaged + in the middle part of the fourteenth century, may have crossed + to Greenland, and fatally weakened the colony there; but + Vigfusson says that the Black Death never touched Iceland + (_Sturlunga Saga_, vol. i. p. cxxix.), so that it is not so + likely to have reached Greenland.] + + [Footnote 275: Laing, _op. cit._ i. 142.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The story of the Venetian brothers.] + +Our account of pre-Columbian voyages to America would be very incomplete +without some mention of the latest voyage said to have been made by +European vessels to the ancient settlement of the East Bygd. I refer to +the famous narrative of the Zeno brothers, which has furnished so many +subjects of contention for geographers that a hundred years ago John +Pinkerton called it "one of the most puzzling in the whole circle of +literature."[276] Nevertheless a great deal has been done, chiefly +through the acute researches of Mr. Richard Henry Major and Baron +Nordenskjöld, toward clearing up this mystery, so that certain points in +the Zeno narrative may now be regarded as established;[277] and from +these essential points we may form an opinion as to the character of +sundry questionable details. + + [Footnote 276: Yet this learned historian was quite correct in + his own interpretation of Zeno's story, for in the same place + he says, "If real, his Frisland is the Ferro islands, and his + Zichmni is Sinclair." Pinkerton's _History of Scotland_, + London, 1797, vol. i. p. 261.] + + [Footnote 277: Major, _The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, + Nicolò and Antonio Zeno, to the Northern Seas in the XIVth + Century_, London, 1873 (Hakluyt Society); cf. Nordenskjöld, _Om + bröderna Zenos resor och de äldsta kartor öfner Norden_, + Stockholm, 1883.] + +[Sidenote: The Zeno family.] + +[Sidenote: Nicolò Zeno wrecked upon one of the Færoe islands, 1390.] + +[Sidenote: Nicolò's voyage to Greenland, cir. 1394.] + +[Sidenote: Voyage of Earl Sinclair and Antonio Zeno.] + +The Zeno family was one of the oldest and most distinguished in Venice. +Among its members in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries we find a +doge, several senators and members of the Council of Ten, and military +commanders of high repute. Of these, Pietro Dracone Zeno, about 1350, +was captain-general of the Christian league for withstanding the Turks; +and his son Carlo achieved such success in the war against Genoa that he +was called the Lion of St. Mark, and his services to Venice were +compared with those of Camillus to Rome. Now this Carlo had two +brothers,--Nicolò, known as "the Chevalier," and Antonio. After the +close of the Genoese war the Chevalier Nicolò was seized with a desire +to see the world,[278] and more particularly England and Flanders. So +about 1390 he fitted up a ship at his own expense, and, passing out from +the strait of Gibraltar, sailed northward upon the Atlantic. After some +days of fair weather, he was caught in a storm and blown along for many +days more, until at length the ship was cast ashore on one of the Færoe +islands and wrecked, though most of the crew and goods were rescued. +According to the barbarous custom of the Middle Ages, some of the +natives of the island (Scandinavians) came swarming about the +unfortunate strangers to kill and rob them, but a great chieftain, with +a force of knights and men-at-arms, arrived upon the spot in time to +prevent such an outrage. This chief was Henry Sinclair of Roslyn, who in +1379 had been invested by King Hacon VI., of Norway, with the earldom of +the Orkneys and Caithness. On learning Zeno's rank and importance, +Sinclair treated him with much courtesy, and presently a friendship +sprang up between the two. Sinclair was then engaged with a fleet of +thirteen vessels in conquering and annexing to his earldom the Færoe +islands, and on several occasions profited by the military and nautical +skill of the Venetian captain. Nicolò seems to have enjoyed this +stirring life, for he presently sent to his brother Antonio in Venice an +account of it, which induced the latter to come and join him in the +Færoe islands. Antonio arrived in the course of 1391, and remained in +the service of Sinclair fourteen years, returning to Venice in time to +die there in 1406. After Antonio's arrival, his brother Nicolò was +appointed to the chief command of Sinclair's little fleet, and assisted +him in taking possession of the Shetland islands, which were properly +comprised within his earldom. In the course of these adventures, Nicolò +seems to have had his interest aroused in reports about Greenland. It +was not more than four or five years since Queen Margaret had undertaken +to make a royal monopoly of the Greenland trade in furs and whale oil, +and this would be a natural topic of conversation in the Færoes. In +July, 1393, or 1394, Nicolò Zeno sailed to Greenland with three ships, +and visited the East Bygd. After spending some time there, not being +accustomed to such a climate, he caught cold, and died soon after his +return to the Færoes, probably in 1395. His brother Antonio succeeded to +his office and such emoluments as pertained to it; and after a while, at +Earl Sinclair's instigation, he undertook a voyage of discovery in the +Atlantic ocean, in order to verify some fishermen's reports of the +existence of land a thousand miles or more to the west. One of these +fishermen was to serve as guide to the expedition, but unfortunately he +died three days before the ships were ready to sail. Nevertheless, the +expedition started, with Sinclair himself on board, and encountered +vicissitudes of weather and fortune. In fog and storm they lost all +reckoning of position, and found themselves at length on the western +coast of a country which, in the Italian narrative, is called "Icaria," +but which has been supposed, with some probability, to have been Kerry, +in Ireland. Here, as they went ashore for fresh water, they were +attacked by the natives and several of their number were slain. From +this point they sailed out into the broad Atlantic again, and reached a +place supposed to be Greenland, but which is so vaguely described that +the identification is very difficult.[279] Our narrative here ends +somewhat confusedly. We are told that Sinclair remained in this place, +"and explored the whole of the country with great diligence, as well as +the coasts on both sides of Greenland." Antonio Zeno, on the other hand, +returned with part of the fleet to the Færoe islands, where he arrived +after sailing eastward for about a month, during five and twenty days of +which he saw no land. After relating these things and paying a word of +affectionate tribute to the virtues of Earl Sinclair, "a prince as +worthy of immortal memory as any that ever lived for his great bravery +and remarkable goodness," Antonio closes his letter abruptly: "But of +this I will say no more in this letter, and hope to be with you very +shortly, and to satisfy your curiosity on other subjects by word of +mouth."[280] + + [Footnote 278: "Or M. Nicolò il Caualiere ... entrò in + grandissimo desiderio di ueder il mondo, e peregrinare, e farsi + capace di varij costumi e di lingue de gli huomini, acciò che + con le occasioni poi potesse meglio far seruigio alla sua + patria ed à se acquistar fama e onore." The narrative gives + 1380 as the date of the voyage, but Mr. Major has shown that it + must have been a mistake for 1390 (_op. cit._ xlii.-xlviii.).] + + [Footnote 279: It appears on the Zeno map as "Trin + p[-p]montor," about the site of Cape Farewell; but how could + six days' sail W. from Kerry, followed by four days' sail N. + E., reach any such point? and how does this short outward sail + consist with the return voyage, twenty days E. and eight days + S. E., to the Færoes? The place is also said to have had "a + fertile soil" and "good rivers," a description in nowise + answering to Greenland.] + + [Footnote 280: "Però non ni dirò altro in questa lettera, + sperando tosto di essere con uoi, e di sodisfarui di molte + altre cose con la uiua uoce." Major, p. 34.] + +[Sidenote: Publication of the remains of the documents by the younger +Nicolò Zeno.] + +The person thus addressed by Antonio was his brother, the illustrious +Carlo Zeno. Soon after reaching home, after this long and eventful +absence, Antonio died. Besides his letters he had written a more +detailed account of the affairs in the northern seas. These papers +remained for more than a century in the palace of the family at Venice, +until one of the children, in his mischievous play, got hold of them and +tore them up. This child was Antonio's great-great-great-grandson, +Nicolò, born in 1515. When this young Nicolò had come to middle age, and +was a member of the Council of Ten, he happened to come across some +remnants of these documents, and then all at once he remembered with +grief how he had, in his boyhood, pulled them to pieces.[281] In the +light of the rapid progress in geographical discovery since 1492, this +story of distant voyages had now for Nicolò an interest such as it could +not have had for his immediate ancestors. Searching the palace he found +a few grimy old letters and a map or sailing chart, rotten with age, +which had been made or at any rate brought home by his ancestor Antonio. +Nicolò drew a fresh copy of this map, and pieced together the letters as +best he could, with more or less explanatory text of his own, and the +result was the little book which he published in 1558.[282] + + [Footnote 281: "All these letters were written by Messire + Antonio to Messire Carlo, his brother; and I am grieved that + the book and many other writings on these subjects have, I + don't know how, come sadly to ruin; for, being but a child when + they fell into my hands, I, not knowing what they were, tore + them in pieces, as children will do, and sent them all to ruin: + a circumstance which I cannot now recall without the greatest + sorrow. Nevertheless, in order that such an important memorial + should not be lost, I have put the whole in order, as well as I + could, in the above narrative." Major, p. 35.] + + [Footnote 282: Nicolò Zeno, _Dello scoprimento dell' isole + Frislanda, Eslanda, Engronelanda, Estotilanda, & Icaria, fatto + per due fratelli Zeni, M. Nicolò it Caualiere, & M. Antonio. + Libro Vno, col disegno di dette Isole._ Venice, 1558. Mr. + Major's book contains the entire text, with an English + translation.] + +[Illustration: Zeno Map, cir. 1400--western half.] + +[Illustration: Zeno Map, cir. 1400--eastern half.] + +[Sidenote: Queer transformations of names.] + +[Sidenote: "Frislanda."] + +Unfortunately young Nicolò, with the laudable purpose of making it all +as clear as he could, thought it necessary not simply to reproduce +the old weather-beaten map, but to amend it by putting on here and there +such places and names as his diligent perusal of the manuscript led him +to deem wanting to its completeness.[283] Under the most favourable +circumstances that is a very difficult sort of thing to do, but in this +case the circumstances were far from favourable. Of course Nicolò got +these names and places into absurd positions, thus perplexing the map +and damaging its reputation. With regard to names, there was obscurity +enough, to begin with. In the first place, they were Icelandic names +falling upon the Italian ears of old Nicolò and Antonio, and spelled by +them according to their own notions; in the second place, these +outlandish names, blurred and defaced withal in the weather-stained +manuscript, were a puzzle to the eye of young Nicolò, who could but +decipher them according to _his_ notions. The havoc that can be wrought +upon winged words, subjected to such processes, is sometimes +marvellous.[284] Perhaps the slightest sufferer, in this case, was the +name of the group of islands upon one of which the shipwrecked Nicolò +was rescued by Sinclair. The name _Færoislander_ sounded to Italian +ears as _Frislanda_, and was uniformly so written.[285] Then the +pronunciation of _Shetland_ was helped by prefixing a vowel sound, as is +common in Italian, and so it came to be _Estland_ and _Esland_. This led +young Nicolò's eye in two or three places to confound it with _Islanda_, +or _Iceland_, and probably in one place with _Irlanda_, or _Ireland_. +Where old Nicolò meant to say that the island upon which he was living +with Earl Sinclair was somewhat larger than Shetland, young Nicolò +understood him as saying that it was somewhat larger than Ireland; and +so upon the amended map "Frislanda" appears as one great island +surrounded by tiny islands.[286] After the publication of this map, in +1558, sundry details were copied from it by the new maps of that day, so +that even far down into the seventeenth century it was common to depict +a big "Frislanda" somewhere in mid-ocean. When at length it was proved +that no such island exists, the reputation of the Zeno narrative was +seriously damaged. The nadir of reaction against it was reached when it +was declared to be a tissue of lies invented by the younger Nicolò,[287] +apparently for the purpose of setting up a Venetian claim to the +discovery of America. + + [Footnote 283: The map is taken from Winsor's _Narr. and Crit. + Hist._, i. 127, where it is reduced from Nordenskjöld's + _Studien ok Forskningar_. A better because larger copy may be + found in Major's _Voyages of the Venetian Brothers_. The + original map measures 12 x 15-1/2 inches. In the legend at the + top the date is given as M CCC LXXX. but evidently one X has + been omitted, for it should be 1390, and is correctly so given + by Marco Barbaro, in his _Genealogie dei nobili Veneti_; of + Antonio Zeno he says, "Scrisse con il fratello Nicolò Kav. li + viaggi dell' Isole sotto il polo artico, e di quei scoprimente + del 1390, e che per ordine di Zieno, re di Frislanda, si portò + nel continente d'Estotilanda nell' America settentrionale e che + si fermò 14 anni in Frislanda, cioè 4 con suo fratello Nicolò e + 10 solo." (This valuable work has never been published. The + original MS., in Barbaro's own handwriting, is preserved in the + Biblioteca di San Marco at Venice. There is a seventeenth + century copy of it among the Egerton MSS. in the British + Museum.)--Nicolò did not leave Italy until after December 14, + 1388 (Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_, tom. xxii. p. + 779). The map can hardly have been made before Antonio's + voyage, about 1400. The places on the map are wildly out of + position, as was common enough in old maps. Greenland is + attached to Norway according to the general belief in the + Middle Ages. In his confusion between the names "Estland" and + "Islanda," young Nicolò has tried to reproduce the Shetland + group, or something like it, and attach it to Iceland. + "Icaria," probably Kerry, in Ireland, has been made into an + island and carried far out into the Atlantic. The queerest of + young Nicolò's mistakes was in placing the monastery of St. + Olaus ("St. Thomas"). He should have placed it on the southwest + coast of Greenland, near his "Af [-p]montor;" but he has got it + on the extreme northeast, just about where Greenland is joined + to Europe.] + + [Footnote 284: "Combien de coquilles typographiques ou de + lectures défectueuses ont créé de noms boiteux, qu'il est + ensuite bien difficile, quelquefois impossible de redresser! + L'histoire et la géographie en sont pleines." Avezac, _Martin + Waltzemüller_, p. 9. + + It is interesting to see how thoroughly words can be disguised + by an unfamiliar phonetic spelling. I have seen people + hopelessly puzzled by the following bill, supposed to have been + made out by an illiterate stable-keeper somewhere in England:-- + + Osafada 7s 6d + Takinonimome 4d + ------ + 7s 10d + + Some years ago Professor Huxley told me of a letter from France + which came to the London post-office thus addressed:-- + + Sromfrédévi, + Piqué du lait, + Londres, + Angleterre. + + This letter, after exciting at first helpless bewilderment and + then busy speculation, was at length delivered to the right + person, _Sir Humphry Davy_, in his rooms at the Royal + Institution on Albemarle street, just off from _Piccadilly_!] + + [Footnote 285: Columbus, on his journey to Iceland in 1477, + also heard the name _Færoislander_ as _Frislanda_, and so wrote + it in the letter preserved for us in his biography by his son + Ferdinand, hereafter to be especially noticed. See Major's + remarks on this, _op. cit._ p. xix.] + + [Footnote 286: Perhaps in the old worn-out map the archipelago + may have been blurred so as to be mistaken for one island. This + would aid in misleading young Nicolò.] + + [Footnote 287: See the elaborate paper by Admiral Zahrtmann, in + _Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed_, Copenhagen, 1834, vol. + i., and the English translation of it in _Journal of Royal + Geographical Society_, London, 1836, vol. v. All that human + ingenuity is ever likely to devise against the honesty of + Zeno's narrative is presented in this erudite essay, which has + been so completely demolished under Mr. Major's heavy strokes + that there is not enough of it left to pick up. As to this part + of the question, we may now safely cry, "finis, laus Deo!"] + +[Sidenote: The narrative nowhere makes a claim to the "discovery of +America."] + +The narrative, however, not only sets up no such claim, but nowhere +betrays a consciousness that its incidents entitle it to make such a +claim. It had evidently not occurred to young Nicolò to institute any +comparison between his ancestors' voyages to Greenland and the voyages +of Columbus to the western hemisphere, of which _we now know_ Greenland +to be a part. The knowledge of the North American coast, and of the +bearing of one fact upon another fact in relation to it, was still, in +1558, in an extremely vague and rudimentary condition. In the mind of +the Zeno brothers, as the map shows, Greenland was a European peninsula; +such was the idea common among mediæval Northmen, as is nowhere better +illustrated than in this map. Neither in his references to Greenland, +nor to Estotiland and Drogio, presently to be considered, does young +Nicolò appear in the light of a man urging or suggesting a "claim." He +appears simply as a modest and conscientious editor, interested in the +deeds of his ancestors and impressed with the fact that he has got hold +of important documents, but intent only upon giving his material as +correctly as possible, and refraining from all sort of comment except +such as now and then seems needful to explain the text as he himself +understands it. + +[Sidenote: Earl Sinclair.] + +[Sidenote: Bardsen's "Description of Greenland."] + +The identification of "Frislanda" with the Færoe islands was put beyond +doubt by the discovery that the "Zichmni" of the narrative means Henry +Sinclair; and, in order to make this discovery, it was only necessary to +know something about the history of the Orkneys; hence old Pinkerton, as +above remarked, got it right. The name "Zichmni" is, no doubt, a fearful +and wonderful bejugglement; but Henry Sinclair is a personage well known +to history in that corner of the world, and the deeds of "Zichmni," as +recounted in the narrative, are neither more nor less than the deeds of +Sinclair. Doubtless Antonio spelled the name in some queer way of his +own, and then young Nicolò, unable to read his ancestor's pot-hooks +where--as in the case of proper names--there was no clue to guide him, +contrived to make it still queerer. Here we have strong proof of the +genuineness of the narrative. If Nicolò had been concocting a story in +which Earl Sinclair was made to figure, he would have obtained his +knowledge from literary sources, and thus would have got his names +right; the earl might have appeared as Enrico de Santo Claro, but not as +"Zichmni." It is not at all likely, however, that any literary knowledge +of Sinclair and his doings was obtainable in Italy in the sixteenth +century. The Zeno narrative, moreover, in its references to Greenland in +connection with the Chevalier Nicolò's visit to the East Bygd, shows a +topographical knowledge that was otherwise quite inaccessible to the +younger Nicolò. Late in the fourteenth century Ivar Bardsen, steward to +the Gardar bishopric, wrote a description of Greenland, with sailing +directions for reaching it, which modern research has proved to have +been accurate in every particular. Bardsen's details and those of the +Zeno narrative mutually corroborate each other. But Bardsen's book did +not make its way down into Europe until the very end of the sixteenth +century,[288] and then amid the dense ignorance prevalent concerning +Greenland its details were not understood until actual exploration +within the last seventy years has at length revealed their meaning. The +genuineness of the Zeno narrative is thus conclusively proved by its +knowledge of Arctic geography, such as could have been obtained only by +a visit to the far North at a time before the Greenland colony had +finally lost touch with its mother country. + + [Footnote 288: It was translated into Dutch by the famous + Arctic explorer, William Barentz, whose voyages are so + graphically described in Motley's _United Netherlands_, vol. + iii. pp. 552-576. An English translation was made for Henry + Hudson. A very old Danish version may be found in Rafn's + _Antiquitates Americanæ_, pp. 300-318; Danish, Latin, and + English versions in Major's _Voyages of the Venetian Brothers_, + etc., pp. 39-54; and an English version in De Costa's _Sailing + Directions of Henry Hudson_, Albany, 1869, pp. 61-96.] + +[Sidenote: The monastery of St. Olaus and its hot spring.] + +The visit of the Chevalier Nicolò, therefore, about 1394, has a peculiar +interest as the last distinct glimpse afforded us of the colony founded +by Eric the Red before its melancholy disappearance from history. +Already the West Bygd had ceased to exist. Five and forty years before +that time it had been laid waste and its people massacred by Eskimos, +and trusty Ivar Bardsen, tardily sent with a small force to the rescue, +found nothing left alive but a few cattle and sheep running wild.[289] +Nicolò Zeno, arriving in the East Bygd, found there a monastery +dedicated to St. Olaus, a name which in the narrative has become St. +Thomas. To this monastery came friars from Norway and other countries, +but for the most part from Iceland.[290] It stood "hard by a hill which +vomited fire like Vesuvius and Etna." There was also in the +neighbourhood a spring of hot water which the ingenious friars conducted +in pipes into their monastery and church, thereby keeping themselves +comfortable in the coldest weather. This water, as it came into the +kitchen, was hot enough to boil meats and vegetables. The monks even +made use of it in warming covered gardens or hot-beds in which they +raised sundry fruits and herbs that in milder climates grow out of +doors.[291] "Hither in summertime come many vessels from ... the Cape +above Norway, and from Trondheim, and bring the friars all sorts of +comforts, taking in exchange fish ... and skins of different kinds of +animals.... There are continually in the harbour a number of vessels +detained by the sea being frozen, and waiting for the next season to +melt the ice."[292] + + [Footnote 289: So he tells us himself: "Quo cum venissent, + nullum hominem, neque christianum neque paganum, invenerunt, + tantummodo fera pecora et oves deprehenderunt, ex quibus + quantum naves ferre poterant in has deportato domum redierunt." + _Descriptio Groenlandiæ_, apud Major, p. 53. The glacial men + had done their work of slaughter and vanished.] + + [Footnote 290: "Ma la maggior parte sono delle Islande." Mr. + Major is clearly wrong in translating it "from the Shetland + Isles." The younger Nicolò was puzzled by the similarity of the + names Islanda and Eslanda, and sometimes confounded Iceland + with the Shetland group. But in this place Iceland is evidently + meant.] + + [Footnote 291: This application of the hot water to purposes of + gardening reminds us of the similar covered gardens or hot-beds + constructed by Albertus Magnus in the Dominican monastery at + Cologne in the thirteenth century. See Humboldt's _Kosmos_, ii. + 130.] + + [Footnote 292: Major, _op. cit._ p. 16. The narrative goes on + to give a description of the skin-boats of the Eskimo + fishermen.] + +[Sidenote: Volcanoes of the north Atlantic ridge.] + +[Sidenote: Fate of Gunnbjörn's Skerries, 1456.] + +[Sidenote: Volcanic phenomena in Greenland.] + +This mention of the volcano and the hot spring is very interesting. In +the Miocene period the Atlantic ridge was one of the principal seats of +volcanic activity upon the globe; the line of volcanoes extended all the +way from Greenland down into central France. But for several hundred +thousand years this activity has been diminishing. In France, in the +western parts of Great Britain and the Hebrides, the craters have long +since become extinct. In the far North, however, volcanic action has +been slower in dying out. Iceland, with no less than twenty active +volcanoes, is still the most considerable centre of such operations in +Europe. The huge volcano on Jan Mayen island, between Greenland and +Spitzbergen, is still in action. Among the submerged peaks in the +northern seas explosions still now and then occur, as in 1783, when a +small island was thrown up near Cape Reykianes, on the southern coast of +Iceland, and sank again after a year.[293] Midway between Iceland and +Greenland there appears to have stood, in the Middle Ages, a small +volcanic island discovered by that Gunnbjörn who first went to +Greenland. It was known as Gunnbjörn's Skerries, and was described by +Ivar Bardsen.[294] This island is no longer above the surface, and its +fate is recorded upon Ruysch's map of the world in the 1508 edition of +Ptolemy: "Insula hæc anno Domini 1456 fuit totaliter combusta,"--this +island was entirely burnt (i. e. blown up in an eruption) in 1456; and +in later maps Mr. Major has found the corrupted name "Gombar Scheer" +applied to the dangerous reefs and shoals left behind by this +explosion.[295] Where volcanic action is declining geysers and boiling +springs are apt to abound, as in Iceland; where it has become extinct at +a period geologically recent, as in Auvergne and the Rhine country, its +latest vestiges are left in the hundreds of thermal and mineral springs +whither fashionable invalids congregate to drink or to bathe.[296] Now +in Greenland, at the present day, hot springs are found, of which the +most noted are those on the island of Ounartok, at the entrance to the +fiord of that name. These springs seem to be the same that were +described five hundred years ago by Ivar Bardsen. As to volcanoes, it +has been generally assumed that those of Greenland are all extinct; but +in a country as yet so imperfectly studied this only means that +eruptions have not been recorded.[297] On the whole, it seems to me that +the mention, in our Venetian narrative, of a boiling spring and an +active volcano in Greenland is an instance of the peculiar sort--too +strange to have been invented, but altogether probable in itself--that +adds to the credit of the narrative. + + [Footnote 293: Daubeny, _Description of Active and Extinct + Volcanoes_, London, 1848, pp. 307; cf. Judd, _Volcanoes_, + London, 1881, p. 234.] + + [Footnote 294: "Ab Snefelsneso Islandiæ, quâ brevissimus in + Gronlandiam trajectus est, duorum dierum et duarum noctium + spatio navigandum est recto cursu versus occidentem; ibique + Gunnbjoernis scopulos invenies, inter Gronlandiam et Islandiam + medio situ interjacentes. Hic cursus antiquitûs frequentabatur, + nunc vero glacies ex recessu oceani euroaquilonari delata + scopulos ante memoratos tam prope attigit, ut nemo sine vitæ + discrimine antiquum cursum tenere possit, quemadmodum infra + dicetur." _Descriptio Groenlandiæ_, apud Major, _op. cit._ p. + 40.] + + [Footnote 295: _Op. cit._ p. lxxvi. See below, vol. ii. p. 115, + note B.] + + [Footnote 296: Judd, _op. cit._ pp. 217-220.] + + [Footnote 297: My friend, Professor Shaler, tells me that "a + volcano during eruption might shed its ice mantle and afterward + don it again in such a manner as to hide its true character + even on a near view;" and, on the other hand, "a voyager not + familiar with volcanoes might easily mistake the cloud-bonnet + of a peak for the smoke of a volcano." This, however, will not + account for Zeno's "hill that vomited fire," for he goes on to + describe the use which the monks made of the pumice and + calcareous tufa for building purposes.] + +Thus far, in dealing with the places actually visited by Nicolò or +Antonio, or by both brothers, we have found the story consistent and +intelligible. But in what relates to countries beyond Greenland, +countries which were not visited by either of the brothers, but about +which Antonio heard reports, it is quite a different thing. We are +introduced to a jumble very unlike the clear, business-like account of +Vinland voyages in the Hauks-bók. Yet in this medley there are some +statements curiously suggestive of things in North America. It will be +remembered that Antonio's voyage with Sinclair (somewhere about 1400) +was undertaken in order to verify certain reports of the existence of +land more than a thousand miles west of the Færoe islands. + +[Sidenote: Estotiland.] + +About six and twenty years ago, said Antonio in a letter to Carlo, four +small fishing craft, venturing very far out upon the Atlantic, had been +blown upon a strange coast, where their crews were well received by the +people. The land proved to be an island rather smaller than Iceland (or +Shetland?), with a high mountain whence flowed four rivers. The +inhabitants were intelligent people, possessed of all the arts, but did +not understand the language of these Norse fishermen.[298] There +happened, however, to be one European among them, who had himself been +cast ashore in that country and had learned its language; he could speak +Latin, and found some one among the shipwrecked men who could understand +him. There was a populous city with walls, and the king had Latin books +in his library which nobody could read.[299] All kinds of metals +abounded, and especially gold.[300] The woods were of immense extent. +The people traded with Greenland, importing thence pitch(?), brimstone, +and furs. They sowed grain and made "beer." They made small boats, but +were ignorant of the loadstone and the compass. For this reason, they +held the newcomers in high estimation.[301] The name of the country was +Estotiland. + + [Footnote 298: They were, therefore, not Northmen.] + + [Footnote 299: Pruning this sentence of its magniloquence, + might it perhaps mean that there was a large palisaded village, + and that the chief had some books in Roman characters, a relic + of some castaway, which he kept as a fetish?] + + [Footnote 300: With all possible latitude of interpretation, + this could not be made to apply to any part of America north of + Mexico.] + + [Footnote 301: The magnetic needle had been used by the + mariners of western and northern Europe since the end of the + thirteenth century.] + +There is nothing so far in this vague description to show that +Estotiland was an American country, except its western direction and +perhaps its trading with Greenland. The points of unlikeness are at +least as numerous as the points of likeness. But in what follows there +is a much stronger suggestion of North America. + +[Sidenote: Drogio.] + +For some reason not specified an expedition was undertaken by people +from Estotiland to a country to the southward named Drogio, and these +Norse mariners, or some of them, because they understood the compass, +were put in charge of it.[302] But the people of Drogio were cannibals, +and the people from Estotiland on their arrival were taken prisoners and +devoured,--all save the few Northmen, who were saved because of their +marvellous skill in catching fish with nets. The barbarians seemed to +have set much store by these white men, and perhaps to have regarded +them as objects of "medicine." One of the fishermen in particular became +so famous that a neighbouring tribe made war upon the tribe which kept +him, and winning the victory took him over into its own custody. This +sort of thing happened several times. Various tribes fought to secure +the person and services of this Fisherman, so that he was passed about +among more than twenty chiefs, and "wandering up and down the country +without any fixed abode, ... he became acquainted with all those parts." + + [Footnote 302: "Fanno nauigli e nauigano, ma non hanno la + calamìta ne intendeno col bossolo la tramontana. Per ilche + questi pescatori furono in gran pregio, si che il re li spedì + con dodici nauigli uerso ostro nel paese che essi chiamano + Drogio." Major, _op. cit._ p. 21.] + +[Sidenote: Inhabitants of Drogio and the countries beyond.] + +And now comes quite an interesting passage. The Fisherman "says that it +is a very great country, and, as it were, a new world; the people are +very rude and uncultivated, for they all go naked, and suffer cruelly +from the cold, nor have they the sense to clothe themselves with the +skins of the animals which they take in hunting [a gross exaggeration]. +They have no kind of metal. They live by hunting, and carry lances of +wood, sharpened at the point. They have bows, the strings of which are +made of beasts' skins. They are very fierce, and have deadly fights +amongst each other, and eat one another's flesh. They have chieftains +and certain laws among themselves, but differing in the different +tribes. The farther you go southwestwards, however, the more refinement +you meet with, because the climate is more temperate, and accordingly +there they have cities and temples dedicated to their idols, in which +they sacrifice men and afterwards eat them. In those parts they have +some knowledge and use of gold and silver. Now this Fisherman, having +dwelt so many years in these parts, made up his mind, if possible, to +return home to his own country; but his companions, despairing of ever +seeing it again, gave him God's speed, and remained themselves where +they were. Accordingly, he bade them farewell, and made his escape +through the woods in the direction of Drogio, where he was welcomed and +very kindly received by the chief of the place, who knew him, and was a +great enemy of the neighbouring chieftain; and so passing from one chief +to another, being the same with whom he had been before, after a long +time and with much toil, he at length reached Drogio, where he spent +three years. Here, by good luck, he heard from the natives that some +boats had arrived off the coast; and full of hope of being able to carry +out his intention, he went down to the seaside, and to his great delight +found that they had come from Estotiland. He forthwith requested that +they would take him with them, which they did very willingly, and as he +knew the language of the country, which none of them could speak, they +employed him as their interpreter."[303] + + [Footnote 303: Major, _op. cit._ pp. 20-22.] + +[Sidenote: The Fisherman's return to "Frislanda."] + +Whither the Fisherman was first carried in these boats or vessels, +Antonio's letter does not inform us. We are only told that he engaged in +some prosperous voyages, and at length returned to the Færoes after +these six and twenty years of strange adventures. It was apparently the +Fisherman's description of Estotiland as a very rich country (_paese +ricchissimo_) that led Sinclair to fit out an expedition to visit it, +with Antonio as his chief captain. As we have already seen, the +Fisherman died just before the ships were ready to start, and to +whatever land they succeeded in reaching after they sailed without him, +the narrative leaves us with the impression that it was not the +mysterious Estotiland. + +To attempt to identify that country from the description of it, which +reads like a parcel of ill-digested sailors' yarns, would be idle. The +most common conjecture has identified it with Newfoundland, from its +relations to other points mentioned in the Zeno narrative, as indicated, +with fair probability, on the Zeno map. To identify it with Newfoundland +is to brand the description as a "fish story," but from such a +conclusion there seems anyway to be no escape. + +[Sidenote: Was the account of Drogio woven into the narrative by the +younger Nicolò?] + +With Drogio, however, it is otherwise. The description of Drogio and the +vast country stretching beyond it, which was like a "new world," is the +merest sketch, but it seems to contain enough characteristic details to +stamp it as a description of North America, and of no other country +accessible by an Atlantic voyage. It is a sketch which apparently must +have had its ultimate source in somebody's personal experience of +aboriginal North America. Here we are reminded that when the younger +Nicolò published this narrative, in 1558, some dim knowledge of the +North American tribes was beginning to make its way into the minds of +people in Europe. The work of Soto and Cartier, to say nothing of other +explorers, had already been done. May we suppose that Nicolò had thus +obtained some idea of North America, and wove it into his reproduction +of his ancestors' letters, for the sake of completeness and point, in +somewhat the same uncritical mood as that in which the most worthy +ancient historians did not scruple to invent speeches to put into the +mouths of their heroes? It may have been so, and in such case the +description of Drogio loses its point for us as a feature in the +pre-Columbian voyages to America. In such case we may dismiss it at +once, and pretty much all the latter part of the Zeno narrative, +relating to what Antonio heard and did, becomes valueless; though the +earlier part, relating to the elder Nicolò, still remains valid and +trustworthy. + +[Sidenote: Or does it represent actual experiences in North America?] + +But suppose we take the other alternative. As in the earlier part of the +story we feel sure that young Nicolò must have reproduced the ancestral +documents faithfully, because it shows knowledge that he could not have +got in any other way; let us now suppose that in the latter part also he +added nothing of himself, but was simply a faithful editor. It will then +follow that the Fisherman's account of Drogio, reduced to writing by +Antonio Zeno about 1400, must probably represent personal experiences in +North America; for no such happy combination of details characteristic +only of North America is likely at that date to have been invented by +any European. Our simplest course will be to suppose that the Fisherman +really had the experiences which are narrated, that he was bandied about +from tribe to tribe in North America, all the way, perhaps, from Nova +Scotia to Mexico, and yet returned to the Færoe islands to tell the +tale! Could such a thing be possible? Was anything of the sort ever done +before or since? + +[Sidenote: The case of David Ingram, 1568.] + +Yes: something of the sort appears to have been done about ten years +after the Zeno narrative was published. In October, 1568, that great +sailor, Sir John Hawkins, by reason of scarcity of food, was compelled +to set about a hundred men ashore near the Rio de Minas, on the Mexican +coast, and leave them to their fate. The continent was a network of rude +paths or trails, as it had doubtless been for ages, and as central +Africa is to-day. Most of these Englishmen probably perished in the +wilderness. Some who took southwestern trails found their way to the +city of Mexico, where, as "vile Lutheran dogges," they were treated with +anything but kindness. Others took northeasterly trails, and one of +these men, David Ingram, made his way from Texas to Maine, and beyond to +the St. John's river, where he was picked up by a friendly French ship +and carried to France, and so got home to England. The journey across +North America took him about eleven months, but one of his comrades, Job +Hortop, had no end of adventures, and was more than twenty years in +getting back to England. Ingram told such blessed yarns about houses of +crystal and silver, and other wonderful things, that many disbelieved +his whole story, but he was subjected to a searching examination before +Sir Francis Walsingham, and as to the main fact of his journey through +the wilderness there seems to be no doubt.[304] + + [Footnote 304: Ingram's narrative was first published in + Hakluyt's folio of 1589, pp. 557-562, but in his larger work, + _Principal Navigations_, etc., London, 1600, it is omitted. As + Purchas quaintly says, "As for David Ingram's perambulation to + the north parts, Master Hakluyt in his first edition published + the same; but it seemeth some incredibilities of his reports + caused him to leaue him out in the next impression, the reward + of lying being not to be beleeued in truths." _Purchas his + Pilgrimes_, London, 1625, vol. iv. p. 1179. The examination + before Walsingham had reference to the projected voyage of Sir + Humphrey Gilbert, which was made in 1583. Ingram's relation, + "w^{ch} he reported vnto S^{r} Frauncys Walsingh[~m], Knight, + and diuers others of good judgment and creditt, in August and + Septembar, A^{o} Dñi, 1582," is in the British Museum, Sloane + MS. No. 1447, fol. 1-18; it was copied and privately printed in + Plowden Weston's _Documents connected with the History of South + Carolina_, London, 1856. There is a MS. copy in the Sparks + collection in the Harvard University library. See the late Mr. + Charles Deane's note in his edition of Hakluyt's _Discourse + concerning Westerne Planting_, Cambridge, 1877, p. 229 + (_Collections of Maine Hist. Soc._, 2d series, vol. ii.); see, + also, Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, iii. 186.] + +[Sidenote: The case of Cabeza de Vaca, 1528-36.] + +Far more important, historically, and in many ways more instructive than +the wanderings of David Ingram, was the journey of Cabeza de Vaca and +his ingenious comrades, in 1528-36, from the Mississippi river to their +friends in Mexico. This remarkable journey will receive further +consideration in another place.[305] In the course of it Cabeza de Vaca +was for eight years held captive by sundry Indian tribes, and at last +his escape involved ten months of arduous travel. On one occasion he and +his friends treated some sick Indians, among other things breathing upon +them and making the sign of the cross. As the Indians happened to get +well, these Spaniards at once became objects of reverence, and different +tribes vied with one another for access to them, in order to benefit by +their supernatural gifts. In those early days, before the red men had +become used to seeing Europeans, a white captive was not so likely to be +put to death as to be cherished as a helper of vast and undetermined +value.[306] The Indians set so much store by Cabeza de Vaca that he +found it hard to tear himself away; but at length he used his influence +over them in such wise as to facilitate his moving in a direction by +which he ultimately succeeded in escaping to his friends. There seems to +be a real analogy between his strange experiences and those of the +Fisherman in Drogio, who became an object of reverence because he could +do things that the natives could not do, yet the value of which they +were able to appreciate. + + [Footnote 305: See below, vol. ii. p. 501.] + + [Footnote 306: In the first reception of the Spaniards in Peru, + we shall see a similar idea at work, vol. ii. pp. 398, 407.] + +Now if the younger Nicolò had been in the mood for adorning his +ancestors' narrative by inserting a few picturesque incidents out of his +own hearsay knowledge of North America, it does not seem likely that he +would have known enough to hit so deftly upon one of the peculiarities +of the barbaric mind. Here, again, we seem to have come upon one of +those incidents, inherently probable, but too strange to have been +invented, that tend to confirm the story. Without hazarding anything +like a positive opinion, it seems to me likely enough that this voyage +of Scandinavian fishermen to the coast of North America in the +fourteenth century may have happened. + +[Sidenote: There may have been unrecorded instances of visits to North +America.] + +It was this and other unrecorded but possible instances that I had in +mind at the beginning of this chapter, in saying that occasional visits +of Europeans to America in pre-Columbian times may have occurred oftener +than we are wont to suppose. Observe that our scanty records--naturally +somewhat perplexed and dim, as treating of remote and unknown +places--refer us to that northern Atlantic region where the ocean is +comparatively narrow, and to that northern people who, from the time of +their first appearance in history, have been as much at home upon sea as +upon land. For a thousand years past these hyperborean waters have been +furrowed in many directions by stout Scandinavian keels, and if, in +aiming at Greenland, the gallant mariners may now and then have hit upon +Labrador or Newfoundland, and have made flying visits to coasts still +farther southward, there is nothing in it all which need surprise +us.[307] + + [Footnote 307: The latest pre-Columbian voyage mentioned as + having occurred in the northern seas was that of the Polish + pilot John Szkolny, who, in the service of King Christian I. of + Denmark, is said to have sailed to Greenland in 1476, and to + have touched upon the coast of Labrador. See Gomara, _Historia + de las Indias_, Saragossa, 1553, cap. xxxvii.; Wytfliet, + _Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Augmentum_, Douay, 1603, p. 102; + Pontanus, _Rerum Danicarum Historia_, Amsterdam, 1631, p. 763. + The wise Humboldt mentions the report without expressing an + opinion, _Examen critique_, tom. ii. p. 153.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The pre-Columbian voyages made no real contributions to +geographical knowledge;] + +[Sidenote: and were in no true sense a Discovery of America.] + +Nothing can be clearer, however, from a survey of the whole subject, +than that these pre-Columbian voyages were quite barren of results of +historic importance. In point of colonization they produced the two +ill-fated settlements on the Greenland coast, and nothing more. +Otherwise they made no real addition to the stock of geographical +knowledge, they wrought no effect whatever upon the European mind +outside of Scandinavia, and even in Iceland itself the mention of +coasts beyond Greenland awakened no definite ideas, and, except for a +brief season, excited no interest. The Zeno narrative indicates that the +Vinland voyages had practically lapsed from memory before the end of the +fourteenth century.[308] Scholars familiar with saga literature of +course knew the story; it was just at this time that Jón Thórdharson +wrote out the version of it which is preserved in the Flateyar-bók. But +by the general public it must have been forgotten, or else the +Fisherman's tale of Estotiland and Drogio would surely have awakened +reminiscences of Markland and Vinland, and some traces of this would +have appeared in Antonio's narrative or upon his map. The principal +naval officer of the Færoes, and personal friend of the sovereign, after +dwelling several years among these Northmen, whose intercourse with +their brethren in Iceland was frequent, apparently knew nothing of Leif +or Thorfinn, or the mere names of the coasts which they had visited. +Nothing had been accomplished by those voyages which could properly be +called a contribution to geographical knowledge. To speak of them as +constituting, in any legitimate sense of the phrase, a Discovery of +America is simply absurd. Except for Greenland, which was supposed to be +a part of the European world, America remained as much undiscovered +after the eleventh century as before. In the midsummer of 1492 it +needed to be discovered as much as if Leif Ericsson or the whole race of +Northmen had never existed. + + [Footnote 308: Practically, but not entirely, for we have seen + Markland mentioned in the "Elder Skálholt Annals," about 1362. + See above, p. 223.] + +As these pre-Columbian voyages produced no effect in the eastern +hemisphere, except to leave in Icelandic literature a scanty but +interesting record, so in the western hemisphere they seem to have +produced no effect beyond cutting down a few trees and killing a few +Indians. In the outlying world of Greenland it is not improbable that +the blood of the Eskimos may have received some slight Scandinavian +infusion. But upon the aboriginal world of the red men, from Davis +strait to Cape Horn, it is not likely that any impression of any sort +was ever made. It is in the highest degree probable that Leif Ericsson +and his friends made a few voyages to _what we now know to have been_ +the coast of America; but it is an abuse of language to say that they +"discovered" America. In no sense was any real contact established +between the eastern and the western halves of our planet until the great +voyage of Columbus in 1492. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +EUROPE AND CATHAY. + + +[Sidenote: Why the voyages of the Northmen were not followed up.] + +The question has sometimes been asked, Why did the knowledge of the +voyages to Vinland so long remain confined to the Scandinavian people or +a portion of them, and then lapse into oblivion, insomuch that it did +not become a matter of notoriety in Europe until after the publication +of the celebrated book of Thormodus Torfæus in 1705? Why did not the +news of the voyages of Leif and Thorfinn spread rapidly over Europe, +like the news of the voyage of Columbus? and why was it not presently +followed, like the latter, by a rush of conquerors and colonizers across +the Atlantic? + +Such questions arise from a failure to see historical events in their +true perspective, and to make the proper allowances for the manifold +differences in knowledge and in social and economic conditions which +characterize different periods of history. In the present case, the +answer is to be found, first, in the geographical ignorance which +prevented the Northmen from realizing in the smallest degree what such +voyages really signified or were going to signify to posterity; and, +secondly, in the political and commercial condition of Europe at the +close of the tenth century. + +[Sidenote: Ignorance of geography.] + +In the first place the route which the Norse voyagers pursued, from +Iceland to Greenland and thence to Vinland, was not such as to give +them, in their ignorance of the shape of the earth, and with their +imperfect knowledge of latitude and longitude, any adequate gauge +wherewith to measure their achievement. The modern reader, who has in +his mind a general picture of the shape of the northern Atlantic ocean +with its coasts, must carefully expel that picture before he can begin +to realize how things must have seemed to the Northmen. None of the +Icelandic references to Markland and Vinland betray a consciousness that +these countries belong to a geographical world outside of Europe. There +was not enough organized geographical knowledge for that. They were +simply conceived as remote places beyond Greenland, inhabited by +inferior but dangerous people. The accidental finding of such places +served neither to solve any great commercial problem nor to gratify and +provoke scientific curiosity. It was, therefore, not at all strange that +it bore no fruit. + +[Sidenote: Lack of instruments for ocean navigation.] + +Secondly, even if it had been realized, and could have been duly +proclaimed throughout Europe, that across the broad Atlantic a new world +lay open for colonization, Europe could not have taken advantage of the +fact. Now and then a ship might make its way, or be blown, across the +waste of waters without compass or astrolabe; but until these +instruments were at hand anything like systematic ocean navigation was +out of the question; and from a colonization which could only begin by +creeping up into the Arctic seas and taking Greenland on the way, not +much was to be expected, after all. + +[Sidenote: Europe in the year 1000.] + +But even if the compass and other facilities for oceanic navigation had +been at hand, the state of Europe in the days of Eric the Red was not +such as to afford surplus energy for distant enterprise of this sort. +Let us for a moment recall what was going on in Europe in the year of +grace 1000, just enough to get a suggestive picture of the time. In +England the Danish invader, fork-bearded Swend, father of the great +Cnut, was wresting the kingship from the feeble grasp of Ethelred the +Redeless. In Gaul the little duchy of France, between the Somme and the +Loire, had lately become the kingdom of France, and its sovereign, Hugh +Capet, had succeeded to feudal rights of lordship over the great dukes +and counts whose territories surrounded him on every side; and now +Hugh's son, Robert the Debonair, better hymn-writer than warrior, was +waging a doubtful struggle with these unruly vassals. It was not yet in +any wise apparent what the kingdoms of England and France were going to +be. In Germany the youthful Otto III., the "wonder of the world," had +just made his weird visit to the tomb of his mighty predecessor at +Aachen, before starting on that last journey to Rome which was so soon +to cost him his life. Otto's teacher, Gerbert, most erudite of +popes,--too learned not to have had dealings with the Devil,--was +beginning to raise the papacy out of the abyss of infamy into which the +preceding age had seen it sink, and so to prepare the way for the +far-reaching reforms of Hildebrand. The boundaries of Christendom were +as yet narrow and insecure. With the overthrow of Olaf Tryggvesson in +this year 1000, and the temporary partition of Norway between Swedes and +Danes, the work of Christianizing the North seemed, for the moment, to +languish. Upon the eastern frontier the wild Hungarians had scarcely +ceased to be a terror to Europe, and in this year Stephen, their first +Christian king, began to reign. At the same time the power of heretical +Bulgaria, which had threatened to overwhelm the Eastern Empire, was +broken down by the sturdy blows of the Macedonian emperor Basil. In this +year the Christians of Spain met woful defeat at the hands of Almansor, +and there seemed no reason why the Mussulman rule over the greater part +of that peninsula should not endure forever. + +Thus, from end to end, Europe was a scene of direst confusion, and +though, as we now look back upon it, the time seems by no means devoid +of promise, there was no such cheering outlook then. Nowhere were the +outlines of kingdoms or the ownership of crowns definitely settled. +Private war was both incessant and universal; the Truce of God had not +yet been proclaimed.[309] As for the common people, their hardships +were well-nigh incredible. Amid all this anarchy and misery, at the +close of the thousandth year from the birth of Christ, the belief was +quite common throughout Europe that the Day of Judgment was at hand for +a world grown old in wickedness and ripe for its doom. + + [Footnote 309: The "Truce of God" (_Treuga Dei_) was introduced + by the clergy in Guienne about 1032; it was adopted in Spain + before 1050, and in England by 1080. See Datt, _De pace imperii + publica_, lib. i. cap. ii. A cessation of all violent quarrels + was enjoined, under ecclesiastical penalties, during church + festivals, and from every Wednesday evening until the following + Monday morning. This left only about eighty days in the year + available for shooting and stabbing one's neighbours. The truce + seems to have accomplished much good, though it was very + imperfectly observed.] + +[Sidenote: The condition of things was not such as to favour colonial +enterprise.] + +It hardly need be argued that a period like this, in which all the vital +energy in Europe was consumed in the adjustment of affairs at home, was +not fitted for colonial enterprises. Before a people can send forth +colonies it must have solved the problem of political life so far as to +ensure stability of trade. It is the mercantile spirit that has +supported modern colonization, aided by the spirit of intellectual +curiosity and the thirst for romantic adventure. In the eleventh century +there was no intellectual curiosity outside the monastery walls, nor had +such a feeling become enlisted in the service of commerce. Of trade +there was indeed, even in western Europe, a considerable amount, but the +commercial marine was in its infancy, and on land the trader suffered +sorely at the hands of the robber baron. In those days the fashionable +method of compounding with your creditors was, not to offer them fifty +cents on the dollar, but to inveigle them into your castle and broil +them over a slow fire. + +[Sidenote: The outlook of Europe was toward Asia.] + +In so far as the attention of people in Europe was called to any +quarter of the globe outside of the seething turbulence in which they +dwelt, it was directed toward Asia. Until after 1492, Europe stood with +her back toward the Atlantic. What there might be out beyond that "Sea +of Darkness" (_Mare Tenebrosum_), as it used commonly to be called, was +a question of little interest and seems to have excited no speculation. +In the view of mediæval Europe the inhabited world was cut off on the +west by this mysterious ocean, and on the south by the burning sands of +Sahara; but eastward it stretched out no one knew how far, and in that +direction dwelt tribes and nations which Europe, from time immemorial, +had reason to fear. As early as the time of Herodotus, the secular +antagonism between Europe and Asia had become a topic of reflection +among the Greeks, and was wrought with dramatic effect by that great +writer into the structure of his history, culminating in the grand and +stirring scenes of the Persian war. A century and a half later the +conquests of Alexander the Great added a still more impressive climax to +the story. The struggle was afterward long maintained between Roman and +Parthian, but from the fifth century after Christ onward through the +Middle Ages, it seemed as if the Oriental world would never rest until +it had inflicted the extremities of retaliation upon Europe. Whether it +was the heathen of the steppes who were in question, from Attila in the +fifth century to Batu Khan in the thirteenth, or the followers of the +Prophet, who tore away from Christendom the southern shores of the +Mediterranean, and held Spain in their iron grasp, while from age to age +they exhausted their strength in vain against the Eastern Empire, the +threatening danger was always coming with the morning sun; whatever +might be the shock that took the attention of Europe away from herself, +it directed it upon Asia. This is a fact of cardinal importance for us, +inasmuch as it was directly through the interest, more and more +absorbing, which Europe felt in Asia that the discovery of the western +hemisphere was at last effected. + +[Sidenote: Routes of trade between Europe and Asia.] + +[Sidenote: Claudius Ptolemy.] + +[Sidenote: Early mention of China.] + +It was not only in war, but in commerce, that the fortunes of Europe +were dependent upon her relations with Asia. Since prehistoric times +there has always been some commercial intercourse between the eastern +shores of the Mediterranean and the peninsula of Hindustan. Tyre and +Sidon carried on such trade by way of the Red Sea.[310] After Alexander +had led his army to Samarcand and to the river Hyphasis, the +acquaintance of the Greeks with Asia was very considerably increased, +and important routes of trade were established. One was practically the +old Phoenician route, with its western terminus moved from Tyre to +Alexandria. Another was by way of the Caspian sea, up the river Oxus, +and thence with camels to the banks of the Indus.[311] An intermediate +route was through Syria and by way of the Euphrates and the Persian +gulf; the route which at one time made the greatness of Palmyra. After +the extension of Roman sway to the Nile, the Euphrates, and the Euxine, +these same routes continued to be used. The European commodities carried +to India were light woollen cloths, linens, coral, black lead, various +kinds of glass vessels, and wine. In exchange for these the traders +brought back to Europe divers aromatic spices, black pepper, ivory, +cotton fabrics, diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, silk thread and silk +stuffs.[312] Detailed accounts of these commercial transactions, and of +the wealth of personal experiences that must have been connected with +them, are excessively scant. Of the Europeans who, during all the +centuries between Alexander and Justinian, made their way to Hindustan +or beyond, we know very few by name. The amount of geographical +information that was gathered during the first half of this period is +shown in the map representing Claudius Ptolemy's knowledge of the earth, +about the middle of the second century after Christ. Except for the +Scandinavian world, and some very important additions made to the +knowledge of Asia by Marco Polo, this map fairly represents the maximum +of acquaintance with the earth's surface possessed by Europeans previous +to the great voyages of the fifteenth century. It shows a dim knowledge +of the mouths of the Ganges, of the island of Ceylon, and of what we +sometimes call Farther India. A very dim knowledge, indeed; for the huge +peninsula of Hindustan is shrunk into insignificance, while Taprobane, +or Ceylon, unduly magnified, usurps the place belonging to the Deccan. +At the same time we see that some hearsay knowledge of China had made +its way into the Roman world before the days of Ptolemy. The two names +by which China was first known to Europeans were "Seres" or "Serica," +and "Sinæ" or "Thin." These two differing names are the records of two +different methods of approach to different parts of a vast country, very +much as the Northmen called their part of eastern North America +"Vinland," while the Spaniards called their part "Florida." The name +"Seres" was given to northwestern China by traders who approached it +through the highlands of central Asia from Samarcand, while "Sinæ" was +the name given to southeastern China by traders who approached it by way +of the Indian ocean, and heard of it in India, but never reached it. +Apparently no European ships ever reached China before the Portuguese, +in 1517.[313] The name "Sinæ" or "Thin" seems to mean the country of the +"Tchin" dynasty, which ruled over the whole of China in the second +century before Christ, and over a portion of it for a much longer time. +The name "Seres," on the other hand, was always associated with the +trade in silks, and was known to the Romans in the time of the Emperor +Claudius,[314] and somewhat earlier. The Romans in Virgil's time set a +high value upon silk, and every scrap of it they had came from China. +They knew nothing about the silk-worm, and supposed that the fibres or +threads of this beautiful stuff grew upon trees. Of actual intercourse +between the Roman and Chinese empires there was no more than is implied +in this current of trade, passing through many hands. But that each +knew, in a vague way, of the existence of the other, there is no +doubt.[315] + + [Footnote 310: Diodorus Siculus, i. 70.] + + [Footnote 311: Strabo, xi. 7, § 3.] + + [Footnote 312: Robertson, _Historical Disquisition concerning + the Knowledge which the Ancients had of India_, Dublin, 1791, + p. 55. I never have occasion to consult Dr. Robertson without + being impressed anew with his scientific habit of thought and + the solidity of his scholarship; and in none of his works are + these qualities better illustrated than in this noble essay.] + + [Footnote 313: The Polos sailed back from China to the Persian + gulf in 1292-94; see below, p. 282.] + + [Footnote 314: The name "Seres" appears on the map of Pomponius + Mela (cir. A. D. 50), while "Sinæ" does not. See below, p. 304. + + Jam Tartessiaco quos solverat æquore Titan + In noctem diffusus equos, jungebat Eoïs + Littoribus, primique novo Phaethonte retecti + Seres lanigeris repetebant vellera lucis. + Silius Italicus, lib. vi. _ad init._] + + [Footnote 315: For this whole subject see Colonel Sir Henry + Yule's _Cathay and the Way Thither_, London, 1866, 2 vols.,--a + work of profound learning and more delightful than a novel.] + +[Sidenote: Cosmas Indicopleustes.] + +[Sidenote: Shape of the earth, according to Cosmas.] + +In the course of the reign of Justinian, we get references at first hand +to India, and coupled withal to a general theory of cosmography. This +curious information we have in the book of the monk Cosmas +Indicopleustes, written somewhere between A. D. 530 and 550. A pleasant +book it is, after its kind. In his younger days Cosmas had been a +merchant, and in divers voyages had become familiar with the coasts of +Ethiopia and the Persian gulf, and had visited India and Ceylon. After +becoming a monk at Alexandria, Cosmas wrote his book of Christian +geography,[316] maintaining, in opposition to Ptolemy, that the earth +is not a sphere, but a rectangular plane forming the floor of the +universe; the heavens rise on all four sides about this rectangle, like +the four walls of a room, and, at an indefinite height above the floor, +these blue walls support a vaulted roof or firmament, in which God +dwells with the angels. In the centre of the floor are the inhabited +lands of the earth, surrounded on all sides by a great ocean, beyond +which, somewhere out in a corner, is the Paradise from which Adam and +Eve were expelled. In its general shape, therefore, the universe +somewhat resembles the Tabernacle in the Wilderness, or a modern +"Saratoga trunk." On the northern part of the floor, under the +firmament, is a lofty conical mountain, around which the sun, moon, and +planets perform their daily revolutions. In the summer the sun takes a +turn around the apex of the cone, and is, therefore, hidden only for a +short night; but in the winter he travels around the base, which takes +longer, and, accordingly, the nights are long. Such is the doctrine +drawn from Holy Scripture, says Cosmas, and as for the vain blasphemers +who pretend that the earth is a round ball, the Lord hath stultified +them for their sins until they impudently prate of Antipodes, where +trees grow downward and rain falls upward. As for such nonsense, the +worthy Cosmas cannot abide it. + + [Footnote 316: Its title is [Greek: Christianôn biblos, + hermêneia eis tên Oktateuchon], i. e. against Ptolemy's + Geography in eight books. The name Cosmas Indicopleustes seems + merely to mean "the cosmographer who has sailed to India." He + begins his book in a tone of extreme and somewhat unsavory + humility: [Greek: Anoigô ta mogilala kai bradyglôssa cheilê ho + hamartôlos kai talas egô]--"I, the sinner and wretch, open my + stammering, stuttering lips," etc.--The book has been the + occasion of some injudicious excitement within the last half + century. Cosmas gave a description of some comparatively recent + inscriptions on the peninsula of Sinai, and because he could + not find anybody able to read them, he inferred that they must + be records of the Israelites on their passage through the + desert. (Compare the Dighton rock, above, p. 214.) Whether in + the sixth century of grace or in the nineteenth, your + unregenerate and unchastened antiquary snaps at conclusions as + a drowsy dog does at flies. Some years ago an English + clergyman, Charles Forster, started up the nonsense again, and + argued that these inscriptions might afford a clue to man's + primeval speech! Cf. Bunsen, _Christianity and Mankind_, vol. + iii. p. 231; Müller and Donaldson, _History of Greek + Literature_, vol. iii. p. 353; Bury, _History of the Later + Roman Empire from Arcadius to Irene_, vol. ii. p. 177.] + +I cite these views of Cosmas because there can be no doubt that they +represent beliefs current among the general public until after the time +of Columbus,[317] in spite of the deference paid to Ptolemy's views by +the learned. Along with these cosmographical speculations, Cosmas shows +a wider geographical knowledge of Asia than any earlier writer. He gives +a good deal of interesting information about India and Ceylon, and has a +fairly correct idea of the position of China, which he calls Tzinista or +Chinistan. This land of silk is the remotest of all the Indies, and +beyond it "there is neither navigation nor inhabited country.... And the +Indian philosophers, called Brachmans, tell you that if you were to +stretch a straight cord from Tzinista through Persia to the Roman +territory, you would just divide the world in halves. And mayhap they +are right."[318] + + [Footnote 317: Such views have their advocates even now. There + still lives, I believe, in England, a certain John Hampden, who + with dauntless breast maintains that the earth is a circular + plane with centre at the north pole and a circumference of + nearly 30,000 miles where poor misguided astronomers suppose + the south pole to be. The sun moves across the sky at a + distance of about 800 miles. From the boundless abyss beyond + the southern circumference, with its barrier of icy mountains, + came the waters which drowned the antediluvian world; for, as + this author quite reasonably observes, "on a globular earth + such a deluge would have been physically Impossible." Hampden's + title is somewhat like that of Cosmas,--_The New Manual of + Biblical Cosmography_, London, 1877; and he began in 1876 to + publish a periodical called _The Truth-Seeker's Oracle and + Scriptural Science Review_. Similar views have been set forth + by one Samuel Rowbotham, under the pseudonym of "Parallax," + _Zetetic Astronomy. Earth not a Globe. An experimental inquiry + into the true figure of the earth, proving it a plane without + orbital or axial motion_, etc., London, 1873; and by a William + Carpenter, _One Hundred Proofs that the Earth is not a Globe_, + Baltimore, 1885. There is a very considerable quantity of such + literature afloat, the product of a kind of mental aberration + that thrives upon paradox. When I was superintendent of the + catalogue of Harvard University library, I made the class + "Eccentric Literature" under which to group such books,--the + lucubrations of circle-squarers, angle-trisectors, inventors of + perpetual motion, devisers of recipes for living forever + without dying, crazy interpreters of Daniel and the Apocalypse, + upsetters of the undulatory theory of light, the + Bacon-Shakespeare lunatics, etc.; a dismal procession of + long-eared bipeds, with very raucous bray. The late Professor + De Morgan devoted a bulky and instructive volume to an account + of such people and their crotchets. See his _Budget of + Paradoxes_, London, 1872.] + + [Footnote 318: Cosmas, ii. 138. Further mention of China was + made early in the seventh century by Theophylactus Samocatta, + vii. 7. See Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i. pp. xlix., clxviii.] + +[Sidenote: The Nestorians.] + +In the fourth and following centuries, Nestorian missionaries were very +active in Asia, and not only made multitudes of converts and established +metropolitan sees in such places as Kashgar and Herat, but even found +their way into China. Their work forms an interesting though melancholy +chapter in history, but it does not seem to have done much toward making +Asia better known to Europe. As declared heretics, the Nestorians were +themselves almost entirely cut off from intercourse with European +Christians. + +[Sidenote: Effects of the Saracen conquests.] + +[Sidenote: Constantinople in the twelfth century.] + +The immediate effect of the sudden rise of the vast Saracen empire, in +the seventh and eighth centuries, was to interpose a barrier to the +extension of intercourse between Europe and the Far East. Trade between +the eastern and western extremities of Asia went on more briskly than +ever, but it was for a long time exclusively in Mussulman hands. The +mediæval Arabs were bold sailors, and not only visited Sumatra and Java, +but made their way to Canton. Upon the southern and middle routes the +Arab cities of Cairo and Bagdad became thriving centres of trade; but as +Spain and the whole of northern Africa were now Arab countries, most of +the trade between east and west was conducted within Mussulman +boundaries. Saracen cruisers prowled in the Mediterranean and sorely +harassed the Christian coasts. During the eighth, ninth, and tenth +centuries, Europe was more shut in upon herself than ever before or +since. In many respects these were especially the dark ages of +Europe,--the period of least comfort and least enlightenment since the +days of pre-Roman barbarism. But from this general statement +Constantinople should be in great measure excepted. The current of +mediæval trade through the noble highway of the Dardanelles and the +Bosphorus was subject to fluctuations, but it was always great. The +city of the Byzantine emperors was before all things a commercial city, +like Venice in later days. Until the time of the Crusades Constantinople +was the centre of the Levant trade. The great northern route from Asia +remained available for commercial intercourse in this direction. Persian +and Armenian merchants sent their goods to Batoum, whence they were +shipped to Constantinople; and silk was brought from northwestern China +by caravan to the Oxus, and forwarded thence by the Caspian sea, the +rivers Cyrus and Phasis, and the Euxine sea.[319] When it was visited by +Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century, Constantinople was +undoubtedly the richest and most magnificent city, and the seat of the +highest civilization, to be found anywhere upon the globe. + + [Footnote 319: Robertson, _Historical Disquisition_, p. 93; + Pears, _The Fall of Constantinople_, p. 177,--a book of great + merit.] + +[Sidenote: The Crusades.] + +[Sidenote: Barbarizing character of Turkish conquest.] + +[Sidenote: General effects of the Crusades.] + +In the days of its strength the Eastern Empire was the staunch bulwark +of Christendom against the dangerous assaults of Persian, Saracen, and +Turk; alike in prosperity and in calamity, it proved to be the teacher +and civilizer of the western world. The events which, at the close of +the eleventh century, brought thousands upon thousands of adventurous, +keen-witted people from western Europe into this home of wealth and +refinement, were the occasion of the most remarkable intellectual +awakening that the world had ever witnessed up to that time. The +Crusades, in their beginning, were a symptom of the growing energy of +western Europe under the ecclesiastical reformation effected by the +mighty Hildebrand. They were the military response of Europe to the most +threatening, and, as time has proved, the most deadly of all the blows +that have ever been aimed at her from Asia. Down to this time the +Mahometanism with which Christendom had so long been in conflict was a +Mahometanism of civilized peoples. The Arabs and Moors were industrious +merchants, agriculturists, and craftsmen; in their society one might +meet with learned scholars, refined poets, and profound philosophers. +But at the end of the tenth century, Islam happened to make converts of +the Turks, a nomad race in the upper status of barbarism, with flocks +and herds and patriarchal families. Inspired with the sudden zeal for +conquest which has always characterized new converts to Islam, the Turks +began to pour down from the plains of central Asia like a deluge upon +the Eastern Empire. In 1016 they overwhelmed Armenia, and presently +advanced into Asia Minor. Their mode of conquest was peculiarly baleful, +for at first they deliberately annihilated the works of civilization in +order to prepare the country for their nomadic life; they pulled down +cities to put up tents. Though they long ago ceased to be nomads, they +have to this day never learned to comprehend civilized life, and they +have been simply a blight upon every part of the earth's surface which +they have touched. At the beginning of the eleventh century, Asia Minor +was one of the most prosperous and highly civilized parts of the +world;[320] and the tale of its devastation by the terrible Alp Arslan +and the robber chiefs that came after him is one of the most mournful +chapters in history. At the end of that century, when the Turks were +holding Nicæa and actually had their outposts on the Marmora, it was +high time for Christendom to rise _en masse_ in self-defence. The idea +was worthy of the greatest of popes. Imperfectly and spasmodically as it +was carried out, it undoubtedly did more than anything that had ever +gone before toward strengthening the wholesome sentiment of a common +Christendom among the peoples of western Europe. The Crusades increased +the power of the Church, which was equivalent to putting a curb upon the +propensities of the robber baron and making labour and traffic more +secure. In another way they aided this good work by carrying off the +robber baron in large numbers to Egypt and Syria, and killing him there. +In this way they did much toward ridding European society of its most +turbulent elements; while at the same time they gave fresh development +to the spirit of romantic adventure, and connected it with something +better than vagrant freebooting.[321] By renewing the long-suspended +intercourse between the minds of western Europe and the Greek culture +of Constantinople, they served as a mighty stimulus to intellectual +curiosity, and had a large share in bringing about that great thirteenth +century renaissance which is forever associated with the names of Giotto +and Dante and Roger Bacon. + + [Footnote 320: "It is difficult for the modern traveller who + ventures into the heart of Asia Minor, and finds nothing but + rude Kurds and Turkish peasants living among mountains and wild + pastures, not connected even by ordinary roads, to imagine the + splendour and rich cultivation of this vast country, with its + brilliant cities and its teeming population." Mahaffy, _The + Greek World under Roman Sway_, London, 1890, p. 229.] + + [Footnote 321: The general effects of the Crusades are + discussed, with much learning and sagacity, by + Choiseul-Daillecourt, _De l'Influence des Croisades sur l'état + des peuples de l'Europe_, Paris, 1809.] + +[Sidenote: The Fourth Crusade.] + +There can be no doubt that in these ways the Crusades were for our +forefathers in Europe the most bracing and stimulating events that +occurred in the whole millennium between the complicated disorders of +the fifth century and the outburst of maritime discovery in the +fifteenth. How far they justified themselves from the military point of +view, it is not so easy to say. On the one hand, they had much to do +with retarding the progress of the enemy for two hundred years; they +overwhelmed the Seljukian Turks so effectually that their successors, +the Ottomans, did not become formidable until about 1300, after the last +crusading wave had spent its force. On the other hand, the Fourth +Crusade, with better opportunities than any of the others for striking a +crushing blow at the Moslem, played false to Christendom, and in 1204 +captured and despoiled Constantinople in order to gratify Venice's +hatred of her commercial rival and superior. It was a sorry piece of +business, and one cannot look with unmixed pleasure at the four superb +horses that now adorn the front of the church of St. Mark as a trophy of +this unhallowed exploit.[322] One cannot help feeling that but for this +colossal treachery, the great city of Constantine, to which our own +civilization owes more than can ever be adequately told, might, perhaps, +have retained enough strength to withstand the barbarian in 1453, and +thus have averted one of the most lamentable catastrophes in the history +of mankind. + + [Footnote 322: They were taken from Chios in the fourth century + by the emperor Theodosius, and placed in the hippodrome at + Constantinople, whence they were taken by the Venetians in + 1204. The opinion that "the results of the Fourth Crusade upon + European civilization were altogether disastrous" is ably set + forth by Mr. Pears, _The Fall of Constantinople_, London, 1885, + and would be difficult to refute. Voltaire might well say in + this case, "Ainsi le seul fruit des chrétiens dans leurs + barbares croisades fut d'exterminer d'autres chrétiens. Ces + croisés, qui ruinaient l'empire auraient pu, bien plus aisément + que tous leurs prédécesseurs, chasser les Turcs de l'Asie." + _Essai sur les Moeurs_, tom. ii. p. 158. Voltaire's general + view of the Crusades is, however, very superficial.] + +[Sidenote: Rivalry between Venice and Genoa.] + +The general effect of the Crusades upon Oriental commerce was to +increase the amount of traffic through Egypt and Syria. Of this +lucrative trade Venice got the lion's share, and while she helped +support the short-lived Latin dynasty upon the throne at Constantinople, +she monopolized a great part of the business of the Black Sea also. But +in 1261 Venice's rival, Genoa, allied herself with the Greek emperor, +Michael Palæologus, at Nicæa, placed him upon the Byzantine throne, and +again cut off Venice from the trade that came through the Bosphorus. +From this time forth the mutual hatred between Venice and Genoa "waxed +fiercer than ever; no merchant fleet of either state could go to sea +without convoy, and wherever their ships met they fought. It was +something like the state of things between Spain and England in the +days of Drake."[323] In the one case as in the other, it was a strife +for the mastery of the sea and its commerce. Genoa obtained full control +of the Euxine, took possession of the Crimea, and thus acquired a +monopoly of the trade from central Asia along the northern route. With +the fall of Acre in 1291, and the consequent expulsion of Christians +from Syria, Venice lost her hold upon the middle route. But with the +pope's leave[324] she succeeded in making a series of advantageous +commercial treaties with the new Mameluke sovereigns of Egypt, and the +dealings between the Red Sea and the Adriatic soon came to be +prodigious. The Venetians gained control of part of the Peloponnesus, +with many islands of the Ægean and eastern Mediterranean. During the +fourteenth and fifteenth centuries their city was the most splendid and +luxurious in all Christendom. + + [Footnote 323: Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. lxxi.] + + [Footnote 324: A papal dispensation was necessary before a + commercial treaty could be made with Mahometans. See Leibnitz, + _Codex Jur. Gent. Diplomat._, i. 489.] + +[Sidenote: Centres and routes of mediæval trade.] + +Such a development of wealth in Venice and Genoa implies a large +producing and consuming area behind them, able to take and pay for the +costly products of India and China. Before the end of the thirteenth +century the volume of European trade had swelled to great proportions. +How full of historic and literary interest are the very names of the +centres and leading routes of this trade as it was established in those +days, with its outlook upon the Mediterranean and the distant East! Far +up in the North we see Wisby, on the little isle of Gothland in the +Baltic, giving its name to new rules of international law; and the +merchants of the famous Hansa towns extending their operations as far as +Novgorod in one direction, and in another to the Steelyard in London, +where the pound of these honest "Easterlings" was adopted as the +"sterling" unit of sound money. Fats and tallows, furs and wax from +Russia, iron and copper from Sweden, strong hides and unrivalled wools +from England, salt cod and herring (much needed on meagre church +fast-days) from the North and Baltic seas, appropriately followed by +generous casks of beer from Hamburg, were sent southward in exchange for +fine cloths and tapestries, the products of the loom in Ghent and +Bruges, in Ulm and Augsburg, with delicious vintages of the Rhine, +supple chain armour from Milan, Austrian yew-wood for English long-bows, +ivory and spices, pearls and silks from Italy and the Orient. Along the +routes from Venice and Florence to Antwerp and Rotterdam we see the +progress in wealth and refinement, in artistic and literary +productiveness. We see the early schools of music and painting in Italy +meet with prompt response in Flanders; in the many-gabled streets of +Nuremberg we hear the voice of the Meistersinger, and under the low +oaken roof of a Canterbury inn we listen to joyous if sometimes naughty +tales erst told in pleasant groves outside of fever-stricken Florence. + +[Sidenote: Effects of the Mongol conquests.] + +[Sidenote: Cathay.] + +[Sidenote: Carpini and Rubruquis.] + +[Sidenote: First knowledge of an eastern ocean beyond Cathay.] + +With this increase of wealth and culture in central Europe there came a +considerable extension of knowledge and a powerful stimulus to +curiosity concerning the remote parts of Asia. The conquering career of +Jenghis Khan (1206-1227) had shaken the world to its foundations. In the +middle of that century, to adopt Colonel Yule's lively expression, +"throughout Asia and eastern Europe, scarcely a dog might bark without +Mongol leave, from the borders of Poland and the coast of Cilicia to the +Amur and the Yellow Sea." About these portentous Mongols, who had thus +in a twinkling overwhelmed China and Russia, and destroyed the Caliphate +of Bagdad, there was a refreshing touch of open-minded heathenism. They +were barbarians willing to learn. From end to end of Asia the barriers +were thrown down. It was a time when Alan chiefs from the Volga served +as police in Tunking, and Chinese physicians could be consulted at +Tabriz. For about a hundred years China was more accessible than at any +period before or since,--more even than to-day; and that country now for +the first time became really known to a few Europeans. In the northern +provinces of China, shortly before the Mongol deluge, there had reigned +a dynasty known as the _Khitai_, and hence China was (and still is) +commonly spoken of in central Asia as the country of the Khitai. When +this name reached European ears it became _Cathay_, the name by which +China was best known in Europe during the next four centuries.[325] In +1245, Friar John of Plano Carpini, a friend and disciple of St. Francis, +was sent by Pope Innocent IV. on a missionary errand to the Great Khan, +and visited him in his camp at Karakorum in the very depths of Mongolia. +In 1253 the king of France, St. Louis, sent another Franciscan monk, +Willem de Rubruquis, to Karakorum, on a mission of which the purpose is +now not clearly understood. Both these Franciscans were men of shrewd +and cultivated minds, especially Rubruquis, whose narrative, "in its +rich detail, its vivid pictures, its acuteness of observation and strong +good sense ... has few superiors in the whole library of travel."[326] +Neither Rubruquis nor Friar John visited China, but they fell in with +Chinese folk at Karakorum, and obtained information concerning the +geography of eastern Asia far more definite than had ever before been +possessed by Europeans. They both describe Cathay as bordering upon an +eastern ocean, and this piece of information constituted the first +important leap of geographical knowledge to the eastward since the days +of Ptolemy, who supposed that beyond the "Seres and Sinæ" lay an unknown +land of vast extent, "full of reedy and impenetrable swamps."[327] The +information gathered by Rubruquis and Friar John indicated that there +was an end to the continent of Asia; that, not as a matter of vague +speculation, but of positive knowledge, Asia was bounded on the east, +just as Europe was bounded on the west, by an ocean. + + [Footnote 325: Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i. p. cxvi.; _Marco Polo_, + vol. i. p. xlii.] + + [Footnote 326: Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. cxxx.; cf. + Humboldt, _Examen critique_, tom. i. p. 71. The complete + original texts of the reports of both monks, with learned + notes, may be found in the _Recueil de Voyages et de Mémoires, + publié par la Société de Géographie_, Paris, 1839, tom. iv., + viz.: _Johannis de Plano Carpini Historia Mongolorum quos nos + Tartaros appellamus_, ed. M. d'Avezac; _Itinerarium Willelmi de + Rubruk_, ed. F. Michel et T. Wright.] + + [Footnote 327: Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i. p. xxxix.; Ptolemy, i. + 17. Cf. Bunbury's _History of Ancient Geography_, London, 1883, + vol. ii. p. 606.] + +[Sidenote: The data were thus prepared for Columbus;] + +[Sidenote: but as yet nobody reasoned from these data to a practical +conclusion.] + +Here we arrive at a notable landmark in the history of the Discovery of +America. Here from the camp of bustling heathen at Karakorum there is +brought to Europe the first announcement of a geographical fact from +which the poetic mind of Christopher Columbus will hereafter reap a +wonderful harvest. This is one among many instances of the way in which, +throughout all departments of human thought and action, the glorious +thirteenth century was beginning to give shape to the problems of which +the happy solution has since made the modern world so different from the +ancient.[328] Since there is an ocean east of Cathay and an ocean west +of Spain, how natural the inference--and albeit quite wrong, how +amazingly fruitful--that these oceans are one and the same, so that by +sailing westward from Spain one might go straight to Cathay! The data +for such an inference were now all at hand, but it does not appear that +any one as yet reasoned from the data to the conclusion, although we +find Roger Bacon, in 1267, citing the opinions of Aristotle and other +ancient writers to the effect that the distance by sea from the western +shores of Spain to the eastern shores of Asia cannot be so very +great.[329] In those days it took a long time for such ideas to get from +the heads of philosophers into the heads of men of action; and in the +thirteenth century, when Cathay was more accessible by land than at any +time before or since, there was no practical necessity felt for a water +route thither. Europe still turned her back upon the Atlantic and gazed +more intently than ever upon Asia. Stronger and more general grew the +interest in Cathay. + + [Footnote 328: See my _Beginnings of New England_, chap. i. How + richly suggestive to an American is the contemporaneity of + Rubruquis and Earl Simon of Leicester!] + + [Footnote 329: Roger Bacon, _Opus Majus_, ed. Jebb, London, + 1733, p. 183.] + +[Sidenote: The Polo brothers.] + +[Sidenote: Kublai Khan's message to the Pope.] + +In the middle of the thirteenth century, some members of the Polo +family, one of the aristocratic families of Venice, had a commercial +house at Constantinople. Thence, in 1260, the brothers Nicolò and Maffeo +Polo started on a trading journey to the Crimea, whence one opportunity +after another for making money and gratifying their curiosity with new +sights led them northward and eastward to the Volga, thence into +Bokhara, and so on until they reached the court of the Great Khan, in +one of the northwestern provinces of Cathay. The reigning sovereign was +the famous Kublai Khan, grandson of the all-conquering Jenghis. Kublai +was an able and benevolent despot, earnest in the wish to improve the +condition of his Mongol kinsmen. He had never before met European +gentlemen, and was charmed with the cultivated and polished Venetians. +He seemed quite ready to enlist the Roman Church in aid of his +civilizing schemes, and entrusted the Polos with a message to the Pope, +asking him for a hundred missionary teachers. The brothers reached +Venice in 1269, and found that Pope Clement IV. was dead and there was +an interregnum. After two years Gregory X. was elected and received the +Khan's message, but could furnish only a couple of Dominican friars, and +these men were seized with the dread not uncommonly felt for +"Tartareans," and at the last moment refused to go. Nicolò and his +brother then set out in the autumn of 1271 to return to China, taking +with them Nicolò's son Marco, a lad of seventeen years. From Acre they +went by way of Bagdad to Hormuz, at the mouth of the Persian gulf, +apparently with the intention of proceeding thence by sea, but for some +reason changed their course, and travelled through Kerman, Khorassan, +and Balkh, to Kashgar, and thence by way of Yarkand and Khotan, and +across the desert of Gobi into northwestern China, where they arrived in +the summer of 1275, and found the Khan at Kaipingfu, not far from the +northern end of the Great Wall. + +[Sidenote: Marco Polo and his travels in Asia.] + +[Sidenote: First recorded voyage of Europeans around the Indo-Chinese +peninsula, 1292-94.] + +[Sidenote: Return of the Polos to Venice.] + +It has been said that the failure of Kublai's mission to the Pope led +him to apply to the Grand Lama, at Thibet, who responded more +efficiently and successfully than Gregory X., so that Buddhism seized +the chance which Catholicism failed to grasp. The Venetians, however, +lost nothing in the good Khan's esteem. Young Marco began to make +himself proficient in speaking and writing several Asiatic languages, +and was presently taken into the Khan's service. His name is mentioned +in the Chinese Annals of 1277 as a newly-appointed commissioner of the +privy council.[330] He remained in Kublai's service until 1292, while +his father and uncle were gathering wealth in various ways. Marco made +many official journeys up and down the Khan's vast dominions, not only +in civilized China, but in regions of the heart of Asia seldom visited +by Europeans to this day,--"a vast ethnological garden," says Colonel +Yule, "of tribes of various race and in every stage of uncivilization." +In 1292 a royal bride for the Khan of Persia was to be sent all the way +from Peking to Tabriz, and as war that year made some parts of the +overland route very unsafe, it was decided to send her by sea. The three +Polos had for some time been looking for an opportunity to return to +Venice, but Kublai was unwilling to have them go. Now, however, as every +Venetian of that day was deemed to be from his very cradle a seasoned +seadog, and as the kindly old Mongol sovereign had an inveterate +land-lubber's misgivings about ocean voyages, he consented to part with +his dear friends, so that he might entrust the precious princess to +their care. They sailed from the port of Zaiton (Chinchow) early in +1292, and after long delays on the coasts of Sumatra and Hindustan, in +order to avoid unfavourable monsoons, they reached the Persian gulf in +1294. They found that the royal bridegroom, somewhat advanced in years, +had died before they started from China; so the young princess became +the bride of his son. After tarrying awhile in Tabriz, the Polos +returned, by way of Trebizond and the Bosphorus, to Venice, arriving in +1295. When they got there, says Ramusio, after their absence of four and +twenty years, "the same fate befel them as befel Ulysses, who, when he +returned to his native Ithaca, was recognized by nobody." Their kinsfolk +had long since given them up for dead; and when the three wayworn +travellers arrived at the door of their own palace, the middle-aged men +now wrinkled graybeards, the stripling now a portly man, all three +attired in rather shabby clothes of Tartar cut, and "with a certain +indescribable smack of the Tartar about them, both in air and accent," +some words of explanation were needed to prove their identity. After a +few days they invited a party of old friends to dinner, and bringing +forth three shabby coats, ripped open the seams and welts, and began +pulling out and tumbling upon the table such treasures of diamonds and +emeralds, rubies and sapphires, as could never have been imagined, +"which had all been stitched up in those dresses in so artful a fashion +that nobody could have suspected the fact." In such wise had they +brought home from Cathay their ample earnings; and when it became known +about Venice that the three long-lost citizens had come back, +"straightway the whole city, gentle and simple, flocked to the house to +embrace them, and to make much of them, with every conceivable +demonstration of affection and respect."[331] + + [Footnote 330: Pauthier's _Marco Polo_, p. 361; Yule's _Marco + Polo_, p. li.] + + [Footnote 331: Ramusio, _apud_ Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. + xxxvii.] + +[Sidenote: Marco Polo's book written in prison at Genoa, 1299.] + +Three years afterward, in 1298, Marco commanded a galley in the great +naval battle with the Genoese near Curzola. The Venetians were totally +defeated, and Marco was one of the 7,000 prisoners taken to Genoa, where +he was kept in durance for about a year. One of his companions in +captivity was a certain Rusticiano, of Pisa, who was glad to listen to +his descriptions of Asia, and to act as his amanuensis. French was then, +at the close of the Crusades, a language as generally understood +throughout Europe as later, in the age of Louis XIV.; and Marco's +narrative was duly taken down by the worthy Rusticiano in rather lame +and shaky French. In the summer of 1299 Marco was set free and returned +to Venice, where he seems to have led a quiet life until his death in +1324. + +[Sidenote: Its great contributions to geographical knowledge.] + +"The Book of Ser Marco Polo concerning the Kingdoms and Marvels of the +East" is one of the most famous and important books of the Middle Ages. +It contributed more new facts toward a knowledge of the earth's surface +than any book that had ever been written before. Its author was "the +first traveller to trace a route across the whole longitude of Asia;" +the first to describe China in its vastness, with its immense cities, +its manufactures and wealth, and to tell, whether from personal +experience or direct hearsay, of Thibet and Burmah, of Siam and Cochin +China, of the Indian archipelago, with its islands of spices, of Java +and Sumatra, and of the savages of Andaman. He knew of Japan and the +woful defeat of the Mongols there, when they tried to invade the island +kingdom in 1281. He gave a description of Hindustan far more complete +and characteristic than had ever before been published. From Arab +sailors, accustomed to the Indian ocean, he learned something about +Zanzibar and Madagascar and the semi-Christian kingdom of Abyssinia. To +the northward from Persia he described the country of the Golden Horde, +whose khans were then holding Russia in subjection; and he had gathered +some accurate information concerning Siberia as far as the country of +the Samoyeds, with their dog-sledges and polar bears.[332] + + [Footnote 332: Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. cxxxi.] + +[Sidenote: Prester John.] + +[Sidenote: The "Arimaspians."] + +Here was altogether too much geographical knowledge for European +ignorance in those days to digest. While Marco's book attracted much +attention, its influence upon the progress of geography was slighter +than it would have been if addressed to a more enlightened public. Many +of its sober statements of fact were received with incredulity. Many of +the places described were indistinguishable, in European imagination, +from the general multitude of fictitious countries mentioned in +fairy-tales or in romances of chivalry. Perhaps no part of Marco's story +was so likely to interest his readers as his references to Prester John. +In the course of the twelfth century the notion had somehow gained +possession of the European mind that somewhere out in the dim vastness +of the Orient there dwelt a mighty Christian potentate, known as John +the Presbyter or "Prester."[333] At different times he was identified +with various known Asiatic sovereigns. Marco Polo identified him with +one Togrul Wang, who was overcome and slain by the mighty Jenghis; but +he would not stay dead, any more than the grewsome warlock in Russian +nursery lore. The notion of Prester John and his wealthy kingdom could +no more be expelled from the European mind in the fourteenth and +fifteenth centuries than the kindred notion of El Dorado in the +sixteenth. The position of this kingdom was shifted about here and +there, as far as from Chinese Tartary to Abyssinia and back again, but +somewhere or other in people's vague mental picture of the East it was +sure to occur. Other remote regions in Asia were peopled with elves and +griffins and "one-eyed Arimaspians,"[334] and we may be sure that to +Marco's readers these beings were quite as real as the polished +citizens of Cambaluc (Peking) or the cannibals of the Andaman islands. +From such a chaos of ideas sound geographical knowledge must needs be a +slow evolution, and Marco Polo's acquisitions were altogether too far in +advance of his age to be readily assimilated. + + [Footnote 333: + "But for to speake of riches and of stones, + And men and horse, I trow the large wones + Of Prestir John, ne all his tresorie, + Might not unneth have boght the tenth partie." + Chaucer, _The Flower and the Leaf_, 200. + + The fabulous kingdom of Prester John is ably treated in Yule's + _Cathay_, vol. i. pp. 174-182; _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. + 204-216. Colonel Yule suspects that its prototype may have been + the semi-Christian kingdom of Abyssinia. This is very likely. + As for its range, shifted hither and thither as it was, all the + way from the upper Nile to the Thian-Shan mountains, we can + easily understand this if we remember how an ignorant mind + conceives all points distant from its own position as near to + one another; i. e. if you are about to start from New York for + Arizona, your housemaid will perhaps ask you to deliver a + message to her brother in Manitoba. Nowhere more than in the + history of geography do we need to keep before us, at every + step, the limitations of the untutored mind and its feebleness + in grasping the space-relations of remote regions.] + + [Footnote 334: These Arimaspians afford an interesting example + of the uncritical statements of travellers at an early time, as + well as of their tenacious vitality. The first mention of these + mythical people seems to have been made by Greek travellers in + Scythia as early as the seventh century before Christ; and they + furnished Aristeas of Proconnesus, somewhat later, with the + theme of his poem "Arimaspeia," which has perished, all except + six verses quoted by Longinus. See Mure's _Literature of + Antient Greece_, vol. iv. p. 68. Thence the notion of the + Arimaspians seems to have passed to Herodotus (iii. 116; iv. + 27) and to Æschylus:-- + + [Greek: oxystomous gar Zênos akrageis kynas + grypas phylaxai, ton te mounôpa straton + Arimaspon hippobamon', hoi chrysorrhyton + oikousin amphi nama Ploutônos porou; + toutois sy mê pelaze.] + _Prometheus_, 802. + + Thence it passed on to Pausanias, i. 24; Pomponius Mela, ii. 1; + Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, vii. 2; Lucan, _Pharsalia_, iii. 280; and + so on to Milton:-- + + "As when a gryphon through the wilderness, + With winged course o'er hill or moory dale, + Pursues the Arimaspian who by stealth + Had from his wakeful custody purloined + The guarded gold." + _Paradise Lost_, ii. 944.] + +[Illustration: Two sheets of the Catalan Map, 1375.] + +[Sidenote: Other visits to China.] + +[Sidenote: Overthrow of the Mongol dynasty, and shutting up of China.] + +Nevertheless, in the Catalan map, made in 1375, and now to be seen in +the National Library at Paris, there is a thorough-going and not +unsuccessful attempt to embody the results of Polo's travels. In the +interval of three quarters of a century since the publication of Marco's +narrative, several adventurous travellers had found their way to Cathay. +There was Friar Odoric, of Pordenone, who, during the years 1316-30 +visited Hindustan, Sumatra, Java, Cochin China, the Chinese Empire, and +Thibet.[335] It was from this worthy monk that the arrant old impostor, +"Sir John Mandeville," stole his descriptions of India and Cathay, +seasoning them with yarns from Pliny and Ktesias, and grotesque conceits +of his own.[336] Several other missionary friars visited China between +1302 and 1330, and about ten years after the latter date the Florentine +merchant, Francesco Pegolotti, wrote a very useful handbook for +commercial travellers on the overland route to that country.[337] +Between 1338 and 1353 Giovanni Marignolli spent some years at Peking, as +papal legate from Benedict XI. to the Great Khan, and also travelled in +Ceylon and Hindustan.[338] That seems to have been the last of these +journeys to the Far East. In 1368, the people of China rose against the +Mongol dynasty and overthrew it. The first emperor of the native Ming +dynasty was placed upon the throne, and the Chinese retorted upon their +late conquerors by overrunning vast Mongolia and making it Chinese +Tartary. The barriers thrown down by the liberal policy of the Mongol +sovereigns were now put up again, and no more foreigners were allowed to +set foot upon the sacred soil of the Flowery Kingdom. + + [Footnote 335: Odoric mentions Juggernaut processions and the + burning of widows; in Sumatra he observed cannibalism and + community of wives; he found the kingdom of Prester John in + Chinese Tartary; "but as regards him," says wise Odoric, "not + one hundredth part is true of what is told of him as if it were + undeniable." Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i. pp. 79, 85, 146.] + + [Footnote 336: Colonel Yule gives a list of fourteen important + passages taken bodily from Odoric by Mandeville. _Op. cit._ i. + 28. It is very doubtful if that famous book, "Sir John + Mandeville's Travels," was written by a Mandeville, or by a + knight, or even by an Englishman. It seems to have been + originally written in French by Jean de Bourgogne, a physician + who lived for some years at Liège, and died there somewhere + about 1370. He may possibly have been an Englishman named John + Burgoyne, who was obliged some years before that date to flee + his country for homicide or for some political offence. He had + travelled as far as Egypt and Palestine, but no farther. His + book is almost entirely cribbed from others, among which may be + mentioned the works of Jacques de Vitry, Plano Carpini, Hayton + the Armenian, Boldensele's Itinerary, Albert of Aix's chronicle + of the first crusade, Brunetto Latini's _Trésor_, Petrus + Comestor's _Historia scholastica_, the _Speculum_ of Vincent de + Beauvais, etc., etc. It is one of the most wholesale and + successful instances of plagiarism and imposture on record. See + _The Buke of John Mandevill, from the unique copy (Egerton MS. + 1982) in the British Museum. Edited by G. F. Warner._ + Westminster, 1889. (Roxburghe Club.)] + + [Footnote 337: One piece of Pegolotti's advice is still useful + for travellers in the nineteenth century who visit benighted + heathen countries afflicted with robber tariffs: "And don't + forget that if you treat the custom-house officers with + respect, and make them something of a present in goods or + money, they will behave with great civility and always be ready + to appraise your wares below their real value." _Op. cit._ ii. + 307.] + + [Footnote 338: The works of all the writers mentioned in this + paragraph, or copious extracts from them, may be found in + Yule's _Cathay_, which comprises also the book of the + celebrated Ibn Batuta, of Tangier, whose travels, between 1325 + and 1355, covered pretty much the whole of Asia except Siberia, + besides a journey across Sahara to the river Niger. His book + does not seem to have attracted attention in Europe until early + in the present century.] + +[Sidenote: First rumours of the Molucca islands and Japan.] + +Thus, for just a century,--from Carpini and Rubruquis to +Marignolli,--while China was open to strangers as never before or since, +a few Europeans had availed themselves of the opportunity in such wise +as to mark the beginning of a new era in the history of geographical +knowledge. Though the discoveries of Marco Polo were as yet but +imperfectly appreciated, one point, and that the most significant of +all, was thoroughly established. It was shown that the continent of Asia +did not extend indefinitely eastward, nor was it bounded and barricaded +on that side, as Ptolemy had imagined, by vast impenetrable swamps. On +the contrary, its eastern shores were perfectly accessible through an +open sea, and half a dozen Europeans in Chinese ships had now actually +made the voyage between the coast of China and the Persian gulf. +Moreover, some hearsay knowledge--enough to provoke curiosity and +greed--had been gained of the existence of numerous islands in that +far-off eastern ocean, rich in the spices which from time immemorial had +formed such an important element in Mediterranean commerce. News, also, +had been brought to Europe of the wonderful island kingdom of Japan +(Cipango or Zipangu) lying out in that ocean some hundreds of miles +beyond the coast of Cathay. These were rich countries, abounding in +objects of lucrative traffic. Under the liberal Mongol rule the Oriental +trade had increased enough for Europe to feel in many ways its +beneficial effects. Now this trade began to be suddenly and severely +checked, and while access to the interior of Asia was cut off, European +merchants might begin to reflect upon the value of what they were +losing, and to consider if there were any feasible method of recovering +it. + +[Sidenote: The accustomed routes of Oriental trade cut off by the +Ottoman Turks.] + +[Sidenote: Necessity for finding an "outside route to the Indies."] + +It was not merely the shutting up of China by the first Ming emperor, +in 1368, that checked the intercourse between Europe and Asia. A still +more baleful obstacle to all such intercourse had lately come upon the +scene. In Asia Minor the beastly Turk, whose career had been for two +centuries arrested by the Crusades, now reared his head again. The +Seljukian had been only scotched, not killed; and now he sprang to life +as the Ottoman, with sharper fangs than before. In 1365 the Turks +established themselves in the Balkan peninsula, with Adrianople as their +capital, and began tightening their coils about the doomed city of +Constantine. Each point that they gained meant the strangling of just so +much Oriental trade; for, as we have seen, the alliance of +Constantinople with Genoa since 1261 had secured to the latter city, and +to western Europe, the advantages of the overland routes from Asia, +whether through the Volga country or across Armenia. When at length, in +1453, the Turks took Constantinople, the splendid commercial career of +Genoa was cut with the shears of Atropos. At the same time, as their +power was rapidly extending over Syria and down toward Egypt, +threatening the overthrow of the liberal Mameluke dynasty there, the +commercial prosperity of Venice also was seriously imperilled. Moreover, +as Turkish corsairs began to swarm in the eastern waters of the +Mediterranean, the voyage became more and more unsafe for Christian +vessels. It was thus, while the volume of trade with Asia was, in the +natural course of things, swelling year by year, that its accustomed +routes were being ruthlessly cut off. It was fast becoming necessary to +consider whether there might not be other practicable routes to "the +Indies" than those which had from time immemorial been followed. Could +there be such a thing as an "outside route" to that land of promise? A +more startling question has seldom been propounded; for it involved a +radical departure from the grooves in which the human mind had been +running ever since the days of Solomon. Two generations of men lived and +died while this question was taking shape, and all that time Cathay and +India and the islands of Spices were objects of increasing desire, +clothed by eager fancy with all manner of charms and riches. The more +effectually the eastern Mediterranean was closed, the stronger grew the +impulse to venture upon unknown paths in order to realize the vague but +glorious hopes that began to cluster about these remote countries. Such +an era of romantic enterprise as was thus ushered in, the world has +never seen before or since. It was equally remarkable as an era of +discipline in scientific thinking. In the maritime ventures of +unparalleled boldness now to be described, the human mind was groping +toward the era of enormous extensions of knowledge in space and time +represented by the names of Newton and Darwin. It was learning the right +way of putting its trust in the Unseen. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES. + +_EASTWARD OR PORTUGUESE ROUTE._ + + +[Sidenote: Question as to whether Asia could be reached by sailing +around Africa.] + +As it dawned upon men's minds that to find some oceanic route from +Europe to the remote shores of Asia was eminently desirable, the first +attempt would naturally be to see what could be done by sailing down the +western coast of Africa, and ascertaining whether that continent could +be circumnavigated. It was also quite in the natural order of things +that this first attempt should be made by the Portuguese. + +In the general history of the Middle Ages the Spanish peninsula had been +to some extent cut off from the main currents of thought and feeling +which actuated the rest of Europe. Its people had never joined the other +Christian nations in the Crusades, for the good reason that they always +had quite enough to occupy them in their own domestic struggle with the +Moors. From the throes of this prolonged warfare Portugal emerged +somewhat sooner than the Spanish kingdoms, and thus had somewhat earlier +a surplus of energy released for work of another sort. It was not +strange that the Portuguese should be the first people since the old +Northmen to engage in distant maritime adventure upon a grand scale. +Nor was it strange that Portuguese seamanship should at first have +thriven upon naval warfare with Mussulmans. It was in attempting to +suppress the intolerable nuisance of Moorish piracy that Portuguese +ships became accustomed to sail a little way down the west coast of +Africa; and such voyages, begun for military purposes, were kept up in +the interests of commerce, and presently served as a mighty stimulus to +geographical curiosity. We have now to consider at some length how grave +was the problem that came up for immediate solution. + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Views of Eratosthenes, B. C. 276-196.] + +[Sidenote: Opposing theory of Ptolemy, cir. A. D. 150.] + +With regard to the circumnavigability of Africa two opposite opinions +were maintained by the ancient Greek and Latin writers whose authority +the men of the Middle Ages were wont to quote as decisive of every vexed +question. The old Homeric notion of an ocean encompassing the +terrestrial world, although mentioned with doubt by Herodotus,[339] +continued to survive after the globular form of the earth had come to be +generally maintained by ancient geographers. The greatest of these +geographers, Eratosthenes, correctly assumed that the Indian ocean was +continuous with the Atlantic,[340] and that Africa could be +circumnavigated, just as he incorrectly assumed that the Caspian sea +was a huge gulf communicating with a northern ocean, by which it would +be possible to sail around the continent of Asia as he imagined it.[341] +A similar opinion as to Africa was held by Posidonius and by +Strabo.[342] It was called in question, however, by Polybius,[343] and +was flatly denied by the great astronomer Hipparchus, who thought that +certain observations on the tides, reported by Seleucus of Babylon, +proved that there could be no connection between the Atlantic and Indian +oceans.[344] Claudius Ptolemy, writing in the second century after +Christ, followed the opinion of Hipparchus, and carried to an extreme +the reaction against Eratosthenes. By Ptolemy's time the Caspian had +been proved to be an inland sea, and it was evident that Asia extended +much farther to the north and east than had once been supposed. This +seems to have discredited in his mind the whole conception of outside +oceans, and he not only gave an indefinite northward and eastward +extension to Asia and an indefinite southern extension to Africa, but +brought these two continents together far to the southeast, thus making +the Indian ocean a land-locked sea.[345] + + [Footnote 339: [Greek: Ton de Ôkeanon logô men legousi ap' + hêliou anatoleôn arxamenon gên peri pasan rheein, ergô de ouk + apodeiknysi.] Herodotus, iv. 8.] + + [Footnote 340: [Greek: Kai gar kat' auton Eratosthenê tên ektos + thalattan hapasan syrroun einai, hôste kai tên Hesperion kai + tên Erythran thalattan mian einai.] Strabo, i. 3, § 13.] + + [Footnote 341: Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. i. + p. 644.] + + [Footnote 342: Strabo, ii. 3, § 4; xvii. 3, § 1.] + + [Footnote 343: [Greek: Kathaper de kai tês Asias kai tês + Libyes, katho synaptousin allêlais peri tên Aithiopian, oudeis + echei legein atrekôs heôs tôn kath' hêmas kairôn, poteron + êpeiros esti kata to syneches ta pros tên mesêmbrian, ê + thalattê periechetai.] Polybius, iii. 38.] + + [Footnote 344: Bunbury, _op. cit._ vol. ii. p. 15.] + + [Footnote 345: See the map of Ptolemy's world, above, p. 264.] + +[Sidenote: Story of the Phoenician voyage, in the time of Necho.] + +These views of Hipparchus and Ptolemy took no heed of the story told to +Herodotus of the circumnavigation of Africa by a Phoenician squadron at +some time during the reign of Necho in Egypt (610-595 B. C.).[346] The +Phoenician ships were said to have sailed from the Red Sea and to have +returned through the Mediterranean in the third year after starting. In +each of the two autumn seasons they stopped and sowed grain and waited +for it to ripen, which in southern Africa would require ten or twelve +weeks.[347] On their return to Egypt they declared ("I for my part do +not believe them," says Herodotus, "but perhaps others may") that in +thus sailing from east to west around Africa they had the sun upon their +right hand. About this alleged voyage there has been a good deal of +controversy.[348] No other expedition in any wise comparable to it for +length and difficulty can be cited from ancient history, and a critical +scholar is inclined to look with suspicion upon all such accounts of +unique and isolated events. As we have not the details of the story, it +is impossible to give it a satisfactory critical examination. The +circumstance most likely to convince us of its truth is precisely that +which dear old Herodotus deemed incredible. The position of the sun, to +the north of the mariners, is something that could hardly have been +imagined by people familiar only with the northern hemisphere. It is +therefore almost certain that Necho's expedition sailed beyond the +equator.[349] But that is as far as inference can properly carry us; for +our experience of the uncritical temper of ancient narrators is enough +to suggest that such an achievement might easily be magnified by rumour +into the story told, more than a century after the event, to Herodotus. +The data are too slight to justify us in any dogmatic opinion. One +thing, however, is clear. Even if the circumnavigation was +effected,--which, on the whole, seems improbable,--it remained quite +barren of results. It produced no abiding impression upon men's +minds[350] and added nothing to geographical knowledge. The veil of +mystery was not lifted from southern Africa. The story was doubted by +Strabo and Posidonius, and passed unheeded, as we have seen, by +Hipparchus and Ptolemy. + + [Footnote 346: Ptolemy expressly declares that the equatorial + regions had never been visited by people from the northern + hemisphere: [Greek: Tines de eisin hai oikêseis ouk an echoimen + pepeismenôs eipein. Atriptoi gar eisi mechri tou deuro tois apo + tês kath' hêmas oikoumenês, kai eikasian mallon an tis ê + historian hêgêsaito ta legomena peri autôn.] _Syntaxis_, ii. + 6.] + + [Footnote 347: Rawlinson's _Herodotus_, vol. iii. p. 29, note + 8.] + + [Footnote 348: The story is discredited by Mannert, _Geographie + der Griechen und Römer_, bd. i. pp. 19-26; Gossellin, + _Recherches sur la géographie des Anciens_, tom. i. p. 149; + Lewis, _Astronomy of the Ancients_, pp. 508-515; Vincent, + _Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients in the Indian Ocean_, + vol. i. pp. 303-311, vol. ii. pp. 13-15; Leake, _Disputed + Questions of Ancient Geography_, pp. 1-8. It is defended by + Heeren, _Ideen über die Politik, den Verkehr_, etc., 3e aufl., + Göttingen, 1815, bd. i. abth. ii. pp. 87-93; Rennell, + _Geography of Herodotus_, pp. 672-714; Grote, _History of + Greece_, vol. iii. pp. 377-385. The case is ably presented in + Bunbury's _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. i. pp. 289-296, + where it is concluded that the story "cannot be disproved or + pronounced to be absolutely impossible; but the difficulties + and improbabilities attending it are so great that they cannot + reasonably be set aside without better evidence than the mere + statement of Herodotus, upon the authority of unknown + informants." Mr. Bunbury (vol. i. p. 317) says that he has + reasons for believing that Mr. Grote afterwards changed his + opinion and came to agree with Sir George Lewis.] + + [Footnote 349: In reading the learned works of Sir George + Cornewall Lewis, one is often reminded of what Sainte-Beuve + somewhere says of the great scholar Letronne, when he had spent + the hour of his lecture in demolishing some pretty or popular + belief: "Il se frotta les mains et s'en alla bien content." + When it came to ancient history, Sir George was undeniably fond + of "the everlasting No." In the present case his skepticism + seems on the whole well-judged, but some of his arguments + savour of undue haste toward a negative conclusion. He thus + strangely forgets that what we call autumn is springtime in the + southern hemisphere (_Astronomy of the Ancients_, p. 511). His + argument that the time alleged was insufficient for the voyage + is fully met by Major Rennell, who has shown that the time was + amply sufficient, and that the direction of winds and ocean + currents would make the voyage around southern Africa from east + to west much easier than from west to east.] + + [Footnote 350: "No trace of it could be found in the + Alexandrian library, either by Eratosthenes in the third, or by + Marinus of Tyre in the second, century before Christ, although + both of them were diligent examiners of ancient records." + Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 90.] + +[Sidenote: Voyage of Hanno.] + +Of Phoenician and other voyages along the Atlantic coast of Africa we +have much more detailed and trustworthy information. As early as the +twelfth century before Christ traders from Tyre had founded Cadiz +(Gades),[351] and at a later date the same hardy people seem to have +made the beginnings of Lisbon (Olisipo). From such advanced stations +Tyrian and Carthaginian ships sometimes found their way northward as far +as Cornwall, and in the opposite direction fishing voyages were made +along the African coast. The most remarkable undertaking in this quarter +was the famous voyage of the Carthaginian commander Hanno, whose own +brief but interesting account of it has been preserved.[352] This +expedition consisted of sixty penteconters (fifty-oared ships), and its +chief purpose was colonization. Upon the Mauritanian coast seven small +trading stations were founded, one of which--Kerne, at the mouth of the +Rio d' Ouro[353]--existed for a long time. From this point Hanno made +two voyages of exploration, the second of which carried him as far as +Sierra Leone and the neighbouring Sherboro island, where he found "wild +men and women covered with hair," called by the interpreters +"gorillas."[354] At that point the ships turned back, apparently for +want of provisions. + + [Footnote 351: Rawlinson's _History of Phoenicia_, pp. 105, + 418; Pseudo-Aristotle, _Mirab. Auscult._, 146; Velleius + Paterculus, i. 2, § 6.] + + [Footnote 352: Hanno, _Periplus_, in Müller, _Geographi Græci + Minores_, tom. i. pp. 1-14. Of two or three commanders named + Hanno it is uncertain which was the one who led this + expedition, and thus its date has been variously assigned from + 570 to 470 B. C.] + + [Footnote 353: For the determination of these localities see + Bunbury, _op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 318-335. There is an + interesting Spanish description of Hanno's expedition in + Mariana, _Historia de España_, Madrid, 1783, tom. i. pp. + 89-93.] + + [Footnote 354: The sailors pursued them, but did not capture + any of the males, who scrambled up the cliffs out of their + reach. They captured three females, who bit and scratched so + fiercely that it was useless to try to take them away. So they + killed them and took their skins home to Carthage. _Periplus_, + xviii. According to Pliny (_Hist. Nat._, vi. 36) these skins + were hung up as a votive offering in the temple of Juno (i. e. + Astarte or Ashtoreth: see Apuleius, _Metamorph._, xi. 257; + Gesenius, _Monumenta Phoenic._, p. 168), where they might have + been seen at any time before the Romans destroyed the city.] + +[Sidenote: Voyages of Sataspes and Eudoxus.] + +No other expedition in ancient times is known to have proceeded so far +south as Sierra Leone. Two other voyages upon this Atlantic coast are +mentioned, but without definite details. The one was that of Sataspes +(about 470 B. C.), narrated by Herodotus, who merely tells us that a +coast was reached where undersized men, clad in palm-leaf garments, fled +to the hills at sight of the strange visitors.[355] The other was that +of Eudoxus (about 85 B. C.), related by Posidonius, the friend and +teacher of Cicero. The story is that this Eudoxus, in a voyage upon the +east coast of Africa, having a philological turn of mind, wrote down the +words of some of the natives whom he met here and there along the shore. +He also picked up a ship's prow in the form of a horse's head, and upon +his return to Alexandria some merchants professed to recognize it as +belonging to a ship of Cadiz. Eudoxus thereupon concluded that Africa +was circumnavigable, and presently sailed through the Mediterranean and +out upon the Atlantic. Somewhere upon the coast of Mauritania he found +natives who used some words of similar sound to those which he had +written down when visiting the eastern coast, whence he concluded that +they were people of the same race. At this point he turned back, and the +sequel of the story was unknown to Posidonius.[356] + + [Footnote 355: Herodotus, iv. 43.] + + [Footnote 356: The story is preserved by Strabo, ii. 3, §§ 4, + 5, who rejects it with a vehemence for which no adequate reason + is assigned.] + +[Sidenote: Wild exaggerations.] + +It is worthy of note that both Pliny and Pomponius Mela, quoting +Cornelius Nepos as their authority, speak of Eudoxus as having +circumnavigated Africa from the Red Sea to Cadiz; and Pliny, moreover, +tells us that Hanno sailed around that continent as far as +Arabia,[357]--a statement which is clearly false. These examples show +how stories grow when carelessly and uncritically repeated, and they +strongly tend to confirm the doubt with which one is inclined to regard +the tale of Necho's sailors above mentioned. In truth, the island of +Gorillas, discovered by Hanno, was doubtless the most southerly point on +that coast reached by navigators in ancient times. Of the islands in the +western ocean the Carthaginians certainly knew the Canaries (where they +have left undoubted inscriptions), probably also the Madeiras, and +possibly the Cape Verde group.[358] + + [Footnote 357: Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, ii. 67; Mela, _De Situ + Orbis_, iii. 9.] + + [Footnote 358: After the civil war of Sertorius (B. C. 80-72), + the Romans became acquainted with the Canaries, which, because + of their luxuriant vegetation and soft climate, were identified + with the Elysium described by Homer, and were commonly known as + the Fortunate islands. "Contra Fortunatæ Insulæ abundant sua + sponte genitis, et subinde aliis super aliis innascentibus + nihil sollicitos alunt, beatius quam aliæ urbes excultæ." Mela, + iii. 10. + + [Greek: Alla s' es Êlysion pedion kai peirata gaiês + athanatoi pempsousin, hothi xanthos Rhadamanthys, + têper rhêïstê biotê pelei anthrôpoisin; + ou niphetos, out' ar cheimôn polys oute pot' ombros, + all' aiei Zephyroio ligy pneiontas aêtas + Ôkeanos aniêsin anapsychein anthrôpous.] + _Odyssey_, iv. 563. + + Since Horace's time (_Epod._ vi. 41-66) the Canary islands have + been a favourite theme for poets. It was here that Tasso placed + the loves of Rinaldo and Armida, in the delicious garden where + + Vezzosi augelli infra le verde fronde + Temprano a prova lascivette note. + Mormora l' aura, e fa le foglie e l' onde + Garrir, che variamente ella percote. + _Gerusalemme Liberata_, xvi. 12.] + +[Illustration: Pomponius Mela's World, cir. A. D. 50.] + +[Sidenote: Views of Pomponius Mela, cir. A. D. 50.] + +The extent of the knowledge which the ancients thus had of western +Africa is well illustrated in the map representing the geographical +theories of Pomponius Mela, whose book was written about A. D. 50. Of +the eastern coast and the interior Mela knew less than Ptolemy a +century later, but of the Atlantic coast he knew more than Ptolemy. The +fact that the former geographer was a native of Spain and the latter a +native of Egypt no doubt had something to do with this. Mela had +profited by the Carthaginian discoveries. His general conception of the +earth was substantially that of Eratosthenes. It was what has been +styled the "oceanic" theory, in contrast with the "continental" theory +of Ptolemy. In the unvisited regions on all sides of the known world +Eratosthenes imagined vast oceans, Ptolemy imagined vast deserts or +impenetrable swamps. The former doctrine was of course much more +favourable to maritime enterprise than the latter. The works of Ptolemy +exercised over the mediæval mind an almost despotic sway, which, in +spite of their many merits, was in some respects a hindrance to +progress; so that, inasmuch as the splendid work of Strabo, the most +eminent follower of Eratosthenes, was unknown to mediæval Europe until +about 1450, it was fortunate that the Latin treatise of Mela was +generally read and highly esteemed. People in those days were such +uncritical readers that very likely the antagonism between Ptolemy and +Mela may have failed to excite comment,[359] especially in view of the +lack of suitable maps such as emphasize that antagonism to our modern +minds. But in the fifteenth century, when men were getting their first +inklings of critical scholarship, and when the practical question of an +ocean voyage to Asia was pressing for solution, such a point could no +longer fail to attract attention; and it happened fortunately that the +wet theory, no less than the dry theory, had a popular advocate among +those classical authors to whose authority so much deference was paid. + + [Footnote 359: Just as our grandfathers used to read the Bible + without noticing such points as the divergences between the + books of Kings and Chronicles, the contradictions between the + genealogies of Jesus in Matthew and Luke, the radically + different theories of Christ's personality and career in the + Fourth Gospel as compared with the three Synoptics, etc.] + +[Sidenote: Ancient theory of the five zones.] + +[Sidenote: The Inhabited World and the Antipodes.] + +If the Portuguese mariners of the generation before Columbus had +acquiesced in Ptolemy's views as final, they surely would not have +devoted their energies to the task of circumnavigating Africa. But there +were yet other theoretical or fanciful obstacles in the way. When you +look at a modern map of the world, the "five zones" may seem like a mere +graphic device for marking conveniently the relations of different +regions to the solar source of heat; but before the great Portuguese +voyages and the epoch-making third voyage of Vespucius, to be described +hereafter, a discouraging doctrine was entertained with regard to these +zones. Ancient travellers in Scythia and voyagers to "Thule"--which in +Ptolemy's scheme perhaps meant the Shetland isles[360]--had learned +something of Arctic phenomena. The long winter nights,[361] the snow and +ice, and the bitter winds, made a deep impression upon visitors from the +Mediterranean;[362] and when such facts were contrasted with the +scorching blasts that came from Sahara, the resulting theory was +undeniably plausible. In the extreme north the ocean must be frozen and +the country uninhabitable by reason of the cold; contrariwise, in the +far south the ocean must be boiling hot and the country inhabitable only +by gnomes and salamanders. Applying these ideas to the conception of the +earth as a sphere, Pomponius Mela tells us that the surface of the +sphere is divided into five zones, of which only two are fit to support +human life. About each pole stretches a dead and frozen zone; the +southern and northern hemispheres have each a temperate zone, with the +same changes of seasons, but not occurring at the same (but opposite) +times; the north temperate zone is the seat of the Oecumene ([Greek: +oikoumenê]), or Inhabited World; the south temperate zone is also +inhabited by the Antichthones or Antipodes, but about these people we +know nothing, because between us and them there intervenes the burning +zone, which it is impossible to cross.[363] + + [Footnote 360: Bunbury, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 492, 527. The + name is used in different geographical senses by various + ancient writers, as is well shown in Lewis's _Astronomy of the + Ancients_, pp. 467-481.] + + [Footnote 361: The Romans, at least by the first century A. D., + knew also of the shortness of northern nights in summer. + + Arma quidem ultra + Littora Invernæ promovimus, et modo captas + Orcadas, ac minima contentos nocte Britannos. + Juvenal, ii. 159. + + See also Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, iv. 30; Martianus Capella, vi. + 595; Achilles Tatius, XXXV.] + + [Footnote 362: The reader will remember Virgil's magnificent + description of a Scythian winter (_Georg._, iii. 352):-- + + Illic clausa tenent stabulis armenta; neque ullæ + Aut herbæ campo apparent, aut arbore frondes: + Sed jacet aggeribus niveis informis, et alto + Terra gelu late, septemque assurgit in ulnas; + Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri. + Tum Sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras; + Nec cum invectus equis altum petit æthera, nec cum + Præcipitem Oceani rubro lavit æquore currum. + Concrescunt subitæ currenti in flumine crustæ; + Undaque jam tergo ferratos sustinet orbes, + Puppibus illa prius patulis, nunc hospita plaustris, + Æraque dissiliunt vulgo, vestesque rigescunt + Indutæ, cæduntque securibus humida vina + Et totæ solidam in glaciem vertêre lacunæ, + Stiriaque impexis induruit horrida barbis. + Interea toto non secius aëre ningit; + Intereunt pecudes; stant circumfusa pruinis + Corpora magna boum; confertoque agmine cervi + Torpent mole nova, et summis vix cornibus exstant. + ................................................. + Ipsi in defossis specubus, secura sub alta + Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora, totasque + Advolvere focis ulmos, ignique dedere. + Hic noctem ludo ducunt, et pocula læti + Fermento atque acidis imitantur vitea sorbis. + Talis Hyperboreo Septem subjecta trioni + Gens effræna virûm Rhipæo tunditur Euro, + Et pecudum fulvis velantur corpora sætis. + + The Roman conception of the situation of these "Hyperboreans" + and of the Rhipæan mountains may be seen in the map of Mela's + world.] + + [Footnote 363: "Huic medio terra sublimis cingitur undique + mari: eodemque in duo latera, quæ hemisphæria nominantur, ab + oriente divisa ad occasum, zonis quinque distinguitur. Mediam + æstus infestat, frigus ultimas: reliquæ habitabiles paria agunt + anni tempora, verum non pariter. Antichthones alteram, nos + alteram incolimus. Illius situ ab ardorem intercedentis plagæ + incognito, hujus dicendus est," etc. _De Situ Orbis_, i. 1. A + similar theory is set forth by Ovid (_Metamorph._, i. 45), and + by Virgil (_Georg._, i. 233):-- + + Quinque tenent coelum zonæ; quarum una corusco + Semper Sole rubens, et torrida semper ab igni; + Quam circum extremæ dextra lævaque trahuntur, + Cærulea glacie concretæ atque imbribus atris. + Has inter mediamque, duæ mortalibus ægris + Munere concessæ Divûm; et via secta per ambas, + Obliquus qua se signorum verteret ordo.] + +[Sidenote: Curious notions about Ceylon.] + +This notion of an antipodal world in the southern hemisphere will have +especial interest for us when we come to deal with the voyages of +Vespucius. The idea seems to have originated in a guess of Hipparchus +that Taprobane--the island of Ceylon, about which the most absurd +reports were brought to Europe--might be the beginning of another world. +This is very probable, says Mela, with delightful _naïveté_, because +Taprobane is inhabited, and still we do not know of anybody who has ever +made the tour of it.[364] Mela's contemporary, the elder Pliny, +declares that Taprobane "has long been regarded" as part of another +world, the name of which is Antichthon, or Opposite-Earth;[365] at the +same time Pliny vouchsafes three closely-printed pages of information +about this mysterious country. Throughout the Middle Ages the conception +of some sort of an antipodal inhabited world was vaguely entertained by +writers here and there, but many of the clergy condemned it as implying +the existence of people cut off from the knowledge of the gospel and not +included in the plan of salvation. + + [Footnote 364: "Taprobane aut grandis admodum insula aut prima + pars orbis alterius Hipparcho dicitur; sed quia habitata, nec + quisquam circummeasse traditur, prope verum est." _De Situ + Orbis_, iii. 7.] + + [Footnote 365: "Taprobanen alterum orbem terrarum esse, diu + existimatum est, Antichthonum appellatione." _Hist. Nat._, vi. + 24.] + +[Sidenote: The fiery zone.] + +As to the possibility of crossing the torrid zone, opinion was not +unanimous. Greek explorers from Alexandria (cir. B. C. 100) seem to have +gone far up the Nile toward the equator, and the astronomer Geminus +quotes their testimony in proof of his opinion that the torrid zone is +inhabitable.[366] Panætius, the friend of the younger Scipio Africanus, +had already expressed a similar opinion. But the flaming theory +prevailed. Macrobius, writing about six hundred years later, maintained +that the southernmost limit of the habitable earth was 850 miles south +of Syene, which lies just under the tropic of Cancer.[367] Beyond this +point no man could go without danger from the fiery atmosphere. Beyond +some such latitude on the ocean no ship could venture without risk of +being engulfed in some steaming whirlpool.[368] Such was the common +belief before the great voyages of the Portuguese. + + [Footnote 366: Geminus, _Isagoge_, cap. 13.] + + [Footnote 367: Macrobius, _Somnium Scipionis_, ii. 8. Strabo + (ii. 5, §§ 7, 8) sets the southern boundary of the Inhabited + World 800 miles south of Syene, and the northern boundary at + the north of Ireland.] + + [Footnote 368: Another notion, less easily explicable and less + commonly entertained, but interesting for its literary + associations, was the notion of a mountain of loadstone in the + Indian ocean, which prevented access to the torrid zone by + drawing the nails from ships and thus wrecking them. This + imaginary mountain, with some variations in the description, is + made to carry a serious geographical argument by the astrologer + Pietro d' Abano, in his book _Conciliator Differentiarum_, + written about 1312. (See Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, + p. 100.) It plays an important part in one of the finest tales + in the _Arabian Nights_,--the story of the "Third Royal + Mendicant."] + +[Sidenote: Going downhill.] + +Besides this dread of the burning zone, another fanciful obstacle beset +the mariner who proposed to undertake a long voyage upon the outer +ocean. It had been observed that a ship which disappears in the offing +seems to be going downhill; and many people feared that if they should +happen thus to descend too far away from the land they could never get +back again. Men accustomed to inland sea travel did not feel this dread +within the regions of which they had experience, but it assailed them +whenever they thought of braving the mighty waters outside.[369] Thus +the master mariner, in the Middle Ages, might contemplate the possible +chance of being drawn by force of gravity into the fiery gulf, should he +rashly approach too near; and in such misgivings he would be confirmed +by Virgil, who was as much read then as he is to-day and esteemed an +authority, withal, on scientific questions; for according to Virgil the +Inhabited World descends toward the equator and has its apex in the +extreme north.[370] + + [Footnote 369: Ferdinand Columbus tells us that this objection + was urged against the Portuguese captains and afterwards + against his father: "E altri di ciò quasi così disputavano, + come già i Portoghesi intorno al navigare in Guinea; dicendo + che, se si allargasse alcuno a far cammino diritto al + occidente, come l' Ammiraglio diceva, non potrebbe poi tornare + in Ispagna per la rotondità della sfera; tenendo per + certissime, che qualunque uscisse del emisperio conosciuto da + Tolomeo, anderebbe in giù, e poi gli sarebbe impossibile dar la + volta; e affermando che ciò sarebbe quasi uno ascendere all' + insù di un monte. Il che non potrebbono fare i navigli con + grandissimo vento." _Vita deli' Ammiraglio_, Venice, 1571, cap. + xii. The same thing is told, in almost the same words, by Las + Casas, since both writers followed the same original documents: + "Añidian mas, que quien navegase por vía derecha la vuelta del + poniente, como el Cristóbal Colon proferia, no podria despues + volver, suponiendo que el mundo era redondo y yendo hácia el + occidente iban cuesta abajo, y saliendo del hemisferio que + Ptolomeo escribiò, á la vuelta érales necesario subir cuesta + arriba, lo que los navíos era imposible hacer." The gentle but + keen sarcasm that follows is very characteristic of Las Casas: + "Esta era gentil y profunda razon, y señal de haber bien el + negocio entendido!" _Historia de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 230.] + + [Footnote 370: + Mundus, ut ad Scythiam Rhipæasque arduus arces + Consurgit, premitur Libyæ devexus in austros. + Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis; at illum + Sub pedibus Styx atra videt Manesque profundi. + _Georg._, i. 240. + + For an account of the deference paid to Virgil in the Middle + Ages, as well as the grotesque fancies about him, see Tunison's + _Master Virgil_, 2d ed., Cincinnati, 1890.] + +[Sidenote: Superstitious fancies.] + +To such notions as these, which were supposed to have some sort of +scientific basis, we must add the wild superstitious fancies that +clustered about all remote and unvisited corners of the world. In maps +made in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in such places as we +should label "Unexplored Region," there were commonly depicted uncouth +shapes of "Gorgons and Hydras and Chimæras dire," furnishing eloquent +testimony to the feelings with which the unknown was regarded. The +barren wastes of the Sea of Darkness awakened a shuddering dread like +that with which children shrink from the gloom of a cellar. When we +remember all these things, and consider how the intelligent purpose +which urged the commanders onward was scarcely within the comprehension +of their ignorant and refractory crews, we can begin to form some idea +of the difficulties that confronted the brave mariners who first sought +an ocean route to the far-off shores of Cathay. + +[Sidenote: Clumsiness of the caravels.] + +[Sidenote: Famine and scurvy.] + +Less formidable than these obstacles based on fallacious reasoning or +superstitious whim were those that were furnished by the clumsiness of +the ships and the crudeness of the appliances for navigation. As already +observed, the Spanish and Portuguese caravels of the fifteenth century +were less swift and manageable craft than the Norwegian "dragons" of the +tenth. Mere yachts in size we should call them, but far from yachtlike +in shape or nimbleness. With their length seldom more than thrice their +width of beam, with narrow tower-like poops, with broad-shouldered bows +and bowsprit weighed down with spritsail yards, and with no canvas +higher than a topsail, these clumsy caravels could make but little +progress against head-winds, and the amount of tacking and beating to +and fro was sometimes enough to quadruple the length of the voyage. For +want of metallic sheathing below the waterline the ship was liable to be +sunk by the terrible worm which, in Hakluyt's phrase, "many times +pearceth and eateth through the strongest oake." For want of vegetable +food in the larder, or anything save the driest of bread and beef +stiffened with brine, the sailors were sure to be attacked by scurvy, +and in a very long voyage the crew was deemed fortunate that did not +lose half its number from that foul disease. Often in traversing unknown +seas the sturdy men who survived all other perils were brought face to +face with starvation when they had ventured too far without turning +back.[371] We need not wonder that the first steps in oceanic discovery +were slow and painful. + + [Footnote 371: Or simply because a wrong course happened to be + taken, through ignorance of atmospheric conditions, as in the + second homeward and third outward voyages of Columbus. See + below, pp. 485, 490.] + +[Sidenote: The mariner's compass.] + +First among the instruments without which systematic ocean navigation +would have been impossible, the magnetic compass had been introduced +into southern Europe and was used by Biscayan and Catalan sailors before +the end of the twelfth century.[372] Parties of Crusaders had learned +the virtues of the suspended needle from the Arabs, who are said to have +got their knowledge indirectly from China in the course of their eastern +voyages.[373] It seems to have been at Amalfi that the needle was first +enclosed in a box and connected with a graduated compass-card. +Apparently it had not come into general use in the middle of the +thirteenth century, for in 1258 the famous Brunetto Latini, afterwards +tutor of Dante, made a visit to Roger Bacon, of which he gives a +description in a letter to his friend the poet Guido Cavalcanti: "The +Parliament being summoned to assemble at Oxford, I did not fail to see +Friar Bacon as soon as I arrived, and (among other things) he showed me +a black ugly stone called a magnet, which has the surprising property of +drawing iron to it; and upon which, if a needle be rubbed, and +afterwards fastened to a straw so that it shall swim upon water, the +needle will instantly turn toward the Pole-star: therefore, be the night +ever so dark, so that neither moon nor star be visible, yet shall the +mariner be able, by the help of this needle, to steer his vessel aright. +This discovery, which appears useful in so great a degree to all who +travel by sea, must remain concealed until other times; because no +master mariner dares to use it lest he should fall under the imputation +of being a magician; nor would the sailors venture themselves out to sea +under his command, if he took with him an instrument which carries so +great an appearance of being constructed under the influence of some +infernal spirit.[374] A time may arrive when these prejudices, which +are of such great hindrance to researches into the secrets of nature, +will be overcome; and it will be then that mankind shall reap the +benefit of the labours of such learned men as Friar Bacon, and do +justice to that industry and intelligence for which he and they now meet +with no other return than obloquy and reproach."[375] + + [Footnote 372: Navarrete, _Discurso historico sobre los + progresos del arte de navegar en España_, p. 28; see also + Raymond Lully's treatise, _Libro felix, ó Maravillas del mundo_ + (A. D. 1286).] + + [Footnote 373: See Humboldt's _Kosmos_, bd. i. p. 294; + Klaproth, _Lettre à M. de Humboldt sur l'invention de la + boussole_, pp. 41, 45, 50, 66, 79, 90. But some of Klaproth's + conclusions have been doubted: "Pour la boussole, rien ne + prouve que les Chinois l'aient employée pour la navigation, + tandis que nous la trouvons dès le xi^{e} siècle chez les + Arabes qui s'en servent non seulement dans leurs traversées + maritimes, mais dans les voyages de caravanes au milieu des + déserts," etc. Sédillot, _Histoire des Arabes_, tom. ii. p. + 130.] + + [Footnote 374: Is it not a curious instance of human perversity + that while customary usage from time immemorial has + characterized as "acts of God" such horrible events as famines, + pestilences, and earthquakes, on the other hand when some + purely beneficent invention has appeared, such as the mariner's + compass or the printing press, it has commonly been accredited + to the Devil? The case of Dr. Faustus is the most familiar + example.] + + [Footnote 375: This version is cited from Major's _Prince Henry + the Navigator_, p. 58.] + +[Sidenote: Latitude and longitude.] + +That time was after all not so long in arriving, for by the end of the +thirteenth century the compass had come to be quite generally used,[376] +and the direction of a ship's course could be watched continuously in +foul and fair weather alike. For taking the sun's altitude rude +astrolabes and jack-staffs were in use, very crazy affairs as compared +with the modern quadrant, but sufficiently accurate to enable a +well-trained observer, in calculating his latitude, to get somewhere +within two or three degrees of the truth. In calculating longitude the +error was apt to be much greater, for in the absence of chronometers +there were no accurate means for marking differences in time. It was +necessary to depend upon the dead-reckoning, and the custom was first to +sail due north or south to the parallel of the place of destination and +then to turn at right angles and sail due east or west. Errors of eight +or even ten degrees were not uncommon. Thus at the end of a long outward +voyage the ship might find itself a hundred miles or more to the north +or south, and six or seven hundred miles to the east or west, of the +point at which it had been aimed. Under all these difficulties, the +approximations made to correct sailing by the most skilful mariners were +sometimes wonderful. Doubtless this very poverty of resources served to +sharpen their watchful sagacity.[377] To sail the seas was in those days +a task requiring high mental equipment; it was no work for your +commonplace skipper. Human faculty was taxed to its utmost, and human +courage has never been more grandly displayed than by the glorious +sailors of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. + + [Footnote 376: Hüllmann, _Städtewesen des Mittelalters_, bd. i. + pp. 125-137.] + + [Footnote 377: Compare the remarks of Mr. Clark Russell on the + mariners of the seventeenth century, in his _William Dampier_, + p. 12.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Prince Henry the Navigator, 1394-1463.] + +[Sidenote: His idea of an ocean route to the Indies, and what it might +bring.] + +We are now prepared to appreciate the character of the work that was +done in the course of the first attempts to find an oceanic route from +Europe to Asia. Then, as in other great epochs of history, men of genius +arose to meet the occasion. In 1394 was born Prince Henry of Portugal, +since known as Henry the Navigator.[378] He was fourth son of King John +I., the valiant and prudent king under whom began the golden age of +Portugal, which lasted until the conquest of that country in 1580 by +Philip II. of Spain. Henry's mother was Philippa, daughter of John of +Gaunt. He was therefore cousin to our own Henry V. of England, whom he +quite equalled in genius, while the laurels that he won were more +glorious than those of Agincourt. In 1415, being then in his +twenty-first year, Prince Henry played a distinguished part in the +expedition which captured Ceuta from the Moors. While in Morocco he +gathered such information as he could concerning the interior of the +continent; he learned something about the oases of Sahara, the distant +river Gambia, and the caravan trade between Tunis and Timbuctoo, whereby +gold was carried from the Guinea coast to Mussulman ports on the +Mediterranean. If this coast could be reached by sea, its gold might be +brought to Lisbon as well. To divert such treasure from the infidel and +secure it for a Christian nation was an enterprise fitted to kindle a +prince's enthusiasm. While Henry felt the full force of these +considerations, his thoughts took a wider range. The views of Pomponius +Mela had always been held in high esteem by scholars of the Spanish +peninsula,[379] and down past that Gold Coast Prince Henry saw the +ocean route to the Indies, the road whereby a vast empire might be won +for Portugal and millions of wandering heathen souls might be gathered +into the fold of Christ. To doubt the sincerity of the latter motive, or +to belittle its influence, would be to do injustice to Prince +Henry,--such cynical injustice as our hard-headed age is only too apt to +mete out to that romantic time and the fresh enthusiasm which inspired +its heroic performances. Prince Henry was earnest, conscientious, +large-minded, and in the best sense devout; and there can be no question +that in his mind, as in that of Columbus, and (with somewhat more alloy) +in the minds of Cortes and others, the desire of converting the heathen +and strengthening the Church served as a most powerful incentive to the +actions which in the course of little more than a century quite changed +the face of the world. + + [Footnote 378: My chief authorities for the achievements of + Prince Henry and his successors are the Portuguese historians, + Barros and Azurara. The best edition of the former is a modern + one, Barros y Couto, _Decadas da Asia, nova edicão con Indice + geral_, Lisbon, 1778-88, 24 vols. 12mo. I also refer sometimes + to the Lisbon, 1752, edition of the _Decada primeira_, in + folio. The priceless contemporary work of Azurara, written in + 1453 under Prince Henry's direction, was not printed until the + present century; Azurara, _Chronica do Descobrimento e + Conquista de Guiné_, Paris, 1841, a superb edition in royal + quarto, edited by the Viscount da Carreira, with introduction + and notes by the Viscount de Santarem.] + + [Footnote 379: Partly, perhaps, because Mela was himself a + Spaniard, and partly because his opinions had been shared and + supported by St. Isidore, of Seville (A. D. 570-636), whose + learned works exercised immense authority throughout the Middle + Ages. It is in one of St. Isidore's books (_Etymologiarum_, + xiii. 16, apud Migne, _Patrologia_, tom. lxxxii. col. 484) that + we first find the word "Mediterranean" used as a proper name + for that great land-locked sea.] + +[Sidenote: The Sacred Promontory.] + +Filled with such lofty and generous thoughts, Prince Henry, on his +return from Morocco, in 1418, chose for himself a secluded place of +abode where he could devote himself to his purposes undisturbed by the +court life at Lisbon or by political solicitations of whatever sort. In +the Morocco campaign he had won such military renown that he was now +invited by Pope Martin V. to take chief command of the papal army; and +presently he received similar flattering offers from his own cousin, +Henry V. of England, from John II. of Castile, and from the Emperor +Sigismund, who, for shamefully violating his imperial word and +permitting the burning of John Huss, was now sorely pressed by the +enraged and rebellious Bohemians. Such invitations had no charm for +Henry. Refusing them one and all, he retired to the promontory of +Sagres, in the southernmost province of Portugal, the ancient kingdom of +Algarve, of which his father now appointed him governor. That lonely and +barren rock, protruding into the ocean, had long ago impressed the +imagination of Greek and Roman writers; they called it the Sacred +Promontory, and supposed it to be the westernmost limit of the habitable +earth.[380] There the young prince proceeded to build an astronomical +observatory, the first that his country had ever seen, and to gather +about him a school of men competent to teach and men eager to learn the +mysteries of map-making and the art of navigation. There he spent the +greater part of his life; thence he sent forth his captains to plough +the southern seas; and as year after year the weather-beaten ships +returned from their venturesome pilgrimage, the first glimpse of home +that greeted them was likely to be the beacon-light in the tower where +the master sat poring over problems of Archimedes or watching the stars. +For Henry, whose motto was "Talent de bien faire," or (in the old French +usage) "Desire[381] to do well," was wont to throw himself +whole-hearted into whatever he undertook, and the study of astronomy and +mathematics he pursued so zealously as to reach a foremost place among +the experts of his time. With such tastes and such ambition, he was +singularly fortunate in wielding ample pecuniary resources; if such a +combination could be more often realized, the welfare of mankind would +be notably enhanced. Prince Henry was Grand Master of the Order of +Christ, an organization half military, half religious, and out of its +abundant revenues he made the appropriations needful for the worthy +purpose of advancing the interests of science, converting the heathen, +and winning a commercial empire for Portugal. At first he had to +encounter the usual opposition to lavish expenditure for a distant +object without hope of immediate returns; but after a while his dogged +perseverance began to be rewarded with such successes as to silence all +adverse comment. + + [Footnote 380: [Greek: Homoiôs de kai peri tês exô stêlôn + legetai; dysmikôtaton men gar sêmeion tês oikoumenês, to tôn + Ibêrôn akrôtêrion, ho kalousin Ieron.] Strabo, ii. 5, § 14; cf. + Dionysius Periegetes, v. 161. In reality it lies not quite so + far west as the country around Lisbon.] + + [Footnote 381: See Littré, _Dictionnaire_, s. v. "Talent;" Du + Cange, _Glossarium_, "talentum, animi decretum, voluntas, + desiderium, cupiditas," etc.; cf. Raynouard, _Glossaire + Provençale_, tom. v. p. 296. French was then fashionable at + court, in Lisbon as well as in London.] + +[Sidenote: The Madeira and Canary islands.] + +The first work in hand was the rediscovery of coasts and islands that +had ceased to be visited even before the breaking up of the Roman +Empire. For more than a thousand years the Madeiras and Canaries had +been well-nigh forgotten, and upon the coast of the African continent no +ship ventured beyond Cape Non, the headland so named because it said +"No!" to the wistful mariner.[382] There had been some re-awakening of +maritime activity in the course of the fourteenth century, chiefly due, +no doubt, to the use of the compass. Between 1317 and 1351 certain +Portuguese ships, with Genoese pilots, had visited not only the Madeiras +and Canaries, but even the Azores, a thousand miles out in the Atlantic; +and these groups of islands are duly laid down upon the so-called Medici +map of 1351, preserved in the Laurentian library at Florence.[383] The +voyage to the Azores was probably the greatest feat of ocean navigation +that had been performed down to that time, but it was not followed by +colonization. Again, somewhere about 1377 Madeira seems to have been +visited by Robert Machin, an Englishman, whose adventures make a most +romantic story; and in 1402 the Norman knight, Jean de Béthencourt, had +begun to found a colony in the Canaries, for which, in return for aid +and supplies, he did homage to the King of Castile.[384] As for the +African coast, Cape Non had also been passed at some time during the +fourteenth century, for Cape Bojador is laid down on the Catalan map of +1375; but beyond that point no one had dared take the risks of the +unknown sea. + + [Footnote 382: The Portuguese proverb was "Quem passar o Cabo + de Não ou voltará ou _não_," i. e. "Whoever passes Cape _Non_ + will return or _not_." See Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, + tom. i. p. 173; Mariana, _Hist. de España_, tom. i. p. 91; + Barros, tom. i. p. 36.] + + [Footnote 383: An engraved copy of this map may be found in + Major's _Prince Henry the Navigator_, London, 1868, facing p. + 107. I need hardly say that in all that relates to the + Portuguese voyages I am under great obligation to Mr. Major's + profoundly learned and critical researches. He has fairly + conquered this subject and made it his own, and whoever touches + it after him, however lightly, must always owe him a tribute of + acknowledgment.] + + [Footnote 384: See Bontier and Le Verrier, _The Canarian, or, + Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canaries_, + translated and edited by R. H. Major, London, 1872 (Hakluyt + Soc). In 1414, Béthencourt's nephew, left in charge of these + islands, sold them to Prince Henry, but Castile persisted in + claiming them, and at length in 1479 her claim was recognized + by treaty with Portugal. Of all the African islands, therefore, + the Canaries alone came to belong, and still belong, to Spain.] + +[Sidenote: Gil Eannes passes Cape Bojador.] + +The first achievement under Prince Henry's guidance was the final +rediscovery and colonization of Porto Santo and Madeira in 1418-25 by +Gonsalvez Zarco, Tristam Vaz, and Bartholomew Perestrelo.[385] This work +occupied the prince's attention for some years, and then came up the +problem of Cape Bojador. The difficulty was twofold; the waves about +that headland were apt to be boisterous, and wild sailor's fancies were +apt to enkindle a mutinous spirit in the crews. It was not until 1433-35 +that Gil Eannes, a commander of unusually clear head and steady nerves, +made three attempts and fairly passed the dreaded spot. In the first +attempt he failed, as his predecessors had done, to double the cape; in +the second attempt he doubled it; in the third he sailed nearly two +hundred miles beyond. + + [Footnote 385: Perestrelo had with him a female rabbit which + littered on the voyage, and being landed, with her young, at + Porto Santo, forthwith illustrated the fearful rate of + multiplication of which organisms are capable in the absence of + enemies or other adverse circumstances to check it. (Darwin, + _Origin of Species_, chap. iii.) These rabbits swarmed all over + the island and devoured every green and succulent thing, + insomuch that they came near converting it into a desert. + Prince Henry's enemies, who were vexed at the expenditure of + money in such colonizing enterprises, were thus furnished with + a wonderful argument. They maintained that God had evidently + created those islands for beasts alone, not for men! "En este + tiempo habia en todo Portugal grandísimas murmuraciones del + Infante, viéndolo tan cudicioso y poner tanta diligencia en el + descubrir de la tierra y costa de África, diciendo que destruia + el reino en los gastos que hacia, y consumia los vecinos dél en + poner en tanto peligro y daño la gente portoguesa, donde muchos + morian, enviándolos en demanda de tierras que nunca los reyes + de España pasados se atrevieron á emprender, donde habia de + hacer muchas viudas y huérfanos con esta su porfia. Tomaban por + argumento, que Dios no habia criado aquellas tierras sino para + bestias, pues en tan poco tiempo en aquella isla tantos conejos + habia multiplicado, que no dejaban cosa que para sustentacion + de los hombres fuese menester." Las Casas, _Hist. de las + Indias_, tom. i. p. 180. See also Azurara, _Chronica do + descobrimento e conquista de Guiné_, cap. lxxxiii.] + +[Illustration: Portuguese voyages on the coast of Africa.] + +[Sidenote: Beginning of the modern slave-trade, 1442.] + +[Sidenote: Papal grant of heathen countries to the Portuguese crown.] + +[Sidenote: Advance to Sierra Leone.] + +This achievement of Gil Eannes (_anglicè_, plain Giles Jones) marks an +era. It was the beginning of great things. When we think of the +hesitation with which this step was taken, and the vociferous applause +that greeted the successful captain, it is strange to reflect that babes +were already born in 1435 who were to live to hear of the prodigious +voyages of Columbus and Gama, Vespucius and Magellan. After seven years +a further step was taken in advance; in 1442 Antonio Gonçalves brought +gold and negro slaves from the Rio d' Ouro, or Rio del Oro, four hundred +miles beyond Cape Bojador. Of this beginning of the modern slave-trade I +shall treat in a future chapter.[386] Let it suffice here to observe +that Prince Henry did not discourage but sanctioned it. The first aspect +which this baleful traffic assumed in his mind was that of a means for +converting the heathen, by bringing black men and women to Portugal to +be taught the true faith and the ways of civilized people, that they +might in due season be sent back to their native land to instruct their +heathen brethren. The kings of Portugal should have a Christian empire +in Africa, and in course of time the good work might be extended to the +Indies. Accordingly a special message was sent to Pope Eugenius IV., +informing him of the discovery of the country of these barbarous people +beyond the limits of the Mussulman world, and asking for a grant in +perpetuity to Portugal of all heathen lands that might be discovered in +further voyages beyond Cape Bojador, even so far as to include the +Indies.[387] The request found favour in the eyes of Eugenius, and the +grant was solemnly confirmed by succeeding popes. To these proceedings +we shall again have occasion to refer. We have here to observe that the +discovery of gold and the profits of the slave-trade--though it was as +yet conducted upon a very small scale--served to increase the interest +of the Portuguese people in Prince Henry's work and to diminish the +obstacles in his way. A succession of gallant captains, whose names make +a glorious roll of honour, carried on the work of exploration, reaching +the farthest point that had been attained by the ancients. In 1445 Dinis +Fernandez passed Cape Verde, and two years later Lançarote found the +mouth of the Gambia. In 1456 Luigi Cadamosto--a Venetian captain in the +service of Portugal--went as far as the Rio Grande; in 1460 Diego Gomez +discovered the Cape Verde islands; and in 1462 Piedro de Cintra reached +Sierra Leone.[388] At the same time, in various expeditions between 1431 +and 1466, the Azores (i. e. "Hawk" islands) were rediscovered and +colonized, and voyages out into the Sea of Darkness began to lose +something of their manifold terrors. + + [Footnote 386: See below, vol. ii. pp. 429-431.] + + [Footnote 387: "En el año de 1442, viendo el Infante que se + habia pasado el cabo del Boxador y que la tierra iba muy + adelante, y que todos los navíos que inviaba traian muchos + esclavos moros, con que pagaba los gastos que hacia y que cada + dia crecia más el provecho y se prosperaba su amada + negociacion, determinó de inviar á suplicar al Papa Martino V., + ... que hiciese gracia á la Corona real de Portogal de los + reinos y señoríos que habia y hobiese desde el cabo del Boxador + adelante, hácia el Oriente y la India inclusive; y ansí se las + concedió, ... con todas las tierras, puertos, islas, tratos, + rescates, pesquerías y cosas á esto pertenecientes, poniendo + censuras y penas á todos los reyes cristianos, príncipes, y + señores y comunidades que á esto le perturbasen; despues, + dicen, que los sumos pontífices, sucesores de Martino, como + Eugenio IV. y Nicolas V. y Calixto IV. lo confirmaron." Las + Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 185. The name of + Martin V. is a slip of the memory on the part of Las Casas. + That pope had died of apoplexy eleven years before. It was + Eugenius IV. who made this memorable grant to the crown of + Portugal. The error is repeated in Irving's _Columbus_, vol. i. + p. 339.] + + [Footnote 388: The first published account of the voyages of + Cadamosto and Cintra was in the _Paesi nouamente retrouati_, + Vicenza, 1507, a small quarto which can now sometimes be bought + for from twelve to fifteen hundred dollars. See also Grynæus, + _Novus Orbis_, Basel, 1532.] + +[Sidenote: Advance to the Hottentot coast.] + +Prince Henry did not live to see Africa circumnavigated. At the time of +his death, in 1468, his ships had not gone farther than the spot where +Hanno found his gorillas two thousand years before. But the work of this +excellent prince did not end with his death. His adventurous spirit +lived on in the school of accomplished navigators he had trained. Many +voyages were made after 1462, of which we need mention only those that +marked new stages of discovery. In 1471 two knights of the royal +household, João de Santarem and Pedro de Escobar, sailed down the Gold +Coast and crossed the equator; three years later the line was again +crossed by Fernando Po, discoverer of the island that bears his name. In +1484 Diego Cam went on as far as the mouth of the Congo, and entered +into very friendly relations with the negroes there. In a second voyage +in 1485 this enterprising captain pushed on a thousand miles farther, +and set up a cross in 22° south latitude on the coast of the Hottentot +country. Brisk trading went on along the Gold Coast, and missionaries +were sent to the Congo.[389] + + [Footnote 389: It was in the course of these voyages upon the + African coast that civilized Europeans first became familiar + with people below the upper status of barbarism. Savagery and + barbarism of the lower types were practically unknown in the + Middle Ages, and almost, though probably not quite unknown, to + the civilized peoples of the Mediterranean in ancient times. + The history of the two words is interesting. The Greek word + [Greek: barbaros], whence Eng. _barbarian_ (=Sanskrit + _barbara_, Latin _balbus_), means "a stammerer," or one who + talks gibberish, i. e. in a language we do not understand. + Aristophanes (_Aves_, 199) very prettily applies the epithet to + the inarticulate singing of birds. The names _Welsh_, + _Walloon_, _Wallachian_, and _Belooch_, given to these peoples + by their neighbours, have precisely the same meaning (Kuhn's + _Zeitschrift_, ii. 252); and in like manner the Russians call + the Germans _Nyemetch_, or people who cannot talk (Schafarik, + _Slawische Alterthumer_, i. 443; Pott, _Etym. Forsch._, ii. + 521). The Greeks called all men but themselves barbarians, + including such civilized people as the Persians. The Romans + applied the name to all tribes and nations outside the limits + of the Empire, and the Italians of the later Middle Ages + bestowed it upon all nations outside of Italy. Upon its lax use + in recent times I have already commented (above, pp. 25-35). + The tendency to apply the epithet to savages is modern. The + word _savage_, on the other hand, which came to us as the Old + French _sauvage_ or _salvage_ (Ital. _selvaggio_, _salvatico_), + is the Latin _silvaticus_, _sylvaticus_, _salvaticus_, that + which pertains to a forest and is sylvan or wild. In its + earliest usage it had reference to plants and beasts rather + than to men. Wild apples, pears, or laurels are characterized + by the epithet _sylvaticus_ in Varro, _De re rustica_, i. 40; + and either this adjective, or its equivalent _silvestris_, was + used of wild animals as contrasted with domesticated beasts, as + wild sheep and wild fowl, in Columella, vii. 2; viii. 12, or + wolves, in Propertius, iii. 7, or mice, in Pliny, xxx. 22. + (Occasionally it is used of men, as in Pliny, viii. 79.) The + meaning was the same in mediæval Latin (Du Cange, _Glossarium_, + Niort, 1886, tom. vii. p. 686) and in Old French, as "La douce + voiz du loussignol sauvage" (Michel, _Chansons de chatelain de + Coucy_, xix.). In the romance of _Robert le Diable_, in the + verses + + Sire, se vos fustes Sauvages + Viers moi, je n'i pris mie garde, etc., + + the reference is plainly to degenerate civilized men + frequenting the forests, such as bandits or outlaws, not to + what we call savages. + + Mediæval writers certainly had some idea of savages, but it was + not based upon any actual acquaintance with such people, but + upon imperfectly apprehended statements of ancient writers. At + the famous ball at the Hotel de Saint Pol in Paris, in 1393, + King Charles VI. and five noblemen were dressed in + close-fitting suits of linen, thickly covered from head to foot + with tow or flax, the colour of hair, so as to look like + "savages." In this attire nobody recognized them, and the Duke + of Orleans, in his eagerness to make out who they were, brought + a torch too near, so that the flax took fire, and four of the + noblemen were burned to death. See Froissart's _Chronicles_, + tr. Johnes, London, 1806, vol. xi. pp. 69-76. The point of the + story is that savages were supposed to be men covered with + hair, like beasts, and Froissart, in relating it, evidently + knew no better. Whence came this notion of hairy men? Probably + from Hanno's gorillas (see above, p. 301), through Pliny, whose + huge farrago of facts and fancies was a sort of household Peter + Parley in mediæval monasteries. Pliny speaks repeatedly of men + covered with hair from head to foot, and scatters them about + according to his fancy, in Carmania and other distant places + (_Hist. Nat._, vi. 28, 36, vii. 2). + + Greek and Roman writers seem to have had some slight knowledge + of savagery and the lower status of barbarism as prevailing in + remote places ("Ptolomée dit que es extremités de la terre + habitable sont gens sauvages," Oresme, _Les Éthiques + d'Aristote_, Paris, 1488), but their remarks are usually vague. + Seldom do we get such a clean-cut statement as that of Tacitus + about the Finns, that they have neither horses nor houses, + sleep on the ground, are clothed in skins, live by the chase, + and for want of iron use bone-tipped arrows (_Germania_, cap. + 46). More often we have unconscionable yarns about men without + noses, or with only one eye, tailed men, solid-hoofed men, + Amazons, and parthenogenesis. The Troglodytes, or + Cave-dwellers, on the Nubian coast of the Red Sea seem to have + been in the middle status of barbarism (Diodorus, iii. 32; + Agatharchides, 61-63), and the Ichthyophagi, or Fish-eaters, + whom Nearchus found on the shores of Gedrosia (Arrian, + _Indica_, cap. 29), were probably in a lower stage, perhaps + true savages. It is exceedingly curious that Mela puts a race + of pygmies at the headwaters of the Nile (see map above, p. + 304). Is this only an echo from _Iliad_, iii. 6, or can any + ancient traveller have penetrated far enough inland toward the + equator to have heard reports of the dwarfish race lately + visited by Stanley (_In Darkest Africa_, vol. ii. pp. 100-104, + 164)? Strabo had no real knowledge of savagery in Africa (cf. + Bunbury, _Hist. Ancient Geog._, ii. 331). Sataspes may have + seen barbarians of low type, possibly on one of the Canary + isles (see description of Canarians in Major's _Prince Henry_, + p. 212). Ptolemy had heard of an island of cannibals in the + Indian ocean, perhaps one of the Andaman group, visited A. D. + 1293 by Marco Polo. The people of these islands rank among the + lowest savages on the earth, and Marco was disgusted and + horrified; their beastly faces, with huge prognathous jaws and + projecting canine teeth, he tried to describe by calling them a + dog-headed people. Sir Henry Yule suggests that the mention of + Cynocephali, or Dog-heads, in ancient writers may have had an + analogous origin (_Marco Polo_, vol. ii. p. 252). This visit of + the Venetian traveller to Andaman was one of very few real + glimpses of savagery vouchsafed to Europeans before the + fifteenth century; and a general review of the subject brings + out in a strong light the truthfulness and authenticity of the + description of American Indians in Eric the Red's Saga, as + shown above, pp. 185-192.] + +[Sidenote: Effect of these discoveries upon the theories of Ptolemy and +Mela.] + +These voyages into the southern hemisphere dealt a damaging blow to the +theory of an impassable fiery zone; but as to the circumnavigability of +the African continent, the long stretch of coast beyond the equator +seemed more in harmony with Ptolemy's views than with those of Mela. The +eastward trend of the Guinea coast was at first in favour of the latter +geographer, but when Santarem and Escobar found it turning southward to +the equator the facts began to refute him. According to Mela they +should have found it possible at once to sail eastward to the gulf of +Aden. What if it should turn out after all that there was no connection +between the Atlantic and Indian oceans? Every added league of voyaging +toward the tropic of Capricorn must have been fraught with added +discouragement, for it went to prove that, even if Ptolemy's theory was +wrong, at any rate the ocean route to Asia was indefinitely longer than +had been supposed. But was it possible to imagine any other route that +should be more direct? To a trained mariner of original and imaginative +mind, sojourning in Portugal and keenly watching the progress of African +discovery, the years just following the voyage of Santarem and Escobar +would be a period eminently fit for suggesting such a question. Let us +not forget this date of 1471 while we follow Prince Henry's work to its +first grand climax. + +[Sidenote: News of Prester John.] + +About the time that Diego Cam was visiting the tribes on the Congo, the +negro king of Benin, a country by the mouth of the Niger, sent an +embassy to John II. of Portugal (Prince Henry's nephew), with a request +that missionary priests might be sent to Benin. It has been thought that +the woolly-haired chieftain was really courting an alliance with the +Portuguese, or perhaps he thought their "medicine men" might have the +knack of confounding his foes. The negro envoy told King John that a +thousand miles or so east of Benin there was an august sovereign who +ruled over many subject peoples, and at whose court there was an order +of chivalry whose badge or emblem was a brazen cross. Such, at least, +was the king's interpretation of the negro's words, and forthwith he +jumped to the conclusion that this African potentate must be Prester +John, whose name was redolent of all the marvels of the mysterious East. +To find Prester John would be a long step toward golden Cathay and the +isles of spice. So the king of Portugal rose to the occasion, and +attacked the problem on both flanks at once. He sent Pedro de Covilham +by way of Egypt to Aden, and he sent Bartholomew Dias, with three +fifty-ton caravels, to make one more attempt to find an end to the +Atlantic coast of Africa. + +[Sidenote: Covilham's journey.] + +Covilham's journey was full of interesting experiences. He sailed from +Aden to Hindustan, and on his return visited Abyssinia, where the +semi-Christian king took such a liking to him that he would never let +him go. So Covilham spent the rest of his life, more than thirty years, +in Abyssinia, whence he was able now and then to send to Portugal items +of information concerning eastern Africa that were afterwards quite +serviceable in voyages upon the Indian ocean.[390] + + [Footnote 390: See Major's _India in the Fifteenth Century_, + pp. lxxxv.-xc.] + +[Sidenote: Bartholomew Dias passes the Cape of Good Hope and enters the +Indian ocean.] + +The daring captain, Bartholomew Dias, started in August, 1486, and after +passing nearly four hundred miles beyond the tropic of Capricorn, was +driven due south before heavy winds for thirteen days without seeing +land. At the end of this stress of weather he turned his prows eastward, +expecting soon to reach the coast. But as he had passed the southernmost +point of Africa and no land appeared before him, after a while he +steered northward and landed near the mouth of Gauritz river, more than +two hundred miles east of the Cape of Good Hope. Thence he pushed on +about four hundred miles farther eastward as far as the Great Fish river +(about 33° 30' S., 27° 10' E.), where the coast begins to have a steady +trend to the northeast. Dias was now fairly in the Indian ocean, and +could look out with wistful triumph upon that waste of waters, but his +worn-out crews refused to go any farther and he was compelled +reluctantly to turn back. On the way homeward the ships passed in full +sight of the famous headland which Dias called the Stormy Cape; but +after arriving at Lisbon, in December, 1487, when the report of this +noble voyage was laid before King John II., his majesty said, Nay, let +it rather be called the Cape of Good Hope, since there was now much +reason to believe that they had found the long-sought ocean route to the +Indies.[391] Though this opinion turned out to be correct, it is well +for us to remember that the proof was not yet complete. No one could +yet say with certainty that the African coast, if followed a few miles +east of Great Fish river, would not again trend southward and run all +the way to the pole. The completed proof was not obtained until Vasco da +Gama crossed the Indian ocean ten years later. + + [Footnote 391: The greatest of Portuguese poets represents the + Genius of the Cape as appearing to the storm-tossed mariners in + cloud-like shape, like the Jinni that the fisherman of the + Arabian tale released from a casket. He expresses indignation + at their audacity in discovering his secret, hitherto hidden + from mankind:-- + + Eu sou aquelle occulto e grande Cabo, + A quem chamais vós outros Tormentorio, + Que nunca á Ptolomeo, Pomponio, Estrabo, + Plinio, e quantos passaram, fui notorio: + Aqui toda a Africana costa acabo + Neste meu nunca vista promontorio, + Que para o polo Antarctico se estende, + A quem vossa ousadia tanto offende. + Camoens, _Os Lusiadas_, v. 50.] + +[Sidenote: Some effects of the discovery.] + +[Sidenote: Bartholomew Columbus.] + +This voyage of Bartholomew Dias was longer and in many respects more +remarkable than any that is known to have been made before that time. +From Lisbon back to Lisbon, reckoning the sinuosities of the coast, but +making no allowance for tacking, the distance run by those tiny craft +was not less than thirteen thousand miles. This voyage completed the +overthrow of the fiery-zone doctrine, so far as Africa was concerned; it +penetrated far into the southern temperate zone where Mela had placed +his antipodal world; it dealt a staggering blow to the continental +theory of Ptolemy; and its success made men's minds readier for yet more +daring enterprises. Among the shipmates of Dias on this ever memorable +voyage was a well-trained and enthusiastic Italian mariner, none other +than Bartholomew, the younger brother of Christopher Columbus. There was +true dramatic propriety in the presence of that man at just this time; +for not only did all these later African voyages stand in a direct +causal relation to the discovery of America, but as an immediate +consequence of the doubling of the Cape of Good Hope we shall presently +find Bartholomew Columbus in the very next year on his way to England, +to enlist the aid of King Henry VII. in behalf of a scheme of +unprecedented boldness for which his elder brother had for some years +been seeking to obtain the needful funds. Not long after that +disappointing voyage of Santarem and Escobar in 1471, this original and +imaginative sailor, Christopher Columbus, had conceived (or adopted and +made his own) a new method of solving the problem of an ocean route to +Cathay. We have now to sketch the early career of this epoch-making man, +and to see how he came to be brought into close relations with the work +of the Portuguese explorers. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES. + +_WESTWARD OR SPANISH ROUTE._ + + +[Sidenote: Sources of information concerning the life of Columbus: Las +Casas and Ferdinand Columbus.] + +[Sidenote: The Biblioteca Colombina at Seville.] + +Our information concerning the life of Columbus before 1492 is far from +being as satisfactory as one could wish. Unquestionably he is to be +deemed fortunate in having had for his biographers two such men as his +friend Las Casas, one of the noblest characters and most faithful +historians of that or any age, and his own son Ferdinand Columbus, a +most accomplished scholar and bibliographer. The later years of +Ferdinand's life were devoted, with loving care, to the preparation of a +biography of his father; and his book--which unfortunately survives only +in the Italian translation of Alfonso Ulloa,[392] published in Venice in +1571--is of priceless value. As Washington Irving long ago wrote, it is +"an invaluable document, entitled to great faith, and is the cornerstone +of the history of the American continent."[393] After Ferdinand's +death, in 1539, his papers seem to have passed into the hands of Las +Casas, who, from 1552 to 1561, in the seclusion of the college of San +Gregorio at Valladolid, was engaged in writing his great "History of the +Indies."[394] Ferdinand's superb library, one of the finest in Europe, +was bequeathed to the cathedral at Seville.[395] It contained some +twenty thousand volumes in print and manuscript, four fifths of which, +through shameful neglect or vandalism, have perished or been scattered. +Four thousand volumes, however, are still preserved, and this library +(known as the "Biblioteca Colombina") is full of interest for the +historian. Book-buying was to Ferdinand Columbus one of the most +important occupations in life. His books were not only carefully +numbered, but on the last leaf of each one he wrote a memorandum of the +time and place of its purchase and the sum of money paid for it.[396] +This habit of Ferdinand's has furnished us with clues to the solution +of some interesting questions. Besides this, he was much given to making +marginal notes and comments, which are sometimes of immense value, and, +more than all, there are still to be seen in this library a few books +that belonged to Christopher Columbus himself, with very important notes +in his own handwriting and in that of his brother Bartholomew. Las Casas +was familiar with this grand collection in the days of its completeness, +he was well acquainted with all the members of the Columbus family, and +he had evidently read the manuscript sources of Ferdinand's book; for a +comparison with Ulloa's version shows that considerable portions of the +original Spanish text--or of the documents upon which it rested--are +preserved in the work of Las Casas.[397] The citation and adoption of +Ferdinand's statements by the latter writer, who was able independently +to verify them, is therefore in most cases equivalent to corroboration, +and the two writers together form an authority of the weightiest kind, +and not lightly to be questioned or set aside. + + [Footnote 392: _Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo; Nelle + quali s' ha particolare, & vera relatione della vita, & de' + fatti dell' Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo, suo padre: Et + dello scoprimento, ch' egli fece dell' Indie Occidentali, dette + Monde-Nuovo, hora possedute dal Sereniss. Re Catolico: + Nuouamente di lingua Spagnuola tradotte nell' Italiana dal S. + Alfonso Vlloa. Con. privilegio._ IN VENETIA, M D LXXI. + _Appresso Francesco de' Franceschi Sanese._ The principal + reprints are those of Milan, 1614; Venice, 1676 and 1678; + London, 1867. I always cite it as _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_.] + + [Footnote 393: Irving's _Life of Columbus_, New York, 1868, + vol. iii. p. 375. My references, unless otherwise specified, + are to this, the "Geoffrey Crayon," edition.] + + [Footnote 394: Las Casas, _Historia de las Indias, ahora por + primera vez dada á luz por el Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle + y D. José Sancho Rayon_, Madrid, 1875, 5 vols. 8vo.] + + [Footnote 395: "Fu questo D. Ernando di non minor valore del + padre, ma di molte più lettere et scienze dotato che quelle non + fu; et il quale lasciò alla Chiesa maggiore di Siviglia, dove + hoggi si vede honorevolmente sepolto, una, non sola + numerosissima, ma richissima libraria, et piena di molti libri + in ogni facoltà et scienza rarissimi: laquale da coloro che l' + han veduta, vien stimata delle più rare cose di tutta Europa." + Moleto's prefatory letter to _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, April 25, + 1571.] + + [Footnote 396: For example, "_Manuel de la Sancta Fe católica_, + Sevilla, 1495, in-4. Costó en Toledo 34 maravedis, año 1511, 9 + de Octubre, No. 3004." "_Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea_, + Sevilla, 1502, in-4. Muchas figuras. Costó en Roma 25 + cuatrines, por Junio de 1515. No. 2417," etc. See Harrisse, + _Fernand Colomb_, Paris, 1872, p. 13.] + + [Footnote 397: "L' autorita di Las Casas è d' una suprema e + vitale importanza tanto nella storia di Cristoforo Colombo, + come nell' esame delle _Historie_ di Fernando suo figlio.... E + dal confronto tra questi due scrittori emergerà una omogeneità + si perfetta, che si potrebbe coi termini del frate domenicano + ritrovare o rifare per due terzi il testo originale spagnuolo + delle _Historie_ di Fernando Colombo." Peragallo, _L' + autenticità delle Historie di Fernando Colombo_, Genoa, 1884, + p. 23.] + +[Sidenote: Bernaldez and Peter Martyr.] + +[Sidenote: Letters of Columbus.] + +Besides these books of most fundamental importance, we have valuable +accounts of some parts of the life of Columbus by his friend Andres +Bernaldez, the curate of Los Palacios near Seville.[398] Peter Martyr, +of Anghiera, by Lago Maggiore, was an intimate friend of Columbus, and +gives a good account of his voyages, besides mentioning him in sundry +epistles.[399] Columbus himself, moreover, was such a voluminous writer +that his contemporaries laughed about it. "God grant," says Zuñiga in a +letter to the Marquis de Pescara, "God grant that Gutierrez may never +come short for paper, for he writes more than Ptolemy, more than +Columbus, the man who discovered the Indies."[400] These writings are in +great part lost, though doubtless a good many things will yet be brought +to light in Spain by persistent rummaging. We have, however, from sixty +to seventy letters and reports by Columbus, of which twenty-three at +least are in his own handwriting; and all these have been +published.[401] + + [Footnote 398: _Historia de los Reyes Católicos D. Fernando y + D^a Isabel. Crónica inédita del siglo XV, escrita por el + Bachiller Andrés Bernaldez, cura que fué de Los Palacios_, + Granada, 1856, 2 vols. small 4to. It is a book of very high + authority.] + + [Footnote 399: _De orbe novo Decades_, Alcalá, 1516; _Opus + epistolarum_, Compluti (Alcalá), 1530; Harrisse, _Bibliotheca + Americana Vetustissima_, Nos. 88, 160.] + + [Footnote 400: "A Gutierrez vuestro solicitador, ruego à Dios + que nunca le falte papel, porque escribe mas que Tolomeo y que + Colon, el que halló las Indias." Rivadeneyra, _Curiosidades + bibliográficas_, p. 59, apud Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, + tom. i. p. 1.] + + [Footnote 401: Harrisse, _loc. cit._, in 1884, gives the number + at sixty-four.] + +[Sidenote: Defects in Ferdinand's information.] + +Nevertheless, while these contemporary materials give us abundant +information concerning the great discoverer, from the year 1492 until +his death, it is quite otherwise with his earlier years, especially +before his arrival in Spain in 1484. His own allusions to these earlier +years are sometimes hard to interpret;[402] and as for his son +Ferdinand, that writer confesses, with characteristic and winning +frankness, that his information is imperfect, inasmuch as filial respect +had deterred him from closely interrogating his father on such points, +or, to tell the plain truth, being still very young when his father +died, he had not then come to recognize their importance.[403] This does +not seem strange when we reflect that Ferdinand must have seen very +little of his father until in 1502, at the age of fourteen, he +accompanied him on that last difficult and disastrous voyage, in which +the sick and harassed old man could have had but little time or strength +for aught but the work in hand. It is not strange that when, a quarter +of a century later, the son set about his literary task, he should now +and then have got a date wrong, or have narrated some incidents in a +confused manner, or have admitted some gossiping stories, the falsehood +of which can now plainly be detected. Such blemishes, which occur +chiefly in the earlier part of Ferdinand's book, do not essentially +detract from its high authority.[404] The limits which bounded the son's +accurate knowledge seem also to have bounded that of such friends as +Bernaldez, who did not become acquainted with Columbus until after his +arrival in Spain. + + [Footnote 402: Sometimes from a slip of memory or carelessness + of phrasing, on Columbus's part, sometimes from our lacking the + clue, sometimes from an error in numerals, common enough at all + times.] + + [Footnote 403: "Ora, l' Ammiraglio avendo cognizione delle + dette scienze, cominciò ad attendere al mare, e a fare alcuni + viaggi in levante e in ponente; de' quali, e di molte altre + cose di quei primi dì io non ho piena notizia; perciocchè egli + venne a morte a tempo che io non aveva tanto ardire, o pratica, + per la riverenza filiale, che io ardissi di richiederlo di + cotali cose; o, per parlare più veramente, allora mi ritrovava + io, come giovane, molto lontano da cotal pensiero." _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. iv.] + + [Footnote 404: Twenty years ago M. Harrisse published in + Spanish and French a critical essay maintaining that the _Vita + dell' Ammiraglio_ was not written by Ferdinand Columbus, but + probably by the famous scholar Perez de Oliva, professor in the + university of Salamanca, who died in 1530 (_D. Fernando Colon, + historiador de su padre_, Seville, 1871; _Fernand Colomb: sa + vie, ses oeuvres_, Paris, 1872). The Spanish manuscript of the + book had quite a career. As already observed, it is clear that + Las Casas used it, probably between 1552 and 1561. From + Ferdinand's nephew, Luis Columbus, it seems to have passed in + 1568 into the hands of Baliano di Fornari, a prominent citizen + of Genoa, who sent it to Venice with the intention of having it + edited and published with Latin and Italian versions. All that + ever appeared, however, was the Italian version made by Ulloa + and published in 1571. Harrisse supposes that the Spanish + manuscript, written by Oliva, was taken to Genoa by some + adventurer and palmed off upon Baliano di Fornari as the work + of Ferdinand Columbus. But inasmuch as Harrisse also supposes + that Oliva probably wrote the book (about 1525) at Seville, + under Ferdinand's eyes and with documents furnished by him, it + becomes a question, in such case, how far was Oliva anything + more than an amanuensis to Ferdinand? and there seems really to + be precious little wool after so much loud crying. If the + manuscript was actually written "sous les yeux de Fernand et + avec documents fournis par lui," most of the arguments alleged + to prove that it could not have emanated from the son of + Columbus fall to the ground. It becomes simply a question + whether Ulloa may have here and there tampered with the text, + or made additions of his own. To some extent he seems to have + done so, but wherever the Italian version is corroborated by + the Spanish extracts in Las Casas, we are on solid ground, for + Las Casas died five years before the Italian version was + published. M. Harrisse does not seem as yet to have convinced + many scholars. His arguments have been justly, if somewhat + severely, characterized by my old friend, the lamented Henry + Stevens (_Historical Collections_, London, 1881, vol. i. No. + 1379), and have been elaborately refuted by M. d'Avezac, _Le + livre de Ferdinand Colomb: revue critique des allegations + proposées contre son authenticité_, Paris, 1873; and by + Prospero Peragallo, _L' autenticità delle Historie di Fernando + Colombo_, Genoa, 1884. See also Fabié, _Vida de Fray Bartolomé + de Las Casas_, Madrid, 1869, tom. i. pp. 360-372.] + +[Sidenote: Researches of Henry Harrisse.] + +In recent years elaborate researches have been made, by Henry Harrisse +and others, in the archives of Genoa, Savona, Seville, and other places +with which Columbus was connected, in the hope of supplementing this +imperfect information concerning his earlier years.[405] A number of +data have thus been obtained, which, while clearing up the subject most +remarkably in some directions, have been made to mystify and embroil it +in others. There is scarcely a date or a fact relating to Columbus +before 1492 but has been made the subject of hot dispute; and some +pretty wholesale reconstructions of his biography have been +attempted.[406] The general impression, however, which the discussions +of the past twenty years have left upon my mind, is that the more +violent hypotheses are not likely to be sustained, and that the +newly-ascertained facts do not call for any very radical interference +with the traditional lines upon which the life of Columbus has +heretofore been written.[407] At any rate there seems to be no +likelihood of such interference as to modify our views of the causal +sequence of events that led to the westward search for the Indies; and +it is this relation of cause and effect that chiefly concerns us in a +history of the Discovery of America. + + [Footnote 405: See Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1884, + 2 vols., a work of immense research, absolutely indispensable + to every student of the subject, though here and there somewhat + over-ingenious and hypercritical, and in general unduly biased + by the author's private crotchet about the work of Ferdinand.] + + [Footnote 406: One of the most radical of these reconstructions + may be found in the essay by M. d'Avezac, "Canevas + chronologique de la vie de Christophe Colomb," in _Bulletin de + la Société de Géographie_, Paris, 1872, 6e série, tom. iv. pp. + 5-59.] + + [Footnote 407: Washington Irving's _Life of Columbus_, says + Harrisse, "is a history written with judgment and impartiality, + which leaves far behind it all descriptions of the discovery of + the New World published before or since." _Christophe Colomb_, + tom. i. p. 136. Irving was the first to make use of the superb + work of Navarrete, _Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos + que hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglo XV._, + Madrid, 1825-37, 5 vols. 4to. Next followed Alexander von + Humboldt, with his _Examen critique de l'histoire de la + géographie de Nouveau Continent_, Paris, 1836-39, 5 vols. 8vo. + This monument of gigantic erudition (which, unfortunately, was + never completed) will always remain indispensable to the + historian.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Date of the birth of Columbus: archives of Savona.] + +[Sidenote: Statement of Bernaldez.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus's letter of September, 1501.] + +[Sidenote: The balance of probability is in favour of 1436.] + +The date of the birth of Columbus is easy to determine approximately, +but hard to determine with precision. In the voluminous discussion upon +this subject the extreme limits assigned have been 1430 and 1456, but +neither of these extremes is admissible, and our choice really lies +somewhere between 1436 and 1446. Among the town archives of Savona is a +deed of sale executed August 7, 1473, by the father of Christopher +Columbus, and ratified by Christopher and his next brother +Giovanni.[408] Both brothers must then have attained their majority, +which in the republic of Genoa was fixed at the age of twenty-five. +Christopher, therefore, can hardly have been less than seven and twenty, +so that the latest probable date for his birth is 1446, and this is the +date accepted by Muñoz, Major, Harrisse, and Avezac. There is no +documentary proof, however, to prevent our taking an earlier date; and +the curate of Los Palacios--strong authority on such a point--says +expressly that at the time of his death, in 1506, Columbus was "in a +good old age, seventy years a little more or less."[409] Upon this +statement Navarrete and Humboldt have accepted 1436 as the probable date +of birth.[410] The most plausible objection to this is a statement made +by Columbus himself in a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, written in +1501. In this letter, as first given in the biography by his son, +Columbus says that he was of "very tender age" when he began to sail the +seas, an occupation which he has kept up until the present moment; and +in the next sentence but one he adds that "now for forty years I have +been in this business and have gone to every place where there is any +navigation up to the present time."[411] The expression "very tender +age" agrees with Ferdinand's statement that his father was fourteen +years old when he first took to the sea.[412] Since 1446 + 14-40 = 1500, +it is argued that Columbus was probably born about 1446; some sticklers +for extreme precision say 1447. But now there were eight years spent by +Columbus in Spain, from 1484 to 1492, without any voyages at all; they +were years, as he forcibly says, "dragged out in disputations."[413] Did +he mean to include those eight years in his forty spent upon the sea? +Navarrete thinks he did not. When he wrote under excitement, as in this +letter, his language was apt to be loose, and it is fair to construe it +according to the general probabilities of the case. This addition of +eight years brings his statement substantially into harmony with that of +Bernaldez, which it really will not do to set aside lightly. Moreover, +in the original text of the letter, since published by Navarrete, +Columbus appears to say, "now for _more than_ forty years," so that the +agreement with Bernaldez becomes practically complete.[414] The good +curate spoke from direct personal acquaintance, and his phrases +"seventy years" and "a good old age" are borne out by the royal decree +of February 23, 1505, permitting Columbus to ride on a mule, instead of +a horse, by reason of his old age (_ancianidad_) and infirmities.[415] +Such a phrase applies much better to a man of sixty-nine than to a man +of fifty-nine. On the whole, I think that Washington Irving showed good +sense in accepting the statement of the curate of Los Palacios as +decisive, dating as it does the birth of Columbus at 1436, "a little +more or less." + + [Footnote 408: Harrisse, _op. cit._ tom. i. p. 196.] + + [Footnote 409: "In _senectute bona_, de edad de setenta años + poco mas o menos." Bernaldez, _Reyes Católicos_, tom. i. p. + 334.] + + [Footnote 410: M. d'Avezac (_Canevas chronologique_, etc.) + objects to this date that we have positive documentary evidence + of the birth of Christopher's youngest brother Giacomo + (afterwards spanished into Diego) in 1468, which makes an + interval of 32 years; so that if the mother were (say) 18 in + 1436 she must have borne a child at the age of 50. That would + be unusual, but not unprecedented. But M. Harrisse (tom. ii. p. + 214), from a more thorough sifting of this documentary + evidence, seems to have proved that while Giacomo cannot have + been born later than 1468 he may have been born as early as + 1460; so that whatever is left of M. d'Avezac's objection falls + to the ground.] + + [Footnote 411: "Serenissimi principi, di età molto tenera io + entrai in mare navigando, et vi ho continovato fin' hoggi: ... + et hoggimai passano quaranta anni che io uso per tutte quelle + parti che fin hoggi si navigano." _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. + iv.] + + [Footnote 412: _Op. cit._ cap. iv. _ad fin_.] + + [Footnote 413: "Traido en disputas," Navarrete, _Coleccion_, + tom. ii. p. 254.] + + [Footnote 414: "Muy altos Reyes, de muy pequeña edad entré en + la mar navegando, é lo he continuado fasta hoy.... Yá pasan de + cuarenta años que yo voy en este uso: todo lo que hoy se + navega, todo lo he andado." Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. ii. p. + 262. Observe the lame phrase "pasan de cuarenta;" what business + has that "de" in such a place without "mas" before it? "Pasan + mas de cuarenta," i. e. "more than forty;" writing in haste and + excitement, Columbus left out a little word; or shall we blame + the proof-reader? Avezac himself translates it "il y a plus de + quarante ans," and so does Eugène Müller, in his French version + of Ferdinand's book, _Histoire de la vie de Christophe Colomb_, + Paris, 1879, p. 15.] + + [Footnote 415: That was the golden age of sumptuary laws. + Because Alfonso XI. of Castile (1312-1350), when he tried to + impress horses for the army, found it hard to get as many as he + wanted, he took it into his head that his subjects were raising + too many mules and not enough horses. So he tried to remedy the + evil by a wholesale decree prohibiting all Castilians from + riding upon mules! In practice this precious decree, like other + villainous prohibitory laws that try to prevent honest people + from doing what they have a perfect right to do, proved so + vexatious and ineffective withal that it had to be perpetually + fussed with and tinkered. One year you could ride a mule and + the next year you couldn't. In 1492, as we shall see, Columbus + immortalized one of these patient beasts by riding it a few + miles from Granada. But in 1494 Ferdinand and Isabella decreed + that nobody except women, children, and clergymen could ride on + mules,--"dont la marche est beaucoup plus douce que celle des + chevaux" (Humboldt, _Examen critique_, tom. iii. p. 338). This + edict remained in force in 1505, so that the Discoverer of the + New World, the inaugurator of the greatest historic event since + the birth of Christ, could not choose an easygoing animal for + the comfort of his weary old weather-shaken bones without the + bother of getting a special edict to fit his case. _Eheu, quam + parva sapientia regitur mundus!_] + +[Sidenote: The family of Domenico Colombo, and its changes of +residence.] + +With regard to the place where the great discoverer was born there ought +to be no dispute, since we have his own most explicit and unmistakable +word for it, as I shall presently show. Nevertheless there has been no +end of dispute. He has been claimed by as many places as Homer,[416] but +the only real question is whether he was born in the city of Genoa or in +some neighbouring village within the boundaries of the Genoese republic. +It is easy to understand how doubt has arisen on this point, if we trace +the changes of residence of his family. The grandfather of Columbus +seems to have been Giovanni Colombo, of Terrarossa, an inland hamlet +some twenty miles east by north from Genoa. Giovanni's son, Domenico +Colombo, was probably born at Terrarossa, and moved thence with his +father, somewhere between 1430 and 1445, to Quinto al Mare, four miles +east of Genoa on the coast. All the family seem to have been weavers. +Before 1445, but how many years before is not known, Domenico married +Susanna Fontanarossa, who belonged to a family of weavers, probably of +Quezzi, four miles northeast of Genoa. Between 1448 and 1451 Domenico, +with his wife and three children, moved into the city of Genoa, where he +became the owner of a house and was duly qualified as a citizen. In 1471 +Domenico moved to Savona, thirty miles west on the Corniche road, where +he set up a weaving establishment and also kept a tavern. He had then +five children, Cristoforo, Giovanni, Bartolommeo, Giacomo, and a +daughter. Domenico lived in Savona till 1484. At that time his wife and +his son Giovanni were dead, Giacomo was an apprentice, learning the +weaver's trade, Christopher and Bartholomew had long been domiciled in +Portugal, the daughter had married a cheese merchant in Genoa, and to +that city Domenico returned in the autumn of 1484, and lived there until +his death, at a great age, in 1499 or 1500. He was always in pecuniary +difficulties, and died poor and in debt, though his sons seem to have +sent him from Portugal and Spain such money as they could spare.[417] + + [Footnote 416: "Nous avons démontré l'inanité des théories qui + le font naître à Pradello, à Cuccaro, à Cogoleto, à Savona, à + Nervi, à Albissola, à Bogliasco, à Cosseria, à Finale, à + Oneglia, voire même en Angleterre ou dans l'isle de Corse." + Harrisse, tom. i. p. 217. In Cogoleto, about sixteen miles west + of Genoa on the Corniche road, the visitor is shown a house + where Columbus is said first to have seen the light. Upon its + front is a quaint inscription in which the discoverer is + compared to the dove (_Colomba_) which, when sent by Noah from + the ark, discovered dry land amid the waters:-- + + Con generoso ardir dall' Arca all' onde + Ubbidiente il vol Colomba prende, + Corre, s' aggira, terren scopre, e fronde + D' olivo in segno, al gran Noè ne rende. + L' imita in ciò Colombo, ne' s' asconde, + E da sua patria il mar solcando fende; + Terreno al fin scoprendo diede fondo, + Offerendo all' Ispano un Nuovo Mondo. + + This house is or has been mentioned in Baedeker's _Northern + Italy_ as the probable birthplace, along with Peschel's absurd + date 1456. It is pretty certain that Columbus was _not_ born in + that house or in Cogoleto. See Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 148-155.] + + [Footnote 417: Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 166-216.] + +[Sidenote: Christopher tells us that he was born in the city of Genoa.] + +The reader will observe that Christopher and his two next brothers were +born before the family went to live in the city of Genoa. It has hence +been plausibly inferred that they were born either in Quinto or in +Terrarossa; more likely the latter, since both Christopher and +Bartholomew, as well as their father, were called, and sometimes signed +themselves, Columbus of Terrarossa.[418] In this opinion the most +indefatigable modern investigator, Harrisse, agrees with Las Casas.[419] +Nevertheless, in a solemn legal instrument executed February 22, 1498, +establishing a _mayorazgo_, or right of succession to his estates and +emoluments in the Indies, Columbus expressly declares that he was born +in the city of Genoa: "I enjoin it upon my son, the said Don Diego, or +whoever may inherit the said _mayorazgo_, always to keep and maintain in +the City of Genoa one person of our lineage, because from thence I came +and in it I was born."[420] I do not see how such a definite and +positive statement, occurring in such a document, can be doubted or +explained away. It seems clear that the son was born while the parents +were dwelling either at Terrarossa or at Quinto, but what is to hinder +our supposing that the event might have happened when the mother was in +the city on some errand or visit? The fact that Christopher and his +brother were often styled "of Terrarossa" does not prove that they were +born in that hamlet. A family moving thence to Quinto and to Genoa would +stand in much need of some such distinctive epithet, because the name +Colombo was extremely common in that part of Italy; insomuch that the +modern historian, who prowls among the archives of those towns, must +have a care lest he get hold of the wrong person, and thus open a fresh +and prolific source of confusion. This has happened more than once. + + [Footnote 418: Harrisse, tom. i. p. 188; _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. xi.] + + [Footnote 419: "Fué este varon escogido de nacion genovés, de + algun lugar de la provincia de Génova; cual fuese, donde nació + ó qué nombre tuvo el tal lugar, no consta la verdad dello más + de que se solia llamar ántes que llegase al estado que llegó, + Cristobal Colombo de Terra-rubia y lo mismo su hermano + Bartolomé Colon." Las Casas, _Historia de las Indias_, tom. i. + p. 42; cf. Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 217-222.] + + [Footnote 420: "Mando al dicho D. Diego, mi hijo, ó á la + persona que heredare el dicho mayorazgo, que tenga y sostenga + siempre en la _Ciudad de Génova_ una persona de nuestro linage + ... pues que della salí _y en ella naci_" [italics mine]. + Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. ii. p. 232.] + +[Sidenote: Christopher's early years.] + +[Sidenote: Christopher and Bartholomew at Lisbon.] + +On the whole, then, it seems most probable that the Discoverer of +America was born in the city of Genoa in 1436, or not much later. Of his +childhood we know next to nothing. Las Casas tells us that he studied at +the University of Pavia and acquired a good knowledge of Latin.[421] +This has been doubted, as incompatible with the statement of Columbus +that he began a seafaring life at the age of fourteen. It is clear, +however, that the earlier years of Columbus, before his departure for +Portugal, were not all spent in seafaring. Somewhere, if not at Pavia, +he not only learned Latin, but found time to study geography, with a +little astronomy and mathematics, and to become an expert draughtsman. +He seems to have gone to and fro upon the Mediterranean in merchant +voyages, now and then taking a hand in sharp scrimmages with Mussulman +pirates.[422] In the intervals of this adventurous life he was probably +to be found in Genoa, earning his bread by making maps and charts, for +which there was a great and growing demand. About 1470, having become +noted for his skill in such work, he followed his younger brother +Bartholomew to Lisbon,[423] whither Prince Henry's undertakings had +attracted able navigators and learned geographers until that city had +come to be the chief centre of nautical science in Europe. Las Casas +assures us that Bartholomew was quite equal to Christopher as a sailor, +and surpassed him in the art of making maps and globes, as well as in +the beauty of his handwriting.[424] In Portugal, as before in Italy, the +work of the brothers Columbus was an alternation of map-making on land +and adventure on the sea. We have Christopher's own word for it that he +sailed with more than one of those Portuguese expeditions down the +African coast;[425] and I think it not altogether unlikely that he may +have been with Santarem and Escobar in their famous voyage of 1471. + + [Footnote 421: Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. p. 46.] + + [Footnote 422: The reader must beware, however, of some of the + stories of adventure attaching to this part of his life, even + where they are confirmed by Las Casas. They evidently rest upon + hearsay, and the incidents are so confused that it is almost + impossible to extract the kernel of truth.] + + [Footnote 423: The date 1470 rests upon a letter of Columbus to + King Ferdinand of Aragon in May, 1505. He says that God must + have directed him into the service of Spain by a kind of + miracle, since he had already been in Portugal, whose king was + more interested than any other sovereign in making discoveries, + and yet God closed his eyes, his ears, and all his senses to + such a degree that _in fourteen years_ Columbus could not + prevail upon him to lend aid to his scheme. "Dije + milagrosamente porque fui á aportar á Portugal, adonde el Rey + de allí entendia en el descubrir mas que otro: él le atajó la + vista, oido y todos los sentidos, que en catorce años no le + pude hacer entender lo que yo dije." Las Casas, _op. cit._ tom. + iii. p. 187; Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 528. Now it is known that + Columbus finally left Portugal late in 1484, or very early in + 1485, so that fourteen years would carry us back to before 1471 + for the first arrival of Columbus in that country. M. Harrisse + (_op. cit._ tom. i. p. 263) is unnecessarily troubled by the + fact that the same person was not king of Portugal during the + whole of that period. Alfonso V. (brother of Henry the + Navigator) died in 1481, and was succeeded by his son John II.; + but during a considerable part of the time between 1475 and + 1481 the royal authority was exercised by the latter. Both + kings were more interested in making discoveries than any other + European sovereigns. Which king did Columbus mean? Obviously + his words were used loosely; he was too much preoccupied to be + careful about trifles; he probably had John in his mind, and + did not bother himself about Alfonso; King Ferdinand, to whom + he was writing, did not need to have such points minutely + specified, and could understand an elliptical statement; and + the fact stated by Columbus was simply that during a residence + of fourteen years in Portugal he had not been able to enlist + even that enterprising government in behalf of his novel + scheme. + + In the town archives of Savona we find Christopher Columbus + witnessing a document March 20, 1472, endorsing a kind of + promissory note for his father August 26, 1472, and joining + with his mother and his next brother Giovanni, August 7, 1473, + in relinquishing all claims to the house in Genoa sold by his + father Domenico by deed of that date. It will be remembered + that Domenico had moved from Genoa to Savona in 1471. From + these documents (which are all printed in his _Christophe + Colomb_, tom. ii. pp. 419, 420, 424-426) M. Harrisse concludes + that Christopher cannot have gone to Portugal until after + August 7, 1473. Probably not, so far as to be domiciled there; + but inasmuch as he had long been a sailor, why should he not + have been in Portugal, or upon the African coast in a + Portuguese ship, in 1470 and 1471, and nevertheless have been + with his parents in Savona in 1472 and part of 1473? His own + statement "fourteen years" is not to be set aside on such + slight grounds as this. Furthermore, from the fact that + Bartholomew's name is not signed to the deed of August 7, 1473, + M. Harrisse infers that he was then a minor; i. e. under five + and twenty. But it seems to me more likely that Bartholomew was + already domiciled at Lisbon, since we are expressly told by two + good contemporary authorities--both of them Genoese writers + withal--that he moved to Lisbon and began making maps there at + an earlier date than Christopher. See Antonio Gallo, _De + navigatione Columbi per inaccessum antea Oceanum + Commentariolus_, apud Muratori, tom. xxiii. col. 301-304; + Giustiniani, _Psalterium_, Milan, 1516 (annotation to Psalm + xix.); Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, No. 88. + To these statements M. Harrisse objects that he finds (in + Belloro, _Notizie_, p. 8) mention of a document dated Savona, + June 16, 1480, in which Domenico Colombo gives a power of + attorney to his son Bartholomew to act for him in some matter. + The document itself, however, is not forthcoming, and the + notice cited by M. Harrisse really affords no ground for the + assumption that Bartholomew was in 1480 domiciled at Savona or + at Genoa.] + + [Footnote 424: Las Casas, _op. cit._ tom. i. p. 224; tom. ii. + p. 80. He possessed many maps and documents by both the + brothers.] + + [Footnote 425: "Spesse volte navigando da Lisbona a Guinea," + etc. _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. iv. The original authority + is Columbus's marginal note in his copy of the _Imago Mundi_ of + Alliacus, now preserved in the Colombina at Seville: "Nota quod + sepius navigando ex Ulixbona ad austrum in Guineam, notavi cum + diligentia viam, etc." Compare the allusions to Guinea in his + letters, Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. i. pp. 55, 71, 101.] + +[Sidenote: Philippa Moñiz de Perestrelo.] + +[Sidenote: Personal appearance of Columbus.] + +He had not been long in Portugal before he found a wife. We have already +met the able Italian navigator, Bartholomew Perestrelo, who was sent by +Prince Henry to the island of Porto Santo with Zarco and Vaz, about +1425. In recognition of eminent services Prince Henry afterwards, in +1446, appointed him governor of Porto Santo. Perestrelo died in 1457, +leaving a widow (his second wife, Isabella Moñiz) and a charming +daughter Philippa,[426] whom Columbus is said to have first met at a +religious service in the chapel of the convent of All Saints at Lisbon. +From the accounts of his personal appearance, given by Las Casas and +others who knew him, we can well understand how Columbus should have won +the heart of this lady, so far above him at that time in social +position. He was a man of noble and commanding presence, tall and +powerfully built, with fair ruddy complexion and keen blue-gray eyes +that easily kindled; while his waving white hair must have been quite +picturesque. His manner was at once courteous and cordial and his +conversation charming, so that strangers were quickly won, and in +friends who knew him well he inspired strong affection and respect.[427] +There was an indefinable air of authority about him, as befitted a man +of great heart and lofty thoughts.[428] Out of those kindling eyes +looked a grand and poetic soul, touched with that divine spark of +religious enthusiasm which makes true genius. + + [Footnote 426: There are some vexed questions concerning this + lady and the connections between the Moñiz and Perestrelo + families, for which see Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 267-292.] + + [Footnote 427: Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. p. 43. He + describes Bartholomew as not unlike his brother, but not so + tall, less affable in manner, and more stern in disposition, + _id._ tom. ii. p. 80.] + + [Footnote 428: "Christoval Colon ... persona de gran corazon y + altos pensamientos." Mariana, _Historia de España_, tom. viii. + p. 341.] + +[Sidenote: His marriage, and life upon the island of Porto Santo.] + +The acquaintance between Columbus and Philippa Moñiz de Perestrelo was +not long in ripening into affection, for they were married in 1473. As +there was a small estate at Porto Santo, Columbus went home thither with +his bride to live for a while in quiet and seclusion. Such repose we may +believe to have been favourable to meditation, and on that little +island, three hundred miles out on the mysterious ocean, we are told +that the great scheme of sailing westward to the Indies first took shape +in the mind of Columbus.[429] His father-in-law Perestrelo had left a +quantity of sailing charts and nautical notes, and these Columbus +diligently studied, while ships on their way to and from Guinea every +now and then stopped at the island, and one can easily imagine the eager +discussions that must have been held over the great commercial problem +of the age,--how far south that African coast extended and whether there +was any likelihood of ever finding an end to it. + + [Footnote 429: Upon that island his eldest son Diego was born. + This whole story of the life upon Porto Santo and its relation + to the genesis of Columbus's scheme is told very explicitly by + Las Casas, who says that it was told to him by Diego Columbus + at Barcelona in 1519, when they were waiting upon Charles V., + just elected Emperor and about to start for Aachen to be + crowned. And yet there are modern critics who are disposed to + deny the whole story. (See Harrisse, tom. i. p. 298.) The + grounds for doubt are, however, extremely trivial when + confronted with Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. p. 54.] + +[Sidenote: Alfonso V. asks advice of the great astronomer Toscanelli.] + +How long Columbus lived upon Porto Santo is not known, but he seems to +have gone from time to time back to Lisbon, and at length to have made +his home--or in the case of such a rover we might better say his +headquarters--in that city. We come now to a document of supreme +importance for our narrative. Paolo del Pozzo dei Toscanelli, born at +Florence in 1397, was one of the most famous astronomers and +cosmographers of his time, a man to whom it was natural that questions +involving the size and shape of the earth should be referred. To him +Alfonso V. of Portugal made application, through a gentleman of the +royal household, Fernando Martinez, who happened to be an old friend of +Toscanelli. What Alfonso wanted to know was whether there could be a +shorter oceanic route to the Indies than that which his captains were +seeking by following the African coast; if so, he begged that Toscanelli +would explain the nature and direction of such a route. The Florentine +astronomer replied with the letter presently to be quoted in full, dated +June 25, 1474; and along with the letter he sent to the king a sailing +chart, exhibiting his conception of the Atlantic ocean, with Europe on +the east and Cathay on the west. The date of this letter is eloquent. It +was early in 1472 that Santarem and Escobar brought back to Lisbon the +news that beyond the Gold Coast the African shore turned southwards and +stretched away in that direction beyond the equator. As I have already +observed, this was the moment when the question as to the possibility of +a shorter route was likely to arise;[430] and this is precisely the +question we find the king of Portugal putting to Toscanelli some time +before the middle of 1474. Now about this same time, or not long +afterwards, we find Columbus himself appealing to Toscanelli. An aged +Florentine merchant, Lorenzo Giraldi, then settled in Lisbon, was going +back to his native city for a visit, and to him Columbus entrusted a +letter for the eminent astronomer. He received the following answer: + +[Sidenote: Toscanelli's first letter to Columbus.] + +"Paul, the physicist, to Christopher Columbus greeting.[431] I perceive +your great and noble desire to go to the place where the spices grow; +wherefore in reply to a letter of yours, I send you a copy of another +letter, which I wrote a few days ago [or some time ago] to a friend of +mine, a gentleman of the household of the most gracious king of Portugal +before the wars of Castile,[432] in reply to another, which by command +of His Highness he wrote me concerning that matter: and I send you +another sailing chart, similar to the one I sent him, by which your +demands will be satisfied. The copy of that letter of mine is as +follows:-- + +[Sidenote: Toscanelli's copy of his former letter to Martinez--enclosed +in his first letter to Columbus.] + +"'Paul, the physicist, to Fernando Martinez, canon, at Lisbon, +greeting.[433] I was glad to hear of your intimacy and favour with your +most noble and illustrious king. I have formerly spoken with you about a +shorter route to the places of Spices by ocean navigation than that +which you are pursuing by Guinea. The most gracious king now desires +from me some statement, or rather an exhibition to the eye, so that even +slightly educated persons can grasp and comprehend that route. Although +I am well aware that this can be proved from the spherical shape of the +earth, nevertheless, in order to make the point clearer and to +facilitate the enterprise, I have decided to exhibit that route by means +of a sailing chart. I therefore send to his majesty a chart made by my +own hands,[434] upon which are laid down your coasts, and the islands +from which you must begin to shape your course steadily westward, and +the places at which you are bound to arrive, and how far from the pole +or from the equator you ought to keep away, and through how much space +or through how many miles you are to arrive at places most fertile in +all sorts of spices and gems; and do not wonder at my calling _west_ the +parts where the spices are, whereas they are commonly called _east_, +because to persons sailing persistently westward those parts will be +found by courses on the under side of the earth. For if [you go] by land +and by routes on this upper side, they will always be found in the east. +The straight lines drawn lengthwise upon the map indicate distance from +east to west, while the transverse lines show distances from south to +north. I have drawn upon the map various places upon which you may come, +for the better information of the navigators in case of their arriving, +whether through accident of wind or what not, at some different place +from what they had expected; but partly in order that they may show the +inhabitants that they have some knowledge of their country, which is +sure to be a pleasant thing. It is said that none but merchants dwell in +the islands.[435] For so great there is the number of navigators with +their merchandise that in all the rest of the world there are not so +many as in one very splendid port called Zaiton.[436] For they say that +a hundred great ships of pepper unload in that port every year, besides +other ships bringing other spices. That country is very populous and +very rich, with a multitude of provinces and kingdoms and cities without +number, under one sovereign who is called the Great Khan, which name +signifies King of Kings, whose residence is for the most part in the +province of Cathay. His predecessors two hundred years ago desired an +alliance with Christendom; they sent to the pope and asked for a number +of persons learned in the faith, that they might be enlightened; but +those who were sent, having encountered obstacles on the way, +returned.[437] Even in the time of Eugenius[438] there came one to +Eugenius and made a declaration concerning their great goodwill toward +Christians, and I had a long talk with him about many things, about the +great size of their royal palaces and the remarkable length and breadth +of their rivers, and the multitude of cities on the banks of the rivers, +such that on one river there are about two hundred cities, with marble +bridges very long and wide and everywhere adorned with columns. This +country is worth seeking by the Latins, not only because great treasures +may be obtained from it,--gold, silver, and all sorts of jewels and +spices,--but on account of its learned men, philosophers, and skilled +astrologers, and [in order that we may see] with what arts and devices +so powerful and splendid a province is governed, and also [how] they +conduct their wars. This for some sort of answer to his request, so far +as haste and my occupations have allowed, ready in future to make +further response to his royal majesty as much as he may wish. Given at +Florence 25th June, 1474.' + + [Footnote 430: See above, p. 330.] + + [Footnote 431: I translate this prologue from the Italian text + of the _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. viii. The original Latin + has nowhere been found. A Spanish version of the whole may be + found in Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. pp. 92-96. Las Casas, + by a mere slip of the pen, calls "Paul, the physicist," _Marco + Paulo_, and fifty years later Mariana calls him _Marco Polo, + physician_: "por aviso que le dió un cierto Marco Polo médico + Florentin," etc. _Historia de España_, tom. viii. p. 343. Thus + step by step doth error grow.] + + [Footnote 432: He means that his friend Martinez has been a + member of King Alfonso's household ever since the time before + the civil wars that began with the attempted deposition of + Henry IV. in 1465 and can hardly be said to have come to an end + before the death of that prince in December, 1474. See + Humboldt, _Examen critique_, tom. i. p. 225.] + + [Footnote 433: I translate this enclosed letter from the + original Latin text, as found, a few years ago, in the + handwriting of Columbus upon the fly-leaves of his copy of the + _Historia rerum ubique gestarum_ of Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini + (Pope Pius II.), published at Venice in 1477, in folio, and now + preserved in the Colombina at Seville. This Latin text is given + by Harrisse, in his _Fernand Colomb_, pp. 178-180, and also + (with more strict regard to the abbreviations of the original) + in his _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima--Additions_, Paris, + 1872, pp. xvi.-xviii. Very likely Columbus had occasion to let + the original MS. go out of his hands, and so preserved a copy + of it upon the fly-leaves of one of his books. These same + fly-leaves contain extracts from Josephus and Saint Augustine. + The reader will rightly infer from my translation that the + astronomer's Latin was somewhat rugged and lacking in literary + grace. Apparently he was anxious to jot down quickly what he + had to say, and get back to his work.] + + [Footnote 434: A sketch of this most memorable of maps is given + opposite. Columbus carried it with him upon his first voyage, + and shaped his course in accordance with it. Las Casas + afterwards had it in his possession (_Hist. de las Indias_, + tom. i. pp. 96, 279). It has since been lost, that is to say, + it may still be in existence, but nobody knows where. But it + has been so well described that the work of restoring its + general outlines is not difficult and has several times been + done. The sketch here given is taken from Winsor (_Narr. and + Crit. Hist._, ii. 103), who takes it from _Das Ausland_, 1867, + p. 5. Another restoration may be found in St. Martin's _Atlas_, + pl. ix. This map was the source of the western part of Martin + Behaim's globe, as given below, p. 422.] + + [Footnote 435: All the description that follows is taken by + Toscanelli from the book of Marco Polo.] + + [Footnote 436: On modern maps usually called Chang-chow, about + 100 miles S. W. from Fou-chow.] + + [Footnote 437: I have given an account of this mission, above, + p. 281.] + + [Footnote 438: Eugenius IV., pope from 1431 to 1447.] + +[Sidenote: Conclusion of Toscanelli's first letter to Columbus.] + +"From[439] the city of Lisbon due west there are 26 spaces marked on the +map, each of which contains 250 miles, as far as the very great and +splendid city of Quinsay.[440] For it is a hundred miles in +circumference and has ten bridges, and its name means City of Heaven, +and many wonderful things are told about it and about the multitude of +its arts and revenues. This space is almost a third part of the whole +sphere. That city is in the province of Mangi, or near the province of +Cathay in which land is the royal residence. But from the island of +Antilia, which you know, to the very splendid island of Cipango[441] +there are ten spaces. For that island abounds in gold, pearls, and +precious stones, and they cover the temples and palaces with solid gold. +So through the unknown parts of the route the stretches of sea to be +traversed are not great. Many things might perhaps have been stated more +clearly, but one who duly considers what I have said will be able to +work out the rest for himself. Farewell, most esteemed one." + + [Footnote 439: This paragraph is evidently the conclusion of + the letter to Columbus, and not a part of the letter to + Martinez, which has just ended with the date. In _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_ the two letters are mixed together.] + + [Footnote 440: On modern maps Hang-chow. After 1127 that city + was for some time the capital of China, and Marco Polo's name + _Quinsay_ represents the Chinese word _King-sse_ or "capital," + now generally applied to Peking. Marco Polo calls it the finest + and noblest city in the world. It appears that he does not + overstate the circumference of its walls at 100 Chinese miles + or _li_, equivalent to about 30 English miles. It has greatly + diminished since Polo's time, while other cities have grown. + Toscanelli was perhaps afraid to repeat Polo's figure as to the + number of stone bridges; Polo says there were 12,000 of them, + high enough for ships to pass under! We thus see how his + Venetian fellow-citizens came to nickname him "Messer Marco + Milione." As Colonel Yule says, "I believe we must not bring + Marco to book for the literal accuracy of his statements as to + the bridges; but all travellers have noticed the number and + elegance of the bridges of cut stone in this part of China." + _Marco Polo_, vol. ii, p. 144.] + + [Footnote 441: For Cipango, or Japan, see Yule's _Marco Polo_, + vol. ii. pp. 195-207. The venerable astronomer's style of + composition is amusing. He sets out to demonstrate to Columbus + that the part of the voyage to be accomplished through new and + unfamiliar stretches of the Atlantic is not great; but he is so + full of the glories of Cathay and Cipango that he keeps + reverting to that subject, to the manifest detriment of his + exposition. His argument, however, is perfectly clear.] + +Some time after the receipt of this letter Columbus wrote again to +Toscanelli, apparently sending him either some charts of his own, or +some notes, or something bearing upon the subject in hand. No such +letter is preserved, but Toscanelli replied as follows:-- + +[Sidenote: Toscanelli's second letter to Columbus.] + +"Paul, the physicist, to Christopher Columbus greeting.[442] I have +received your letters, with the things which you sent me, for which I +thank you very much. I regard as noble and grand your project of sailing +from east to west according to the indications furnished by the map +which I sent you, and which would appear still more plainly upon a +sphere. I am much pleased to see that I have been well understood, and +that the voyage has become not only possible but certain,[443] fraught +with honour as it must be, and inestimable gain, and most lofty fame +among all Christian people. You cannot take in all that it means except +by actual experience, or without such copious and accurate information +as I have had from eminent and learned men who have come from those +places to the Roman court, and from merchants who have traded a long +time in those parts, persons whose word is to be believed (_persone di +grande autorità_). When that voyage shall be accomplished, it will be a +voyage to powerful kingdoms, and to cities and provinces most wealthy +and noble, abounding in all sorts of things most desired by us; I mean, +with all kinds of spices and jewels in great abundance. It will also be +advantageous for those kings and princes who are eager to have dealings +and make alliances with the Christians of our countries, and to learn +from the erudite men of these parts,[444] as well in religion as in all +other branches of knowledge. For these reasons, and many others that +might be mentioned, I do not wonder that you, who are of great courage, +and the whole Portuguese nation, which has always had men distinguished +in all such enterprises, are now inflamed with desire[445] to execute +the said voyage." + + [Footnote 442: The original of this letter is not forthcoming. + I translate from _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. viii.] + + [Footnote 443: Yet poor old Toscanelli did not live to see it + accomplished; he died in 1482, before Columbus left Portugal.] + + [Footnote 444: That is, of Europe, and especially of Italy. + Toscanelli again refers to Kublai Khan's message to the pope + which--more or less mixed up with the vague notions about + Prester John--had evidently left a deep impression upon the + European mind. In translating the above sentence I have + somewhat retrenched its excessive verbiage without affecting + the meaning.] + + [Footnote 445: In including the "whole Portuguese nation" as + feeling this desire, the good astronomer's enthusiasm again + runs away with him.] + +[Sidenote: Who first suggested the feasibleness of a westward route? Was +it Columbus?] + +These letters are intensely interesting, especially the one to Martinez, +which reveals the fact that as early as 1474 the notion that a westward +route to the Indies would be shorter than the southward route had +somehow been suggested to Alfonso V.; and had, moreover, sufficiently +arrested his attention to lead him to make inquiries of the most eminent +astronomer within reach. Who could have suggested this notion to the +king of Portugal? Was it Columbus, the trained mariner and map-maker, +who might lately have been pondering the theories of Ptolemy and Mela as +affected by the voyage of Santarem and Escobar, and whose connection +with the Moñiz and Perestrelo families would now doubtless facilitate +his access to the court? On some accounts this may seem probable, +especially if we bear in mind Columbus's own statement implying that his +appeals to the crown dated almost from the beginning of his fourteen +years in Portugal. + +[Sidenote: Perhaps it was Toscanelli.] + +All the circumstances, however, seem to be equally consistent with the +hypothesis that the first suggestion of the westward route may have come +from Toscanelli himself, through the medium of the canon Martinez, who +had for so many years been a member of King Alfonso's household. The +words at the beginning of the letter lend some probability to this view: +"I have formerly spoken with you about a shorter route to the places of +Spices by ocean navigation than that which you are pursuing by Guinea." +It was accordingly earlier than 1474--how much earlier does not +appear--that such discussions between Toscanelli and Martinez must +probably have come to the ears of King Alfonso; and now, very likely +owing to the voyage of Santarem and Escobar, that monarch began to think +it worth while to seek for further information, "an exhibition to the +eye," so that mariners not learned in astronomy like Toscanelli might +"grasp and comprehend" the shorter route suggested. It is altogether +probable that the Florentine astronomer, who was seventy-seven years old +when he wrote this letter, had already for a long time entertained the +idea of a westward route; and a man in whom the subject aroused so much +enthusiasm could hardly have been reticent about it. It is not likely +that Martinez was the only person to whom he descanted[446] upon the +glory and riches to be found by sailing "straight to Cathay," and there +were many channels through which Columbus might have got some inkling of +his views, even before going to Portugal. + + [Footnote 446: Luigi Pulci, in his famous romantic poem + published in 1481, has a couple of striking stanzas in which + Astarotte says to Rinaldo that the time is at hand when + Hercules shall blush to see how far beyond his Pillars the + ships shall soon go forth to find another hemisphere, for + although the earth is as round as a wheel, yet the water at any + given point is a plane, and inasmuch as all things tend to a + common centre so that by a divine mystery the earth is + suspended in equilibrium among the stars, just so there is an + antipodal world with cities and castles unknown to men of olden + time, and the sun in hastening westwards descends to shine upon + those peoples who are awaiting him below the horizon:-- + + Sappi che questa opinione è vana + Perchè più oltre navicar si puote, + Però che l' acqua in ogni parte è piana, + Benchè la terra abbi forma di ruote; + Era più grossa allor la gente umana, + Tal che potrebbe arrossirne le gote + Ercule ancor, d' aver posti que' segni, + Perchè più oltre passeranno i legni. + E puossi andar giù nell' altro emisperio, + Però che al centro ogni cosa reprime: + Sicchè la terra per divin misterio + Sospesa sta fra le stelle sublime, + E laggiù son città, castella, e imperio; + Ma nol cognobbon quelle gente prime. + Vedi che il sol di camminar s' affretta, + Dove io dico che laggiù s' aspetta. + Pulci, _Morgante Maggiore_, xxv. 229, 230. + + This prophecy of western discovery combines with the + astronomical knowledge here shown, to remind us that the + Florentine Pulci was a fellow-townsman and most likely an + acquaintance of Toscanelli.] + +[Sidenote: The idea was suggested by the globular form of the earth;] + +[Sidenote: and was as old as Aristotle.] + +[Sidenote: Opinions of ancient writers.] + +However this may have been, the letter clearly proves that at that most +interesting period, in or about 1474, Columbus was already meditating +upon the westward route.[447] Whether he owed the idea to Toscanelli, +or not, is a question of no great importance so far as concerns his own +originality; for the idea was already in the air. The originality of +Columbus did not consist in his conceiving the possibility of reaching +the shores of Cathay by sailing west, but in his conceiving it in such +distinct and practical shape as to be ready to make the adventure in +his own person. As a matter of theory the possibility of such a voyage +could not fail to be suggested by the globular form of the earth; and +ever since the days of Aristotle that had been generally admitted by men +learned in physical science. Aristotle proved, from the different +altitudes of the pole-star in different places, that the earth must +necessarily be a globe. Moreover, says Aristotle, "some stars are seen +in Egypt or at Cyprus, but are not seen in the countries to the north of +these; and the stars that in the north are visible while they make a +complete circuit, there undergo a setting. So that from this it is +manifest, not only that the form of the earth is round, but also that it +is part of not a very large sphere; for otherwise the difference would +not be so obvious to persons making so small a change of place. +Wherefore we may judge that _those persons who connect the region in the +neighbourhood of the Pillars of Hercules with that towards India, and +who assert that in this way the sea is_ ONE, do not assert things very +improbable."[448] It thus appears that more than eighteen centuries +before Columbus took counsel of Toscanelli, "those persons" to whom +Aristotle alludes were discussing, as a matter of theory, this same +subject. Eratosthenes held that it would be easy enough to sail from +Spain to India on the same parallel were it not for the vast extent of +the Atlantic ocean.[449] On the other hand, Seneca maintained that the +distance was probably not so very great, and that with favouring winds a +ship might make the voyage in a few days.[450] In one of his tragedies +Seneca has a striking passage[451] which has been repeatedly quoted as +referring to the discovery of America, and is certainly one of the most +notable instances of prophecy on record. There will come a time, he +says, in the later years, when Ocean shall loosen the bonds by which we +have been confined, when an immense land shall lie revealed, and Tethys +shall disclose new worlds, and Thule will no longer be the most remote +of countries. In Strabo there is a passage, less commonly noticed, which +hits the truth--as we know it to-day--even more closely. Having argued +that the total length of the Inhabited World is only about a third part +of the circumference of the earth in the temperate zone, he suggests it +as possible, or even probable, that within this space there may be +another Inhabited World, or even more than one; but such places would be +inhabited by different races of men, with whom the geographer, whose +task it is to describe the _known_ world, has no concern.[452] Nothing +could better illustrate the philosophical character of Strabo's mind. In +such speculations, so far as his means of verification went, he was +situated somewhat as we are to-day with regard to the probable +inhabitants of Venus or Mars. + + [Footnote 447: It was formerly assumed, without hesitation, + that the letter from Toscanelli to Columbus was written and + sent in 1474. The reader will observe, however, that while the + enclosed letter to Martinez is dated June 25, 1474, the letter + to Columbus, in which it was enclosed, has no date. But + according to the text as given in _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. + viii., this would make no difference, for the letter to + Columbus was sent only a few days later than the original + letter to Martinez: "I send you a copy of another letter, which + I wrote a few days ago (_alquanti giorni fa_) to a friend of + mine, a gentleman of the household of the king of Portugal + before the wars of Castile, in reply to another," etc. This + friend, Martinez, had evidently been a gentleman of the + household of Alfonso V. since before the civil wars of Castile, + which in 1474 had been going on intermittently for nine years + under the feeble Henry IV., who did not die until December 12, + 1474. Toscanelli apparently means to say "a friend of mine who + has for ten years or more been a gentleman of the royal + household," etc.; only instead of mentioning the number of + years, he alludes less precisely (as most people, and perhaps + especially old people, are apt to do) to the most notable, + mentionable, and glaring fact in the history of the Peninsula + for that decade,--namely, the civil wars of Castile. As if an + American writer in 1864 had said, "a friend of mine, who has + been secretary to A. B. since before the war," instead of + saying "for four years or more." This is the only reasonable + interpretation of the phrase as it stands above, and it was + long ago suggested by Humboldt (_Examen critique_, tom. i. p. + 225). Italian and Spanish writers of that day, however, were + lavish with their commas and sprinkled them in pretty much at + haphazard. In this case Ferdinand's translator, Ulloa, + sprinkled in one comma too many, and it fell just in front of + the clause "before the wars of Castile;" so that Toscanelli's + sentence was made to read as follows: "I send you a copy of + another letter, which I wrote a few days ago to a friend of + mine, a gentleman of the household of the king of Portugal, + before the wars of Castile, in reply to another," etc. Now this + unhappy comma, coming after the word "Portugal," has caused + ream after ream of good paper to be inked up in discussion, for + it has led some critics to understand the sentence as follows: + "I send you a copy of another letter, which I wrote a few days + ago, before the wars of Castile, to a friend of mine," etc. + This reading brought things to a pretty pass. Evidently a + letter dated June 25, 1474, could not have been written before + the civil wars of Castile, which began in 1465. It was + therefore assumed that the phrase must refer to the "War of + Succession" between Castile and Portugal (in some ways an + outgrowth from the civil wars of Castile) which began in May, + 1475, and ended in September, 1479. M. d'Avezac thinks that the + letter to Columbus must have been written after the latter + date, or more than five years later than the enclosed letter. + M. Harrisse is somewhat less exacting, and is willing to admit + that it may have been written at any time after this war had + fairly begun,--say in the summer of 1475, not more than a year + or so later than the enclosed letter. Still he is disposed on + some accounts to put the date as late as 1482. The phrase + _alquanti giorni fa_ will not allow either of these + interpretations. It means "a few days ago," and cannot possibly + mean a year ago, still less five years ago. The Spanish + retranslator from Ulloa renders it exactly _algunos dias há_ + (Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. ii. p. 7), and Humboldt (_loc. + cit._) has it _il y a quelques jours_. If we could be sure that + the expression is a correct rendering of the lost Latin + original, we might feel sure that the letter to Columbus must + have been written as early as the beginning of August, 1474. + But now the great work of Las Casas, after lying in manuscript + for 314 years, has at length been published in 1875. Las Casas + gives a Spanish version of the Toscanelli letters (_Historia de + las Indias_, tom. i. pp. 92-97), which is unquestionably older + than Ulloa's Italian version, though perhaps not necessarily + more accurate. The phrase in Las Casas is not _algunos dias + há_, but _há dias_, i. e. not "a few days ago," but "some time + ago." Just which expression Toscanelli used cannot be + determined unless somebody is fortunate enough to discover the + lost Latin original. The phrase in Las Casas admits much more + latitude of meaning than the other. I should suppose that _há + dias_ might refer to an event a year or two old, which would + admit of the interpretation considered admissible by M. + Harrisse. I should hardly suppose that it could refer to an + event five or six years old; if Toscanelli had been referring + in 1479 or 1480 to a letter written in 1474, his phrase would + probably have appeared in Spanish as _algunos años há_, i. e. + "a few years ago," not as _há dias_. M. d'Avezac's hypothesis + seems to me not only inconsistent with the phrase _há dias_, + but otherwise improbable. The frightful anarchy in Castile, + which began in 1465 with the attempt to depose Henry IV. and + alter the succession, was in great measure a series of ravaging + campaigns and raids, now more general, now more local, and can + hardly be said to have come to an end before Henry's death in + 1474. The war which began with the invasion of Castile by + Alfonso V. of Portugal, in May, 1475, was simply a later phase + of the same series of conflicts, growing out of disputed claims + to the crown and rivalries among great barons, in many respects + similar to the contemporary anarchy in England called the Wars + of the Roses. It is not likely that Toscanelli, writing at any + time between 1475 and 1480, and speaking of the "wars of + Castile" in the plural, could have had 1474 in his mind as a + date previous to those wars; to his mind it would have rightly + appeared as a date in the midst of them. In any case, + therefore, his reference must be to a time before 1465, and + Humboldt's interpretation is in all probability correct. The + letter from Toscanelli to Columbus was probably written within + a year or two after June 25, 1474. + + On account of the vast importance of the Toscanelli letters, + and because the early texts are found in books which the reader + is not likely to have at hand, I have given them entire in the + Appendix at the end of this work.] + + [Footnote 448: [Greek: Hôste ta hyper tês kephalês astra + megalên echein tên metabolên, kai mê tauta phainesthai pros + arkton te kai mesêmbrian metabainousin; enioi gar en Aigyptô + men asteres horôntai, kai peri Kypron; en tois pros arkton de + chôrious ouch horôntai kai ta dia pantos en tois pros arkton + phainomena tôn astrôn, en ekeinois tois topois poieitai dysin. + Hôst' ou monon ek toutôn dêlon peripheres on to schêma tês gês, + alla kai sphairas ou megalês. Ou gar an houtô tachy epidêlon + epoiei methistemenois houtô brachy. Dio tous hypolambanontas + synaptein ton peri tas Hêrakleious stêlas topon tô peri tên + Indikên, kai touton ton tropon einai tên Thalattan mian, mê + lian hypolambanein apista dokein.] Aristotle, _De Coelo_, ii. + 14. He goes on to say that "those persons" allege the existence + of elephants alike in Mauretania and in India in proof of their + theory.] + + [Footnote 449: [Greek: Hôst' ei mê to megethos tou Atlantikou + pelagous ekôlye, kan plein hêmas ek tês Ibêrias eis tên Indikên + dia tou autou parallêlou.] Strabo, i. 4, § 6.] + + [Footnote 450: "Quantum enim est, quod ab ultimis litoribus + Hispaniæ usque ad Indos jacet? Paucissimorum dierum spatium, si + navem suus ventus implevit." Seneca, _Nat. Quæst._, i. præf. § + 11.] + + [Footnote 451: + + Venient annis sæcula seris, + Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum + Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus, + Tethysque novos detegat orbes, + Nec sit terris ultima Thule. + Seneca, _Medea_, 376. + + In the copy of Seneca's tragedies, published at Venice in + 1510, bought at Valladolid by Ferdinand Columbus in March, + 1518, for 4 reals (plus 2 reals for binding), and now to be + seen at the Biblioteca Colombina, there is a marginal note + attached to these verses: "hæc prophetia expleta [=e] per + patr[=e] meuz[=z] cristofor[=u] col[=o] almir[=a]t[=e] anno + 1492."] + + [Footnote 452: [Greek: Kaloumen gar oikoumenên hên oikoumen kai + gnôrizomen; endeketai de kai en tê autê eukratô zônê kai dyo + oikoumenas einai ê kai pleious.] Strabo, i. 4, § 6; [Greek: kai + gar ei houtôs echei, ouch hypo toutôn ge oikeitai tôn par' + hêmin; all' ekeinên allên oikoumenên theteon. hoper esti + pithanon. Hêmin de ta en autê tauta lekteon.] Id. ii. 5, § 13. + This has always seemed to me one of the most remarkable + anticipations of modern truth in all ancient literature. Mr. + Bunbury thinks it may have suggested the famous verses of + Seneca just quoted. _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. ii. p. + 224.] + +[Sidenote: Opinions of Christian writers.] + +[Sidenote: Roger Bacon.] + +[Sidenote: The "Imago Mundi" of Petrus Alliacus.] + +Early in the Christian era we are told by an eminent Greek astronomer +that the doctrine of the earth's sphericity was accepted by all +competent persons except the Epicureans.[453] Among the Fathers of the +Church there was some difference of opinion; while in general they +denied the existence of human beings beyond the limits of their +Oecumene, or Inhabited World, this denial did not necessarily involve +disbelief in the globular figure of the earth.[454] The views of the +great mass of people, and of the more ignorant of the clergy, down to +the time of Columbus, were probably well represented in the book of +Cosmas Indicopleustes already cited.[455] Nevertheless among the more +enlightened clergy the views of the ancient astronomers were never quite +forgotten, and in the great revival of intellectual life in the +thirteenth century the doctrine of the earth's sphericity was again +brought prominently into the foreground. We find Dante basing upon it +the cosmical theory elaborated in his immortal poem.[456] In 1267 Roger +Bacon--stimulated, no doubt, by the reports of the ocean east of +Cathay--collected passages from ancient writers to prove that the +distance from Spain to the eastern shores of Asia could not be very +great. Bacon's argument and citations were copied in an extremely +curious book, the "Imago Mundi," published in 1410 by the Cardinal +Pierre d'Ailly, Bishop of Cambrai, better known by the Latinized form of +his name as Petrus Alliacus. This treatise, which throughout the +fifteenth century enjoyed a great reputation, was a favourite book with +Columbus, and his copy of it, covered with marginal annotations in his +own handwriting, is still preserved among the priceless treasures of the +Biblioteca Colombina.[457] He found in it strong confirmation of his +views, and it is not impossible that the reading of it may have first +put such ideas into his head. Such a point, however, can hardly be +determined. As I have already observed, these ideas were in the air. +What Columbus did was not to originate them, but to incarnate them in +facts and breathe into them the breath of life. It was one thing to +suggest, as a theoretical possibility, that Cathay might be reached by +sailing westward; and it was quite another thing to prove that the +enterprise was feasible with the ships and instruments then at command. + + [Footnote 453: [Greek: Hoi de hêmeteroi] [i. e. the Stoics] + [Greek: kai apo mathêmatôn pantes, kai hoi pleious tôn apo tou + Sôkratikou didaskaleiou sphairikon einai to schêma tês gês + diebebaiôsanto.] Cleomedes, i. 8; cf. Lucretius, _De Rerum + Nat._, i. 1052-1082; Stobæus, _Eclog._ i. 19; Plutarch, _De + facie in Orbe Luna_, cap. vii.] + + [Footnote 454: See Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, xvi. 9; + Lactantius, _Inst. Div._, iii. 23; Jerome, _Comm. in Ezechiel_, + i. 6; Whewell's _History of the Inductive Sciences_, vol i. p. + 196.] + + [Footnote 455: See above, p. 266.] + + [Footnote 456: For an account of the cosmography of the Divine + Comedy, illustrated with interesting diagrams, see Artaud de + Montor, _Histoire de Dante Alighieri_, Paris, 1841.] + + [Footnote 457: It was first printed without indication of place + or date, but probably the place was Paris and the date + somewhere from 1483 to 1490. Manuscript copies were very + common, and Columbus probably knew the book long before that + time. There is a good account of it in Humboldt's _Examen + critique_, tom. i. pp. 61-76, 96-108. Humboldt thinks that such + knowledge as Columbus had of the opinions of ancient writers + was chiefly if not wholly obtained from Alliacus. It is + doubtful if Columbus had any direct acquaintance with the works + of Roger Bacon, but he knew the _Liber Cosmographicus_ of + Albertus Magnus and the _Speculum Naturale_ of Vincent de + Beauvais (both about 1250), and drew encouragement from them. + He also knew the book of Mandeville, first printed in French at + Lyons in 1480, and a Latin translation of Marco Polo, published + in 1485, a copy of which, with marginal MS. notes, is now in + the Colombina.] + +[Illustration: Annotations by Columbus.] + +[Sidenote: Ancient estimates of the size of the globe and the length of +the Oecumene.] + +The principal consideration, of course, was the distance to be +traversed; and here Columbus was helped by an error which he shared with +many geographers of his day. He somewhat underestimated the size of the +earth, and at the same time greatly overestimated the length of Asia. +The first astronomer to calculate, by scientific methods, the +circumference of our planet at the equator was Eratosthenes (B. C. +276-196), and he came--all things considered--fairly near the truth; he +made it 25,200 geographical miles (of ten stadia), or about one seventh +too great. The true figure is 21,600 geographical miles, equivalent to +24,899 English statute miles.[458] Curiously enough, Posidonius, in +revising this calculation a century later, reduced the figure to 18,000 +miles, or about one seventh too small. The circumference in the latitude +of Gibraltar he estimated at 14,000 miles; the length of the Oecumene, +or Inhabited World, he called 7,000; the distance across the Atlantic +from the Spanish strand to the eastern shores of Asia was the other +7,000. The error of Posidonius was partially rectified by Ptolemy, who +made the equatorial circumference 20,400 geographical miles, and the +length of a degree 56.6 miles.[459] This estimate, in which the error +was less than one sixteenth, prevailed until modern times. Ptolemy also +supposed the Inhabited World to extend over about half the circumference +of the temperate zone, but the other half he imagined as consisting +largely of bad lands, quagmires, and land-locked seas, instead of a vast +and open ocean.[460] + + [Footnote 458: See Herschel's _Outlines of Astronomy_, p. 140. + For an account of the method employed by Eratosthenes, see + Delambre, _Histoire de l'astronomie ancienne_, tom. i. pp. + 86-91; Lewis, _Astronomy of the Ancients_, p. 198.] + + [Footnote 459: See Bunbury's _History of Ancient Geography_, + vol. ii. pp. 95-97, 546-579; Müller and Donaldson, _History of + Greek Literature_, vol. iii. p. 268.] + + [Footnote 460: Strabo, in arguing against this theory of bad + lands, etc., as obstacles to ocean navigation--a theory which + seems to be at least as old as Hipparchus--has a passage which + finely expresses the loneliness of the sea:--[Greek: Hoite gar + periplein epicheirêsantes, eita anastrepsantes, ouch hypo + êpeirou tinos antipiptousês kai kôlyousês, ton epekeina ploun + anakrousthênai phasin, alla hypo aporias kai erêmias, ouden + hêtton tês thalattês echousês ton poron] (lib. i. cap. i. § 8). + When one thinks of this [Greek: aporia] and [Greek: erêmia], + one fancies oneself far out on the Atlantic, alone in an open + boat on a cloudy night, bewildered and hopeless.] + +[Sidenote: Toscanelli's calculation of the size of the earth,] + +[Sidenote: and of the position of Cipango.] + +Ptolemy's opinion as to the length of the Inhabited World was +considerably modified in the minds of those writers who toward the end +of the Middle Ages had been strongly impressed by the book of Marco +Polo. Among these persons was Toscanelli. This excellent astronomer +calculated the earth's equatorial circumference at almost exactly the +true figure; his error was less than 124 English miles in excess. The +circumference in the latitude of Lisbon he made 26 × 250 × 3 = 19,500 +miles.[461] Two thirds of this figure, or 13,000 miles, he allowed for +the length of the Oecumene, from Lisbon eastward to Quinsay (i. e. +Hang-chow), leaving 6,500 for the westward voyage from Lisbon to +Quinsay. Thus Toscanelli elongated Asia by nearly the whole width of the +Pacific ocean. His Quinsay would come about 130° W., a few hundred miles +west of the mouth of the Columbia river. Zaiton (i. e. Chang-chow), the +easternmost city in Toscanelli's China, would come not far from the tip +end of Lower California. Thus the eastern coast of Cipango, about a +thousand miles east from Zaiton, would fall in the Gulf of Mexico +somewhere near the ninety-third meridian, and that island, being over a +thousand miles in length north and south, would fill up the space +between the parallel of New Orleans and that of the city of Guatemala. +The westward voyage from the Canaries to Cipango, according to +Toscanelli, would be rather more than 3,250 miles, but at a third of the +distance out he placed the imaginary island of "Antilia," with which he +seems to have supposed Portuguese sailors to be familiar.[462] "So +through the unknown parts of the route," said the venerable astronomer, +"the stretches of sea to be traversed are not great,"--not much more +than 2,000 English miles, not so long as the voyage from Lisbon to the +Guinea coast. + +[Sidenote: Columbus's opinion of the size of the globe, the length of +the Oecumene, and the width of the Atlantic ocean.] + +[Sidenote: The fourth book of Esdras.] + +While Columbus attached great importance to these calculations and +carried Toscanelli's map with him upon his first voyage, he improved +somewhat upon the estimates of distance, and thus made his case still +more hopeful. Columbus was not enough of an astronomer to adopt +Toscanelli's improved measurement of the size of the earth. He accepted +Ptolemy's figure of 20,400 geographical miles for the equatorial +girth,[463] which would make the circumference in the latitude of the +Canaries about 18,000; and Columbus, on the strength of sundry passages +from ancient authors which he found in Alliacus (cribbed from Roger +Bacon), concluded that six sevenths of this circumference must be +occupied by the Oecumene, including Cipango, so that in order to reach +that wonderful island he would only have to sail over one seventh, or +not much more than 2,500 miles from the Canaries.[464] An authority upon +which he placed great reliance in this connection was the fourth book +of Esdras, which although not a canonical part of the Bible was approved +by holy men, and which expressly asserted that six parts of the earth +(i. e. of the length of the Oecumene, or north temperate zone) are +inhabited and only the seventh part covered with water. From the general +habit of Columbus's mind it may be inferred that it was chiefly upon +this scriptural authority that he based his confident expectation of +finding land soon after accomplishing seven hundred leagues from the +Canaries. Was it not as good as written in the Bible that land was to be +found there? + + [Footnote 461: See above, p. 360. Toscanelli's mile was nearly + equivalent to the English statute mile. See the very important + note in Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, vol. i. p. 51.] + + [Footnote 462: The reader will also notice upon Toscanelli's + map the islands of Brazil and St. Brandan. For an account of + all these fabulous islands see Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, + vol. i. pp. 46-51. The name of "Antilia" survives in the name + "Antilles," applied since about 1502 to the West India islands. + All the islands west of Toscanelli's ninetieth meridian belong + in the Pacific. He drew them from his understanding of the + descriptions of Marco Polo, Friar Odoric, and other travellers. + These were the islands supposed, rightly, though vaguely, to + abound in spices.] + + [Footnote 463: Columbus was confirmed in this opinion by the + book of the Arabian astronomer Alfragan, written about A. D. + 950, a Latin translation of which appeared in 1447. There is a + concise summary of it in Delambre, _Histoire de l'astronomie du + Moyen Âge_, pp. 63-73. Columbus proceeded throughout on the + assumption that the length of a degree at the equator is 56.6 + geographical miles, instead of the correct figure 60. This + would oblige him to reduce all Toscanelli's figures by about + six per cent., to begin with. Upon this point we have the + highest authority, that of Columbus himself, in an autograph + marginal note in his copy of the _Imago Mundi_, where he + expresses himself most explicitly: "Nota quod sepius navigando + ex Ulixbona ad Austrum in Guineam, notavi cum diligentia viam, + ut solitum naucleris et malineriis, et preteria accepi + altitudinem solis cum quadrante et aliis instrumentis plures + vices, et inveni concordare cum Alfragano, videlicet respondere + quemlibet gradum milliariis 56-2/3. Quare ad hanc mensuram + fidem adhibendam. Tunc igitur possumus dicere quod circuitus + Terræ sub aræ equinoctiali est 20,400 milliariorum. Similiter + que id invenit magister Josephus phisicus et astrologus et alii + plures missi specialiter ad hoc per serenissimum regem + Portugaliæ," etc.; _anglicè_, "Observe that in sailing often + from Lisbon southward to Guinea, I carefully marked the course, + according to the custom of skippers and mariners, and moreover + I took the sun's altitude several times with a quadrant and + other instruments, and in agreement with Alfragan I found that + each degree [i. e. of longitude, measured on a great circle] + answers to 56-2/3 miles. So that one may rely upon this + measure. We may therefore say that the equatorial circumference + of the earth is 20,400 miles. A similar result was obtained by + Master Joseph, the physicist [or, perhaps, physician] and + astronomer, and several others sent for this special purpose by + the most gracious king of Portugal."--Master Joseph was + physician to John II. of Portugal, and was associated with + Martin Behaim in the invention of an improved astrolabe which + greatly facilitated ocean navigation.--The exact agreement with + Ptolemy's figures shows that by a mile Columbus meant a + geographical mile, equivalent to ten Greek stadia.] + + [Footnote 464: One seventh of 18,000 is 2,571 geographical + miles, equivalent to 2,963 English miles. The actual length of + Columbus's first voyage, from last sight of land in the + Canaries to first sight of land in the Bahamas, was according + to his own dead reckoning about 3,230 geographical miles. See + his journal in Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. i. pp. 6-20. + + I give here in parallel columns the passage from Bacon and the + one from Alliacus upon which Columbus placed so much reliance. + In the Middle Ages there was a generous tolerance of much that + we have since learned to stigmatize as plagiarism. + + From Roger Bacon, _Opus From Petrus Alliacus, _De + Majus_ (A. D. 1267), London, imagine Mundi_ (A. D. 1410), + 1733, ed. Jebb, p. 183:--"Sed Paris, cir. 1490, cap. viii. fol. + Aristoteles vult in fine secundi 13 b:--"Summus Aristoteles + Coeli et Mundi quod plus [terræ] dicit quod mare parvum est inter + habitetur quam quarta pars. Et finem Hispaniæ a parte occidentis + Averroes hoc confirmat. Dicit et inter principium Indiæ + Aristoteles quod mare parvum a parte orientis, et vult quod + est inter finem Hispaniæ a parte plus habitetur quam quarta + occidentis et inter principium pars, et Averroes hoc confirmat. + Indiæ a parte orientis. Et Seneca, Insuper Seneca libro + libro quinto Naturalium, quinto Naturalium, dicit quod + dicit quod mare hoc est navigabile mare est navigabile in paucis + in paucissimis diebus si diebus si ventus sit conveniens. + ventus sit conveniens. Et Plinius Et Plinius docet in Naturalibus, + docet in Naturalibus quod libro secundo, quod navigatum + navigatum est a sinu Arabico est a sinu Arabico usque ad + usque ad Gades: unde refert Gades Herculis non multum + quendam fugisse a rego suo magno tempore, + præ timore et intravit sinum + Maris Rubri ... qui circiter + spatium navigationis annualis + distat a Mari Indico: ... ex + quo patet principium Indiæ in + oriente multum a nobis distare + et ab Hispania, postquam tantum + distat a principio Arabiæ + versus Indiam. A fine Hispaniæ unde concludunt + sub terra tam parvum mare est aliqui, quod mare non est + quod non potest cooperire tres tantum quod possit cooperire + quartas terræ. Et hoc per tres quartas terræ. Accedit ad + auctoritatem alterius considerationis hoc auctoritas Esdræ libro suo + probatur. Nam Esdras quarto, dicentis quod sex partes + dicit quarto libro, quod sex + partes terræ sunt habitatæ et terrae sunt habitatæ et septima + septima est cooperta aquis. Et est cooperta aquis, + ne aliquis impediat hanc auctoritatem, + dicens quod liber ille + est apocryphus et ignotæ auctoritatis, + dicendum est quod cujus libri auctoritatem sancti + sancti habuerunt illum librum habuerunt in reverentia." + in usu et confirmant veritates + sacras per illum librum." + + Columbus must either have carried the book of Alliacus with him + on his voyages, or else have read his favourite passages until + he knew them by heart, as may be seen from the following + passage of a letter, written from Hispaniola in 1498 to + Ferdinand and Isabella (Navarrete, tom i. p. 261):--"El + Aristotel dice que este mundo es pequeño y es el agua muy poca, + y que facilmente se puede pasar de España à las Indias, y esto + confirma el Avenryz [Averroes], y le alega el cardenal Pedro de + Aliaco, autorizando este decir y aquel de Seneca, el qual + conforma con estos.... À esto trac una autoridad de Esdras del + tercero libro suyo, adonde dice que de siete partes del mundo + las seis son descubiertas y la una es cubierta de agua, la cual + autoridad es aprobada por Santos, los cuales dan autoridad al + 3^o é 4^o libro de Esdras, ansí come es S. Agustin é S. + Ambrosio en su _exámeron_," etc.--"Singular period," exclaims + Humboldt, "when a mixture of testimonies from Aristotle and + Averroes, Esdras and Seneca, on the small extent of the ocean + compared with the magnitude of continental land, afforded to + monarchs guarantees for the safety and expediency of costly + enterprises!" _Cosmos_, tr. Sabine, vol. ii. p. 250. The + passages cited in this note may be found in Humboldt, _Examen + critique_, tom. i. pp. 65-69. Another interesting passage from + _Imago Mundi_, cap. xv., is quoted on p. 78 of the same work.] + +[Sidenote: Fortunate mixture of truth and error.] + +[Sidenote: The whole point and purport of Columbus's scheme.] + +Thus did Columbus arrive at his decisive conclusion, estimating the +distance across the Sea of Darkness to Japan at something less than the +figure which actually expresses the distance to the West Indies. Many a +hopeful enterprise has been ruined by errors in figuring, but this wrong +calculation was certainly a great help to Columbus. When we consider +how difficult he found it to obtain men and ships for a voyage supposed +to be not more than 2,500 miles in this new and untried direction, we +must admit that his chances would have been poor indeed if he had +proposed to sail westward on the Sea of Darkness for nearly 12,000 +miles, the real distance from the Canaries to Japan. It was a case where +the littleness of the knowledge was not a dangerous but a helpful thing. +If instead of the somewhat faulty astronomy of Ptolemy and the very hazy +notions prevalent about "the Indies," the correct astronomy of +Toscanelli had prevailed and had been joined to an accurate knowledge of +eastern Asia, Columbus would surely never have conceived his great +scheme, and the discovery of America would probably have waited to be +made by accident.[465] The whole point of his scheme lay in its promise +of a shorter route to the Indies than that which the Portuguese were +seeking by way of Guinea. Unless it was probable that it could furnish +such a shorter route, there was no reason for such an extraordinary +enterprise. + + [Footnote 465: See below, vol. ii. p. 96.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Columbus's speculations on climate.] + +[Sidenote: His voyage to Guinea.] + +[Sidenote: His voyage into the Arctic ocean, 1477.] + +The years between 1474 and 1480 were not favourable for new maritime +ventures on the part of the Portuguese government. The war with Castile +absorbed the energies of Alfonso V. as well as his money, and he was +badly beaten into the bargain. About this time Columbus was writing a +treatise on "the five habitable zones," intended to refute the old +notions about regions so fiery or so frozen as to be inaccessible to +man. As this book is lost we know little or nothing of its views and +speculations, but it appears that in writing it Columbus utilized sundry +observations made by himself in long voyages into the torrid and arctic +zones. He spent some time at the fortress of San Jorge de la Mina, on +the Gold Coast, and made a study of that equinoctial climate.[466] This +could not have been earlier than 1482, the year in which the fortress +was built. Five years before this he seems to have gone far in the +opposite direction. In a fragment of a letter or diary, preserved by his +son and by Las Casas, he says:--"In the month of February, 1477, I +sailed a hundred leagues beyond the island of Thule, [to?] an island of +which the south part is in latitude 73°, not 63°, as some say; and it +[i. e. Thule] does not lie within Ptolemy's western boundary, but much +farther west. And to this island, which is as big as England, the +English go with their wares, especially from Bristol. When I was there +the sea was not frozen. In some places the tide rose and fell twenty-six +fathoms. It is true that the Thule mentioned by Ptolemy lies where he +says it does, and this by the moderns is called Frislanda."[467] + + [Footnote 466: _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. iv.; Las Casas, + _Historia_, tom. i. p. 49.] + + [Footnote 467: "Io navigai l' anno M CCCC LXXVII nel mese di + Febraio oltra Tile isola cento leghe, la cui parte Australe è + lontana dall' Equinottiale settantatrè gradi, e non + sessantatrè, come alcuni vogliono; nè giace dentro della linea, + che include l' Occidente di Tolomeo, ma è molto più + Occidentale. Et a questa isola, che è tanto grande, come + l'Inghilterra, vanno gl' Inglesi con le loro mercatantie, + specialmente quelli di Bristol. Et al tempo che io vi andai, + non era congelato il mare, quantunque vi fossero si grosse + maree, che in alcuni luoghi ascendeva ventisei braccia, e + discendeva altretanti in altezza. È bene il vero, che Tile, + quella, di cui Tolomeo fa mentione, giace dove egli dice; & + questa da' moderni è chiamata Frislanda." _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. iv. In the original edition of 1571, there + are no quotation-marks; and in some modern editions, where + these are supplied, the quotation is wrongly made to end just + before the last sentence, so as to make it appear like a gloss + of Ferdinand's. This is, however, impossible. Ferdinand died in + 1539, and the Zeno narrative of Frislanda was not published + till 1558, so that the only source from which that name could + have come into his book was his father's document. The + genuineness of the passage is proved by its recurrence, almost + word for word, in Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. p. 48.] + +[Sidenote: He may have reached Jan Mayen island,] + +[Sidenote: and stopped at Iceland.] + +Taken as it stands this passage is so bewildering that we can hardly +suppose it to have come in just this shape from the pen of Columbus. It +looks as if it had been abridged from some diary of his by some person +unfamiliar with the Arctic seas; and I have ventured to insert in +brackets a little preposition which may perhaps help to straighten out +the meaning. By Thule Columbus doubtless means Iceland, which lies +between latitudes 64° and 67°, and it looks as if he meant to say that +he ran beyond it as far as the little island, just a hundred leagues +from Iceland and in latitude 71°, since discovered by Jan Mayen in 1611. +The rest of the paragraph is more intelligible. It is true that Iceland +lies thirty degrees farther west than Ptolemy placed Thule; and that for +a century before the discovery of the Newfoundland fisheries the English +did much fishing in the waters about Iceland, and carried wares +thither, especially from Bristol.[468] There can be no doubt that by +Frislanda Columbus means the Færoe islands,[469] which do lie in the +latitude though not in the longitude mentioned by Ptolemy. As for the +voyage into the Jan Mayen waters in February, it would be dangerous but +by no means impossible.[470] In another letter Columbus mentions +visiting England, apparently in connection with this voyage,[471] and it +is highly probable that he went in an English ship from Bristol. + + [Footnote 468: See Thorold Rogers, _The Economic Interpretation + of History_, London, 1888, pp. 103, 319.] + + [Footnote 469: See above, p. 236.] + + [Footnote 470: See the graphic description of a voyage in these + waters in March, 1882, in Nansen's _The First Crossing of + Greenland_, London, 1890, vol. i. pp. 149-152.] + + [Footnote 471: "E vidi tutto il Levante, e tutto il Ponente, + che si dice per andare verso il Settentrione, cioè + l'Inghilterra, e ho camminato per la Guinea." _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. iv.] + +[Sidenote: The hypothesis that Columbus "must have" heard and understood +the story of the Vinland voyages.] + +The object of Columbus in making these long voyages to the equator and +into the polar circle was, as he tells us, to gather observations upon +climate. From the circumstance of his having made a stop at some point +in Iceland, it was conjectured by Finn Magnusson that Columbus might +have learned something about Vinland which served to guide him to his +own enterprise or to encourage him in it. Starting from this suggestion, +it has been argued[472] that Columbus must have read the geographical +appendix to Adam of Bremen's "Ecclesiastical History;" that he must +have understood, as we now do, the reference therein made to Vinland; +that he made his voyage to Iceland in order to obtain further +information; that he there not only heard about Vinland and other +localities mentioned in the sagas, but also mentally placed them about +where they were placed in 1837 by Professor Rafn; that, among other +things, he thus obtained a correct knowledge of the width of the +Atlantic ocean in latitude 28° N.; and that during fifteen subsequent +years of weary endeavour to obtain ships and men for his westward +voyage, he sedulously refrained from using the most convincing argument +at his command,--namely that land of continental dimensions had actually +been found (though by a very different route) in the direction which he +indicated. + + [Footnote 472: See Anderson's _America not discovered by + Columbus_, Chicago, 1874; 3d ed. enlarged, Chicago, 1883.] + +[Sidenote: That hypothesis has no evidence in its favour.] + +I have already given an explanation of the process by which Columbus +arrived at the firm belief that by sailing not more than about 2,500 +geographical miles due west from the Canaries he should reach the coast +of Japan. Every step of that explanation is sustained by documentary +evidence, and as his belief is thus completely accounted for, the +hypothesis that he may have based it upon information obtained in +Iceland is, to say the least, superfluous. We do not need it in order to +explain his actions, and accordingly his actions do not afford a +presumption in favour of it. There is otherwise no reason, of course, +for refusing to admit that he might have obtained information in +Iceland, were there any evidence that he did. But not a scrap of such +evidence has ever been produced. Every step in the Scandinavian +hypothesis is a pure assumption. + +[Sidenote: It is not probable that Columbus knew of Adam of Bremen's +allusion to Vinland,] + +[Sidenote: or that he would have understood it if he had read it.] + +First it is assumed that Columbus _must_ have read the appendix to Adam +of Bremen's history. But really, while it is not impossible that he +should have read that document, it is, on the whole, improbable. The +appendix was first printed in Lindenbrog's edition, published at Leyden, +in 1595. The eminent Norwegian historian, Gustav Storm, finds that in +the sixteenth century just six MSS. of Adam's works can now be traced. +Of these, two were preserved in Denmark, two in Hamburg, one had +_perhaps_ already wandered southward to Leyden, and one as far as +Vienna. Dr. Storm, therefore, feels sure that Columbus never saw Adam's +mention of Vinland, and pithily adds that "had Columbus known it, it +would not have been able to show him the way to the West Indies, but +perhaps to the North Pole."[473] From the account of this mention and +its context, which I have already given,[474] it is in the highest +degree improbable that if Columbus had read the passage he could have +understood it as bearing upon his own problem. There is, therefore, no +ground for the assumption that Columbus went to Iceland in order to +make inquiries about Vinland. + + [Footnote 473: "Det er derfor sikkert, at Columbus ikke, som + nogle har formodet, kan have kjendt Adam af Bremens Beretning + on Vinland; vi kan gjerne tilføie, at havde Columbus kjendt + den, vilde den ikke have kunnet vise ham Vei til Vesten + (Indien), men kanske til Nordpolen." _Aarbøger for Nordisk + Oldkyndighed_, 1887, ii. 2, p. 301.] + + [Footnote 474: See above, p. 210.] + +[Sidenote: It is doubtful if Columbus would have stumbled upon the story +in Iceland.] + +It may be argued that even if he did not go for such a purpose, +nevertheless when once there he could hardly have failed incidentally to +get the information. This, however, is not at all clear. Observe that +our sole authority for the journey to Iceland is the passage above +quoted at second-hand from Columbus himself; and there is nothing in it +to show whether he staid a few hours or several weeks ashore, or met +with any one likely to be possessed of the knowledge in question. The +absence of any reference to Vinland in the Zeno narrative is an +indication that the memory of it had faded away before 1400, and it was +not distinctly and generally revived until the time of Torfæus in +1705.[475] + + [Footnote 475: In 1689 the Swedish writer, Ole Rudbeck, could + not understand Adam of Bremen's allusion to Vinland. The + passage is instructive. Rudbeck declares that in speaking of a + wine-growing country near to the Arctic ocean, Adam must have + been misled by some poetical or figurative phrase; he was + deceived either by his trust in the Danes, or by his own + credulity, for he manifestly refers to _Finland_, for which the + form _Vinland_ does not once occur in Sturleson, etc.:--"Ne + tamen poetis solis hoc loquendi genus in suis regionum + laudationibus familiare fuisse quis existimet, sacras adeat + literas quæ Palæstinæ fæcunditatem appellatione _fluentorum + lactis & mellis_ designant. Tale aliquid, sine omne dubio, + Adamo Bremensi quondam persuaserat insulam esse in ultimo + septentrione sitam, mari glaciali vicinam, vini feracem, & ea + propter fide tamen Danorum, _Vinlandiam_ dictam prout ipse ... + fateri non dubitat. Sed deceptum eum hae sive Danorum fide, + sive credulitate sua planum facit affine isti vocabulum + _Finlandiæ_ provinciæ ad Regnum nostrum pertinentis, pro quo + apud Snorronem & in Hist. Regum non semel occurrit _Vinlandiæ_ + nomen, cujus promontorium ad ultimum septentrionem & usque ad + mare glaciale sese extendit." Rudbeck, _Atland eller Manheim_, + Upsala, cir. 1689, p. 291.] + +[Sidenote: If he had heard it, he would probably have classed it with +such tales as that of St. Brandan's isle.] + +But to hear about Vinland was one thing, to be guided by it to Japan was +quite another affair. It was not the mention of timber and peltries and +Skrælings that would fire the imagination of Columbus; his dreams were +of stately cities with busy wharves where ships were laden with silks +and jewels, and of Oriental magnates decked out with "barbaric pearl and +gold," dwelling in pavilions of marble and jasper amid flowery gardens +in "a summer fanned with spice." The mention of Vinland was no more +likely to excite Columbus's attention than that of St. Brandan's isle or +other places supposed to lie in the western ocean. He was after higher +game. + +[Sidenote: He could not have obtained from such a source his opinion of +the width of the ocean.] + +To suppose that Columbus, even had he got hold of the Saga of Eric the +Red and conned it from beginning to end, with a learned interpreter at +his elbow, could have gained from it a knowledge of the width of the +Atlantic ocean, is simply preposterous. It would be impossible to +extract any such knowledge from that document to-day without the aid of +our modern maps. The most diligent critical study of all the Icelandic +sources of information, with all the resources of modern scholarship, +enables us with some confidence to place Vinland somewhere between Cape +Breton and Point Judith, that is to say, somewhere between two points +distant from each other more than four degrees in latitude and more than +eleven degrees in longitude! When we have got thus far, knowing as we do +that the coast in question belongs to the same continental system as +the West Indies, we can look at our map and pick up our pair of +compasses and measure the width of the ocean at the twenty-eighth +parallel. But it is not the mediæval document, but our modern map that +guides us to this knowledge. And yet it is innocently assumed that +Columbus, without any knowledge or suspicion of the existence of +America, and from such vague data concerning voyages made five hundred +years before his time, by men who had no means of reckoning latitude and +longitude, could have obtained his figure of 2,500 miles for the voyage +from the Canaries to Japan![476] The fallacy here is that which +underlies the whole Scandinavian hypothesis and many other fanciful +geographical speculations. It is the fallacy of projecting our present +knowledge into the past. + + [Footnote 476: The source of such a confusion of ideas is + probably the ridiculous map in Rafn's _Antiquitates Americanæ_, + upon which North America is represented in all the accuracy of + outline attainable by modern maps, and then the Icelandic names + are put on where Rafn thought they ought to go, i. e. Markland + upon Nova Scotia, Vinland upon New England, etc. Any person + using such a map is liable to forget that it cannot possibly + represent the crude notions of locality to which the reports of + the Norse voyages must have given rise in an ignorant age. (The + reader will find the map reproduced in Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. + Hist._, i. 95.) Rafn's fault was, however, no greater than that + committed by the modern makers of so-called "ancient + atlases"--still current and in use in schools--when, for + example, they take a correct modern map of Europe, with parts + of Africa and Asia, and upon countries so dimly known to the + ancients as Scandinavia and Hindustan, but now drawn with + perfect accuracy, they simply print the ancient names!! Nothing + but confusion can come from using such wretched maps. The only + safe way to study the history of geography is to reproduce the + ancient maps themselves, as I have done in the present work. + Many of the maps given below in the second volume will + illustrate the slow and painful growth of the knowledge of the + North American coast during the two centuries after Columbus.] + +[Sidenote: If he had known and understood the Vinland story, he had the +strongest motives for proclaiming it and no motive for concealing it.] + +We have next to inquire, if Columbus had heard of Vinland and +comprehended its relation to his own theory about land at the west, why +in the world should he have concealed this valuable knowledge? The +notion seems to be that he must have kept it secret through an unworthy +desire to claim a priority in discovery to which he knew that he was not +entitled.[477] This is projecting our present knowledge into the past +with a vengeance. Columbus never professed to have discovered America; +he died in the belief that what he had done was to reach the eastern +shores of Asia by a shorter route than the Portuguese. If he had reason +to suppose that the Northmen had once come down from the Arctic seas to +some unknown part of the Asiatic coast, he had no motive for concealing +such a fact, but the strongest of motives for proclaiming it, inasmuch +as it would have given him the kind of inductive argument which he +sorely needed. The chief obstacle for Columbus was that for want of +tangible evidence he was obliged to appeal to men's reason with +scientific arguments. When you show things to young children they are +not content with looking; they crave a more intimate acquaintance than +the eyes alone can give, and so they reach out and handle the things. +So when ideas are presented to grown-up men, they are apt to be +unwilling to trust to the eye of reason until it has been supplemented +by the eye of sense; and indeed in most affairs of life such caution is +wholesome. The difference between Columbus and many of the "practical" +men whom he sought to convince was that he could see with his mind's eye +solid land beyond the Sea of Darkness while they could not. To them the +ocean, like the sky, had nothing beyond, unless it might be the +supernatural world.[478] For while the argument from the earth's +rotundity was intelligible enough, there were few to whom, as to +Toscanelli, it was a living truth. Even of those who admitted, in +theory, that Cathay lay to the west of Europe, most deemed the distance +untraversable. Inductive proof of the existence of accessible land to +the west was thus what Columbus chiefly needed, and what he sought every +opportunity to find and produce; but it was not easy to find anything +more substantial than sailors' vague mention of driftwood of foreign +aspect or other outlandish jetsam washed up on the Portuguese +strand.[479] What a godsend it would have been for Columbus if he could +have had the Vinland business to hurl at the heads of his adversaries! +If he could have said, "Five hundred years ago some Icelanders coasted +westward in the polar regions, and then coasted southward until they +reached a country beyond the ocean and about opposite to France or +Portugal; therefore that country must be Asia, and I can reach it by +striking boldly across the ocean, which will obviously be shorter than +going down by Guinea,"--if he could have said this, he would have had +precisely the unanswerable argument for lack of which his case was +waiting and suffering. In persuading men to furnish hard cash, for his +commercial enterprise, as Colonel Higginson so neatly says, "an ounce of +Vinland would have been worth a pound of cosmography."[480] We may be +sure that the silence of Columbus about the Norse voyages proves that he +knew nothing about them or quite failed to see their bearings upon his +own undertaking. It seems to me absolutely decisive. + + [Footnote 477: "The fault that we find with Columbus is, that + he was not honest and frank enough to tell where and how he had + obtained his previous information about the lands which he + pretended to discover." Anderson, _America not discovered by + Columbus_, p. 90.] + + [Footnote 478: See below, p. 398, note.] + + [Footnote 479: For example, the pilot Martin Vicenti told + Columbus that 1,200 miles west of Cape St. Vincent he had + picked up from the sea a piece of carved wood evidently not + carved with iron tools. Pedro Correa, who had married + Columbus's wife's sister, had seen upon Porto Santo a similar + piece of carving that had drifted from the west. Huge reeds + sometimes floated ashore upon those islands, and had not + Ptolemy mentioned enormous reeds as growing in eastern Asia? + Pine-trees of strange species were driven by west winds upon + the coast of Fayal, and two corpses of men of an unknown race + had been washed ashore upon the neighbouring island of Flores. + Certain sailors, on a voyage from the Azores to Ireland, had + caught glimpses of land on the west, and believed it to be the + coast of "Tartary;" etc., etc. See _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, + cap. ix. Since he cited these sailors, why did he not cite the + Northmen also, if he knew what they had done?] + + [Footnote 480: _Larger History of the United States_, p. 54.] + +[Sidenote: No trace of a thought of Vinland appears in the voyages of +Columbus.] + +Furthermore, this silence is in harmony with the fact that in none of +his four voyages across the Atlantic did Columbus betray any +consciousness that there was anything for him to gain by steering toward +the northwest. If he could correctly have conceived the position of +Vinland he surely would not have conceived it as south of the fortieth +parallel. On his first voyage he steered due west in latitude 28° +because Toscanelli placed Japan opposite the Canaries. When at length +some doubts began to arise and he altered his course, as we shall +hereafter see, the change was toward the southwest. His first two +voyages did not reveal to him the golden cities for which he was +looking, and when on his third and fourth voyages he tried a different +course it was farther toward the equator, not farther away from it, that +he turned his prows. Not the slightest trace of a thought of Vinland +appears in anything that he did. + +[Sidenote: Why did not Norway or Iceland utter a protest in 1493?] + +Finally it may be asked, if the memory of Vinland was such a living +thing in Iceland in 1477 that a visitor would be likely to be told about +it, why was it not sufficiently alive in 1493 to call forth a protest +from the North? When the pope, as we shall presently see, was +proclaiming to the world that the Spanish crown was entitled to all +heathen lands and islands already discovered or to be discovered in the +ocean west of the Azores, why did not some zealous Scandinavian at once +jump up and cry out, "Look here, old Columbus, _we_ discovered that +western route, you know! Stop thief!" Why was it necessary to wait more +than a hundred years longer before the affair of Vinland was mentioned +in this connection? + +[Sidenote: The idea of Vinland was not associated with the idea of +America until the seventeenth century.] + +Simply because it was not until the seventeenth century that the +knowledge of North American geography had reached such a stage of +completeness as to suggest to anybody the true significance of the old +voyages from Greenland. That significance could not have been understood +by Leif and Thorfinn themselves, or by the compilers of Hauks-bók and +Flateyar-bók, or by any human being, until about the time of Henry +Hudson. Not earlier than that time should we expect to find it +mentioned, and it is just then, in 1610, that we do find it mentioned by +Arngrim Jonsson, who calls Vinland "an island of _America_, in the +region of Greenland, perhaps the modern Estotilandia."[481] This is the +earliest glimmering of an association of the idea of Vinland with that +of America. + + [Footnote 481: "Terram veró Landa Rolfoni quæsitam existimarem + esse Vinlandiam olim Islandis sic dictam; de qua alibi insulam + nempe Americæ e regione Gronlandiæ, quæ fortè hodie + Estotilandia," etc. _Crymogoea_, Hamburg, 1610, p. 120. + + Abraham Ortelius in 1606 speaks of the Northmen coming to + America, but bases his opinion upon the Zeno narrative + (published in 1558) and upon the sound of the name _Norumbega_, + and apparently knows nothing of Vinland:--"Iosephus Acosta in + his book _De Natura noui orbis_ indeuors by many reasons to + proue, that this part of _America_ was originally inhabited by + certaine Indians, forced thither by tempestuous weather ouer + the South sea which now they call Mare del Zur. But to me it + seemes more probable, out of the historie of the two Zeni, + gentlemen of Venice, ... that this New World many ages past was + entred upon by some islanders of _Europe_, as namely of + _Groenland_, Island, and Frisland; being much neerer thereunto + than the Indians, nor disioyned thence ... by an Ocean so huge, + and to the Indians so vnnauigable. Also, what else may we + coniecture to be signified by this _Norumbega_ [the name of a + North region of _America_] but that from _Norway_, signifying a + North land, some Colonie in times past hath hither beene + transplanted?" _Theatre of the Whole World_, London, 1606, p. + 5. These passages are quoted and discussed by Reeves, _The + Finding of Wineland the Good_, pp. 95, 96. The supposed + connection of _Norumbega_ with _Norway_ is very doubtful. + Possibly Stephanius, in his map of 1570 (Torfæus, _Gronlandia + antiqua_, 1706), may have had reference to Labrador or the + north of Newfoundland.] + +[Sidenote: Résumé of the genesis of Columbus's scheme.] + +[Sidenote: Martin Behaim's improved astrolabe.] + +[Sidenote: Negotiations of Columbus with John II. of Portugal.] + +[Sidenote: A shabby trick.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus leaves Portugal,] + +[Sidenote: and enters the service of the Spanish sovereigns, 1486.] + +[Sidenote: The junto at Salamanca.] + +The genesis of the grand scheme of Columbus has now been set forth, I +believe, with sufficient fulness. The cardinal facts are 1, that the +need for some such scheme was suggested in 1471, by the discovery that +the Guinea coast extended south of the equator; 2, that by 1474 advice +had been sought from Toscanelli by the king of Portugal, and not very +long after 1474 by Columbus; 3, that upon Toscanelli's letters and map, +amended by the Ptolemaic estimate of the earth's size and by the +authority of passages quoted in the book of Alliacus (one of which was a +verse from the Apocrypha), Columbus based his firm conviction of the +feasibleness of the western route. How or by whom the suggestion of that +route was first made--whether by Columbus himself or by Toscanelli or by +Fernando Martinez or, as Antonio Gallo declares, by Bartholomew +Columbus,[482] or by some person in Portugal whose name we know not--it +would be difficult to decide. Neither can we fix the date when Columbus +first sought aid for his scheme from the Portuguese government. There +seems to be no good reason why he should not have been talking about it +before 1474; but the affair did not come to any kind of a climax until +after his return from Guinea, some time after 1482 and certainly not +later than 1484. It was on some accounts a favourable time. The war with +Castile was out of the way, and Martin Behaim had just invented an +improved astrolabe which made it ever so much easier to find and keep +one's latitude at sea. It was in 1484 that Portuguese discoveries took a +fresh start after a ten years' lull, and Diego Cam, with the learned +Behaim and his bran-new astrolabe on board, was about to sail a thousand +miles farther south than white men had ever gone before. About this time +the scheme of Columbus was formally referred by King John II. to the +junto of learned cosmographers from whom the crown had been wont to seek +advice. The project was condemned as "visionary,"[483] as indeed it +was,--the outcome of vision that saw farther than those men could see. +But the king, who had some of his uncle Prince Henry's love for bold +enterprises, was more hospitably inclined toward the ideas of Columbus, +and he summoned a council of the most learned men in the kingdom to +discuss the question.[484] In this council the new scheme found some +defenders, while others correctly urged that Columbus must be wrong in +supposing Asia to extend so far to the east, and it must be a much +longer voyage than he supposed to Cipango and Cathay,[485] Others +argued that the late war had impoverished the country, and that the +enterprises on the African coast were all that the treasury could +afford. Here the demands of Columbus were of themselves an obstacle to +his success. He never at any time held himself cheap,[486] and the +rewards and honours for which he insisted on stipulating were greater +than the king of Portugal felt inclined to bestow upon a plain Genoese +mariner. It was felt that if the enterprise should prove a failure, as +very likely it would, the less heartily the government should have +committed itself to it beforehand, the less it would expose itself to +ridicule. King John was not in general disposed toward unfair and +dishonest dealings, but on this occasion, after much parley, he was +persuaded to sanction a proceeding quite unworthy of him. Having +obtained Columbus's sailing plans, he sent out a ship secretly, to carry +some goods to the Cape Verde islands, and then to try the experiment of +the westward voyage. If there should turn out to be anything profitable +in the scheme, this would be safer and more frugal than to meet the +exorbitant demands of this ambitious foreigner. So it was done; but the +pilots, having no grand idea to urge them forward, lost heart before the +stupendous expanse of waters that confronted them, and beat an +ignominious retreat to Lisbon; whereupon Columbus, having been informed +of the trick,[487] departed in high dudgeon, to lay his proposals before +the crown of Castile. He seems to have gone rather suddenly, leaving +his wife, who died shortly after, and one or two children who must also +have died, for he tells us that he never saw them again. But his son +Diego, aged perhaps four or five years, he took with him as far as the +town of Huelva, near the little port of Palos in Andalusia, where he +left him with one of his wife's sisters, who had married a man of that +town named Muliar.[488] This arrival in Spain was probably late in the +autumn of 1484, and Columbus seems to have entered into the service of +Ferdinand and Isabella January 20, 1486. What he was doing in the +interval of rather more than a year is not known. There is a very +doubtful tradition that he tried to interest the republic of Genoa in +his enterprise,[489] and a still more doubtful rumour that he afterwards +made proposals to the Venetian senate.[490] If these things ever +happened, there was time enough for them in this year, and they can +hardly be assigned to any later period. In 1486 we find Columbus at +Cordova, where the sovereigns were holding court. He was unable to +effect anything until he had gained the ear of Isabella's finance +minister Alonso de Quintanilla, who had a mind hospitable to large +ideas. The two sovereigns had scarcely time to attend to such things, +for there was a third king in Spain, the Moor at Granada, whom there now +seemed a fair prospect of driving to Africa, and thus ending the +struggle that had lasted with few intermissions for nearly eight +centuries. The final war with Granada had been going on since the end of +1481, and considering how it weighed upon the minds of Ferdinand and +Isabella it is rather remarkable that cosmography got any hearing at +all. The affair was referred to the queen's confessor Fernando de +Talavera, whose first impression was that if what Columbus said was +true, it was very strange that other geographers should have failed to +know all about it long ago. Ideas of evolution had not yet begun to +exist in those days, and it was thought that what the ancients did not +know was not worth knowing. Toward the end of 1486 the Spanish +sovereigns were at Salamanca, and Talavera referred the question to a +junto of learned men, including professors of the famous +university.[491] There was no lack of taunt and ridicule, and a whole +arsenal of texts from Scripture and the Fathers were discharged at +Columbus, but it is noticeable that quite a number were inclined to +think that his scheme might be worth trying, and that some of his most +firmly convinced supporters were priests. No decision had been reached +when the sovereigns started on the Malaga campaign in the spring of +1487. + + [Footnote 482: Gallo, _De navigatione Columbi_, apud Muratori, + _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_, tom. xxiii. col. 302.] + + [Footnote 483: Lafuente, _Historia de España_, tom. ix, p. + 428.] + + [Footnote 484: Vasconcellos, _Vida del rey Don Juan II._, lib. + iv.; La Clède, _Histoire de Portugal_, lib. xiii.] + + [Footnote 485: The Portuguese have never been able to forgive + Columbus for discovering a new world for Spain, and their + chagrin sometimes vents itself in amusing ways. After all, says + Cordeiro, Columbus was no such great man as some people think, + for he did not discover what he promised to discover; and, + moreover, the Portuguese geographers were right in condemning + his scheme, because it really is not so far by sea from Lisbon + around Africa to Hindustan as from Lisbon by any practicable + route westward to Japan! See Luciano Cordeiro, _De la part + prise par les Portugais dans la découverte d'Amérique_, Lisbon, + 1876, pp. 23, 24, 29, 30. Well, I don't know that there is any + answer to be made to this argument. Logic is logic, says the + wise Autocrat:-- + + "End of the wonderful one-hoss shay, + Logic is logic, that's all I say." + + Cordeiro's book is elaborately criticised in the learned work + of Prospero Peragallo, _Cristoforo Colombo in Portogallo: studi + critici_, Genoa, 1882.] + + [Footnote 486: "Perciocchè essendo l' Ammiraglio di generosi ed + alti pensieri, volle capitolare con suo grande onore e + vantaggio, per lasciar la memoria sua, e la grandezza della sua + casa, conforme alla grandezza delle sue opere e de' suoi + meriti." _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xi. The jealous + Portuguese historian speaks in a somewhat different tone from + the affectionate son:--"Veó requerer á el rey Dom João que le + desse algums navios pera ir á descobrir a ilha de Gypango + [_sic_] per esta mar occidental.... El rey, porque via ser este + Christovão Colom homem falador e glorioso em mostrar suas + habilidades, e mas fantastico et de imaginacão com sua ilha de + Cypango, que certo no que dezia: davalhe pouco credito." + Barros, _Decada primeira da Asia_, Lisbon, 1752, liv. iii. cap. + xi. fol. 56.] + + [Footnote 487: It has been urged in the king's defence that + "such a proceeding was not an instance of bad faith or perfidy + (!) but rather of the policy customary at that time, which + consisted in distrusting everything that was foreign, and in + promoting by whatever means the national glory." Yes, indeed, + whether the means were fair or foul. Of course it was a common + enough policy, but it was lying and cheating all the same. "Não + foi sem duvida por mà fè ou perfidia que tacitamente se mandon + armar hum navio à cujo capitão se confiou o plano que Colombo + havia proposto, e cuja execuçao se lhe encarregou; mas sim por + seguir a politica naquelle tempo usada, que toda consistia em + olhar com desconfiança para tudo o que era estrangeiro, e en + promover por todos os modos a gloria nacional. O capitão + nomeado para a empreza, como não tivesse nem o espirito, nem a + convicção de Colombo, depois de huma curta viagem nos mares do + Oeste, fez-se na volta da terra: e arribou à Lisboa descontente + e desanimado." Campe, _Historia do descobrimento da America_, + Paris, 1836, tom. i. p. 13. The frightened sailors protested + that YOU MIGHT AS WELL EXPECT TO FIND LAND IN THE SKY AS IN + THAT WASTE OF WATERS! See Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, + tom. i. p. 221. Las Casas calls the king's conduct by its right + name, _dobladura_, "trickery."] + + [Footnote 488: It has generally been supposed, on the authority + of _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xi., that his wife had lately + died; but an autograph letter of Columbus, in the possession of + his lineal descendant and representative the present Duke of + Veraguas, proves that this is a mistake. In this letter + Columbus says expressly that when he left Portugal he left wife + and children, and never saw them again. (Navarrete, + _Coleccion_, tom. ii. doc. cxxxvii. p. 255.) As Las Casas, who + knew Diego so well, also supposed his mother to have died + before his father left Portugal, it is most likely that she + died soon afterwards. Ferdinand Columbus says that Diego was + left in charge of some friars at the convent of La Rábida near + Palos (_loc. cit._); Las Casas is not quite so sure; he thinks + Diego was left with some friend of his father at Palos, or + perhaps (_por ventura_) at La Rábida. (_Historia_, tom. i. p. + 227.) These mistakes were easy to make, for both La Rábida and + Huelva were close by Palos, and we know that Diego's aunt + Muliar was living at Huelva. (Las Casas, _op. cit._ tom. i. p. + 241; Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 279, 356, 391; tom. ii. p. 229.) It + is pretty clear that Columbus never visited La Rábida before + the autumn of 1491 (see below, p. 412). My own notion is that + Columbus may have left his wife with an infant and perhaps one + older child, relieving her of the care of Diego by taking him + to his aunt, and intending as soon as practicable to reunite + the family. He clearly did not know at the outset whether he + should stay in Spain or not.] + + [Footnote 489: It rests upon an improbable statement of + Ramusio, who places the event as early as 1470. The first + Genoese writer to allude to it is Casoni, _Annali della + Republica di Genova_, Genoa, 1708, pp. 26-31. Such testimony is + of small value.] + + [Footnote 490: First mentioned in 1800 by Marin, _Storia del + commercio de Veneziani_, Venice, 1798-1808, tom. vii. p. 236.] + + [Footnote 491: The description usually given of this conference + rests upon the authority of Remesal, _Historia de la prouincia + de Chyapa_, Madrid, 1619, lib. ii. cap. vii. p. 52. Las Casas + merely says that the question was referred to certain persons + at the court, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 228. It is + probably not true that the project of Columbus was officially + condemned by the university of Salamanca as a corporate body. + See Camara, _Religion y Ciencia_, Valladolid, 1880, p. 261.] + +[Sidenote: Birth of Ferdinand Columbus, Aug. 15, 1488.] + +[Sidenote: Bartholomew Columbus returns from the Cape of Good Hope, Dec, +1487.] + +[Sidenote: Christopher visits Bartholomew at Lisbon, cir. Sept., 1488;] + +[Sidenote: and sends him to England.] + +[Sidenote: Bartholomew, after mishaps, reaches England cir. Feb., 1490;] + +[Sidenote: and goes thence to France before 1492.] + +After the surrender of Malaga in August, 1487, Columbus visited the +court in that city. For a year or more after that time silken chains +seem to have bound him to Cordova. He had formed a connection with a +lady of noble family, Beatriz Enriquez de Arana, who gave birth to his +son Ferdinand on the 15th of August, 1488.[492] Shortly after this +event, Columbus made a visit to Lisbon, in all probability for the +purpose of meeting his brother Bartholomew, who had returned in the last +week of December, 1487, in the Dias expedition, with the proud news of +the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope,[493] which was rightly +believed to be the extremity of Africa; and we can well understand how +Christopher, on seeing the success of Prince Henry's method of reaching +the Indies so nearly vindicated, must have become more impatient than +ever to prove the superiority of his own method. It was probably not +long after Bartholomew's return that Christopher determined to go and +see him, for he applied to King John II. for a kind of safe-conduct, +which was duly granted March 20, 1488. This document[494] guarantees +Christopher against arrest or arraignment or detention on any charge +civil or criminal whatever, during his stay in Portugal, and commands +all magistrates in that kingdom to respect it. From this it would seem +probable that in the eagerness of his geographical speculations he had +neglected his business affairs and left debts behind him in Portugal for +which he was liable to be arrested. The king's readiness to grant the +desired privilege seems to indicate that he may have cherished a hope of +regaining the services of this accomplished chart-maker and mariner. +Christopher did not avail himself of the privilege until late in the +summer,[495] and it is only fair to suppose that he waited for the birth +of his child and some assurance of its mother's safety. On meeting +Bartholomew he evidently set him to work forthwith in making overtures +to the courts of England and France. It was natural enough that +Bartholomew should first set out for Bristol, where old shipmates and +acquaintances were sure to be found. It appears that on the way he was +captured by pirates, and thus some delay was occasioned before he +arrived in London and showed the king a map, probably similar to +Toscanelli's and embellished with quaint Latin verses. An entry on this +map informs us that it was made by Bartholomew Columbus in London, +February 10, 1488, which I think should be read 1489 or even 1490, so we +may suppose it to have been about that time or perhaps later that he +approached the throne.[496] Henry VII. was intelligent enough to see +the bearings of Bartholomew's arguments, and at the same time, as a good +man of business, he was likely to be cautious about investing money in +remote or doubtful enterprises. What arguments were used we do not know, +but the spring of 1492 had arrived before any decisive answer had been +given. Meanwhile Bartholomew had made his way to France, and found a +powerful protector in a certain Madame de Bourbon,[497] while he made +maps for people at the court and waited to see if there were any +chances of getting help from Charles VIII. + + [Footnote 492: Some historians, unwilling to admit any + blemishes in the character of Columbus, have supposed that this + union was sanctioned by marriage, but this is not probable. He + seems to have been tenderly attached to Beatriz, who survived + him many years. See Harrisse, tom. ii. pp. 353-357.] + + [Footnote 493: The authority for Bartholomew Columbus having + sailed to the Cape of Good Hope with Dias is a manuscript note + of his own in Christopher's copy of the _Imago Mundi_: "Nota + quod hoc anno de 88 [it should be 87] in mense decembri appulit + in Ulixbona Bartholomeus Didacus capitaneus trium carabelarum + quem miserat serenissimus rex Portugalie in Guineam ad + tentandum terrain. Et renunciavit ipse serenissimo regi prout + navigaverat ultra jam navigata leuchas 600, videlicet 450 ad + austrum et 150 ad aquilonem usque montem per ipsum nominatum + _Cabo de boa esperança_ quem in Agesimba estimamus. Qui quidem + in eo loco invenit se distare per astrolabium ultra lineam + equinoctialem gradus 35. Quem viagium pictavit et scripsit de + leucha in leucham in una carta navigationis ut oculi visum + ostenderet ipso serenissimo regi. In quibus omnibus interfui." + M. Varnhagen has examined this note and thinks it is in the + handwriting of Christopher Columbus (_Bulletin de Géographie_, + janvier, 1858, tom. xv. p. 71); and M. d'Avezac (_Canevas + chronologique_, p. 58), accepting this opinion, thinks that the + words _in quibus omnibus interfui_, "in all of which I took + part," only mean that Christopher was present in Lisbon when + the expedition returned, and heard the whole story! With all + possible respect for such great scholars as MM. d'Avezac and + Varnhagen, I submit that the opinion of Las Casas, who first + called attention to this note, must be much better than theirs + on such a point as the handwriting of the two brothers. When + Las Casas found the note he wondered whether it was meant for + Bartholomew or Christopher, i. e. wondered which of the two was + meant to be described as having "taken part;" but at all + events, says Las Casas, the handwriting is + Bartholomew's:--"Estas son palabras escritas de la mano de + Bartolomé Colon, no sé si las escribió de sí ó de su letra por + su hermano Cristóbal Colon." Under these circumstances it seems + idle to suppose that Las Casas could have been mistaken about + the handwriting; he evidently put his mind on that point, and + in the next breath he goes on to say, "la letra yo conozco ser + de Bartolomé Colon, porque tuve muchas suyas," i. e. "I know it + is Bartholomew's writing, for I have had many letters of his;" + and again "estas palabras ... de la misma letra y mano de + Bartolomé Colon, la cual muy bien conocí y agora tengo hartas + cartas y letras suyas, tratando deste viaje," i. e. "these + words ... from the very writing and hand of Bartholomew + Columbus, which I knew very well, and I have to-day many charts + and letters of his, treating of this voyage." (_Hist. de las + Indias_, tom. i. pp. 213, 214.) This last sentence makes Las + Casas an independent witness to Bartholomew's presence in the + expedition, a matter about which he was not likely to be + mistaken. What puzzled him was the question, not whether + Bartholomew went, but whether Christopher could have gone also, + "pudo ser tambien que se hallase Cristóbal Colon." Now + Christopher certainly did not go on that voyage. The expedition + started in August, 1486, and returned to Lisbon in December, + 1487, after an absence of sixteen months and seventeen days, + "anendo dezaseis meses et dezasete dias que erão partidos + delle." (Barros, _Decada primeira da Asia_, Lisbon, 1752, tom. + i. fol. 42, 44.) The account-book of the treasury of Castile + shows that sums of money were paid to Christopher at Seville, + May 5, July 3, August 27, and October 15, 1487; so that he + could not have gone with Dias (see Harrisse, tom. ii. p. 191). + Neither could Christopher have been in Lisbon in December, + 1487, when the little fleet returned, for his safe-conduct from + King John is dated March 20, 1488. It was not until the autumn + of 1488 that Columbus made this visit to Portugal, and M. + d'Avezac has got the return of the fleet a year too late. + Bartholomew's note followed a custom which made 1488 begin at + Christmas, 1487. + + In reading a later chapter of Las Casas for another purpose + (tom. i. p. 227), I come again upon this point. He rightly + concludes that Christopher could not have gone with Dias, and + again declares most positively that the handwriting of the note + was Bartholomew's and not Christopher's. + + This footnote affords a good illustration of the kind of + difficulties that surround such a subject as the life of + Columbus, and the ease with which an excess of ingenuity may + discover mare's nests.] + + [Footnote 494: It may be found in Navarrete, _Coleccion de + viages_, tom. ii. pp. 5, 6.] + + [Footnote 495: The account-book of the treasury shows that on + June 16 he was still in Spain. See Harrisse, tom. i. p. 355.] + + [Footnote 496: The entry, as given by Las Casas, is "Pro + authore, seu pictore, || Gennua cui patria est, nomen cui + Bartolomeus || Columbus de terra rubea, opus edidit istud || + Londonije: anno domini millesimo quatercentessimo octiesque uno + || Atque insuper anno octavo: decimaque die mensis Februarii. + || Laudes Christo cantentur abunde." _Historia_, tom. i. p. + 225. Now since Bartholomew Columbus was a fairly educated man, + writing this note in England on a map made for the eyes of the + king of England, I suppose he used the old English style which + made the year begin at the vernal equinox instead of Christmas, + so that his February, 1488, means the next month but one after + December, 1488, i. e. what in our new style becomes February, + 1489. Bartholomew returned to Lisbon from Africa in the last + week of December, 1487, and it is not likely that his plans + could have been matured and himself settled down in London in + less than seven weeks. The logical relation of the events, too, + shows plainly that Christopher's visit to Lisbon was for the + purpose of consulting his brother and getting first-hand + information about the greatest voyage the world had ever seen. + In the early weeks of 1488 Christopher sends his request for a + safe-conduct, gets it March 20, waits till his child is born, + August 15, and then presently goes. Bartholomew may have sailed + by the first of October for England, where (according to this + reading of his date) we actually find him four months later. + What happened to him in this interval? Here we come to the + story of the pirates. M. Harrisse, who never loses an + opportunity for throwing discredit upon the _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, has failed to make the correction of date which I + have here suggested. He puts Bartholomew in London in February, + 1488, and is thus unable to assign any reason for Christopher's + visit to Lisbon. He also finds that in the forty-six days + between Christmas, 1487, and February, 10, 1488, there is + hardly room enough for any delay due to so grave a cause as + capture by pirates. (_Christophe Colomb_, vol. ii. p. 192.) He + therefore concludes that the statement in the _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. xi., is unworthy of credit, and it is upon an + accumulation of small difficulties like this that he bases his + opinion that Ferdinand Columbus cannot have written that book. + But Las Casas also gives the story of the pirates, and adds the + information that they were "Easterlings," though he cannot say + of what nation, i. e. whether Dutch, German, or perhaps Danes. + He says that Bartholomew was stripped of his money and fell + sick, and after his recovery was obliged to earn money by + map-making before he could get to England. (_Historia_, tom. i. + p. 225.) Could all this have happened within the four months + which I have allowed between October, 1488, and February, 1489? + Voyages before the invention of steamboats were of very + uncertain duration. John Adams in 1784 was fifty-four days in + getting from London to Amsterdam (see my _Critical Period of + American History_, p. 156). But with favourable weather a + Portuguese caravel in 1488 ought to have run from Lisbon to + Bristol in fourteen days or less, so that in four months there + would be time enough for quite a chapter of accidents. Las + Casas, however, says it was _a long time_ before Bartholomew + was able to reach England:--"Esto fué causa que enfermase y + viniese á mucha pobreza, y estuviese mucho tempo sin poder + llegar á Inglaterra, hasta tanto que quiso Dies sanarle; y + reformado algo, por su industria y trabajos de sus manos, + haciendo cartas de marear, llegó á Inglaterra, y, pasados un + dia y otros, hobo de alcanzar que le oyese Enrique VII." It is + impossible, I think, to read this passage without feeling that + at least a year must have been consumed; and I do not think we + are entitled to disregard the words of Las Casas in such a + matter. But how shall we get the time? + + Is it possible that Las Casas made a slight mistake in + deciphering the date on Bartholomew's map? Either that mariner + did not give the map to Henry VII., or the king gave it back, + or more likely it was made in duplicate. At any rate Las Casas + had it, along with his many other Columbus documents, and for + aught we know it may still be tumbling about somewhere in the + Spanish archives. It was so badly written (_de muy mala é + corrupta letra_), apparently in abbreviations (_sin + ortografía_), that Las Casas says he found extreme difficulty + in making it out. Now let us observe that date, which is given + in fantastic style, apparently because the inscription is in a + rude doggerel, and the writer seems to have wished to keep his + "verses" tolerably even. (They don't scan much better than Walt + Whitman's.) As it stands, the date reads _anno domini millesimo + quatercentessimo octiesque uno atque insuper anno octavo_, i. + e. "in the year of our Lord the thousandth, four hundredth, AND + EIGHT-TIMES-ONE, and thereafter the eighth year." What business + has this cardinal number _octiesque uno_ in a row of ordinals? + If it were translatable, which it is not, it would give us + 1,000 + 400 + 8 + 8 = 1416, an absurd date. The most obvious + way to make the passage readable is to insert the ordinal + _octogesimo primo_ instead of the incongruous _octiesque uno_; + then it will read "in the year of our Lord the + one-thousand-four-hundred-and-eighty-first, and thereafter the + eighth year," that is to say 1489. Now translate old style into + new style, and February, 1489, becomes February, 1490, which I + believe to be the correct date. This allows sixteen months for + Bartholomew's mishaps; it justifies the statement in which Las + Casas confirms Ferdinand Columbus; and it harmonizes with the + statement of Lord Bacon: "For Christopherus Columbus, refused + by the king of Portugal (who would not embrace at once both + east and west), employed his brother Bartholomew Columbus unto + King Henry to negotiate for his discovery. And it so fortuned + that he was taken by pirates at sea; by which accidental + impediment he was long ere he came to the king; so long that + before he had obtained a capitulation with the king for his + brother the enterprise was achieved, and so the West Indies by + Providence were then reserved for the crown of Castilia." + _Historie of the Raygne of K. Henry the Seventh_, Bacon's + _Works_, Boston, 1860, vol. xi. p. 296. Lord Bacon may have + taken the statement from Ferdinand's biography; but it probably + agreed with English traditions, and ought not to be slighted in + this connection.] + + [Footnote 497: One of the sisters of Charles VIII. See + Harrisse, tom. ii. p. 194.] + +[Sidenote: The Duke of Medina-Celi proposes to furnish the ships for +Columbus,] + +[Sidenote: but Isabella withholds her consent.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus makes up his mind to get his family together and go +to France, Oct., 1491.] + +As for Christopher Columbus, we find him back in Spain again, in May, +1489, attending court at Cordova. In the following autumn there was much +suffering in Spain from floods and famine,[498] and the sovereigns were +too busy with the Moorish war to give ear to Columbus. It was no time +for new undertakings, and the weary suitor began to think seriously of +going in person to the French court. First, however, he thought it worth +while to make an attempt to get private capital enlisted in his +enterprise, and in the Spain of that day such private capital meant a +largess from some wealthy grandee. Accordingly about Christmas of 1489, +after the Beza campaign in which Columbus is said to have fought with +distinguished valour,[499] he seems to have applied to the most powerful +nobleman in Spain, the Duke of Medina-Sidonia, but without success. But +at the hands of Luis de la Cerda, Duke of Medina-Celi, he met with more +encouragement than he had as yet found in any quarter. That nobleman +entertained Columbus most hospitably at his castle at Puerto de Santa +Maria for nearly two years, until the autumn of 1491. He became +convinced that the scheme of Columbus was feasible, and decided to fit +up two or three caravels at his own expense, if necessary, but first he +thought it proper to ask the queen's consent, and to offer her another +chance to take part in the enterprise.[500] Isabella was probably +unwilling to have the duke come in for a large share of the profits in +case the venture should prove successful. She refused the royal license, +saying that she had not quite made up her mind whether to take up the +affair or not, but if she should decide to do so she would be glad to +have the duke take part in it.[501] Meanwhile she referred the question +to Alonso de Quintanilla, comptroller of the treasury of Castile. This +was in the spring of 1491, when the whole country was in a buzz of +excitement with the preparations for the siege of Granada. The baffled +Columbus visited the sovereigns in camp, but could not get them to +attend to him, and early in the autumn, thoroughly disgusted and sick at +heart, he made up his mind to shake the dust of Castile from his feet +and see what could be done in France. In October or November he went to +Huelva, apparently to get his son Diego, who had been left there, in +charge of his aunt. It was probably his intention to take all the family +he had--Beatriz and her infant son Ferdinand, of whom he was extremely +fond, as well as Diego--and find a new home in either France or England, +besides ascertaining what had become of his brother Bartholomew, from +whom he had not heard a word since the latter left Portugal for +England.[502] + + [Footnote 498: Bernaldez, _Reyes Católicos_, cap. xci.] + + [Footnote 499: Zuñiga, _Anales de Sevilla_, lib. xii. p. 404.] + + [Footnote 500: See the letter of March 19, 1493, from the Duke + of Medina-Celi to the Grand Cardinal of Spain (from the + archives of Simancas) in Navarrete _Coleccion de viages_, tom. + ii. p. 20.] + + [Footnote 501: This promise was never fulfilled. When Columbus + returned in triumph, arriving March 6, 1493, at Lisbon, and + March 15 at Palos, the Duke of Medina-Celi wrote the letter + just cited, recalling the queen's promise and asking to be + allowed to send to the Indies once each year an expedition on + his own account; for, he says, if he had not kept Columbus with + him in 1490 and 1491 he would have gone to France, and Castile + would have lost the prize. There was some force in this, but + Isabella does not appear to have heeded the request.] + + [Footnote 502: This theory of the situation is fully sustained + by Las Casas, tom. i. p. 241.] + +[Sidenote: He stops at La Rábida, and meets the prior Juan Perez.] + +[Sidenote: Perez writes to the queen,] + +[Sidenote: and Columbus is summoned back to court.] + +But now at length events took a favourable turn. Fate had grown tired of +fighting against such indomitable perseverance. For some years now the +stately figure of Columbus had been a familiar sight in the streets of +Seville and Cordova, and as he passed along, with his white hair +streaming in the breeze, and countenance aglow with intensity of purpose +or haggard with disappointment at some fresh rebuff, the ragged urchins +of the pavement tapped their foreheads and smiled with mingled wonder +and amusement at this madman. Seventeen years had elapsed since the +letter from Toscanelli to Martinez, and all that was mortal of the +Florentine astronomer had long since been laid in the grave. For +Columbus himself old age was not far away, yet he seemed no nearer the +fulfilment of his grand purpose than when he had first set it forth to +the king of Portugal. We can well imagine that when he started from +Huelva, with his little son Diego, now some eleven or twelve years old, +again to begin renewing his suit in a strange country, his thoughts must +have been sombre enough. For some reason or other--tradition says to ask +for some bread and water for his boy--he stopped at the Franciscan +monastery of La Rábida, about half a league from Palos. The prior, Juan +Perez, who had never seen Columbus before, became greatly interested in +him and listened with earnest attention to his story. This worthy monk, +who before 1478 had been Isabella's father-confessor, had a mind +hospitable to new ideas. He sent for Garcia Fernandez, a physician of +Palos, who was somewhat versed in cosmography, and for Martin Alonso +Pinzon, a well-to-do ship-owner and trained mariner of that town, and in +the quiet of the monastery a conference was held in which Columbus +carried conviction to the minds of these new friends. Pinzon declared +himself ready to embark in the enterprise in person. The venerable prior +forthwith sent a letter to the queen, and received a very prompt reply +summoning him to attend her in the camp before Granada. The result of +the interview was that within a few days Perez returned to the convent +with a purse of 20,000 maravedis (equivalent to about 1,180 dollars of +the present day), out of which Columbus bought a new suit of clothes and +a mule; and about the first of December he set out for the camp in +company with Juan Perez, leaving the boy Diego in charge of the priest +Martin Sanchez and a certain Rodriguez Cabejudo, upon whose sworn +testimony, together with that of the physician Garcia Fernandez, some +years afterward, several of these facts are related.[503] + + [Footnote 503: My account of these proceedings at La Rábida + differs in some particulars from any heretofore given, and I + think gets the events into an order of sequence that is at once + more logical and more in harmony with the sources of + information than any other. The error of Ferdinand Columbus--a + very easy one to commit, and not in the least damaging to his + general character as biographer--lay in confusing his father's + two real visits (in 1484 and 1491) to Huelva with two visits + (one imaginary in 1484 and one real in 1491) to La Rábida, + which was close by, between Huelva and Palos. The visits were + all the more likely to get mixed up in recollection because in + each case their object was little Diego and in each case he was + left in charge of somebody in that neighbourhood. The confusion + has been helped by another for which Ferdinand is not + responsible, viz.: the friar Juan Perez has been confounded + with another friar Antonio de Marchena, who Columbus says was + the only person who from the time of his first arrival in Spain + had always befriended him and never mocked at him. These worthy + friars twain have been made into one (e. g. "the prior of the + convent, Juan Perez de Marchena," Irving's _Columbus_, vol. i. + p. 128), and it has often been supposed that Marchena's + acquaintance began with Columbus at La Rábida in 1484, and that + Diego was left at the convent at that time. But some modern + sources of information have served at first to bemuddle, and + then when more carefully sifted, to clear up the story. In 1508 + Diego Columbus brought suit against the Spanish crown to + vindicate his claim to certain territories discovered by his + father, and there was a long investigation in which many + witnesses were summoned and past events were busily raked over + the coals. Among these witnesses were Rodriguez Cabejudo and + the physician Garcia Fernandez, who gave from personal + recollection a very lucid account of the affairs at La Rábida. + These proceedings are printed in Navarrete, _Coleccion de + viages_, tom. iii. pp. 238-591. More recently the publication + of the great book of Las Casas has furnished some very + significant clues, and the elaborate researches of M. Harrisse + have furnished others. (See Las Casas, lib. i. cap. xxix., + xxxi.; Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 341-372; tom. ii. pp. 237-231; cf. + Peragallo, _L' autenticità_, etc., pp. 117-134.)--It now seems + clear that Marchena, whom Columbus knew from his first arrival + in Spain, was not associated with La Rábida. At that time + Columbus left Diego, a mere infant, with his wife's sister at + Huelva. Seven years later, intending to leave Spain forever, he + went to Huelva and took Diego, then a small boy. On his way + from Huelva to the Seville road, and thence to Cordova (where + he would have been joined by Beatriz and Ferdinand), he + happened to pass by La Rábida, where up to that time he was + evidently unknown, and to attract the attention of the prior + Juan Perez, and the wheel of fortune suddenly and unexpectedly + turned. As Columbus's next start was not for France, but for + Granada, his boy was left in charge of two trustworthy persons. + On May 8, 1492, the little Diego was appointed page to Don + John, heir-apparent to the thrones of Castile and Aragon, with + a stipend of 9,400 maravedis. On February 19, 1498, after the + death of that young prince, Diego became page to Queen + Isabella.] + +[Sidenote: The junto before Granada, Dec, 1491.] + +At once upon the arrival of Columbus in the camp before Granada, his +case was argued then and there before an assembly of learned men and +was received more hospitably than formerly, at Salamanca. Several +eminent prelates had come to think favourably of his project or to deem +it at least worth a trial. Among these were the royal confessors, Deza +and Talavera, the latter having changed his mind, and especially +Mendoza, archbishop of Toledo, who now threw his vast influence +decisively in favour of Columbus.[504] The treasurers of the two +kingdoms, moreover, Quintanilla for Castile and Luis de Santangel for +Aragon, were among his most enthusiastic supporters; and the result of +the conference was the queen's promise to take up the matter in earnest +as soon as the Moor should have surrendered Granada. + + [Footnote 504: In popular allusions to Columbus it is quite + common to assume or imply that he encountered nothing but + opposition from the clergy. For example the account in Draper's + _Conflict between Science and Religion_, p. 161, can hardly be + otherwise understood by the reader. But observe that Marchena + who never mocked at Columbus, Juan Perez who gave the + favourable turn to his affairs, the great prelates Deza and + Mendoza, and the two treasurers Santangel and Quintanilla, were + every one of them priests! Without cordial support from the + clergy no such enterprise as that of Columbus could have been + undertaken, in Spain at least. It is quite right that we should + be free-thinkers; and it is also desirable that we should have + some respect for facts.] + +[Sidenote: Surrender of Granada, Jan. 2, 1492.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus negotiates with the queen.] + +[Sidenote: His terms are considered exorbitant.] + +Columbus had not long to wait for that great event, which came on the 2d +of January, 1492, and was hailed with rejoicings throughout Europe as in +some sort a compensation for the loss of Constantinople. It must have +been with a manifold sense of triumph that Columbus saw the banner of +Spain unfurled to the breeze from the highest tower of the Alhambra. But +at this critical moment in his fortunes the same obstacle was +encountered that long before had broken off his negotiations with the +king of Portugal. With pride and self-confidence not an inch abated by +all these years of trial, he demanded such honours and substantial +rewards as seemed extravagant to the queen, and Talavera advised her not +to grant them. Columbus insisted upon being appointed admiral of the +ocean and viceroy of such heathen countries as he might discover, +besides having for his own use and behoof one eighth part of such +revenues and profits as might accrue from the expedition. In principle +this sort of remuneration did not differ from that which the crown of +Portugal had been wont to award to its eminent discoverers;[505] but in +amount it was liable to prove indefinitely great, enough perhaps to +raise to princely power and rank this foreign adventurer. Could he not +be satisfied with something less? But Columbus was as inexorable as the +Sibyl with her books, and would hear of no abatement in his price. For +this "great constancy and loftiness of soul,"[506] Las Casas warmly +commends his friend Columbus. A querulous critic might call it +unreasonable obstinacy. But in truth the good man seems to have +entertained another grand scheme of his own, to which he wished to make +his maritime venture contribute. It was natural that his feelings toward +Turks should have been no more amiable than those of Hannibal toward the +Romans. It was the Turks who had ruined the commerce of his native +Genoa, in his youth he had more than once crossed swords with their +corsairs, and now he looked forward to the time when he might play the +part of a second Godfrey de Bouillon and deliver Jerusalem from the +miscreant followers of Mahound.[507] Vast resources would be needed for +such work, and from Cipango with its gold-roofed temples, and the +nameless and numberless isles of spices that crowded the Cathayan seas, +he hoped to obtain them. Long brooding over his cherished projects, in +which chimeras were thus mixed with anticipations of scientific truth, +had imparted to his character a tinge of religious fanaticism. He had +come to regard himself as a man with a mission to fulfil, as God's +chosen instrument for enlarging the bounds of Christendom and achieving +triumphs of untold magnificence for its banners. In this mood he was apt +to address kings with an air of equality that ill comported with his +humble origin and slender means; and on the present occasion, if +Talavera felt his old doubts and suspicions reviving, and was more than +half inclined to set Columbus down as a mere vendor of crotchets, one +can hardly wonder. + + [Footnote 505: Our Scandinavian friends are fond of pointing to + this demand of Columbus as an indication that he secretly + expected to "discover America," and not merely to find the way + to Asia. But how about Ferdinand and Isabella, who finally + granted what was demanded, and their ministers who drew up the + agreement, to say nothing of the clerks who engrossed it? What + did they all understand by "discovering islands and continents + in the ocean"? Were they all in this precious Vinland secret? + If so, it was pretty well kept. But in truth there was nothing + singular in these stipulations. Portugal paid for discovery in + just this way by granting governorships over islands like the + Azores, or long stretches of continent like Guinea, along with + a share of the revenues yielded by such places. See for example + the cases of Gonzalo Cabral, Fernando Gomez, and others in + Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, pp. 238, 321, and + elsewhere. In their search for the Indies the Portuguese were + continually finding new lands, and it was likely to be the same + with the western route, which was supposed (see Catalan, + Toscanelli, and Behaim maps) to lead among spice islands + innumerable, and to Asiatic kingdoms whose heathen people had + no rights of sovereignty that Christian monarchs felt bound to + respect.] + + [Footnote 506: Las Casas, _op. cit._ tom i. p. 243.] + + [Footnote 507: See his letter of February, 1502, to Pope + Alexander VI. in Navarrete, tom. ii. p. 280; and cf. Helps, + _Spanish Conquest in America_, vol. i. p. 96; Roselly de + Lorgues, _Christophe Colomb_, p. 394.] + +[Sidenote: Interposition of Luis de Santangel.] + +The negotiations were broken off, and the indomitable enthusiast once +more prepared to go to France. He had actually started on his mule one +fine winter day, when Luis de Santangel rushed into the queen's room and +spoke to her with all the passionate and somewhat reproachful energy of +one who felt that a golden opportunity was slipping away forever. His +arguments were warmly seconded by Quintanilla, who had followed him into +the room, as well as by the queen's bosom friend Beatriz de Bobadilla, +Marchioness of Moya, who happened to be sitting on the sofa and was a +devoted admirer of Columbus. An impulse seized Isabella. A courier was +sent on a fleet horse, and overtook Columbus as he was jogging quietly +over the bridge of Pinos, about six miles out from Granada. The matter +was reconsidered and an arrangement was soon made. It was agreed:-- + +[Sidenote: Agreement between Columbus and the sovereigns.] + +"1. That Columbus should have, for himself, during his life, and for his +heirs and successors forever, the office of admiral in all the islands +and continents which he might discover or acquire in the ocean, with +similar honours and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high admiral of +Castile in his district. + +"2. That he should be viceroy and governor-general over all the said +lands and continents; with the privilege of nominating three candidates +for the government of each island or province, one of whom should be +selected by the sovereigns. + +"3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one tenth of all +pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles +and merchandises, in whatever manner found, bought, bartered, or gained +within his admiralty, the costs being first deducted. + +"4. That he, or his lieutenant, should be the sole judge in all causes +and disputes arising out of traffic between those countries and Spain, +provided the high admiral of Castile had similar jurisdiction in his +district. + +"5. That he might then, and at all after times, contribute an eighth +part of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this enterprise, +and receive an eighth part of the profits."[508] + + [Footnote 508: I cite this version from Irving's _Columbus_, + vol. i. p. 142, making a slight amendment in the rendering; the + original text is in Navarrete, tom. ii. p. 7. A few days later + the title of "Don" was granted to Columbus and made hereditary + in his family along with the offices of viceroy and + governor-general.] + +Columbus was not long in finding friends to advance or promise on his +account an eighth part of the sum immediately required. A considerable +amount was assessed upon the town of Palos in punishment for certain +misdeeds or delinquencies on the part of its people or some of them. +Castile assumed the rest of the burden, though Santangel may have +advanced a million maravedis out of the treasury of Aragon, or out of +the funds of the _Hermandad_,[509] or perhaps more likely on his own +account.[510] In any case it was a loan to the treasury of Castile +simply. It was always distinctly understood that Ferdinand as king of +Aragon had no share in the enterprise, and that the Spanish Indies were +an appurtenance to the crown of Castile. The agreement was signed April +17, 1492, and with tears of joy Columbus vowed to devote every maravedi +that should come to him to the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre. + + [Footnote 509: A police organization formed in 1476 for + suppressing highway robbery.] + + [Footnote 510: It is not easy to give an accurate account of + the cost of this most epoch-making voyage in all history. + Conflicting statements by different authorities combine with + the fluctuating values of different kinds of money to puzzle + and mislead us. According to M. Harrisse 1,000,000 maravedis + would be equivalent to 295,175 francs, or about 59,000 gold + dollars of United States money at present values. Las Casas + (tom. i. p. 256) says that the eighth part, raised by Columbus, + was 500,000 maravedis (29,500 dollars). Account-books preserved + in the archives of Simancas show that the sums paid from the + treasury of Castile amounted to 1,140,000 maravedis (67,500 + dollars). Assuming the statement of Las Casas to be correct, + the amounts contributed would perhaps have been as follows:-- + + Queen Isabella, from Castile treasury $67,500 + " loan from Santangel 59,000 + Columbus 29,500 + Other sources, including contribution levied + upon the town of Palos 80,000 + -------- + Total $236,000 + + This total seems to me altogether too large for probability, + and so does the last item, which is simply put at the figure + necessary to make the total eight times 29,500. I am inclined + to suspect that Las Casas (with whom arithmetic was not always + a strong point) may have got his figures wrong. The amount of + Santangel's loan also depends upon the statement of Las Casas, + and we do not know whether he took it from a document or from + hearsay. Nor do we know whether it should be added to, or + included in, the first item. More likely, I think, the latter. + The only item that we know with documentary certainty is the + first, so that our statement becomes modified as follows:-- + + Queen Isabella, from Castile treasury $67,500 + " loan from Santangel ? + Columbus ? + { rent of two fully + Town of Palos { equipped caravels + { for two months, etc. + ---------------------- + Total ? + + (Cf. Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 391-404.) Unsatisfactory, but + certain as far as it goes. Alas, how often historical + statements are thus reduced to meagreness, after the + hypothetical or ill-supported part has been sifted out! The + story that the Pinzon brothers advanced to Columbus his portion + is told by Las Casas, but he very shrewdly doubts it. The + famous story that Isabella pledged her crown jewels (_Vita + dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xiv.) has also been doubted, but + perhaps on insufficient grounds, by M. Harrisse. It is + confirmed by Las Casas (tom. i. p. 249). According to one + account she pledged them to Santangel in security for his + loan,--which seems not altogether improbable. See Pizarro y + Orellana, _Varones ilustres del Nuevo Mundo_, Madrid, 1639, p. + 16.] + +[Sidenote: Dismay at Palos.] + +[Sidenote: The three famous caravels; the Santa Maria.] + +[Sidenote: The Pinta.] + +[Sidenote: The Niña.] + +When he reached Palos in May, with royal orders for ships and men, there +had like to have been a riot. Terrible dismay was felt at the prospect +of launching out for such a voyage upon the Sea of Darkness. Groans and +curses greeted the announcement of the forced contribution. But Martin +Pinzon and his brothers were active in supporting the crown officials, +and the work went on. To induce men to enlist, debts were forgiven and +civil actions suspended. Criminals were released from jail on condition +of serving. Three caravels were impressed into the service of the crown +for a time unlimited; and the rent and maintenance of two of these +vessels for two months was to be paid by the town. The largest caravel, +called the Santa Maria or Capitana, belonged to Juan de La Cosa, a +Biscayan mariner whose name was soon to become famous.[511] He now +commanded her, with another consummate sailor, Sancho Ruiz, for his +pilot. This single-decked craft, about ninety feet in length by twenty +feet breadth of beam, was the Admiral's flag-ship. The second caravel, +called the Pinta, a much swifter vessel, was commanded by Martin Pinzon. +She belonged to two citizens of Palos, Gomez Rascon and Cristobal +Quintero, who were now in her crew, sulky and ready for mischief. The +third and smallest caravel, the Niña ("Baby"), had for her commander +Vicente Yañez Pinzon, the youngest of the brothers, now about thirty +years of age. Neither the Pinta nor the Niña were decked amidships. On +board the three caravels were just ninety persons.[512] And so they set +sail from Palos on Friday, August 3, 1492, half an hour before sunrise, +and by sunset had run due south five and forty geographical miles, when +they shifted their course a couple of points to starboard and stood for +the Canaries. + + [Footnote 511: Navarrete, _Biblioteca maritima_, tom. ii. pp. + 208, 209.] + + [Footnote 512: The accounts of the armament are well summed up + and discussed in Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 405-408. Eighty-seven + names, out of the ninety, have been recovered, and the list is + given below, Appendix C.] + +[Sidenote: They go to the Canaries and are delayed there.] + +No thought of Vinland is betrayed in these proceedings. Columbus was +aiming at the northern end of Cipango (Japan). Upon Toscanelli's map, +which he carried with him, the great island of Cipango extends from 5° +to about 28° north latitude. He evidently aimed at the northern end of +Cipango as being directly on the route to Zaiton (Chang-chow) and other +Chinese cities mentioned by Marco Polo. Accordingly he began by running +down to the Canaries, in order that he might sail thence due west on the +28th parallel without shifting his course by a single point until he +should see the coast of Japan looming up before him.[513] On this +preliminary run signs of mischief began already to show themselves. The +Pinta's rudder was broken and unshipped, and Columbus suspected her two +angry and chafing owners of having done it on purpose, in order that +they and their vessel might be left behind. The Canaries at this +juncture merited the name of Fortunate Islands; fortunately they, alone +among African islands, were Spanish, so that Columbus could stop there +and make repairs. While this was going on the sailors were scared out +of their wits by an eruption of Teneriffe, which they deemed an omen of +evil, and it was also reported that some Portuguese caravels were +hovering in those waters, with intent to capture Columbus and carry him +off to Lisbon. + + [Footnote 513: "Para de allí tomar mi derrota, y navegar tanto + que yo llegase á las Indias," he says in his journal, + Navarrete, _Coleccion de viages_, tom. i.p. 3.] + +[Illustration: Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492,] + +[Illustration: reduced to Mercator's projection.][514] + + [Footnote 514: Martin Behaim was born at Nuremberg in 1436, and + is said to have been a pupil of the celebrated astronomer, + Regiomontanus, author of the first almanac published in Europe, + and of Ephemerides, of priceless value to navigators. He + visited Portugal about 1480, invented a new kind of astrolabe, + and sailed with it in 1484 as cosmographer in Diego Cam's + voyage to the Congo. On his return to Lisbon he was knighted, + and presently went to live on the island of Fayal, of which his + wife's father was governor. He was a friend of Columbus. Toward + 1492 he visited Nuremberg, to look after some family affairs, + and while there "he gratified some of his townspeople by + embodying in a globe the geographical views which prevailed in + the maritime countries; and the globe was finished before + Columbus had yet accomplished his voyage. The next year (1493) + Behaim returned to Portugal; and after having been sent to the + Low Countries on a diplomatic mission, he was captured by + English cruisers and carried to England. Escaping finally, and + reaching the Continent, he passes from our view in 1494, and is + scarcely heard of again." (Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, ii. + 104.) He died in May, 1506. A ridiculous story that he + anticipated Columbus in the discovery of America originated in + the misunderstanding of an interpolated passage in the Latin + text of Schedel's _Registrum_, Nuremberg, 1498, p. 290 (the + so-called _Nuremberg Chronicle_). See Winsor, _op. cit._ ii. + 34; Major's _Prince Henry_, p. 326; Humboldt, _Examen + critique_, tom. i.p. 256; Murr, _Diplomatische Geschichte des + Ritters Behaim_, Nuremberg, 1778; Cladera, _Investigaciones + históricas_, Madrid, 1794; Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana + Vetustissima_, pp. 37-43.--The globe made by Behaim may now be + seen in the city hall at Nuremberg. It "is made of + _papier-maché_, covered with gypsum, and over this a parchment + surface received the drawing; it is twenty inches in diameter." + (Winsor, _op. cit._ ii. 105.) The portion west of the 330th + meridian is evidently copied from Toscanelli's map. I give + below (p. 429) a sketch (from Winsor, after Ruge's _Geschichte + des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 230) of Behaim's ocean, + with the outline of the American continent superimposed in the + proper place.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus starts for Japan, Sept. 6, 1492.] + +At length, on the 6th of September, they set sail from Gomera, but were +becalmed and had made only thirty miles by the night of the 8th. The +breeze then freshened, and when next day the shores of Ferro, the last +of the Canaries, sank from sight on the eastern horizon, many of the +sailors loudly lamented their unseemly fate, and cried and sobbed like +children. Columbus well understood the difficulty of dealing with these +men. He provided against one chief source of discontent by keeping two +different reckonings, a true one for himself and a false one for his +officers and crews. He was shrewd enough not to overdo it and awaken +distrust. Thus after a twenty-four hours' run of 180 miles on September +10, he reported it as 144 miles; next day the run was 120 miles and he +announced it as 108, and so on. But for this prudent if somewhat +questionable device, it is not unlikely that the first week of October +would have witnessed a mutiny in which Columbus would have been either +thrown overboard or forced to turn back. + +[Sidenote: Deflection of the needle.] + +The weather was delicious, and but for the bug-a-boos that worried those +poor sailors it would have been a most pleasant voyage. Chief among the +imaginary terrors were three which deserve especial mention. At +nightfall on September 13 the ships had crossed the magnetic line of no +variation, and Columbus was astonished to see that the compass-needle, +instead of pointing a little to the right of the pole-star, began to +sway toward the left, and next day this deviation increased. It was +impossible to hide such a fact from the sharp eyes of the pilots, and +all were seized with alarm at the suspicion that this witch instrument +was beginning to play them some foul trick in punishment of their +temerity; but Columbus was ready with an ingenious astronomical +explanation, and their faith in the profundity of his knowledge +prevailed over their terrors. + +[Sidenote: The Sargasso Sea.] + +The second alarm came on September 16, when they struck into vast +meadows of floating seaweeds and grasses, abounding in tunny fish and +crabs. They had now come more than 800 miles from Ferro and were +entering the wonderful Sargasso Sea, that region of the Atlantic six +times as large as France, where vast tangles of vegetation grow upon the +surface of water that is more than 2,000 fathoms deep, and furnish +sustenance for an untold wealth of fishy life.[515] To the eye of the +mariner the Sargasso Sea presents somewhat the appearance of an endless +green prairie, but modern ships plough through it with ease and so did +the caravels of Columbus at first. After two or three days, however, the +wind being light, their progress was somewhat impeded. It was not +strange that the crews were frightened at such a sight. It seemed +uncanny and weird, and revived ancient fancies about mysterious +impassable seas and overbold mariners whose ships had been stuck fast in +them. The more practical spirits were afraid of running aground upon +submerged shoals, but all were somewhat reassured on this point when it +was found that their longest plummet-lines failed to find bottom. + + [Footnote 515: The situation of this Sargasso region in + mid-ocean seems to be determined by its character as a quiet + neutral ground between the great ocean-currents that flow past + it on every side. Sargasso plants are found elsewhere upon the + surface of the waves, but nowhere else do they congregate as + here. There are reasons for supposing that in ancient times + this region extended nearer to the African coast. Skylax + (_Periplus_, cap. 109) says that beyond Kerne, at the mouth of + Rio d' Ouro the sea cannot be navigated on account of the mud + and seaweed. Sataspes, on his return to Persia, B. C. 470, told + King Xerxes that his voyage failed because his ship stopped or + was stuck fast. (Herodotus, iv. 43.) Festus Avienus mentions + vast quantities of seaweed in the ocean west of the Pillars of + Hercules:-- + + Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens + Atque impeditur æstus ex uligine.... + Sic nulla late flabra propellunt ratem, + Sic segnis humor æquoris pigri stupet. + Adjicit et illud, plurimum inter gurgites + Exstare fucum, et sæpe virgulti vice + Retinere puppim, etc. + Avienus, _Ora Maritima_, 108, 117. + + See also Aristotle, _Meteorol._, ii. 1, 14; Pseudo-Aristotle, + _De Mirab. Auscult._, p. 106; Theophrastus, _Historia + plantarum_, iv. 7 Jornandes, _De rebus Geticis_, apud Muratori, + tom. i.p. 191; according to Strabo (iii. 2, § 7) tunny fish + were caught in abundance in the ocean west of Spain, and were + highly valued for the table on account of their fatness which + was due to submarine vegetables on which they fed. Possibly the + reports of these Sargasso meadows may have had some share in + suggesting to Plato his notion of a huge submerged island + Atlantis (_Timæus_, 25; _Kritias_, 108; cf. the notion of a + viscous sea in Plutarch, _De facie in Orbe Luna_, 26), Plato's + fancy has furnished a theme for much wild speculation. See, for + example, Bailly, _Lettres sur l'Atlantide de Platon_, Paris, + 1779. The belief that there can ever have been such an island + in that part of the Atlantic is disposed of by the fact that + the ocean there is nowhere less than two miles in depth. See + the beautiful map of the Atlantic sea-bottom in Alexander + Agassiz's _Three Cruises of the Blake_, Boston, 1888, vol. i.p. + 108, and compare chap. vi. of that noble work, on "The + Permanence of Continents and of Oceanic Basins;" see also + Wallace's _Island Life_, chap. vi. It was formerly supposed + that the Sargasso plants grow on the sea-bottom, and becoming + detached rise to the surface (Peter Martyr, _De rebus + oceanicis_, dec. iii. lib. v. p. 53; Humboldt, _Personal + Narrative_, book i. chap, i.); but it is now known that they + are simply rooted in the surface water itself. "L'accumulation + de ces plantes marines est l'exemple le plus frappant de + plantes congénères réunies sur le même point. Ni les forêts + colossales de l'Himalaya, ni les graminées qui s'étendent à + perte de vue dans les savanes américaines ou les steppes + sibériens ne rivalisent avec ces prairies océaniques. Jamais + sur un espace aussi étendu, ne se rencontrent de telles masses + de plantes semblables. Quand on a vu la mer des Sargasses, on + n'oublie point un pareil spectacle." Paul Gaffarel, "La Mer des + Sargasses," _Bulletin de Géographie_, Paris, 1872, 6e série, + tom. iv. p. 622.] + +[Sidenote: The trade wind.] + +On September 22 the journal reports "no more grass." They were in clear +water again, and more than 1,400 geographical miles from the Canaries. +A third source of alarm had already begun to disturb the sailors. They +were discovering much more than they had bargained for. They were in the +belt of the trade winds, and as the gentle but unfailing breeze wafted +them steadily westward, doubts began to arise as to whether it would +ever be possible to return. Fortunately soon after this question began +to be discussed, the wind, jealous of its character for capriciousness +even there, veered into the southwest. + +[Sidenote: Impatience of the crews.] + +By September 25 the Admiral's chief difficulty had come to be the +impatience of his crews at not finding land. On that day there was a +mirage, or some such illusion, which Columbus and all hands supposed to +be a coast in front of them, and hymns of praise were sung, but at dawn +next day they were cruelly undeceived. Flights of strange birds and +other signs of land kept raising hopes which were presently dashed +again, and the men passed through alternately hot and cold fits of +exultation and dejection. Such mockery seemed to show that they were +entering a realm of enchantment. Somebody, perhaps one of the released +jail-birds, hinted that if a stealthy thrust should happen some night to +push the Admiral overboard, it could be plausibly said that he had +slipped and fallen while star-gazing. His situation grew daily more +perilous, and the fact that he was an Italian commanding Spaniards did +not help him. Perhaps what saved him was their vague belief in his +superior knowledge; they may have felt that they should need him in +going back. + +[Illustration: Martin Behaim's Atlantic Ocean (with outline of American +continent superimposed).] + +[Sidenote: Change of course from W. to W. S. W.] + +[Sidenote: Land ahead! Oct. 12 (N. S. 21), 1492.] + +By October 4 there were ominous symptoms of mutiny, and the anxiety of +Columbus was evinced in the extent of his bold understatement of that +day's run,--138 miles instead of the true figure 189. For some days his +pilots had been begging him to change his course; perhaps they had +passed between islands. Anything for a change! On the 7th at sunrise, +they had come 2,724 geographical miles from the Canaries, which was +farther than the Admiral's estimate of the distance to Cipango; but +according to his false statement of the runs, it appeared that they had +come scarcely 2,200 miles. This leads one to suspect that in stating the +length of the voyage, as he had so often done, at 700 leagues, he may +have purposely made it out somewhat shorter than he really believed it +to be. But now after coming more than 2,500 miles he began to fear that +he might be sailing past Cipango on the north, and so he shifted his +course two points to larboard, or west-southwest. If a secret knowledge +of Vinland had been his guiding-star he surely would not have turned his +helm that way; but a glance at the Toscanelli map shows what was in his +mind. Numerous flights of small birds confirmed his belief that land at +the southwest was not far off. The change of direction was probably +fortunate. If he had persisted in keeping on the parallel, 720 miles +would have brought him to the coast of Florida, a little south of Cape +Malabar. After the change he had but 505 miles of water before him, and +the temper of the sailors was growing more dangerous with every +mile,[516]--until October 11, when the signs of land became +unmistakable, and the wildest excitement prevailed. A reward of 10,000 +maravedis had been promised to the person who should first discover +land, and ninety pair of eyes were strained that night with looking. +About ten o'clock the Admiral, standing on the tower-like poop of his +vessel, saw a distant light moving as if somebody were running along +the shore with a torch. This interpretation was doubted, but a few +hours later a sailor on the Pinta saw land distinctly, and soon it was +visible to all, a long low coast about five miles distant. This was at +two in the morning of Friday, October 12,[517]--just ten weeks since +they had sailed from Palos, just thirty-three days since they had lost +sight of the coast of Ferro. The sails were now taken in, and the ships +lay to, awaiting the dawn. + + [Footnote 516: The often-repeated story that a day or two + before the end of the voyage Columbus capitulated with his + crew, promising to turn back if land were not seen within three + days, rests upon the single and relatively inferior authority + of Oviedo. It is not mentioned by Las Casas or Bernaldez or + Peter Martyr or Ferdinand Columbus, and it is discredited by + the tone of the Admiral's journal, which shows as unconquerable + determination on the last day of the voyage as on any previous + day. Cf. Irving, vol. i. p. 187.] + + [Footnote 517: Applying the Gregorian Calendar, or "new style," + it becomes the 21st. The four hundredth anniversary will + properly fall on October 21, 1892.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The crews go ashore.] + +At daybreak the boats were lowered and Columbus, with a large part of +his company, went ashore. Upon every side were trees of unknown kinds, +and the landscape seemed exceedingly beautiful. Confident that they must +have attained the object for which they had set sail, the crews were +wild with exultation. Their heads were dazed with fancies of princely +fortunes close at hand. The officers embraced Columbus or kissed his +hands, while the sailors threw themselves at his feet, craving pardon +and favour. + +[Sidenote: The astonished natives.] + +[Sidenote: Guanahani: where was it?] + +These proceedings were watched with unutterable amazement and awe by a +multitude of men, women, and children of cinnamon hue, different from +any kind of people the Spaniards had ever seen. All were stark naked and +most of them were more or less greased and painted. They thought that +the ships were sea-monsters and the white men supernatural creatures +descended from the sky.[518] At first they fled in terror as these +formidable beings came ashore, but presently, as they found themselves +unmolested, curiosity began to overcome fear, and they slowly approached +the Spaniards, stopping at every few paces to prostrate themselves in +adoration. After a time, as the Spaniards received them with encouraging +nods and smiles, they waxed bold enough to come close to the visitors +and pass their hands over them, doubtless to make sure that all this +marvel was a reality and not a mere vision. Experiences in Africa had +revealed the eagerness of barbarians to trade off their possessions for +trinkets, and now the Spaniards began exchanging glass beads and hawks' +bells for cotton yarn, tame parrots, and small gold ornaments. Some sort +of conversation in dumb show went on, and Columbus naturally interpreted +everything in such wise as to fit his theories. Whether the natives +understood him or not when he asked them where they got their gold, at +any rate they pointed to the south, and thus confirmed Columbus in his +suspicion that he had come to some island a little to the north of the +opulent Cipango. He soon found that it was a small island, and he +understood the name of it to be Guanahani. He took formal possession of +it for Castile, just as the discoverers of the Cape Verde islands and +the Guinea coasts had taken possession of those places for Portugal; +and he gave it a Christian name, San Salvador. That name has since the +seventeenth century been given to Cat island, but perhaps in pursuance +of a false theory of map-makers; it is not proved that Cat island is the +Guanahani of Columbus. All that can positively be asserted of Guanahani +is that it was one of the Bahamas: there has been endless discussion as +to which one, and the question is not easy to settle. Perhaps the theory +of Captain Gustavus Fox, of the United States navy, is on the whole best +supported. Captain Fox maintains that the true Guanahani was the little +island now known as Samana or Atwood's Cay.[519] The problem well +illustrates the difficulty in identifying any route from even a good +description of landmarks, without the help of persistent proper names, +especially after the lapse of time has somewhat altered the landmarks. +From this point of view it is a very interesting problem and has its +lessons for us; otherwise it is of no importance. + + [Footnote 518: This is a common notion among barbarians. "The + Polynesians imagine that the sky descends at the horizon and + encloses the earth. Hence they call foreigners _papalangi_, or + 'heaven-bursters,' as having broken in from another world + outside." Max Müller, _Chips from a German Workshop_, vol. ii. + p. 268.] + + [Footnote 519: "An Attempt to solve the Problem of the First + Landing Place of Columbus in the New World," in _United States + Coast and Geodetic Survey--Report for 1880--Appendix 18_, + Washington, 1882.] + +[Sidenote: Groping for Cipango and the route to Quinsay.] + +A cruise of ten days among the Bahamas, with visits to four of the +islands, satisfied Columbus that he was in the ocean just east of +Cathay, for Marco Polo had described it as studded with thousands of +spice-bearing islands, and the Catalan map shows that some of these were +supposed to be inhabited by naked savages. To be sure, he could not find +any spices or valuable drugs, but the air was full of fragrance and the +trees and herbs were strange in aspect and might mean anything; so for a +while he was ready to take the spices on trust. Upon inquiries about +gold the natives always pointed to the south, apparently meaning +Cipango; and in that direction Columbus steered on the 25th of October, +intending to stay in that wealthy island long enough to obtain all +needful information concerning its arts and commerce. Thence a sail of +less than ten days would bring him to the Chinese coast, along which he +might comfortably cruise northwesterly as far as Quinsay and deliver to +the Great Khan a friendly letter with which Ferdinand and Isabella had +provided him. Alas, poor Columbus--unconscious prince of +discoverers--groping here in Cuban waters for the way to a city on the +other side of the globe and to a sovereign whose race had more than a +century since been driven from the throne and expelled from the very +soil of Cathay! Could anything be more pathetic, or better illustrate +the profound irony with which our universe seems to be governed? + +[Sidenote: Columbus reaches Cuba, and sends envoys to find a certain +Asiatic prince.] + +On reaching Cuba the Admiral was charmed with the marvellous beauty of +the landscape,--a point in which he seems to have been unusually +sensitive. He found pearl oysters along the shore, and although no +splendid cities as yet appeared, he did not doubt that he had reached +Cipango. But his attempts at talking with the amazed natives only served +to darken counsel. He understood them to say that Cuba was part of the +Asiatic continent, and that there was a king in the neighbourhood who +was at war with the Great Khan! So he sent two messengers to seek this +refractory potentate,--one of them a converted Jew acquainted with +Arabic, a language sometimes heard far eastward in Asia, as Columbus +must have known. These envoys found pleasant villages, with large +houses, surrounded with fields of such unknown vegetables as maize, +potatoes, and tobacco; they saw men and women smoking cigars,[520] and +little dreamed that in that fragrant and soothing herb there was a +richer source of revenue than the spices of the East. They passed acres +of growing cotton and saw in the houses piles of yarn waiting to be +woven into rude cloth or twisted into nets for hammocks. But they found +neither cities nor kings, neither gold nor spices, and after a tedious +quest returned, somewhat disappointed, to the coast. + + [Footnote 520: The first recorded mention of tobacco is in + Columbus's diary for November 20, 1492:--"Hallaron los dos + cristianos por el camino mucha gente que atravesaba á sus + pueblos, mugeres y hombres con un tizon en la mano, yerbas para + tomar sus sahumerios que acostumbraban," i. e. "the two + Christians met on the road a great many people going to their + villages, men and women with brands in their hands, made of + herbs for taking their customary smoke." Navarrete, tom. i. p. + 51.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus turns eastward; Pinzon deserts him.] + +Columbus seems now to have become perplexed, and to have vacillated +somewhat in his purposes. If this was the continent of Asia it was +nearer than he had supposed, and how far mistaken he had been in his +calculations no one could tell. But where was Cipango? He gathered from +the natives that there was a great island to the southeast, abounding +in gold, and so he turned his prows in that direction. On the 20th of +November he was deserted by Martin Pinzon, whose ship could always +outsail the others. It seems to have been Pinzon's design to get home in +advance with such a story as would enable him to claim for himself an +undue share of credit for the discovery of the Indies. This was the +earliest instance of a kind of treachery such as too often marred the +story of Spanish exploration and conquest in the New World. + +[Sidenote: Columbus arrives at Hayti and thinks it must be Japan.] + +[Sidenote: Wreck of the Santa Maria, Dec. 25, 1492.] + +For a fortnight after Pinzon's desertion Columbus crept slowly eastward +along the coast of Cuba, now and then landing to examine the country and +its products; and it seemed to him that besides pearls and mastic and +aloes he found in the rivers indications of gold. When he reached the +cape at the end of the island he named it Alpha and Omega, as being the +extremity of Asia,--Omega from the Portuguese point of view, Alpha from +his own. On the 6th of December he landed upon the northwestern coast of +the island of Hayti, which he called Española, Hispaniola, or "Spanish +land."[521] Here, as the natives seemed to tell him of a region to the +southward and quite inland which abounded in gold, and which they called +Cibao, the Admiral at once caught upon the apparent similarity of sounds +and fancied that Cibao must be Cipango, and that at length he had +arrived upon that island of marvels. It was much nearer the Asiatic +mainland (i. e. Cuba) than he had supposed, but then, it was beginning +to appear that in any case somebody's geography must be wrong. Columbus +was enchanted with the scenery. "The land is elevated," he says, "with +many mountains and peaks ... most beautiful, of a thousand varied forms, +accessible, and full of trees of endless varieties, so tall that they +seem to touch the sky; and I have been told that they never lose their +foliage. The nightingale [i. e. some kind of thrush] and other small +birds of a thousand kinds were singing in the month of November +[December] when I was there."[522] Before he had done much toward +exploring this paradise, a sudden and grave mishap quite altered his +plans. On Christmas morning, between midnight and dawn, owing to +careless disobedience of orders on the part of the helmsman, the +flag-ship struck upon a sand-bank near the present site of Port au Paix. +All attempts to get her afloat were unavailing, and the waves soon beat +her to pieces. + + [Footnote 521: Not "Little Spain," as the form of the word, so + much like a diminutive, might seem to indicate. It is simply + the feminine of _Español_, "Spanish," sc. _tierra_ or _isla_. + Columbus believed that the island was larger than Spain. See + his letter to Gabriel Sanchez, in Harrisse, tom. i. p. 428.] + + [Footnote 522: Columbus to Santangel, February 15, 1493 + (Navarrete, tom. i. p. 168).] + +[Sidenote: Columbus decides to go back to Spain.] + +This catastrophe brought home, with startling force, to the mind of +Columbus, the fact that the news of his discovery of land was not yet +known in Europe. As for the Pinta and her insubordinate commander, none +could say whether they would ever be seen again or whether their speedy +arrival in Spain might not portend more harm than good to Columbus. His +armament was now reduced to the little undecked Niña alone, such a craft +as we should deem about fit for a summer excursion on Long Island Sound. +What if his party should all perish, or be stranded helpless on these +strange coasts, before any news of their success should reach the ears +of friends in Europe! Then the name of Columbus would serve as a by-word +for foolhardiness, and his mysterious fate would simply deter other +expeditions from following in the same course. Obviously the first +necessity of the situation was to return to Spain immediately and report +what had already been done. Then it would be easy enough to get ships +and men for a second voyage. + +[Sidenote: Building of the blockhouse, La Navidad.] + +[Sidenote: Meeting with Pinzon.] + +This decision led to the founding of an embryo colony upon Hispaniola. +There was not room enough for all the party to go in the Nina, and quite +a number begged to be left behind, because they found life upon the +island lazy and the natives, especially the women, seemed well-disposed +toward them. So a blockhouse was built out of the wrecked ship's timbers +and armed with her guns, and in commemoration of that eventful Christmas +it was called Fort Nativity (_La Navidad_). Here forty men were left +behind, with provisions enough for a whole year, and on January 4, 1493, +the rest of the party went on board the Niña and set sail for Spain. Two +days later in following the northern coast of Hispaniola they +encountered the Pinta, whose commander had been delayed by trading with +the natives and by finding some gold. Pinzon tried to explain his sudden +disappearance by alleging that stress of weather had parted him from +his comrades, but his excuses were felt to be lame and improbable. +However it may have been with his excuses, there was no doubt as to the +lameness of his foremast; it had been too badly sprung to carry much +sail, so that the Pinta could not again run away from her consort. + +[Sidenote: Terrible storm in mid-ocean, Feb., 1493.] + +On this return voyage the Admiral, finding the trade winds dead against +him, took a northeasterly course until he had passed the thirty-seventh +parallel and then headed straight toward Spain. On the 12th of February +a storm was brewing, and during the next four days it raged with such +terrific violence that it is a wonder how those two frail caravels ever +came out of it. They were separated this time not to meet again upon the +sea. Expecting in all likelihood to be engulfed in the waves with his +tiny craft, Columbus sealed and directed to Ferdinand and Isabella two +brief reports of his discovery, written upon parchment. Each of these he +wrapped in a cloth and inclosed in the middle of a large cake of wax, +which was then securely shut up in a barrel. One of the barrels was +flung into the sea, the other remained standing on the little +quarter-deck to await the fate of the caravel. The anxiety was not +lessened by the sight of land on the 15th, for it was impossible to +approach it so as to go ashore, and there was much danger of being +dashed to pieces. + +[Sidenote: Cold reception at the Azores.] + +At length on the 18th, the storm having abated, the ship's boat went +ashore and found that it was the island of St. Mary, one of the Azores. +It is worthy of note that such skilful sailors as the Nina's captain, +Vicente Yañez Pinzon, and the pilot Ruiz were so confused in their +reckoning as to suppose themselves near the Madeiras, whereas Columbus +had correctly maintained that they were approaching the Azores,--a good +instance of his consummate judgment in nautical questions.[523] From the +Portuguese governor of the island this Spanish company met with a very +ungracious reception. A party of sailors whom Columbus sent ashore to a +small chapel of the Virgin, to give thanks for their deliverance from +shipwreck, were seized and held as prisoners for five days. It +afterwards appeared that this was done in pursuance of general +instructions from the king of Portugal to the governors of his various +islands. If Columbus had gone ashore he would probably have been +arrested himself. As it was, he took such a high tone and threatened to +such good purpose that the governor of St. Mary was fain to give up his +prisoners for fear of bringing on another war between Portugal and +Castile. + + [Footnote 523: Las Casas, tom. i. pp. 443, 449.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus is driven ashore in Portugal, where the king is +advised to have him assassinated;] + +[Sidenote: but to offend Spain so grossly would be dangerous.] + +Having at length got away from this unfriendly island, as the Niña was +making her way toward Cape St. Vincent and within 400 miles of it, she +was seized by another fierce tempest and driven upon the coast of +Portugal, where Columbus and his crew were glad of a chance to run into +the river Tagus for shelter. The news of his voyage and his discoveries +aroused intense excitement in Lisbon. Astonishment was mingled with +chagrin at the thought that the opportunity for all this glory and +profit had first been offered to Portugal and foolishly lost. The king +even now tried to persuade himself that Columbus had somehow or other +been trespassing upon the vast and vague undiscovered dominions granted +to the Crown of Portugal by Pope Eugenius IV. Some of the king's +counsellors are said to have urged him to have Columbus assassinated; it +would be easy enough to provoke such a high-spirited man into a quarrel +and then run him through the body.[524] To clearer heads, however, the +imprudence of such a course was manifest. It was already impossible to +keep the news of the discovery from reaching Spain, and Portugal could +not afford to go to war with her stronger neighbour. In fact even had +John II. been base enough to resort to assassination, which seems quite +incompatible with the general character of Lope de Vega's "perfect +prince," Columbus was now too important a personage to be safely +interfered with. So he was invited to court and made much of. On the +13th of March he set sail again and arrived in the harbour of Palos at +noon of the 15th. His little caravel was promptly recognized by the +people, and as her story flew from mouth to mouth all the business of +the town was at an end for that day.[525] + + [Footnote 524: This story rests upon the explicit statement of + a contemporary Portuguese historian of high authority, Garcia + de Resende, _Chronica del Rey Dom João II._, Lisbon, 1622, cap. + clxiv. (written about 1516); see also Vasconcellos, _Vida del + Rey Don Juan II._, Madrid, 1639, lib. vi.] + + [Footnote 525: "When they learnt that she returned in triumph + from the discovery of a world, the whole community broke forth + into transports of joy." Irving's _Columbus_, vol. i. p. 318. + This is projecting our present knowledge into the past. We now + know that Columbus had discovered a new world. He did not so + much as suspect that he had done anything of the sort; neither + did the people of Palos.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus and Pinzon at Palos; death of Pinzon.] + +Towards evening, while the bells were ringing and the streets brilliant +with torches, another vessel entered the harbour and dropped anchor. She +was none other than the Pinta! The storm had driven her to Bayonne, +whence Martin Pinzon instantly despatched a message to Ferdinand and +Isabella, making great claims for himself and asking permission to wait +upon them with a full account of the discovery. As soon as practicable +he made his way to Palos, but when on arriving he saw the Niña already +anchored in the harbour his guilty heart failed him. He took advantage +of the general hub-bub to slink ashore as quickly and quietly as +possible, and did not dare to show himself until after the Admiral had +left for Seville. The news from Columbus reached the sovereigns before +they had time to reply to the message of Pinzon; so when their answer +came to him it was cold and stern and forbade him to appear in their +presence. Pinzon was worn out with the hardships of the homeward voyage, +and this crushing reproof was more than he could bear. His sudden death, +a few days afterward, was generally attributed to chagrin.[526] + +[Sidenote: Columbus is received by the sovereigns at Barcelona, April, +1493.] + +[Sidenote: General excitement at the news that a way to the Indies had +been found.] + +From Seville the Admiral was summoned to attend court at Barcelona, +where he was received with triumphal honours. He was directed to seat +himself in the presence of the sovereigns, a courtesy usually reserved +for royal personages.[527] Intense interest was felt in his specimens of +stuffed birds and small mammals, his live parrots, his collection of +herbs which he supposed to have medicinal virtues, his few pearls and +trinkets of gold, and especially his six painted and bedizened +barbarians, the survivors of ten with whom he had started from +Hispaniola. Since in the vague terminology of that time the remote and +scarcely known parts of Asia were called the Indies, and since the +islands and coasts just discovered were Indies, of course these red men +must be Indians. So Columbus had already named them in his first letter +written from the Niña, off the Azores, sent by special messenger from +Palos, and now in April, 1493, printed at Barcelona, containing the +particulars of his discovery,--a letter appropriately addressed to the +worthy Santangel but for whose timely intervention he might have ridden +many a weary league on that mule of his to no good purpose.[528] It was +generally assumed without question that the Admiral's theory of his +discovery must be correct, that the coast of Cuba must be the eastern +extremity of China, that the coast of Hispaniola must be the northern +extremity of Cipango, and that a direct route--much shorter than that +which Portugal had so long been seeking--had now been found to those +lands of illimitable wealth described by Marco Polo.[529] To be sure +Columbus had not as yet seen the evidences of this Oriental splendour, +and had been puzzled at not finding them, but he felt confident that he +had come very near them and would come full upon them in a second +voyage. There was nobody who knew enough to refute these opinions,[530] +and really why should not this great geographer, who had accomplished so +much already which people had scouted as impossible,--why should he not +know what he was about? It was easy enough now to get men and money for +the second voyage. When the Admiral sailed from Cadiz on September 25, +1493, it was with seventeen ships carrying 1,500 men. Their dreams were +of the marble palaces of Quinsay, of isles of spices, and the treasures +of Prester John. The sovereigns wept for joy as they thought that such +untold riches were vouchsafed them by the special decree of Heaven, as a +reward for having overcome the Moor at Granada and banished the Jews +from Spain.[531] Columbus shared these views and regarded himself as a +special instrument for executing the divine decrees. He renewed his vow +to rescue the Holy Sepulchre, promising within the next seven years to +equip at his own expense a crusading army of 50,000 foot and 4,000 +horse; within five years thereafter he would follow this with a second +army of like dimensions. + + [Footnote 526: Charlevoix, _Histoire de l'isle Espagnole, ou de + St. Domingue_, Paris, 1730, liv. ii.; Muñoz, _Historia de las + Indias ó Nuevo Mundo_, Madrid, 1793, lib. iv. § 14.] + + [Footnote 527: He was also allowed to quarter the royal arms + with his own, "which consisted of a group of golden islands + amid azure billows. To these were afterwards added five + anchors, with the celebrated motto, well known as being carved + on his sepulchre." Prescott's _Ferdinand and Isabella_, pt. i. + chap. vii. This statement about the motto is erroneous. See + below, p. 514. Considering the splendour of the reception given + to Columbus, and the great interest felt in his achievement, + Mr. Prescott is surprised at finding no mention of this + occasion in the local annals of Barcelona, or in the royal + archives of Aragon. He conjectures, with some probability, that + the cause of the omission may have been what an American would + call "sectional" jealousy. This Cathay and Cipango business was + an affair of Castile's, and, as such, quite beneath the notice + of patriotic Aragonese archivists! That is the way history has + too often been treated. With most people it is only a kind of + ancestor worship.] + + [Footnote 528: The unique copy of this first edition of this + Spanish letter is a small folio of two leaves, or four pages. + It was announced for sale in Quaritch's Catalogue, April 16, + 1891, No. 111, p. 47, for £1,750. Evidently most book-lovers + will have to content themselves with the facsimile published in + London, 1891, price two guineas. A unique copy of a Spanish + reprint in small quarto, made in 1493, is preserved in the + Ambrosian library at Milan. In 1889 Messrs. Ellis & Elvey, of + London, published a facsimile _alleged_ to have been made from + an edition of about the same date as the Ambrosian quarto; but + there are good reasons for believing that these highly + respectable publishers have been imposed upon. It is a time + just now when fictitious literary discoveries of this sort may + command a high price, and the dealer in early Americana must + keep his eyes open. See Quaritch's note, _op. cit._ p. 49; and + Justin Winsor's letter in _The Nation_, April 9, 1891, vol. + lii. p. 298.] + + [Footnote 529: "The lands, therefore, which Columbus had + visited were called the West Indies; and as he seemed to have + entered upon a vast region of unexplored countries, existing in + a state of nature, the whole received the comprehensive + appellation of the New World." Irving's _Columbus_, vol. i. p. + 333. These are very grave errors, again involving the + projection of our modern knowledge into the past. The lands + which Columbus had visited were called simply the Indies; it + was not until long after his death, and after the crossing of + the Pacific ocean, that they were distinguished from the East + Indies. The _New World_ was not at first a "comprehensive + appellation" for the countries discovered by Columbus; it was + at first applied to one particular region never visited by him, + viz. to that portion of the southeastern coast of South America + first explored by Vespucius. See vol. ii. pp. 129, 130.] + + [Footnote 530: Peter Martyr, however, seems to have entertained + some vague doubts, inasmuch as this assumed nearness of the + China coast on the west implied a greater eastward extension of + the Asiatic continent than seemed to him probable:--"Insulas + reperit plures; has esse, de quibus fit apud cosmographos + mentio extra oceanum orientalem, adjacentes Indiæ arbitrantur. + Nec inficior ego penitus, _quamvis sphæræ magnitudo aliter + sentire videatur_; neque enim desunt qui parvo tractu a finibus + Hispaniæ distare littus Indicum putent." _Opus Epist._, No. + 135. The italicizing is mine.] + + [Footnote 531: This abominable piece of wickedness, driving + 200,000 of Spain's best citizens from their homes and their + native land, was accomplished in pursuance of an edict signed + March 30, 1492. There is a brief account of it in Prescott's + _Ferdinand and Isabella_, pt. i. chap. vi.] + +[Sidenote: This voyage was an event without any parallel in history.] + +Thus nobody had the faintest suspicion of what had been done. In the +famous letter to Santangel there is of course not a word about a New +World. The grandeur of the achievement was quite beyond the ken of the +generation that witnessed it. For we have since come to learn that in +1492 the contact between the eastern and the western halves of our +planet was first really begun, and the two streams of human life which +had flowed on for countless ages apart were thenceforth to mingle +together. The first voyage of Columbus is thus a unique event in the +history of mankind. Nothing like it was ever done before, and nothing +like it can ever be done again. No worlds are left for a future Columbus +to conquer. The era of which this great Italian mariner was the most +illustrious representative has closed forever. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +THE FINDING OF STRANGE COASTS. + + +[Sidenote: The Discovery of America was a gradual process.] + +But that era did not close with Columbus, nor did he live long enough to +complete the Discovery of America. Our practice of affixing specific +dates to great events is on many accounts indispensable, but it is +sometimes misleading. Such an event as the discovery of a pair of vast +continents does not take place within a single year. When we speak of +America as discovered in 1492, we do not mean that the moment Columbus +landed on two or three islands of the West Indies, a full outline map of +the western hemisphere from Labrador and Alaska to Cape Horn suddenly +sprang into existence--like Pallas from the forehead of Zeus--in the +minds of European men. Yet people are perpetually using arguments which +have neither force nor meaning save upon the tacit assumption that +somehow or other some such sort of thing must have happened. This +grotesque fallacy lies at the bottom of the tradition which has caused +so many foolish things to be said about that gallant mariner, Americus +Vespucius. In geographical discussions the tendency to overlook the fact +that Columbus and his immediate successors did not sail with the latest +edition of Black's General Atlas in their cabins is almost inveterate; +it keeps revealing itself in all sorts of queer statements, and probably +there is no cure for it except in familiarity with the long series of +perplexed and struggling maps made in the sixteenth century. Properly +regarded, the Discovery of America was not a single event, but a very +gradual process. It was not like a case of special creation, for it was +a case of evolution, and the voyage of 1492 was simply the most decisive +and epoch-marking incident in that evolution. Columbus himself, after +all his four eventful voyages across the Sea of Darkness, died in the +belief that he had simply discovered the best and straightest route to +the eastern shores of Asia. Yet from his first experiences in Cuba down +to his latest voyage upon the coasts of Honduras and Veragua, he was +more or less puzzled at finding things so different from what he had +anticipated. If he had really known anything with accuracy about the +eastern coast of Asia, he would doubtless soon have detected his +fundamental error, but no European in his day had any such knowledge. In +his four voyages Columbus was finding what he supposed to be parts of +Asia, what we now know to have been parts of America, but what were +really to him and his contemporaries neither more nor less than Strange +Coasts. We have now to consider briefly his further experiences upon +these strange coasts. + + * * * * * + +The second voyage of Columbus was begun in a very different mood and +under very different auspices from either his former or his two +subsequent voyages. On his first departure from Palos, in 1492, all +save a few devoted friends regarded him as a madman rushing upon his +doom; and outside the Spanish peninsula the expedition seems to have +attracted no notice. But on the second start, in 1493, all hands +supposed that they were going straight to golden Cathay and to boundless +riches. It was not now with groans but with pæans that they flocked on +board the ships; and the occasion was observed, with more or less +interest, by some people in other countries of Europe,--as in Italy, and +for the moment in France and England. + +[Sidenote: The letter to Sanchez.] + +At the same time with his letter to Santangel, the Admiral had +despatched another account, substantially the same,[532] to Gabriel +Sanchez,[533] another officer of the royal treasury. Several copies of a +Latin translation of this letter were published at Rome, at Paris, and +elsewhere, in the course of the year 1493.[534] The story which it +contained was at once paraphrased in Italian verse by Giuliano Dati, one +of the most popular poets of the age, and perhaps in the autumn of 1493 +the amazing news that the Indies had been found by sailing west[535] was +sung by street urchins in Florence. We are also informed, in an +ill-vouched but not improbable clause in Ramusio, that not far from that +same time the news was heard with admiration in London, where it was +pronounced "a thing more divine than human to sail by the West unto the +East, where spices grow, by a way that was never known before;"[536] and +it seems altogether likely that it was this news that prompted the +expedition of John Cabot hereafter to be mentioned.[537] + + [Footnote 532: "Un duplicata de cette relation," Harrisse, + _Christophe Colomb_, tom i. p. 419.] + + [Footnote 533: Often called Raphael Sanchez.] + + [Footnote 534: The following epigram was added to the first + Latin edition of the latter by Corbaria, Bishop of + Monte-Peloso:-- + + _Ad Invictissimum Regem Hispaniarum_: + + Iam nulla Hispanis tellus addenda triumphis, + Atque parum tantis viribus orbis erat. + Nunc longe eois regio deprensa sub undis, + Auctura est titulos Betice magne tuos. + Unde repertori inerita referenda Columbo + Gratia, sed summo est maior habenda deo, + Qui vincenda parat noua regna tibique sibique + Teque simul fortem prestat et esse pium. + + These lines are thus paraphrased by M. Harrisse:-- + + _To the Invincible King of the Spains_: + + Less wide the world than the renown of Spain, + To swell her triumphs no new lands remain. + Rejoice, Iberia! see thy fame increased! + Another world Columbus from the East + And the mid-ocean summons to thy sway! + Give thanks to him--but loftier homage pay + To God Supreme, who gives its realms to thee! + Greatest of monarchs, first of servants be! + _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 13. + + The following is a literal version:--"Already there is no land + to be added to the triumphs of Spain, and the earth was too + small for such great deeds. Now a far country under the eastern + waves has been discovered, and will be an addition to thy + titles, O great Bætica! wherefore thanks are due to the + illustrious discover Columbus; but greater thanks to the + supreme God, who is making ready new realms to be conquered for + thee and for Himself, and vouchsafes to thee to be at once + strong and pious." It will be observed that nothing is said + about "another world." + + An elaborate account of these earliest and excessively rare + editions is given by M. Harrisse, _loc. cit._] + + [Footnote 535: Or, as Mr. Major carelessly puts it, "the + astounding news of the discovery of a new world." (_Select + Letters of Columbus_, p. vi.) Mr. Major knows very well that no + such "news" was possible for many a year after 1493; his remark + is, of course, a mere slip of the pen, but if we are ever going + to straighten out the tangle of misconceptions with which this + subject is commonly surrounded, we must be careful in our + choice of words.--As a fair specimen, of the chap-book style of + Dati's stanzas, we may cite the fourteenth:-- + + Hor vo tornar almio primo tractato + dellisole trovate incognite a te + in [~q]sto anno presente [~q]sto e stato + nel millequatrocento nov[=a]tatre, + uno che x[~p]ofan col[=o]bo chiamato, + che e stato in corte der prefecto Re + ha molte volte questa stimolato, + el Re ch'cerchi acrescere il suo stato. + + M. Harrisse gives the following version:-- + + Back to my theme, O Listener, turn with me + And hear of islands all unknown to thee! + Islands whereof the grand discovery + Chanced in this year of fourteen ninety-three. + One Christopher Colombo, whose resort + Was ever in the King Fernando's court, + Bent himself still to rouse and stimulate + The King to swell the borders of his State. + _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 29. + + The entire poem of sixty-eight stanzas is given in Major, _op. + cit._ pp. lxxiii.-xc. It was published at Florence, Oct. 26, + 1493, and was called "the story of the discovery [not of a new + world, but] of the new Indian islands of Canary!" (_Storia + della inventione delle nuove isole dicanaria indiane._)] + + [Footnote 536: _Raccolta di Navigazioni_, etc., Venice, 1550, + tom. i. fol. 414.] + + [Footnote 537: See below, vol. ii. pp. 2-15.] + +[Sidenote: Earliest references to the discovery.] + +[Sidenote: Earliest reference in English.] + +The references to the discovery are very scanty, however, until after +the year 1500, and extremely vague withal. For example, Bernardino de +Carvajal, the Spanish ambassador at the papal court, delivered an +oration in Rome on June 19, 1493, in which he said: "And Christ placed +under their [Ferdinand and Isabella's] rule the Fortunate [Canary] +islands, the fertility of which has been ascertained to be wonderful. +And he has lately disclosed some other unknown ones towards the Indies +which may be considered among the most precious things on earth; and it +is believed that they will be gained over to Christ by the emissaries +of the king."[538] Outside of the Romance countries we find one German +version of the first letter of Columbus, published at Strasburg, in +1497,[539] and a brief allusion to the discovery in Sebastian Brandt's +famous allegorical poem, "Das Narrenschiff," the first edition of which +appeared in 1494.[540] The earliest distinct reference to Columbus in +the English language is to be found in a translation of this poem, "The +Shyppe of Fooles," by Henry Watson, published in London by Wynkyn de +Worde in 1509. The purpose of Brandt's allegory was to satirize the +follies committed by all sorts and conditions of men. In the chapter, +"Of hym that wyll wryte and enquere of all regyons," it is said: "There +was one that knewe that in y^{e} ysles of Spayne was enhabitantes. +Wherefore he asked men of Kynge Ferdynandus & wente & founde them, the +whiche lyved as beestes."[541] Until after the middle of the sixteenth +century no English chronicler mentions either Columbus or the Cabots, +nor is there anywhere an indication that the significance of the +discoveries in the western ocean was at all understood.[542] + + [Footnote 538: Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, + p. 35.] + + [Footnote 539: Id. p. 50.] + + [Footnote 540: + Auch hat man sydt in Portigall + Und in Hyspanyen uberall + Golt-inseln funden, und nacket l[°u]t + Von den man vor wust sagen n[°u]t. + Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._; _Additions_, p. 4. + + Or, in more modern German:-- + + Wie man auch jüngst von Portugal + Und Hispanien aus schier überall + Goldinseln fand und nakte Leute, + Von denen man erst weiss seit heute. + _Das Narrenschiff_, ed. Simrock, Berlin, 1872, p. 161. + + In the Latin version of 1497, now in the National Library at + Paris, it goes somewhat differently:-- + + Antea que fuerat priscis incognita tellus: + Exposita est oculis & manifesta patet. + Hesperie occidue rex Ferdinandus: in alto + Aequore nunc gentes repperit innumeras. + Harrisse, _op. cit._; _Additions_, p. 7. + + It will be observed that these foreign references are so + ungallant, and so incorrect, as to give all the credit to + Ferdinand, while poor Isabella is not mentioned!] + + [Footnote 541: Harrisse, _op. cit._; _Additions_, p. 45.] + + [Footnote 542: Harrisse, _Jean et Sebastien Cabot_, Paris, + 1882, p. 15.] + +[Sidenote: Portuguese claim to the Indies.] + +North of the Alps and Pyrenees the interest in what was going on at the +Spanish court in 1493 was probably confined to very few people. As for +Venice and Genoa we have no adequate means of knowing how they felt +about the matter,--a fact which in itself is significant. The interest +was centred in Spain and Portugal. There it was intense and awakened +fierce heart-burnings. Though John II. had not given his consent to the +proposal for murdering Columbus, he appears to have seriously +entertained the thought of sending a small fleet across the Atlantic as +soon as possible, to take possession of some point in Cathay or Cipango +and then dispute the claims of the Spaniards.[543] Such a summary +proceeding might perhaps be defended on the ground that the grant from +Pope Eugenius V. to the crown of Portugal expressly included "the +Indies." In the treaty of 1479, moreover, Spain had promised not to +interfere with the discoveries and possessions of the Portuguese. + + [Footnote 543: Vasconcellos, _Vida del Rey Don Juan II._, + Madrid, 1639, lib. vi.] + +[Sidenote: Bulls of Pope Alexander VI.] + +But whatever King John may have intended, Ferdinand and Isabella were +too quick for him. No sooner had Columbus arrived at Barcelona than an +embassy was despatched to Rome, asking for a grant of the Indies just +discovered by that navigator in the service of Castile. The notorious +Rodrigo Borgia, who had lately been placed in the apostolic chair as +Alexander VI., was a native of Valencia in the kingdom of Aragon, and +would not be likely to refuse such a request through any excess of +regard for Portugal. As between the two rival powers the pontiff's +arrangement was made in a spirit of even-handed justice. On the 3d of +May, 1493, he issued a bull conferring upon the Spanish sovereigns all +lands already discovered or thereafter to be discovered in the western +ocean, with jurisdiction and privileges in all respects similar to those +formerly bestowed upon the crown of Portugal. This grant was made by the +pope "out of our pure liberality, certain knowledge, and plenitude of +apostolic power," and by virtue of "the authority of omnipotent God +granted to us in St. Peter, and of the Vicarship of Jesus Christ which +we administer upon the earth."[544] It was a substantial reward for the +monarchs who had completed the overthrow of Mahometan rule in Spain, and +it afforded them opportunities for further good work in converting the +heathen inhabitants of the islands and mainland of Asia.[545] + + [Footnote 544: "De nostra mera liberalitate, et ex certa + scientia, ac de apostolicæ potestatis plenitudine." ... + "auctoritate omnipotentis Dei nobis in beato Petro concessa, ac + vicariatus Jesu Christi qua fungimur in terris." The same + language is used in the second bull. Mr. Prescott (_Ferdinand + and Isabella_, part i. chap, vii.) translates _certa scientia_ + "infallible knowledge," but in order to avoid any complications + with modern theories concerning papal infallibility, I prefer + to use a less technical word.] + + [Footnote 545: A year or two later the sovereigns were further + rewarded with the decorative title of "Most Catholic." See + Zurita, _Historia del Rey Hernando_, Saragossa, 1580, lib. ii. + cap. xl.; Peter Martyr, _Epist._ clvii.] + +[Sidenote: Treaty of Tordesillas.] + +On the following day Alexander issued a second bull in order to prevent +any occasion for quarrel between Spain and Portugal.[546] He decreed +that all lands discovered or to be discovered to the west of a meridian +one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde islands should +belong to the Spaniards. Inasmuch as between the westernmost of the +Azores and the easternmost of the Cape Verde group the difference in +longitude is not far from ten degrees, this description must be allowed +to be somewhat vague, especially in a document emanating from "certain +knowledge;"[547] and it left open a source of future disputes which one +would suppose the "plenitude of apostolic power" might have been +worthily employed in closing. The meridian 25° W., however, would have +satisfied the conditions, and the equitable intent of the arrangement is +manifest. The Portuguese were left free to pursue their course of +discovery and conquest along the routes which they had always preferred. +King John, however, was not satisfied. He entertained vague hopes of +finding spice islands, or something worth having, in the western waters; +and he wished to have the Line of Demarcation carried farther to the +west. After a year of diplomatic wrangling a treaty was signed at +Tordesillas, June 7, 1494, in which Spain consented to the moving of the +line to a distance of 370 leagues west from the Cape Verde islands.[548] +It would thus on a modern map fall somewhere between the 41st and 44th +meridians west of Greenwich. This amendment had important and curious +consequences. It presently gave the Brazilian coast to the Portuguese, +and thereupon played a leading part in the singular and complicated +series of events that ended in giving the name of Americus Vespucius to +that region, whence it was afterwards gradually extended to the whole +western hemisphere.[549] + + [Footnote 546: The complete text of this bull, with Richard + Eden's translation, is given at the end of this work; see + below, Appendix B. The official text is in _Magnum Bullarium + Romanum_, ed. Cherubini, Lyons, 1655, tom. i. p. 466. The + original document received by Ferdinand and Isabella is + preserved in the Archives of the Indies at Seville; it is + printed entire in Navarrete, _Coleccion de viages_, tom. ii. + No. 18. Another copy, less complete, may be found in Raynaldus, + _Annales ecclesiastici_, Lucca, 1754, tom. xi. p. 214, No. + 19-22; and another in Leibnitz, _Codex Diplomaticus_, tom. i. + pt. i. p. 471. It is often called the Bull "Inter Cetera," from + its opening words. + + The origin of the pope's claim to apostolic authority for + giving away kingdoms is closely connected with the fictitious + "Donation of Constantine," an edict probably fabricated in Rome + about the middle of the eighth century. The title of the old + Latin text is _Edictum domini Constantini Imp._, apud + Pseudo-Isidorus, _Decretalia_. Constantine's transfer of the + seat of empire from the Tiber to the Bosphorus tended greatly + to increase the dignity and power of the papacy, and I presume + that the fabrication of this edict, four centuries afterward, + was the expression of a sincere belief that the first Christian + emperor _meant_ to leave the temporal supremacy over Italy in + the hands of the Roman see. The edict purported to be such a + donation from Constantine to Pope Sylvester I., but the extent + and character of the donation was stated with such vagueness as + to allow a wide latitude of interpretation. Its genuineness was + repeatedly called in question, but belief in it seems to have + grown in strength until after the thirteenth century. Leo IX., + who was a strong believer in its genuineness, granted in 1054 + to the Normans their conquests in Sicily and Calabria, to be + held as a fief of the Roman see. (Muratori, _Annali d' Italia_, + tom. vi. pt. ii. p. 245.) It was next used to sustain the papal + claim to suzerainty over the island of Corsica. A century later + John of Salisbury maintained the right of the pope to dispose + "of all _islands_ on which Christ, the Sun of righteousness, + hath shined," and in conformity with this opinion Pope Adrian + IV. (Nicholas Breakspeare, an Englishman) authorized in 1164 + King Henry II. of England to invade and conquer Ireland. (See + Adrian IV., _Epist._ 76, apud Migne, _Patrologia_, tom. + clxxxviii.) Dr. Lanigan, in treating of this matter, is more an + Irishman than a papist, and derides "this nonsense of the + pope's being the head-owner of all Christian islands." + (_Ecclesiastical History of Ireland_, vol. iv. p. + 159.)--Gregory VII., in working up to the doctrine that all + Christian kingdoms should be held as fiefs under St. Peter + (Baronius, _Annales_, tom. xvii. p. 430; cf. Villemain, + _Histoire de Grégoire VII._, Paris, 1873, tom. ii. pp. 59-61), + does not seem to have appealed to the Donation. Perhaps he was + shrewd enough to foresee the kind of objection afterwards + raised by the Albigensians, who pithily declared that if the + suzerainty of the popes was derived from the Donation, then + they were successors of Constantine and not of St. Peter. + (Moneta Cremonensis, _Adversus Catharos et Waldenses_, ed. + Ricchini, Rome, 1743, v. 2.) But Innocent IV. summarily + disposed of this argument at the Council of Lyons in 1245, when + he deposed the Emperor Frederick II. and King Sancho II. of + Portugal,--saying that Christ himself had bestowed temporal as + well as spiritual headship upon St. Peter and his successors, + so that Constantine only gave up to the Church what belonged to + it already. The opposite or Ghibelline theory was eloquently + set forth by Dante, in his treatise _De Monarchia_; he held + that inasmuch as the Empire existed before the Church, it could + not be derived from it. Dante elsewhere expressed his + abhorrence of the Donation:-- + + Ahi Constantin, di quanto mal fu matre, + Non la tua conversion, ma quella dote + Che da te prese il primo ricco patre! + _Inferno_, xix. 115. + + Similar sentiments were expressed by many of the most popular + poets from the twelfth century to the sixteenth. Walther von + der Vogelweide was sure that if the first Christian emperor + could have foreseen the evils destined to flow from his + Donation, he would have withheld it:-- + + Solte ich den pfaffen raten an den triuwen min, + So spræche ir haut den armen zuo: se, daz ist din, + Ir zunge sünge, unde lieze mengem man daz sin, + Gedæhten daz ouch si dur Got wæren almuosenære. + Do gab ir erste teil der Kuenik Konstantin, + Het er gewest, daz da von uebel kuenftik wære, + So het er wol underkomen des riches swære, + Wan daz si do waren kiusche, und uebermuete lære. + Hagen, _Minnesinger-Sammlung_, Leipsic, 1838, + bd. i. p. 270. + + Ariosto, in a passage rollicking with satire, makes his + itinerant paladin find the "stinking" Donation in the course of + his journey upon the moon:-- + + Di varii fiori ad un gran monte passa, + Ch' ebber già buono odore, or puzzan forte, + Questo era il dono, se però dir lece, + Che Constantino al buon Silvestro fece. + _Orlando Furioso_, xxxiv. 80. + + The Donation was finally proved to be a forgery by Laurentius + Valla in 1440, in his _De falso credita et ementita Constantini + donatione declamatio_ (afterward spread far and wide by Ulrich + von Hutten), and independently by the noble Reginald Pecock, + bishop of Chichester, in his _Repressor_, written about + 1447.--During the preceding century the theory of Gregory VII. + and Innocent IV. had been carried to its uttermost extreme by + the Franciscan monk Alvaro Pelayo, in his _De Planctu + Ecclesiæ_, written at Avignon during the "Babylonish + Captivity," about 1350 (printed at Venice in 1560), and by + Agostino Trionfi, in his _Summa de potestate ecclesiastica_, + Augsburg, 1473, an excessively rare book, of which there is a + copy in the British Museum. These writers maintained that the + popes were suzerains of the whole earth and had absolute power + to dispose not only of all Christian kingdoms, but also of all + heathen lands and powers. It was upon this theory that Eugenius + IV. seems to have acted with reference to Portugal and + Alexander VI. with reference to Spain. Of course there was + never a time when such claims for the papacy were not denied by + a large party within the Church. The Spanish sovereigns in + appealing to Alexander VI. took care to hint that some of their + advisers regarded them as already entitled to enjoy the fruits + of their discoveries, even before obtaining the papal + permission, but they did not choose to act upon that opinion + (Herrera, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 4). The kings of Portugal + were less reserved in their submission. In _Valasci Ferdinandi + ad Innocentium octauum de obedientia oratio_, a small quarto + printed at Rome about 1488, John II. did homage to the pope for + the countries just discovered by Bartholomew Dias. His + successor Emanuel did the same after the voyages of Gama and + Vespucius. In a small quarto, _Obedientia potentissimi + Emanuelis Lusitaniæ regis &c. per clarissimum juris consultum + Dieghum Pacett[=u] oratorem ad Iuli[=u] Pont. Max._, Rome, + 1505, all the newly found lands are laid at the feet of Julius + II. in a passage that ends with words worth noting: "Accipe + tandem orbem ipsum terrarum, Deus enim noster es," i. e. + "Accept in fine the earth itself, for thou art our God." + Similar homage was rendered to Leo X. in 1513, on account of + Albuquerque's conquests in Asia.--We may suspect that if the + papacy had retained, at the end of the fifteenth century, + anything like the overshadowing power which it possessed at the + end of the twelfth, the kings of Portugal would not have been + quite so unstinted in their homage. As it came to be less of a + reality and more of a flourish of words, it cost less to offer + it. Among some modern Catholics I have observed a disposition + to imagine that in the famous bull of partition Alexander VI. + acted not as supreme pontiff but merely as an arbiter, in the + modern sense, between the crowns of Spain and Portugal; but + such an interpretation is hardly compatible with Alexander's + own words. An arbiter, as such, does not make awards by virtue + of "the authority of Omnipotent God granted to us in St. Peter, + and of the Vicarship of Jesus Christ which we administer upon + the earth." + + Since writing this note my attention has been called to Dr. + Ignaz von Döllinger's _Fables respecting the Popes of the + Middle Ages_, London, 1871; and I find in it a chapter on the + Donation of Constantine, in which the subject is treated with a + wealth of learning. Some of my brief references are there + discussed at considerable length. To the references to Dante + there is added a still more striking passage, where Constantine + is admitted into Heaven _in spite of_ his Donation (_Paradiso_, + xx. 55).] + + [Footnote 547: The language of the bull is even more vague than + my version in the text. His Holiness describes the lands to be + given to the Spaniards as lying "to the west and south" (versus + occidentem et meridiem) of his dividing meridian. Land to the + south of a meridian would be in a queer position! Probably it + was meant to say that the Spaniards, once west of the papal + meridian, might go south as well as north. For the king of + Portugal had suggested that they ought to confine themselves to + northern waters.] + + [Footnote 548: For the original Spanish text of the treaty of + Tordesillas, see Navarrete, tom. ii. pp. 116-130.] + + [Footnote 549: See below, vol. ii. pp. 98-154.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca.] + +Already in April, 1493, without waiting for the papal sanction, +Ferdinand and Isabella bent all their energies to the work of fitting +out an expedition for taking possession of "the Indies." First, a +department of Indian affairs was created, and at its head was placed +Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville: in Spain a man in high +office was apt to be a clergyman. This Fonseca was all-powerful in +Indian affairs for the next thirty years. He won and retained the +confidence of the sovereigns by virtue of his executive ability. He was +a man of coarse fibre, ambitious and domineering, cold-hearted and +perfidious, with a cynical contempt--such as low-minded people are apt +to call "smart"--for the higher human feelings. He was one of those ugly +customers who crush, without a twinge of compunction, whatever comes in +their way. The slightest opposition made him furious, and his +vindictiveness was insatiable. This dexterous and pushing Fonseca held +one after another the bishoprics of Badajoz, Cordova, Palencia, and +Conde, the archbishopric of Rosano in Italy, together with the bishopric +of Burgos, and he was also principal chaplain to Isabella and afterwards +to Ferdinand. As Sir Arthur Helps observes, "the student of early +American history will have a bad opinion of many Spanish bishops, if he +does not discover that it is Bishop Fonseca who reappears under +various designations."[550] Sir Arthur fitly calls him "the ungodly +bishop." + + [Footnote 550: _History of the Spanish Conquest_, vol. i. p. + 487.] + +[Sidenote: Friar Boyle.] + +The headquarters of Fonseca and of the Indian department were +established at Seville, and a special Indian custom-house was set up at +Cadiz. There was to be another custom-house upon the island of +Hispaniola (supposed to be Japan), and a minute registry was to be kept +of all ships and their crews and cargoes, going out or coming in. Nobody +was to be allowed to go to the Indies for any purpose whatever without a +license formally obtained. Careful regulations were made for hampering +trade and making everything as vexatious as possible for traders, +according to the ordinary wisdom of governments in such matters. All +expenses were to be borne and all profits received by the crown of +Castile, saving the rights formerly guaranteed to Columbus. The cost of +the present expedition was partly defrayed with stolen money, the +plunder wrung from the worthy and industrious Jews who had been driven +from their homes by the infernal edict of the year before. Extensive +"requisitions" were also made; in other words, when the sovereigns +wanted a ship or a barrel of gunpowder they seized it, and impressed it +into the good work of converting the heathen. To superintend this +missionary work, a Franciscan monk[551] was selected who had lately +distinguished himself as a diplomatist in the dispute with France over +the border province of Rousillon. This person was a native of Catalonia, +and his name was Bernardo Boyle, which strongly suggests an Irish +origin. Alexander VI. appointed him his apostolic vicar for the +Indies,[552] and he seems to have been the first clergyman to perform +mass on the western shores of the Atlantic. To assist the vicar, the six +Indians brought over by Columbus were baptized at Barcelona, with the +king and queen for their godfather and godmother. It was hoped that they +would prove useful as missionaries, and when one of them presently died +he was said to be the first Indian ever admitted to heaven.[553] + + [Footnote 551: Irving calls him a Benedictine, but he is + addressed as "fratri ordinis Minorum" in the bull clothing him + with apostolic authority in the Indies, June 25, 1493. See + Raynaldus, _Annales ecclesiastici_, tom. xi. p. 216. I cannot + imagine what M. Harrisse means by calling him "religieux de + Saint-Vincent de Paule" (_Christophe Colomb_, tom. ii. p. 55). + Vincent de Paul was not born till 1576.] + + [Footnote 552: Not for "the New World," as Irving carelessly + has it in his _Columbus_, vol. i. p. 346. No such phrase had + been thought of in 1493, or until long afterward.] + + [Footnote 553: Herrera, _Hist. de las Indias_, decad. i. lib. + ii. cap. 5.] + +The three summer months were occupied in fitting out the little fleet. +There were fourteen caravels, and three larger store-ships known as +carracks. Horses, mules, and other cattle were put on board,[554] as +well as vines and sugar-canes, and the seeds of several European +cereals, for it was intended to establish a permanent colony upon +Hispaniola. In the course of this work some slight matters of +disagreement came up between Columbus and Fonseca, and the question +having been referred to the sovereigns, Fonseca was mildly snubbed and +told that he must in all respects be guided by the Admiral's wishes. +From that time forth this ungodly prelate nourished a deadly hatred +toward Columbus, and never lost an opportunity for whispering evil +things about him. The worst of the grievous afflictions that afterward +beset the great discoverer must be ascribed to the secret machinations +of this wretch. + + [Footnote 554: _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xliv.] + +[Sidenote: Notable persons who embarked on the second voyage.] + +At last the armament was ready. People were so eager to embark that it +was felt necessary to restrain them. It was not intended to have more +than 1,200, but about 1,500 in all contrived to go, so that some of the +caravels must have been overcrowded. The character of the company was +very different from that of the year before. Those who went in the first +voyage were chiefly common sailors. Now there were many aristocratic +young men, hot-blooded and feather-headed hidalgos whom the surrender of +Granada had left without an occupation. Most distinguished among these +was Alonso de Ojeda, a dare-devil of unrivalled muscular strength, full +of energy and fanfaronade, and not without generous qualities, but with +very little soundness of judgment or character. Other notable personages +in this expedition were Columbus's youngest brother Giacomo (henceforth +called Diego), who had come from Genoa at the first news of the +Admiral's triumphant return; the monk Antonio de Marchena,[555] whom +historians have so long confounded with the prior Juan Perez; an +Aragonese gentleman named Pedro Margarite, a favourite of the king and +destined to work sad mischief; Juan Ponce de Leon, who afterwards gave +its name to Florida; Francisco de Las Casas, father of the great apostle +and historian of the Indies; and, last but not least, the pilot Juan de +La Cosa, now charged with the work of chart-making, in which he was an +acknowledged master.[556] + + [Footnote 555: He went as astronomer, from which we may perhaps + suppose that scientific considerations had made him one of the + earliest and most steadfast upholders of Columbus's views.] + + [Footnote 556: See Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, tom. ii. pp. + 55, 56; Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 498; + Fabié, _Vida de Las Casas_, Madrid, 1879, tom. i. p. 11; + Oviedo, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 467; Navarrete, + _Coleccion de viages_, tom. ii. pp. 143-149.] + +[Sidenote: Cruise among the cannibal islands.] + +The pomp and bustle of the departure from Cadiz, September 25, 1493, at +which the Admiral's two sons, Diego and Ferdinand, were present, must +have been one of the earliest recollections of the younger boy, then +just five years of age.[557] Again Columbus stopped at the Canary +islands, this time to take on board goats and sheep, pigs and fowls, for +he had been struck by the absence of all such animals on the coasts +which he had visited.[558] Seeds of melons, oranges, and lemons were +also taken. On the 7th of October the ships weighed anchor, heading a +trifle to the south of west, and after a pleasant and uneventful voyage +they sighted land on the 3d of November.[559] It turned out to be a +small mountainous island, and as it was discovered on Sunday they called +it Dominica. In a fortnight's cruise in these Caribbean waters they +discovered and named several islands, such as Marigalante, Guadaloupe, +Antigua, and others, and at length reached Porto Rico. The inhabitants +of these islands were ferocious cannibals, very different from the +natives encountered on the former voyage. There were skirmishes in which +a few Spaniards were killed with poisoned arrows. On Guadaloupe the +natives lived in square houses made of saplings intertwined with reeds, +and on the rude porticoes attached to these houses some of the wooden +pieces were carved so as to look like serpents. In some of these houses +human limbs were hanging from the roof, cured with smoke, like ham; and +fresh pieces of human flesh were found stewing in earthen kettles, along +with the flesh of parrots. Now at length, said Peter Martyr, was proved +the truth of the stories of Polyphemus and the Læstrygonians, and the +reader must look out lest his hair stand on end.[560] These western +Læstrygonians were known as Caribbees, Caribales, or Canibales, and have +thus furnished an epithet which we have since learned to apply to +man-eaters the world over. + + [Footnote 557: "E con questo preparamento il mercoledé ai 25 + del mese di settembre dell' anno 1493 un' ora avanti il levar + del sole, essendovi io e mio fratel presenti, l' Ammiraglio + levò le ancore," etc. _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xliv.] + + [Footnote 558: Eight sows were bought for 70 maravedis apiece, + and "destas ocho puercas se han multiplicado todos los puercos + que, hasta hoy, ha habido y hay en todas estas Indias," etc. + Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. ii. p. 3.] + + [Footnote 559: The relation of this second voyage by Dr. Chanca + may be found in Navarrete, tom. i. pp. 198-241; an interesting + relation in Italian by Simone Verde, a Florentine merchant then + living in Valladolid, is published in Harrisse, _Christophe + Colomb_, tom. ii. pp. 68-78. The narrative of the curate of Los + Palacios is of especial value for this voyage.] + + [Footnote 560: Martyr, _Epist._ cxlvii. _ad Pomponium Lætum_; + cf. _Odyssey_, x. 119; Thucyd. vi. 2.--Irving (vol. i. p. 385) + finds it hard to believe these stories, but the prevalence of + cannibalism, not only in these islands, but throughout a very + large part of aboriginal America, has been superabundantly + proved.] + +[Sidenote: Fate of the colony at La Navidad.] + +It was late at night on the 27th of November that Columbus arrived in +the harbour of La Navidad and fired a salute to arouse the attention of +the party that had been left there the year before. There was no reply +and the silence seemed fraught with evil omen. On going ashore next +morning and exploring the neighbourhood, the Spaniards came upon sights +of dismal significance. The fortress was pulled to pieces and partly +burnt, the chests of provisions were broken open and emptied, tools and +fragments of European clothing were found in the houses of the natives, +and finally eleven corpses, identifiable as those of white men, were +found buried near the fort. Not one of the forty men who had been left +behind in that place ever turned up to tell the tale. The little colony +of La Navidad had been wiped out of existence. From the Indians, +however, Columbus gathered bits of information that made a sufficiently +probable story. It was a typical instance of the beginnings of +colonization in wild countries. In such instances human nature has shown +considerable uniformity. Insubordination and deadly feuds among +themselves had combined with reckless outrages upon the natives to +imperil the existence of this little party of rough sailors. The cause +to which Horace ascribes so many direful wars, both before and since the +days of fairest Helen, seems to have been the principal cause on this +occasion. At length a fierce chieftain named Caonabo, from the region of +Xaragua, had attacked the Spaniards in overwhelming force, knocked their +blockhouse about their heads, and butchered all that were left of them. + +[Sidenote: Building of Isabella.] + +[Sidenote: Exploration of Cibao.] + +This was a gloomy welcome to the land of promise. There was nothing to +be done but to build new fortifications and found a town. The site +chosen for this new settlement, which was named Isabella, was at a good +harbour about thirty miles east of Monte Christi. It was chosen because +Columbus understood from the natives that it was not far from there to +the gold-bearing mountains of Cibao, a name which still seemed to +signify Cipango. Quite a neat little town was presently built, with +church, marketplace, public granary, and dwelling-houses, the whole +encompassed with a stone wall. An exploring party led by Ojeda into the +mountains of Cibao found gold dust and pieces of gold ore in the beds of +the brooks, and returned elated with this discovery. Twelve of the ships +were now sent back to Spain for further supplies and reinforcements, and +specimens of the gold were sent as an earnest of what was likely to be +found. At length, in March, 1494, Columbus set forth, with 400 armed +men, to explore the Cibao country. The march was full of interest. It is +upon this occasion that we first find mention of the frantic terror +manifested by Indians at the sight of horses. At first they supposed the +horse and his rider to be a kind of centaur, and when the rider +dismounted this separation of one creature into two overwhelmed them +with supernatural terror. Even when they had begun to get over this +notion they were in dread of being eaten by the horses.[561] These +natives lived in houses grouped into villages, and had carved wooden +idols and rude estufas for their tutelar divinities. It was ascertained +that different tribes tried to steal each other's idols and even fought +for the possession of valuable objects of "medicine."[562] Columbus +observed and reported the customs of these people with some minuteness. +There was nothing that agreed with Marco Polo's descriptions of Cipango, +but so far as concerned the discovery of gold mines, the indications +were such as to leave little doubt of the success of this +reconnaissance. The Admiral now arranged his forces so as to hold the +inland regions just visited and gave the general command to Margarite, +who was to continue the work of exploration. He left his brother, Diego +Columbus, in charge of the colony, and taking three caravels set sail +from Isabella on the 24th of April, on a cruise of discovery in these +Asiatic waters. + + [Footnote 561: For an instance of 400 hostile Indians fleeing + before a single armed horseman, see _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, + cap. lii.; Las Casas, _Hist._ tom. ii. p. 46.] + + [Footnote 562: Compare the Fisherman's story of Drogio, above, + pp. 246, 252.] + +[Illustration: Discoveries made by Columbus in his first and second +voyages.] + +[Sidenote: Cape Alpha and Omega.] + +A brief westward sail brought the little squadron into the Windward +Passage and in sight of Cape Mayzi, which Columbus on his first voyage +had named Cape Alpha and Omega as being the easternmost point on the +Chinese coast. He believed that if he were to sail to the right of this +cape he should have the continent on his port side for a thousand miles +and more, as far as Quinsay and Cambaluc (Peking). If he had sailed +in this direction and had succeeded in keeping to the east of Florida, +he would have kept a continent on his port side, and a thousand miles +would have taken him a long way toward that Vinland which our +Scandinavian friends would fondly have us believe was his secret +guiding-star, and the geographical position of which they suppose him to +have known with such astounding accuracy. But on this as on other +occasions, if the Admiral had ever received any information about +Vinland, it must be owned that he treated it very cavalierly, for he +chose the course to the left of Cape Mayzi. His decision is intelligible +if we bear in mind that he had not yet circumnavigated Hayti and was not +yet cured of his belief that its northern shore was the shore of the +great Cipango. At the same time he had seen enough on his first voyage +to convince him that the relative positions of Cipango and the mainland +of Cathay were not correctly laid down upon the Toscanelli map. He had +already inspected two or three hundred miles of the coast to the right +of Cape Mayzi without finding traces of civilization; and whenever +inquiries were made about gold or powerful kingdoms the natives +invariably pointed to the south or southwest. Columbus, therefore, +decided to try his luck in this direction. He passed to the left of Cape +Mayzi and followed the southern coast of Cuba. + +[Sidenote: Discovery of Jamaica.] + +By the 3d of May the natives were pointing so persistently to the south +and off to sea that he changed his course in that direction and soon +came upon the northern coast of the island which we still know by its +native name Jamaica. Here he found Indians more intelligent and more +warlike than any he had as yet seen. He was especially struck with the +elegance of their canoes, some of them nearly a hundred feet in length, +carved and hollowed from the trunks of tall trees. We may already +observe that different tribes of Indians comported themselves very +differently at the first sight of white men. While the natives of some +of the islands prostrated themselves in adoration of these +sky-creatures, or behaved with a timorous politeness which the Spaniards +mistook for gentleness of disposition, in other places the red men +showed fight at once, acting upon the brute impulse to drive away +strangers. In both cases, of course, dread of the unknown was the +prompting impulse, though so differently manifested. As the Spaniards +went ashore upon Jamaica, the Indians greeted them with a shower of +javelins and for a few moments stood up against the deadly fire of the +cross-bows, but when they turned to flee, a single bloodhound, let loose +upon them, scattered them in wildest panic.[563] + + [Footnote 563: Bernaldez, _Reyes Católicos_, cap. cxxv. + Domesticated dogs were found generally in aboriginal America, + but they were very paltry curs compared to these fierce hounds, + one of which could handle an unarmed man as easily as a terrier + handles a rat.] + +[Sidenote: Coasting the south side of Cuba.] + +Finding no evidences of civilization upon this beautiful island, +Columbus turned northward and struck the Cuban coast again at the point +which still bears the name he gave it, Cape Cruz. Between the general +contour of this end of Cuba and that of the eastern extremity of Cathay +upon the Toscanelli map there is a curious resemblance, save that the +direction is in the one case more east and west and in the other more +north and south. Columbus passed no cities like Zaiton, nor cities of +any sort, but when he struck into the smiling archipelago which he +called the Queen's Gardens, now known as Cayos de las Doce Leguas, he +felt sure that he was among Marco Polo's seven thousand spice islands. +On the 3d of June, at some point on the Cuban coast, probably near +Trinidad, the crops of several doves were opened and spices found in +them. None of the natives here had ever heard of an end to Cuba, and +they believed it was endless.[564] The next country to the west of +themselves was named Mangon, and it was inhabited by people with tails +which they carefully hid by wearing loose robes of cloth. This +information seemed decisive to Columbus. Evidently this Mangon was +Mangi, the province in which was the city of Zaiton, the province just +south of Cathay. And as for the tailed men, the book of Mandeville had a +story of some naked savages in eastern Asia who spoke of their more +civilized neighbours as wearing clothes in order to cover up some bodily +peculiarity or defect. Could there be any doubt that the Spanish +caravels had come at length to the coast of opulent Mangi?[565] + + [Footnote 564: As a Greek would have said, [Greek: êpeiros], a + continent.] + + [Footnote 565: Bernaldez, _Reyes Católicos_, cap. cxxvii, Mr. + Irving, in citing these same incidents from Bernaldez, could + not quite rid himself of the feeling that there was something + strange or peculiar in the Admiral's method of interpreting + such information: "Animated by one of the pleasing illusions of + his ardent imagination, Columbus pursued his voyage, with a + prosperous breeze, along the supposed continent of Asia." + (_Life of Columbus_, vol. i. p. 493.) This lends a false colour + to the picture, which the general reader is pretty sure to make + still falser. To suppose the southern coast of Cuba to be the + southern coast of Toscanelli's Mangi required no illusion of an + "ardent imagination." It was simply a plain common-sense + conclusion reached by sober reasoning from such data as were + then accessible (i. e. the Toscanelli map, amended by + information such as was understood to be given by the natives); + it was more probable than any other theory of the situation + likely to be devised from those data; and it seems fanciful to + us to-day only because knowledge acquired since the time of + Columbus has shown us how far from correct it was. Modern + historians abound in unconscious turns of expression--as in + this quotation from Irving--which project modern knowledge back + into the past, and thus destroy the historical perspective. I + shall mention several other instances from Irving, and the + reader must not suppose that this is any indication of + captiousness on my part toward a writer for whom my only + feeling is that of sincerest love and veneration.] + +[Sidenote: The "people of Mangon."] + +[Sidenote: The Golden Chersonese.] + +Under the influence of this belief, when a few days later they landed in +search of fresh water, and a certain archer, on the lookout for game, +caught distant glimpses of a flock of tall white cranes feeding in an +everglade, he fled to his comrades with the story that he had seen a +party of men clad in long white tunics, and all agreed that these must +be the people of Mangon.[566] Columbus sent a small company ashore to +find them. It is needless to add that the search was fruitless, but +footprints of alligators, interpreted as footprints of griffins guarding +hoarded gold,[567] frightened the men back to their ships. From the +natives, with whom the Spaniards could converse only by signs, they +seemed to learn that they were going toward the realm of Prester +John;[568] and in such wise did they creep along the coast to the point, +some fifty miles west of Broa Bay, where it begins to trend decidedly to +the southwest. Before they had reached Point Mangles, a hundred miles +farther on, inasmuch as they found this southwesterly trend persistent, +the proof that they were upon the coast of the Asiatic continent began +to seem complete. Columbus thought that they had passed the point (lat. +23°, long. 145° on Toscanelli's map) where the coast of Asia began to +trend steadily toward the southwest.[569] By pursuing this coast he felt +sure that he would eventually reach the peninsula (Malacca) which +Ptolemy, who knew of it only by vague hearsay, called the Golden +Chersonese.[570] An immense idea now flitted through the mind of +Columbus. If he could reach and double that peninsula he could then find +his way to the mouth of the Ganges river; thence he might cross the +Indian ocean, pass the Cape of Good Hope (for Dias had surely shown that +the way was open), and return that way to Spain after circumnavigating +the globe! But fate had reserved this achievement for another man of +great heart and lofty thoughts, a quarter of a century later, who should +indeed accomplish what Columbus dreamed, but only after crossing another +Sea of Darkness, the most stupendous body of water on our globe, the +mere existence of which until after Columbus had died no European ever +suspected.[571] If Columbus had now sailed about a hundred miles +farther, he would have found the end of Cuba, and might perhaps have +skirted the northern shore of Yucatan and come upon the barbaric +splendours of Uxmal and Campeche. The excitement which such news would +have caused in Spain might perhaps have changed all the rest of his life +and saved him from the worst of his troubles. But the crews were now +unwilling to go farther, and the Admiral realized that it would be +impossible to undertake such a voyage as he had in mind with no more +than their present outfit. So it was decided to return to Hispaniola. + + [Footnote 566: These tropical birds are called _soldados_, or + "soldiers," because their stately attitudes remind one of + sentinels on duty. The whole town of Angostura, in Venezuela, + was one day frightened out of its wits by the sudden appearance + of a flock of these cranes on the summit of a neighbouring + hill. They were mistaken for a war-party of Indians. Humboldt, + _Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent_, tom. + ii. p. 314.] + + [Footnote 567: See above, p. 287, note.] + + [Footnote 568: For these events, see Bernaldez, _Reyes + Católicos_, cap. cxxiii.; F. Columbus, _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, + cap. lvi.; Muñoz, _Historia del Nuevo Mundo_, lib. v. § 16; + Humboldt, _Examen critique_, tom. iv. pp. 237-263; Irving's + _Columbus_, vol. i. pp. 491-504.] + + [Footnote 569: That is to say, he thought he had passed the + coast of Mangi (southern China) and reached the beginning of + the coast of Champa (Cochin China; see Yule's _Marco Polo_, + vol. ii. p. 213). The name Champa, coming to European writers + through an Italian source, was written Ciampa and Ciamba. See + its position on the Behaim and Toscanelli maps, and also on + Ruysch's map, 1508, below, vol. ii. p. 114. Peter Martyr says + that Columbus was sure that he had reached the coast of + Gangetic (i. e. what we call Farther) India: "Indiæ Gangetidis + continentem eam (Cubæ) plagam esse contendit Colonus." _Epist._ + xciii. _ad Bernardinum_. Of course Columbus understood that + this region, while agreeing well enough with Toscanelli's + latitude, was far from agreeing with his longitude. But from + the moment when he turned eastward on his first voyage he seems + to have made up his mind that Toscanelli's longitudes needed + serious amendment. Indeed he had always used different + measurements from Toscanelli.] + + [Footnote 570: For an account of Ptolemy's almost purely + hypothetical and curiously distorted notions about southeastern + Asia, see Bunbury's _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. ii. + pp. 604-608.] + + [Footnote 571: See below, vol. ii. pp. 200-210.] + +Upon consultation with La Cosa and others, it was unanimously agreed +that they were upon the coast of the continent of Asia. The evidence +seemed conclusive. From Cape Mayzi (Alpha and Omega) they had observed, +upon their own reckoning, 335 leagues, or about 1,000 geographical +miles, of continuous coast running steadily in nearly the same +direction.[572] Clearly it was too long for the coast of an island; and +then there was the name Mangon = Mangi. The only puzzling circumstance +was that they did not find any of Marco Polo's cities. They kept getting +scraps of information which seemed to refer to gorgeous kingdoms, but +these were always in the dim distance. Still there was no doubt that +they had discovered the coast of a continent, and of course such a +continent could be nothing else but Asia! + + [Footnote 572: The length of Cuba from Cape Mayzi to Cape San + Antonio is about 700 English miles. But in following the + sinuosities of the coast, and including tacks, the estimate of + these pilots was probably not far from correct.] + +[Sidenote: A solemn expression of opinion.] + +Such unanimity of opinion might seem to leave nothing to be desired. But +Columbus had already met with cavillers. Before he started on this +cruise from Isabella, some impatient hidalgos, disgusted at finding much +to do and little to get, had begun to hint that the Admiral was a +humbug, and that his "Indies" were no such great affair after all. In +order to silence these ill-natured critics, he sent his notary, +accompanied by four witnesses, to every person in those three caravels, +to get a sworn statement. If anybody had a grain of doubt about this +coast being the coast of Asia, so that you could go ashore there and +walk on dry land all the way to Spain if so disposed, let him declare +his doubts once for all, so that they might now be duly considered. No +one expressed any doubts. All declared, under oath, their firm belief. +It was then agreed that if any of the number should thereafter deny or +contradict this sworn statement, he should have his tongue slit;[573] +and if an officer, he should be further punished with a fine of 10,000 +maravedis, or if a sailor, with a hundred lashes. These proceedings were +embodied in a formal document, dated June 12, 1494, which is still to be +seen in the Archives of the Indies at Seville.[574] + + [Footnote 573: "É cortada la lengua;" "y le cortarian la + lengua." Irving understands it to mean cutting off the tongue. + But in those days of symbolism slitting the tip of that unruly + member was a recognized punishment for serious lying.] + + [Footnote 574: It is printed in full in Navarrete, torn. ii. + pp. 143-149.] + +Having disposed of this solemn matter, the three caravels turned +eastward, touching at the Isle of Pines and coasting back along the +south side of Cuba. The headland where the Admiral first became +convinced of the significance of the curvature of the coast, he named +Cape of Good Hope,[575] believing it to be much nearer the goal which +all were seeking than the other cape of that name, discovered by Dias +seven years before. + + [Footnote 575: It is given upon La Cosa's map; see below, vol. + ii., frontispiece.] + +[Sidenote: Vicissitudes of theory.] + +It will be remembered that the Admiral, upon his first voyage, had +carried home with him two theories,--first, that in the Cuban coast he +had already discovered that of the continent of Asia, secondly that +Hispaniola was Cipango. The first theory seemed to be confirmed by +further experience; the second was now to receive a serious shock. +Leaving Cape Cruz the caravels stood over to Jamaica, leisurely explored +the southern side of that island, and as soon as adverse winds would let +them, kept on eastward till land appeared on the port bow. Nobody +recognized it until an Indian chief who had learned some Spanish hailed +them from the shore and told them it was Hispaniola. They then followed +that southern coast its whole length, discovering the tiny islands, +Beata, Saona, and Mona. Here Columbus, overcome by long-sustained +fatigue and excitement, suddenly fell into a death-like lethargy, and in +this sad condition was carried all the way to Isabella, and to his own +house, where he was put to bed. Hispaniola had thus been +circumnavigated, and either it was not Cipango or else that wonderland +must be a much smaller affair than Toscanelli and Martin Behaim had +depicted it.[576] There was something truly mysterious about these +Strange Coasts! + + [Footnote 576: Hispaniola continued, however, for many years to + be commonly identified with Cipango. See note D on Ruysch's + map, 1508, below, vol. ii. p. 114.] + +[Sidenote: Arrival of Bartholomew Columbus.] + +When Columbus, after many days, recovered consciousness, he found his +brother Bartholomew standing by his bedside. It was six years since they +had last parted company at Lisbon, whence the younger brother started +for England, while the elder returned to Spain. The news of +Christopher's return from his first voyage found Bartholomew in Paris, +whence he started as soon as he could for Seville, but did not arrive +there until just after the second expedition had started. Presently the +sovereigns sent him with three ships to Hispaniola, to carry supplies to +the colony; and there he arrived while the Admiral was exploring the +coast of Cuba. The meeting of the two brothers was a great relief to +both. The affection between them was very strong, and each was a support +for the other. The Admiral at once proceeded to appoint Bartholomew to +the office of Adelantado, which in this instance was equivalent to +making him governor of Hispaniola under himself, the Viceroy of the +Indies. In making this appointment Columbus seems to have exceeded the +authority granted him by the second article of his agreement of April, +1492, with the sovereigns;[577] but they mended the matter in 1497 by +themselves investing Bartholomew with the office and dignity of +Adelantado.[578] + + [Footnote 577: See above, p. 417.] + + [Footnote 578: Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. ii. p. + 80.] + +[Sidenote: Mutiny in Hispaniola; desertion of Boyle and Margarite.] + +Columbus was in need of all the aid he could summon, for, during his +absence, the island had become a pandemonium. His brother Diego, a man +of refined and studious habits, who afterwards became a priest, was too +mild in disposition to govern the hot-heads who had come to Hispaniola +to get rich without labour. They would not submit to the rule of this +foreigner. Instead of doing honest work they roamed about the island, +abusing the Indians and slaying one another in silly quarrels. Chief +among the offenders was King Ferdinand's favourite, the commander +Margarite; and he was aided and abetted by Friar Boyle. Some time after +Bartholomew's arrival, these two men of Aragon gathered about them a +party of malcontents and, seizing the ships which had brought that +mariner, sailed away to Spain. Making their way to court, they sought +pardon for thus deserting the colony, saying that duty to their +sovereigns demanded that they should bring home a report of what was +going on in the Indies. They decried the value of Columbus's +discoveries, and reminded the king that Hispaniola was taking money out +of the treasury much faster than it was putting it in; an argument well +calculated to influence Ferdinand that summer, for he was getting ready +to go to war with France over the Naples affair. Then the two recreants +poured forth a stream of accusations against the brothers Columbus, the +general purport of which was that they were gross tyrants not fit to be +trusted with the command of Spaniards. + +[Sidenote: The government of Columbus was not tyrannical.] + +No marked effect seems to have been produced by these first complaints, +but when Margarite and Boyle were once within reach of Fonseca, we need +not wonder that mischief was soon brewing. It was unfortunate for +Columbus that his work of exploration was hampered by the necessity of +founding a colony and governing a parcel of unruly men let loose in the +wilderness, far away from the powerful restraints of civilized society. +Such work required undivided attention and extraordinary talent for +command. It does not appear that Columbus was lacking in such talent. On +the contrary both he and his brother Bartholomew seem to have possessed +it in a high degree. But the situation was desperately bad when the +spirit of mutiny was fomented by deadly enemies at court. I do not find +adequate justification for the charges of tyranny brought against +Columbus. The veracity and fairness of the history of Las Casas are +beyond question; in his divinely beautiful spirit one sees now and then +a trace of tenderness even for Fonseca, whose conduct toward him was +always as mean and malignant as toward Columbus. One gets from Las Casas +the impression that the Admiral's high temper was usually kept under +firm control, and that he showed far less severity than most men would +have done under similar provocation. Bartholomew was made of sterner +stuff, but his whole career presents no instance of wanton cruelty; +toward both white men and Indians his conduct was distinguished by +clemency and moderation. Under the government of these brothers a few +scoundrels were hanged in Hispaniola. Many more ought to have been. + +[Sidenote: Troubles with the Indians.] + +Of the attempt of Columbus to collect tribute from the native +population, and its consequences in developing the system of +_repartimientos_ out of which grew Indian slavery, I shall treat in a +future chapter.[579] That attempt, which was ill-advised and +ill-managed, was part of a plan for checking wanton depredations and +regulating the relations between the Spaniards and the Indians. The +colonists behaved so badly toward the red men that the chieftain +Caonabo, who had destroyed La Navidad the year before, now formed a +scheme[580] for a general alliance among the native tribes, hoping with +sufficient numbers to overwhelm and exterminate the strangers, in spite +of their solid-hoofed monsters and death-dealing thunderbolts. This +scheme was revealed to Columbus, soon after his return from the coast of +Cuba, by the chieftain Guacanagari, who was an enemy to Caonabo and +courted the friendship of the Spaniards. Alonso de Ojeda, by a daring +stratagem, captured Caonabo and brought him to Columbus, who treated him +kindly but kept him a prisoner until it should be convenient to send him +to Spain. But this chieftain's scheme was nevertheless put in operation +through the influence of his principal wife Anacaona. An Indian war +broke out; roaming bands of Spaniards were ambushed and massacred; and +there was fighting in the field, where the natives--assailed by firearms +and cross-bows, horses and bloodhounds--were wofully defeated. + + [Footnote 579: See below, vol. ii. pp. 433, 434.] + + [Footnote 580: The first of a series of such schemes in + American history, including those of Sassacus, Philip, Pontiac, + and to some extent Tecumseh.] + +[Sidenote: Mission of Aguado.] + +[Sidenote: Discovery of gold mines.] + +[Sidenote: Speculations about Ophir.] + +Thus in the difficult task of controlling mutinous white men and +defending the colony against infuriated red men Columbus spent the first +twelvemonth after his return from Cuba. In October, 1495, there arrived +in the harbour of Isabella four caravels laden with welcome supplies. In +one of these ships came Juan Aguado, sent by the sovereigns to gather +information respecting the troubles of the colony. This appointment +was doubtless made in a friendly spirit, for Columbus had formerly +recommended Aguado to favour. But the arrival of such a person created a +hope, which quickly grew into a belief, that the sovereigns were +preparing to deprive Columbus of the government of the island; and, as +Irving neatly says, "it was a time of jubilee for offenders; every +culprit started up into an accuser." All the ills of the colony, many of +them inevitable in such an enterprise, many of them due to the +shiftlessness and folly, the cruelty and lust of idle swash-bucklers, +were now laid at the door of Columbus. Aguado was presently won over by +the malcontents, so that by the time he was ready to return to Spain, +early in 1496, Columbus felt it desirable to go along with him and make +his own explanations to the sovereigns. Fortunately for his purposes, +just before he started, some rich gold mines were discovered on the +south side of the island, in the neighbourhood of the Hayna and Ozema +rivers. Moreover there were sundry pits in these mines, which looked +like excavations and seemed to indicate that in former times there had +been digging done.[581] This discovery confirmed the Admiral in a new +theory, which he was beginning to form. If it should turn out that +Hispaniola was not Cipango, as the last voyage seemed to suggest, +perhaps it might prove to be Ophir![582] Probably these ancient +excavations were made by King Solomon's men when they came here to get +gold for the temple at Jerusalem! If so, one might expect to find +silver, ivory, red sandal-wood, apes, and peacocks at no great distance. +Just where Ophir was situated no one could exactly tell,[583] but the +things that were carried thence to Jerusalem certainly came from "the +Indies." Columbus conceived it as probably lying northeastward of the +Golden Chersonese (Malacca) and as identical with the island of +Hispaniola. + + [Footnote 581: The Indians then living upon the island did not + dig, but scraped up the small pieces of gold that were more or + less abundant in the beds of shallow streams.] + + [Footnote 582: Peter Martyr, _De Rebus Oceanicis_, dec. i. lib. + iv.] + + [Footnote 583: The original Ophir may be inferred, from + _Genesis_ x. 29, to have been situated where, as Milton says, + + "northeast winds blow + Sabæan odours from the spicy shore + Of Araby the Blest," + + but the name seems to have become applied indiscriminately to + the remote countries reached by ships that sailed past that + coast; chiefly no doubt, to Hindustan. See Lassen, _Indische + Alterthumskunde_, bd. i. p. 538.] + +[Sidenote: Founding of San Domingo, 1496.] + +[Sidenote: The return voyage.] + +The discovery of these mines led to the transfer of the headquarters of +the colony to the mouth of the Ozema river, where, in the summer of +1496, Bartholomew Columbus made a settlement which became the city of +San Domingo.[584] Meanwhile Aguado and the Admiral sailed for Spain +early in March, in two caravels overloaded with more than two hundred +homesick passengers. In choosing his course Columbus did not show so +much sagacity as on his first return voyage. Instead of working +northward till clear of the belt of trade-winds, he kept straight to the +east, and so spent a month in beating and tacking before getting out of +the Caribbean Sea. Scarcity of food was imminent, and it became +necessary to stop at Guadaloupe and make a quantity of cassava +bread.[585] It was well that this was done, for as the ships worked +slowly across the Atlantic, struggling against perpetual head-winds, the +provisions were at length exhausted, and by the first week in June the +famine was such that Columbus had some difficulty in preventing the +crews from eating their Indian captives, of whom there were thirty or +more on board.[586] + + [Footnote 584: Bartholomew's town was built on the left side of + the river, and was called New Isabella. In 1504 it was + destroyed by a hurricane, and rebuilt on the right bank in its + present situation. It was then named San Domingo after the + patron saint of Domenico, the father of Columbus.] + + [Footnote 585: While the Spaniards were on this island they + encountered a party of tall and powerful women armed with bows + and arrows; so that Columbus supposed it must be the Asiatic + island of Amazons mentioned by Marco Polo. See Yule's _Marco + Polo_, vol. ii. pp. 338-340.] + + [Footnote 586: Among them was Caonabo, who died on the voyage.] + +[Sidenote: Edicts of 1495 and 1497.] + +At length, on the 11th of June, the haggard and starving company arrived +at Cadiz, and Columbus, while awaiting orders from the sovereigns, +stayed at the house of his good friend Bernaldez, the curate of Los +Palacios.[587] After a month he attended court at Burgos, and was kindly +received. No allusion was made to the complaints against him, and the +sovereigns promised to furnish ships for a third voyage of discovery. +For the moment, however, other things interfered with this enterprise. +One was the marriage of the son and daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella +to the daughter and son of the Emperor Maximilian. The war with France +was at the same time fast draining the treasury. Indeed, for more than +twenty years, Castile had been at war nearly all the time, first with +Portugal, next with Granada, then with France; and the crown never found +it easy to provide money for maritime enterprises. Accordingly, at the +earnest solicitation of Vicente Yañez Pinzon and other enterprising +mariners, the sovereigns had issued a proclamation, April 10, 1495, +granting to all native Spaniards the privilege of making, at their own +risk and expense, voyages of discovery or traffic to the newly found +coasts. As the crown was to take a pretty heavy tariff out of the +profits of these expeditions, while all losses were to be borne by the +adventurers, a fairly certain source of revenue, be it great or small, +seemed likely to be opened.[588] Columbus protested against this edict, +inasmuch as he deemed himself entitled to a patent or monopoly in the +work of conducting expeditions to Cathay. The sovereigns evaded the +difficulty by an edict of June 2, 1497, declaring that it was never +their intention "in any way to affect the rights of the said Don +Christopher Columbus." This declaration was, doubtless, intended simply +to pacify the Admiral. It did not prevent the authorization of voyages +conducted by other persons a couple of years later; and, as I shall show +in the next chapter, there are strong reasons for believing that on May +10, 1497, three weeks before this edict, an expedition sailed from Cadiz +under the especial auspices of King Ferdinand, with Vicente Yañez Pinzon +for its chief commander and Americus Vespucius for one of its pilots. + + [Footnote 587: The curate thus heard the story of the second + voyage from Columbus himself while it was fresh in his mind. + Columbus also left with him written memoranda, so that for the + events of this expedition the _Historia de los Reyes Católicos_ + is of the highest authority.] + + [Footnote 588: "All vessels were to sail exclusively from the + port of Cadiz, and under the inspection of officers appointed + by the crown. Those who embarked for Hispaniola without pay, + and at their own expense, were to have lands assigned to them, + and to be provisioned for one year, with a right to retain such + lands and all houses they might erect upon them. Of all gold + which they might collect, they were to retain one third for + themselves, and pay two thirds to the crown. Of all other + articles of merchandise, the produce of the island, they were + to pay merely one tenth to the crown. Their purchases were to + be made in the presence of officers appointed by the + sovereigns, and the royal duties paid into the hands of the + king's receiver. Each ship sailing on private enterprise was to + take one or two persons named by the royal officers at Cadiz. + One tenth of the tonnage of the ship was to be at the service + of the crown, free of charge. One tenth of whatever such ships + should procure in the newly-discovered countries was to be paid + to the crown on their return. These regulations included + private ships trading to Hispaniola with provisions. For every + vessel thus fitted out on private adventure, Columbus, in + consideration of his privilege of an eighth of tonnage, was to + have the right to freight one on his own account." Irving's + _Columbus_, vol. ii. p. 76.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus loses his temper.] + +It was not until late in the spring of 1498 that the ships were ready +for Columbus. Everything that Fonseca could do to vex and delay him was +done. One of the bishop's minions, a converted Moor or Jew named Ximeno +Breviesca, behaved with such outrageous insolence that on the day of +sailing the Admiral's indignation, so long restrained, at last broke +out, and he drove away the fellow with kicks and cuffs.[589] This +imprudent act gave Fonseca the opportunity to maintain that what the +Admiral's accusers said about his tyrannical disposition must be true. + + [Footnote 589: "Parece que uno debiera de, en estos reveses, y, + por ventura, en palábras contra él y contra la negociacion + destas Indias, mas que otro señalarse, y segun entendí, no + debiera ser cristiano viejo, y creo que se llamaba Ximeno, + contra el cual debió el Almirante gravemente sentirse y + enojarse, y aguardó el dia que se hizo á la vela, y, ó en la + nao que entró, por ventura, el dicho oficial, ó en tierra + quando queria desembarcarse, arrebatólo el Almirante, y dále + muchas coces ó remesones, por manera que lo trató mal; y á mi + parecer, por esta causa principalmente, sobre otras quejas que + fueron de acá, y cosas que murmuraron dél y contra él los que + bien con él no estaban y le acumularon; los Reyes indignados + proveyeron de quitarle la gobernacion." Las Casas, _Historia de + las Indias_, tom. ii. p. 199.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The third voyage.] + +The expedition started on May 30, 1498, from the little port of San +Lucar de Barrameda. There were six ships, carrying about 200 men besides +the sailors. On June 21, at the Isle of Ferro, the Admiral divided his +fleet, sending three ships directly to Hispaniola, while with the other +three he kept on to the Cape Verde islands, whence he steered southwest +on the 4th of July. A week later, after a run of about 900 miles, his +astrolabe seemed to show that he was within five degrees of the +equator.[590] There were three reasons for going so far to the +south:--1, the natives of the islands already visited always pointed +in that direction when gold was mentioned; 2, a learned jeweller, who +had travelled in the East, had assured Columbus that gold and gems, as +well as spices and rare drugs, were to be found for the most part among +black people near the equator; 3, if he should not find any rich islands +on the way, a sufficiently long voyage would bring him to the coast of +Champa (Cochin China) at a lower point than he had reached on the +preceding voyage, and nearer to the Golden Chersonese (Malacca), by +doubling which he could enter the Indian ocean. It will be remembered +that he supposed the southwesterly curve in the Cuban coast, the +farthest point reached in his second voyage, to be the beginning of the +coast of Cochin China according to Marco Polo. + + [Footnote 590: The figure given by Columbus is equivalent only + to 360 geographical miles (Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. i. p. + 246), but as Las Casas (_Hist._ tom. ii. p. 226) already + noticed, there must be some mistake here, for on a S. W. course + from the Cape Verde islands it would require a distance of 900 + geographical miles to cut the fifth parallel. From the weather + that followed, it is clear that Columbus stated his latitude + pretty correctly; he had come into the belt of calms. Therefore + his error must be in the distance run.] + +[Sidenote: The belt of calms.] + +Once more through ignorance of the atmospheric conditions of the regions +within the tropics Columbus encountered needless perils and hardships. +If he had steered from Ferro straight across the ocean a trifle south of +west-southwest, he might have made a quick and comfortable voyage, with +the trade-wind filling his sails, to the spot where he actually struck +land.[591] As it was, however, he naturally followed the custom then so +common, of first running to the parallel upon which he intended to sail. +This long southerly run brought him into the belt of calms or neutral +zone between the northern and southern trade-winds, a little north of +the equator.[592] No words can describe what followed so well as those +of Irving: "The wind suddenly fell, and a dead sultry calm commenced, +which lasted for eight days. The air was like a furnace; the tar melted, +the seams of the ship yawned; the salt meat became putrid; the wheat was +parched as if with fire; the hoops shrank from the wine and water casks, +some of which leaked and others burst, while the heat in the holds of +the vessels was so suffocating that no one could remain below a +sufficient time to prevent the damage that was taking place. The +mariners lost all strength and spirits, and sank under the oppressive +heat. It seemed as if the old fable of the torrid zone was about to be +realized; and that they were approaching a fiery region where it would +be impossible to exist."[593] + + [Footnote 591: Humboldt in 1799 did just this thing, starting + from Teneriffe and reaching Trinidad in nineteen days. See + Bruhn's _Life of Humboldt_, vol. i. p. 263.] + + [Footnote 592: "The strength of the trade-winds depends + entirely upon the difference in temperature between the equator + and the pole; the greater the difference, the stronger the + wind. Now, at the present time, the south pole is much colder + than the north pole, and the southern trades are consequently + much stronger than the northern, so that the neutral zone in + which they meet lies some five degrees north of the equator." + _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, p. 64.] + + [Footnote 593: Irving's _Columbus_, vol. ii. p. 137. One is + reminded of a scene in the _Rime of the Ancient Mariner_:-- + + "All in a hot and copper sky + The bloody sun, at noon, + Right up above the mast did stand, + No bigger than the moon. + + "Day after day, day after day, + We stuck,--nor breath nor motion; + As idle as a painted ship + Upon a painted ocean."] + +Fortunately, they were in a region where the ocean is comparatively +narrow. The longitude reached by Columbus on July 13, when the wind died +away, must have been about 36° or 37° W., and a run of only 800 miles +west from that point would have brought him to Cayenne. His course +between the 13th and 21st of July must have intersected the thermal +equator, or line of greatest mean annual heat on the globe,--an +irregular curve which is here deflected as much as five degrees north of +the equinoctial line. But although there was not a breath of wind, the +powerful equatorial current was quietly driving the ships, much faster +than the Admiral could have suspected, to the northwest and toward land. +By the end of that stifling week they were in latitude 7° N., and caught +the trade-wind on the starboard quarter. Thence after a brisk run of ten +days, in sorry plight, with ugly leaks and scarcely a cask of fresh +water left, they arrived within sight of land. Three mountain peaks +loomed up in the offing before them, and as they drew nearer it appeared +that those peaks belonged to one great mountain; wherefore the pious +Admiral named the island Trinidad. + +[Sidenote: Trinidad and the Orinoco.] + +Here some surprises were in store for Columbus. Instead of finding black +and woolly-haired natives, he found men of cinnamon hue, like those in +Hispaniola, only--strange to say--lighter in colour. Then in coasting +Trinidad he caught a glimpse of land at the delta of the Orinoco, and +called it Isla Santa, or Holy Island.[594] But, on passing into the +gulf of Paria, through the strait which he named Serpent's Mouth, his +ships were in sore danger of being swamped by the raging surge that +poured from three or four of the lesser mouths of that stupendous river. +Presently, finding that the water in the gulf was fresh to the taste, he +gradually reasoned his way to the correct conclusion, that the billows +which had so nearly overwhelmed him must have come out from a river +greater than any he had ever known or dreamed of, and that so vast a +stream of running water could be produced only upon land of continental +dimensions.[595] This coast to the south of him was, therefore, the +coast of a continent, with indefinite extension toward the south, a land +not laid down upon Toscanelli's or any other map, and of which no one +had until that time known anything.[596] + + [Footnote 594: He "gave it the name of Isla Santa," says Irving + (vol. ii. p. 140), "little imagining that he now, for the first + time, beheld that continent, that Terra Firma, which had been + the object of his earnest search." The reader of this passage + should bear in mind that the continent of South America, which + nobody had ever heard of, was _not_ the object of Columbus's + search. The Terra Firma which was the object of his search was + the mainland of Asia, and that he never beheld, though he felt + positively sure that he had already set foot upon it in 1492 + and 1494.] + + [Footnote 595: A modern traveller thus describes this river: + "Right and left of us lay, at some distance off, the low banks + of the Apuré, at this point quite a broad stream. But before us + the waters spread out like a wide dark flood, limited on the + horizon only by a low black streak, and here and there showing + a few distant hills. This was the Orinoco, rolling with + irrepressible power and majesty sea-wards, and often upheaving + its billows like the ocean when lashed to fury by the wind.... + The Orinoco sends a current of fresh water far into the ocean, + its waters--generally green, but in the shallows + milk-white--contrasting sharply with the indigo blue of the + surrounding sea." Bates, _Central America, the West Indies, and + South America_, 2d ed., London, 1882, pp. 234, 235. The island + of Trinidad forms an obstacle to the escape of this huge volume + of fresh water, and hence the furious commotion at the two + outlets, the Serpent's Mouth and Dragon's Mouth, especially in + July and August, when the Orinoco is swollen with tropical + rains.] + + [Footnote 596: In Columbus's own words, in his letter to the + sovereigns describing this third voyage, "Y digo que ... viene + este rio y procede de tierra infinita, pues al austro, de la + cual fasta agora no se ha habido noticia." Navarrete, + _Coleccion_, tom. i. p. 262.] + +[Illustration: Discoveries made by Columbus in his third and fourth +voyages.] + +[Sidenote: Speculations as to the earth's shape.] + +[Sidenote: The mountain of Paradise.] + +In spite of the correctness of this surmise, Columbus was still as far +from a true interpretation of the whole situation as when he supposed +Hispaniola to be Ophir. He entered upon a series of speculations which +forcibly remind us how empirical was the notion of the earth's rotundity +before the inauguration of physical astronomy by Galileo, Kepler, and +Newton. We now know that our planet has the only shape possible for such +a rotating mass that once was fluid or nebulous, the shape of a spheroid +slightly protuberant at the equator and flattened at the poles; but this +knowledge is the outcome of mechanical principles utterly unknown and +unsuspected in the days of Columbus. He understood that the earth is a +round body, but saw no necessity for its being strictly spherical or +spheroidal. He now suggested that it was probably shaped like a pear, +rather a blunt and corpulent pear, nearly spherical in its lower part, +but with a short, stubby apex in the equatorial region somewhere beyond +the point which he had just reached. He fancied he had been sailing up a +gentle slope from the burning glassy sea where his ships had been +becalmed to this strange and beautiful coast where he found the climate +enchanting. If he were to follow up the mighty river just now revealed, +it might lead him to the summit of this apex of the world, the place +where the terrestrial paradise, the Garden which the Lord planted +eastward in Eden, was in all probability situated![597] + + [Footnote 597: Thus would be explained the astounding force + with which the water was poured down. It was common in the + Middle Ages to imagine the terrestrial paradise at the top of a + mountain. See Dante, _Purgatorio_, canto xxviii. Columbus + quotes many authorities in favour of his opinion. The whole + letter is worth reading. See Navarrete, tom. i. pp. 242-264.] + +[Sidenote: Relation of the "Eden continent" to "Cochin China."] + +As Columbus still held to the opinion that by keeping to the west from +that point he should soon reach the coast of Cochin China, his +conception of the position of Eden is thus pretty clearly indicated. He +imagined it as situated about on the equator, upon a continental mass +till then unknown, but evidently closely connected with the continent of +Asia if not a part of it. If he had lived long enough to hear of Quito +and its immense elevation, I should suppose that might very well have +suited his idea of the position of Eden. The coast of this continent, +upon which he had now arrived, was either continuous with the coast of +Cochin China (Cuba) and Malacca, or would be found to be divided from it +by a strait through which one might pass directly into the Indian ocean. + +[Sidenote: The Pearl Coast.] + +[Sidenote: Arrival at San Domingo.] + +It took some little time for this theory to come to maturity in the mind +of Columbus. Not expecting to find any mainland in that quarter, he +began by calling different points of the coast different islands. Coming +out through the passage which he named Dragon's Mouth, he caught distant +glimpses of Tobago and Grenada to starboard, and turning westward +followed the Pearl Coast as far as the islands of Margarita and Cubagua. +The fine pearls which he found there in abundance confirmed him in the +good opinion he had formed of that country. By this time, the 15th of +August, he had so far put facts together as to become convinced of the +continental character of that coast, and would have been glad to pursue +it westward. But now his strength gave out. During most of the voyage he +had suffered acute torments with gout, his temperature had been very +feverish, and his eyes were at length so exhausted with perpetual +watching that he could no longer make observations. So he left the coast +a little beyond Cubagua, and steered straight for Hispaniola, aiming at +San Domingo, but hitting the island of Beata because he did not make +allowance for the westerly flow of the currents. He arrived at San +Domingo on the 30th of August, and found his brother Bartholomew, whom +he intended to send at once on a further cruise along the Pearl Coast, +while he himself should be resting and recovering strength. + +[Sidenote: Roldan's rebellion.] + +[Sidenote: Fonseca's machinations.] + +But alas! there was to be no cruising now for the younger brother nor +rest for the elder. It was a sad story that Bartholomew had to tell. War +with the Indians had broken out afresh, and while the Adelantado was +engaged in this business a scoundrel named Roldan had taken advantage of +his absence to stir up civil strife. Roldan's rebellion was a result of +the ill-advised mission of Aguado. The malcontents in the colony +interpreted the Admiral's long stay in Spain as an indication that he +had lost favour with the sovereigns and was not coming back to the +island. Gathering together a strong body of rebels, Roldan retired to +Xaragua and formed an alliance with the brother of the late chieftain +Caonabo. By the time the Admiral arrived the combination of mutiny with +barbaric warfare had brought about a frightful state of things. A party +of soldiers, sent by him to suppress Roldan, straightway deserted and +joined that rebel. It thus became necessary to come to terms with +Roldan, and this revelation of the weakness of the government only made +matters worse. Two wretched years were passed in attempts to restore +order in Hispaniola, while the work of discovery and exploration was +postponed. Meanwhile the items of information that found their way to +Spain were skilfully employed by Fonseca in poisoning the minds of the +sovereigns, until at last they decided to send out a judge to the +island, armed with plenary authority to make investigations and settle +disputes. The glory which Columbus had won by the first news of the +discovery of the Indies had now to some extent faded away. The +enterprise yielded as yet no revenue and entailed great expense; and +whenever some reprobate found his way back to Spain, the malicious +Fonseca prompted him to go to the treasury with a claim for pay alleged +to have been wrongfully withheld by the Admiral. Ferdinand Columbus +tells how some fifty such scamps were gathered one day in the courtyard +of the Alhambra, cursing his father and catching hold of the king's +robe, crying, "Pay us! pay us!" and as he and his brother Diego, who +were pages in the queen's service, happened to pass by, they were +greeted with hoots:--"There go the sons of the Admiral of Mosquito-land, +the man who has discovered a land of vanity and deceit, the grave of +Spanish gentlemen!"[598] + + [Footnote 598: "Ecco i figliuoli dell' Ammiraglio de' + Mosciolini, di colui che ha trovate terre di vanitá e d' + inganno, per sepoltura e miseria de' gentiluomini castigliani." + _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxiv.] + +[Sidenote: Gama's voyage to Hindustan, 1497.] + +An added sting was given to such taunts by a great event that happened +about this time. In the summer of 1497, Vasco da Gama started from +Lisbon for the Cape of Good Hope, and in the summer of 1499 he returned, +after having doubled the cape and crossed the Indian ocean to Calicut on +the Malabar coast of Hindustan. His voyage was the next Portuguese step +sequent upon that of Bartholomew Dias. There was nothing questionable or +dubious about Gama's triumph. He had seen splendid cities, talked with a +powerful Rajah, and met with Arab vessels, their crews madly jealous at +the unprecedented sight of Christian ships in those waters; and he +brought back with him to Lisbon nutmegs and cloves, pepper and ginger, +rubies and emeralds, damask robes with satin linings, bronze chairs with +cushions, trumpets of carved ivory, a sunshade of crimson satin, a sword +in a silver scabbard, and no end of such gear.[599] An old civilization +had been found and a route of commerce discovered, and a factory was to +be set up at once on that Indian coast. What a contrast to the miserable +performance of Columbus, who had started with the flower of Spain's +chivalry for rich Cipango, and had only led them to a land where they +must either starve or do work fit for peasants, while he spent his time +in cruising among wild islands! The king of Portugal could now snap his +fingers at Ferdinand and Isabella, and if a doubt should have sometimes +crossed the minds of those chagrined sovereigns, as to whether this +plausible Genoese mariner might not, after all, be a humbug or a crazy +enthusiast, we can hardly wonder at it. + + [Footnote 599: Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, pp. + 398-401.] + +[Sidenote: Fonseca's creature, Bobadilla.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus in chains.] + +The person sent to investigate the affairs of Hispaniola was Francisco +de Bobadilla, a knight commander of the order of Calatrava. He carried +several documents, one of them directing him to make inquiries and +punish offenders, another containing his appointment as governor, a +third commanding Columbus and his brothers to surrender to him all +fortresses and other public property.[600] The two latter papers were to +be used only in case of such grave misconduct proved against Columbus as +to justify his removal from the government. These papers were made out +in the spring of 1499, but Bobadilla was not sent out until July, 1500. +When he arrived at San Domingo on the 23d of August, the insurrection +had been suppressed; the Admiral and Bartholomew were bringing things +into order in distant parts of the island, while Diego was left in +command at San Domingo. Seven ringleaders had just been hanged, and five +more were in prison under sentence of death. If Bobadilla had not come +upon the scene this wholesome lesson might have worked some improvement +in affairs.[601] He destroyed its moral in a twinkling. The first day +after landing, he read aloud, at the church door, the paper directing +him to make inquiries and punish offenders; and forthwith demanded of +Diego Columbus that the condemned prisoners should be delivered up to +him. Diego declined to take so important a step until he could get +orders from the Admiral. Next day Bobadilla read his second and third +papers, proclaimed himself governor, called on Diego to surrender the +fortress and public buildings, and renewed his demand for the prisoners. +As Diego still hesitated to act before news of these proceedings could +be sent to his brother, Bobadilla broke into the fortress, took the +prisoners out, and presently set them free. All the rebellious spirits +in the colony were thus drawn to the side of Bobadilla, whose royal +commission, under such circumstances, gave him irresistible power. He +threw Diego into prison and loaded him with fetters. He seized the +Admiral's house, and confiscated all his personal property, even +including his business papers and private letters. When the Admiral +arrived in San Domingo, Bobadilla, without even waiting to see him, sent +an officer to put him in irons and take him to prison. When Bartholomew +arrived, he received the same treatment. The three brothers were +confined in different places, nobody was allowed to visit them, and +they were not informed of the offences with which they were charged. +While they lay in prison, Bobadilla busied himself with inventing an +excuse for this violent behaviour. Finally he hit upon one at which +Satan from the depths of his bottomless pit must have grimly smiled. He +said that he had arrested and imprisoned the brothers only because he +had reason to believe they were inciting the Indians to aid them in +resisting the commands of Ferdinand and Isabella!! In short, from the +day of his landing Bobadilla made common cause with the insurgent +rabble, and when they had furnished him with a ream or so of charges +against the Admiral and his brothers, it seemed safe to send these +gentlemen to Spain. They were put on board ship, with their fetters upon +them, and the officer in charge was instructed by Bobadilla to deliver +them into the hands of Bishop Fonseca, who was thus to have the +privilege of glutting to the full his revengeful spite. + + [Footnote 600: The documents are given in Navarrete, _Coleccion + de viages_, tom. ii. pp. 235-240; and, with accompanying + narrative, in Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. ii. pp. + 472-487.] + + [Footnote 601: No better justification for the government of + the brothers Columbus can be found than to contrast it with the + infinitely worse state of affairs that ensued under the + administrations of Bobadilla and Ovando. See below, vol. ii. + pp. 442-446.] + +[Sidenote: Return to Spain.] + +[Sidenote: Release of Columbus.] + +The master of the ship, shocked at the sight of fetters upon such a man +as the Admiral, would have taken them off, but Columbus would not let it +be done. No, indeed! they should never come off except by order of the +sovereigns, and then he would keep them for the rest of his life, to +show how his labours had been rewarded.[602] The event--which always +justifies true manliness--proved the sagacity of this proud demeanour. +Fonseca was baulked of his gratification. The clumsy Bobadilla had +overdone the business. The sight of the Admiral's stately and venerable +figure in chains, as he passed through the streets of Cadiz, on a +December day of that year 1500, awakened a popular outburst of sympathy +for him and indignation at his persecutors. While on the ship he had +written or dictated a beautiful and touching letter[603] to a lady of +whom the queen was fond, the former nurse of the Infante, whose untimely +death, three years since, his mother was still mourning. This letter +reached the court at Granada, and was read to the queen before she had +heard of Bobadilla's performances from any other quarter. A courier was +sent in all haste to Cadiz, with orders that the brothers should at once +be released, and with a letter to the Admiral, inviting him to court and +enclosing an order for money to cover his expenses. The scene in the +Alhambra, when Columbus arrived, is one of the most touching in history. +Isabella received him with tears in her eyes, and then this +much-enduring old man, whose proud and masterful spirit had so long been +proof against all wrongs and insults, broke down. He threw himself at +the feet of the sovereigns in an agony of tears and sobs.[604] + + [Footnote 602: Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. ii. p. + 501; F. Columbus, _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxv. + Ferdinand adds that he had often seen these fetters hanging in + his father's room.] + + [Footnote 603: It is given in full in Las Casas, _op. cit._ + tom. ii. pp. 502-510.] + + [Footnote 604: Herrera, _Historia_, dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 10.] + +[Sidenote: How far were the sovereigns responsible for Bobadilla?] + +How far the sovereigns should be held responsible for the behaviour of +their agent is not altogether easy to determine. The appointment of such +a creature as Bobadilla was a sad blunder, but one such as is liable to +be made under any government. Fonseca was very powerful at court, and +Bobadilla never would have dared to proceed as he did if he had not +known that the bishop would support him. Indeed, from the indecent haste +with which he went about his work, without even the pretence of a +judicial inquiry, it is probable that he started with private +instructions from that quarter. But, while Fonseca had some of the +wisdom along with the venom of the serpent, Bobadilla was simply a +jackass, and behaved so that in common decency the sovereigns were +obliged to disown him. They took no formal or public notice of his +written charges against the Admiral, and they assured the latter that he +should be reimbursed for his losses and restored to his viceroyalty and +other dignities. + +[Sidenote: Ovando, another creature of Fonseca, appointed governor of +Hispaniola.] + +This last promise, however, was not fulfilled; partly, perhaps, because +Fonseca's influence was still strong enough to prevent it, partly +because the sovereigns may have come to the sound and reasonable +conclusion that for the present there was no use in committing the +government of that disorderly rabble in Hispaniola to a foreigner. What +was wanted was a Spanish priest, and a military priest withal, of the +sort that Spain then had in plenty. Obedience to priests came natural to +Spaniards. The man now selected was Nicolas de Ovando, a knight +commander of the order of Alcántara, of whom we shall have more to say +hereafter.[605] Suffice it now to observe that he proved himself a +famous disciplinarian, and that he was a great favourite with Fonseca, +to whom he seems to have owed his appointment. He went out in February, +1502, with a fleet of thirty ships carrying 2,500 persons, for the +pendulum of public opinion had taken another swing, and faith in the +Indies was renewed. Some great discoveries, to be related in the next +chapter, had been made since 1498; and, moreover, the gold mines of +Hispaniola were beginning to yield rich treasures. + + [Footnote 605: See below, vol. ii. pp. 435-446.] + +[Sidenote: Purpose of Columbus's fourth voyage.] + +But, while the sovereigns were not disposed to restore Columbus to his +viceroyalty, they were quite ready to send him on another voyage of +discovery which was directly suggested by the recent Portuguese voyage +of Gama. Since nothing was yet known about the discovery of a New World, +the achievement of Gama seemed to have eclipsed that of Columbus. Spain +must make a response to Portugal. As already observed, the Admiral +supposed the coast of his "Eden continent" (South America) either to be +continuous with the coast of Cochin China (Cuba) and Malacca, or else to +be divided from that coast by a strait. The latter opinion was the more +probable, since Marco Polo and a few other Europeans had sailed from +China into the Indian ocean without encountering any great continent +that had to be circumnavigated. The recent expedition of Vespucius and +Ojeda (1499-1500) had followed the northern coast of South America for a +long distance to the west of Cubagua, as far as the gulf of Maracaibo. +Columbus now decided to return to the coast of Cochin China (Cuba) and +follow the coast southwestward until he should find the passage between +his Eden continent and the Golden Chersonese (Malacca) into the Indian +ocean. He would thus be able to reach by this western route the same +shores of Hindustan which Gama had lately reached by sailing eastward. +So confident did he feel of the success of this enterprise, that he +wrote a letter to Pope Alexander VI., renewing his vow to furnish troops +for the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre.[606] It was no doubt the symptom +of a reaction against his misfortunes that he grew more and more +mystical in these days, consoling himself with the belief that he was a +chosen instrument in the hands of Providence for enlarging the bounds of +Christendom. In this mood he made some studies on the prophecies, after +the fantastic fashion of his time,[607] and a habit grew upon him of +attributing his discoveries to miraculous inspiration rather than to the +good use to which his poetical and scientific mind had put the data +furnished by Marco Polo and the ancient geographers. + + [Footnote 606: Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. ii. pp. 280-282.] + + [Footnote 607: The MS. volume of notes on the prophecies is in + the Colombina. There is a description of it in Navarrete, tom. + ii. pp. 260-273.] + +[Sidenote: Crossing the Atlantic.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus not allowed to stop at San Domingo.] + +The armament for the Admiral's fourth and last voyage consisted of four +small caravels, of from fifty to seventy tons burthen, with crews +numbering, all told, 150 men. His brother Bartholomew, and his younger +son Ferdinand, then a boy of fourteen, accompanied him. They sailed from +Cadiz on the 11th of May, 1502, and finally left the Canaries behind on +the 26th of the same month. The course chosen was the same as on the +second voyage, and the unfailing trade-winds brought the ships on the +15th of June to an island called Mantinino, probably Martinique, not +more than ten leagues distant from Dominica. The Admiral had been +instructed not to touch at Hispaniola upon his way out, probably for +fear of further commotions there until Ovando should have succeeded in +bringing order out of the confusion ten times worse confounded into +which Bobadilla's misgovernment had thrown that island. Columbus might +stop there on his return, but not on his outward voyage. His intention +had, therefore, been, on reaching the cannibal islands, to steer for +Jamaica, thence make the short run to "Cochin China," and then turn +southwards. But as one of his caravels threatened soon to become +unmanageable, he thought himself justified in touching at San Domingo +long enough to hire a sound vessel in place of her. Ovando had assumed +the government there in April, and a squadron of 26 or 28 ships, +containing Roldan and Bobadilla, with huge quantities of gold wrung from +the enslaved Indians, was ready to start for Spain about the end of +June. In one of these ships were 4,000 pieces of gold destined for +Columbus, probably a part of the reimbursement that had been promised +him. On the 29th of June the Admiral arrived in the harbour and stated +the nature of his errand. At the same time, as his practised eye had +detected the symptoms of an approaching hurricane, he requested +permission to stay in the harbour until it should be over, and he +furthermore sent to the commander of the fleet a friendly warning not to +venture out to sea at present. His requests and his warnings were alike +treated with contumely. He was ordered to leave the harbour, and did so +in great indignation. As his first care was for the approaching tempest, +he did not go far but found safe anchorage in a sheltered and secluded +cove, where his vessels rode the storm with difficulty but without +serious damage. Meanwhile the governor's great fleet had rashly put out +to sea, and was struck with fatal fury by wind and wave. Twenty or more +ships went to the bottom, with Bobadilla, Roldan, and most of the +Admiral's principal enemies, besides all the ill-gotten treasure; five +or six shattered caravels, unable to proceed, found their way back to +San Domingo; of all the fleet, only one ship arrived safe and sound in +Spain, and that, says Ferdinand, was the one that had on board his +father's gold. Truly it was such an instance of poetical justice as one +does not often witness in this world. "We will not inquire now," says +Las Casas, who witnessed the affair, "into this remarkable divine +judgment, for at the last day of the world it will be made quite clear +to us."[608] If such judgments were more often visited upon the right +persons, perhaps the ways of Providence would not have so generally come +to be regarded as inscrutable. + + [Footnote 608: "Aqueste tan gran juicio de Dios no curemos de + escudriñallo, pues en el dia final deste mundo nos será bien + claro." _Hist. do las Indias_, tom. iii. p. 32; cf. _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxvii. As Las Casas was then in San + Domingo, having come out in Ovando's fleet, and as Ferdinand + Columbus was with his father, the testimony is very direct.] + +[Sidenote: Arrival at Cape Honduras.] + +The hurricane was followed by a dead calm, during which the Admiral's +ships were carried by the currents into the group of tiny islands called +the Queen's Gardens, on the south side of Cuba. With the first +favourable breeze he took a southwesterly course, in order to strike +that Cochin-Chinese coast farther down toward the Malay peninsula. This +brought him directly to the island of Guanaja and to Cape Honduras, +which he thus reached without approaching the Yucatan channel.[609] + + [Footnote 609: In the next chapter I shall give some reasons + for supposing that the Admiral had learned the existence of the + Yucatan channel from the pilot Ledesma, coupled with + information which made it unlikely that a passage into the + Indian ocean would be found that way. See below, vol. ii. p. + 92.] + +[Sidenote: Cape Gracias a Dios.] + +Upon the Honduras coast the Admiral found evidences of semi-civilization +with which he was much elated,--such as copper knives and hatchets, +pottery of skilled and artistic workmanship, and cotton garments finely +woven and beautifully dyed. Here the Spaniards first tasted the +_chicha_, or maize beer, and marvelled at the heavy clubs, armed with +sharp blades of obsidian, with which the soldiers of Cortes were by and +by to become unpleasantly acquainted. The people here wore cotton +clothes, and, according to Ferdinand, the women covered themselves as +carefully as the Moorish women of Granada.[610] On inquiring as to the +sources of gold and other wealth, the Admiral was now referred to the +west, evidently to Yucatan and Guatemala, or, as he supposed, to the +neighbourhood of the Ganges. Evidently the way to reach these countries +was to keep the land on the starboard and search for the passage +between the Eden continent and the Malay peninsula.[611] This course at +first led Columbus eastward for a greater number of leagues than he +could have relished. Wind and current were dead against him, too; and +when, after forty days of wretched weather, he succeeded in doubling the +cape which marks on that coast the end of Honduras and the beginning of +Nicaragua, and found it turning square to the south, it was doubtless +joy at this auspicious change of direction, as well as the sudden relief +from head-winds, that prompted him to name that bold prominence Cape +Gracias a Dios, or Thanks to God. + + [Footnote 610: _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxviii.] + + [Footnote 611: Irving (vol. ii. pp. 386, 387) seems to think it + strange that Columbus did not at once turn westward and + circumnavigate Yucatan. But if--as Irving supposed--Columbus + had not seen the Yucatan channel, and regarded the Honduras + coast as continuous with that of Cuba, he could only expect by + turning westward to be carried back to Cape Alpha and Omega, + where he had already been twice before! In the next chapter, + however, I shall show that Columbus may have shaped his course + in accordance with the advice of the pilot Ledesma.] + +[Sidenote: The coast of Veragua.] + +[Sidenote: Fruitless search for the Strait of Malacca.] + +[Sidenote: Futile attempt to make a settlement.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus shipwrecked.] + +As the ships proceeded southward in the direction of Veragua, evidences +of the kind of semi-civilization which we recognize as characteristic of +that part of aboriginal America grew more and more numerous. Great +houses were seen, built of "stone and lime," or perhaps of rubble stone +with adobe mortar. Walls were adorned with carvings and pictographs. +Mummies were found in a good state of preservation. There were signs of +abundant gold; the natives wore plates of it hung by cotton cords about +their necks, and were ready to exchange pieces worth a hundred ducats +for tawdry European trinkets. From these people Columbus heard what we +should call the first "news of the Pacific Ocean," though it had no such +meaning to his mind. From what he heard he understood that he was on the +east side of a peninsula, and that there was another sea on the other +side, by gaining which he might in ten days reach the mouth of the +Ganges.[612] By proceeding on his present course he would soon come to a +"narrow place" between the two seas. There was a curious equivocation +here. No doubt the Indians were honest and correct in what they tried to +tell Columbus. But by the "narrow place" they meant narrow land, not +narrow water; not a strait which connected but an isthmus which divided +the two seas, not the Strait of Malacca, but the Isthmus of Darien![613] +Columbus, of course, understood them to mean the strait for which he was +looking, and in his excitement at approaching the long-expected goal he +pressed on without waiting to verify the reports of gold mines in the +neighbourhood, a thing that could be done at any time.[614] By the 5th +of December, however, having reached a point on the isthmus, a few +leagues east of Puerto Bello, without finding the strait, he yielded to +the remonstrances of the crews, and retraced his course to Veragua. If +the strait could not be found, the next best tidings to carry home to +Spain would be the certain information of the discovery of gold mines, +and it was decided to make a settlement here which might serve as a base +for future operations. Three months of misery followed. Many of the +party were massacred by the Indians, the stock of food was nearly +exhausted, and the ships were pierced by worms until it was feared there +would be no means left for going home. Accordingly, it was decided to +abandon the enterprise and return to Hispaniola.[615] In order to allow +for the strong westerly currents in the Caribbean sea, the Admiral first +sailed eastward almost to the gulf of Darien, and then turned to the +north. The allowance was not enough, however. The ships were again +carried into the Queen's Gardens, where they were caught in a storm and +nearly beaten to pieces. At length, on St. John's eve, June 23, 1503, +the crazy wrecks--now full of water and unable to sail another +league--were beached on the coast of Jamaica and converted into a sort +of rude fortress; and while two trusty men were sent over to San Domingo +in a canoe, to obtain relief, Columbus and his party remained +shipwrecked in Jamaica. They waited there a whole year before it proved +possible to get any relief from Ovando. He was a slippery knave, who +knew how to deal out promises without taking the first step toward +fulfilment. + + [Footnote 612: Navarrete, _Coleccion de viages_, tom. i. p. + 299.] + + [Footnote 613: _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxix.; Humboldt, + _Examen Critique_, tom. i. p. 350.] + + [Footnote 614: "Nothing could evince more clearly his generous + ambition than hurrying in this brief manner along a coast where + wealth was to be gathered at every step, for the purpose of + seeking a strait which, however it might produce vast benefit + to mankind, could yield little else to himself than the glory + of the discovery." Irving's _Columbus_, vol. ii. p. 406. In + this voyage, however, the express purpose from the start was to + find the strait of Malacca as a passage to the very same + regions which had been visited by Gama, and Columbus expected + thus to get wealth enough to equip an army of Crusaders. + Irving's statement does not correctly describe the Admiral's + purpose, and as savouring of misplaced eulogy, is sure to + provoke a reaction on the part of captious critics.] + + [Footnote 615: A graphic account of these scenes, in which he + took part, is given by Ferdinand Columbus, _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. xciii.-cvi.] + +[Sidenote: A year of misery.] + +[Sidenote: Last return to Spain.] + +It was a terrible year that Columbus spent upon the wild coast of +Jamaica. To all the horrors inseparable from such a situation there was +added the horror of mutiny. The year did not end until there had been a +pitched battle, in which the doughty Bartholomew was, as usual, +victorious. The ringleader was captured, and of the other mutineers such +as were not slain in the fight were humbled and pardoned. At length +Ovando's conduct began to arouse indignation in San Domingo, and was +openly condemned from the pulpit; so that, late in June, 1504, he sent +over to Jamaica a couple of ships which brought away the Admiral and his +starving party. Ovando greeted the brothers Columbus with his customary +hypocritical courtesy, which they well understood. During the past year +the island of Hispaniola had been the scene of atrocities such as have +scarcely been surpassed in history. I shall give a brief account of them +in a future chapter. Columbus was not cheered by what he saw and heard, +and lost no time in starting for Spain. On the 7th of November, 1504, +after a tempestuous voyage and narrow escape from shipwreck, he landed +at San Lucar de Barrameda and made his way to Seville. Queen Isabella +was then on her death-bed, and breathed her last just nineteen days +later. + +[Sidenote: Death of Columbus.] + +The death of the queen deprived Columbus of the only protector who could +stand between him and Fonseca. The reimbursement for the wrongs which he +had suffered at that man's hands was never made. The last eighteen +months of the Admiral's life were spent in sickness and poverty. +Accumulated hardship and disappointment had broken him down, and he died +on Ascension day, May 20, 1506, at Valladolid. So little heed was taken +of his passing away that the local annals of that city, "which give +almost every insignificant event from 1333 to 1539, day by day, do not +mention it."[616] His remains were buried in the Franciscan monastery at +Valladolid, whence they were removed in 1513 to the monastery of Las +Cuevas, at Seville, where the body of his son Diego, second Admiral and +Viceroy of the Indies, was buried in 1526. Ten years after this date, +the bones of father and son were removed to Hispaniola, to the cathedral +of San Domingo; whence they have since been transferred to Havana. The +result of so many removals has been to raise doubts as to whether the +ashes now reposing at Havana are really those of Columbus and his son; +and over this question there has been much critical discussion, of a +sort that we may cheerfully leave to those who like to spend their time +over such trivialities. + + [Footnote 616: Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, New York, 1866, + p. 73.] + +[Sidenote: "Nuevo Mundo."] + +There is a tradition that Ferdinand and Isabella, at some date +unspecified, had granted to Columbus, as a legend for his coat-of-arms, +the noble motto:-- + + Á Castilla y á Leon + Nuevo mundo dió Colon, + +_i. e._ "To Castile-and-Leon Columbus gave a New World;" and we are +further told that, when the Admiral's bones were removed to Seville, +this motto was, by order of King Ferdinand, inscribed upon his +tomb.[617] This tradition crumbles under the touch of historical +criticism. The Admiral's coat-of-arms, as finally emblazoned under his +own inspection at Seville in 1502, quarters the royal Castle-and-Lion of +the kingdom of Castile with his own devices of five anchors, and a group +of golden islands with a bit of Terra Firma, upon a blue sea. But there +is no legend of any sort, nor is anything of the kind mentioned by Las +Casas or Bernaldez or Peter Martyr. The first allusion to such a motto +is by Oviedo, in 1535, who gives it a somewhat different turn:-- + + Por Castilla y por Leon + Nuevo mundo halló Colon, + +_i. e._ "For Castile-and-Leon Columbus found a New World." But the other +form is no doubt the better, for Ferdinand Columbus, at some time not +later than 1537, had adopted it, and it may be read to-day upon his tomb +in the cathedral at Seville. The time-honoured tradition has evidently +transferred to the father the legend adopted, if not originally +devised, by his son. + + [Footnote 617: _Vita del Ammiraglio_, cap. cvii. This is + unquestionably a gloss of the translator Ulloa. Cf. Harrisse, + _Christophe Colomb_, tom. ii. pp. 177-179.] + +[Illustration: Arms.] + +But why is this mere question of heraldry a matter of importance for the +historian? Simply because it furnishes one of the most striking among +many illustrations of the fact that at no time during the life of +Columbus, nor for some years after his death, did anybody use the phrase +"New World" with conscious reference to _his_ discoveries. At the time +of his death their true significance had not yet begun to dawn upon the +mind of any voyager or any writer. It was supposed that he had found a +new route to the Indies by sailing west, and that in the course of this +achievement he had discovered some new islands and a bit or bits of +Terra Firma of more or less doubtful commercial value. To group these +items of discovery into an organic whole, and to ascertain that they +belonged to a whole quite distinct from the Old World, required the work +of many other discoverers, companions and successors to Columbus. In the +following chapter I shall endeavour to show how the conception of the +New World was thus originated and at length became developed into the +form with which we are now familiar. + +[Illustration: Sketch of Toscanelli's map, sent to Portugal in 1474, and +used by Columbus in his first voyage across the Atlantic.] + +[Illustration: Claudius Ptolemy's world, cir. A. D. 150.] + +[Illustration: John Fiske.] + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Discovery of America Vol. 1 (of 2), by +John Fiske + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA *** + +***** This file should be named 27253-8.txt or 27253-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/7/2/5/27253/ + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Discovery of America Vol. 1 (of 2) + with some account of Ancient America and the Spanish Conquest + +Author: John Fiske + +Release Date: November 13, 2008 [EBook #27253] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA *** + + + + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="tn"> +<p>Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all +other inconsistencies and errors are as in the original. The author's +spelling has been maintained.</p> + +<p>Description of the characters not found in the Unicode tables:<br> +[p-] p with stroke below.</p> +</div> + +<a id="img024" name="img024"></a> +<div class="p4 figcenter"> +<img src="images/img024.jpg" width="400" height="651" alt="John Fiske." title=""> +</div> + +<h1>THE<br> +DISCOVERY OF AMERICA</h1> + +<p class="p2 center"><i>WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT AMERICA<br> +AND THE SPANISH CONQUEST</i></p> + +<h2><span class="smaller">BY</span><br> +JOHN FISKE</h2> + +<p class="p2 center"><i>IN TWO VOLUMES</i></p> +<p class="p2 center">VOL. I.</p> + +<p class="p2 poem20"> +Then I unbar the doors; my paths lead out<br> +The exodus of nations; I disperse<br> +Men to all shores that front the hoary main.<br> +<span class="add1em">I too have arts and sorceries;</span><br> +Illusion dwells forever with the wave.<br> +I make some coast alluring, some lone isle<br> +To distant men, who must go there or die.<br> +<span class="left50 smcap">Emerson</span></p> + +<a id="img001" name="img001"></a> +<div class="p4 figcenter"> +<img src="images/img001.jpg" width="150" height="195" alt="Editor's arm." title=""> +</div> + +<p class="p4 center small"> +BOSTON AND NEW YORK<br> +HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY<br> +The Riverside Press, Cambridge<br> +1897</p> + +<p class="p4 center smaller">Copyright, 1892, <span class="smcap">By</span> JOHN FISKE.<br> +<i>All rights reserved.</i></p> + +<p class="p2 center smaller">SIXTEENTH THOUSAND.</p> + +<p class="p4 center small"> +<i>The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A.</i><br> +Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company.</p> + +<p class="p4 center">TO<br> +<span class="line15">EDWARD AUGUSTUS FREEMAN,</span><br> +A SCHOLAR WHO INHERITS THE GIFT OF MIDAS, AND<br> + TURNS INTO GOLD WHATEVER SUBJECT HE<br> + TOUCHES, I DEDICATE THIS BOOK, WITH<br> + GRATITUDE FOR ALL THAT HE<br> + HAS TAUGHT ME</p> + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagev" name="pagev"></a>(p. v)</span> PREFACE.</h2> + +<p>The present work is the outcome of two lines of study pursued, with more +or less interruption from other studies, for about thirty years. It will +be observed that the book has two themes, as different in character as +the themes for voice and piano in Schubert's "Frühlingsglaube," and yet +so closely related that the one is needful for an adequate comprehension +of the other. In order to view in their true perspective the series of +events comprised in the Discovery of America, one needs to form a mental +picture of that strange world of savagery and barbarism to which +civilized Europeans were for the first time introduced in the course of +the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in their voyages along the +African coast, into the Indian and Pacific oceans, and across the +Atlantic. Nothing that Europeans discovered during that stirring period +was so remarkable as these antique phases of human society, the mere +existence of which had scarcely been suspected, and the real character +of which it has been left for the present generation to begin to +understand. Nowhere was <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagevi" name="pagevi"></a>(p. vi)</span> this ancient society so full of +instructive lessons as in aboriginal America, which had pursued its own +course of development, cut off and isolated from the Old World, for +probably more than fifty thousand years. The imperishable interest of +those episodes in the Discovery of America known as the conquests of +Mexico and Peru consists chiefly in the glimpses they afford us of this +primitive world. It was not an uninhabited continent that the Spaniards +found, and in order to comprehend the course of events it is necessary +to know something about those social features that formed a large part +of the burden of the letters of Columbus and Vespucius, and excited even +more intense and general interest in Europe than the purely geographical +questions suggested by the voyages of those great sailors. The +descriptions of ancient America, therefore, which form a kind of +background to the present work, need no apology.</p> + +<p>It was the study of prehistoric Europe and of early Aryan institutions +that led me by a natural sequence to the study of aboriginal America. In +1869, after sketching the plan of a book on our Aryan forefathers, I was +turned aside for five years by writing "Cosmic Philosophy." During that +interval I also wrote "Myths and Myth-Makers" as a side-work to the +projected book on the Aryans, and as soon as the excursion into the +field of general philosophy was ended, in 1874, the work on <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagevii" name="pagevii"></a>(p. vii)</span> +that book was resumed. Fortunately it was not then carried to +completion, for it would have been sadly antiquated by this time. The +revolution in theory concerning the Aryans has been as remarkable as the +revolution in chemical theory which some years ago introduced the New +Chemistry. It is becoming eminently probable that the centre of +diffusion of Aryan speech was much nearer to Lithuania than to any part +of Central Asia, and it has for some time been quite clear that the +state of society revealed in Homer and the Vedas is not at all like +primitive society, but very far from it. By 1876 I had become convinced +that there was no use in going on without widening the field of study. +The conclusions of the Aryan school needed to be supplemented, and often +seriously modified, by the study of the barbaric world, and it soon +became manifest that for the study of barbarism there is no other field +that for fruitfulness can be compared with aboriginal America.</p> + +<p>This is because the progress of society was much slower in the western +hemisphere than in the eastern, and in the days of Columbus and Cortes +it had nowhere "caught up" to the points reached by the Egyptians of the +Old Empire or by the builders of Mycenæ and Tiryns. In aboriginal +America we therefore find states of society preserved in stages of +development similar to those of our ancestral societies in the Old World +long ages <span class="pagenum"><a id="pageviii" name="pageviii"></a>(p. viii)</span> before Homer and the Vedas. Many of the social +phenomena of ancient Europe are also found in aboriginal America, but +always in a more primitive condition. The clan, phratry, and tribe among +the Iroquois help us in many respects to get back to the original +conceptions of the gens, curia, and tribe among the Romans. We can +better understand the growth of kingship of the Agamemnon type when we +have studied the less developed type in Montezuma. The house-communities +of the southern Slavs are full of interest for the student of the early +phases of social evolution, but the Mandan round-house and the Zuñi +pueblo carry us much deeper into the past. Aboriginal American +institutions thus afford one of the richest fields in the world for the +application of the comparative method, and the red Indian, viewed in +this light, becomes one of the most interesting of men; for in studying +him intelligently, one gets down into the stone age of human thought. No +time should be lost in gathering whatever can be learned of his ideas +and institutions, before their character has been wholly lost under the +influence of white men. Under that influence many Indians have been +quite transformed, while others have been as yet but little affected. +Some extremely ancient types of society, still preserved on this +continent in something like purity, are among the most instructive +monuments of the past that can now be <span class="pagenum"><a id="pageix" name="pageix"></a>(p. ix)</span> found in the world. Such +a type is that of the Moquis of northeastern Arizona. I have heard a +rumour, which it is to be hoped is ill-founded, that there are persons +who wish the United States government to interfere with this peaceful +and self-respecting people, break up their pueblo life, scatter them in +farmsteads, and otherwise compel them, against their own wishes, to +change their habits and customs. If such a cruel and stupid thing were +ever to be done, we might justly be said to have equalled or surpassed +the folly of those Spaniards who used to make bonfires of Mexican +hieroglyphics. It is hoped that the present book, in which of course it +is impossible to do more than sketch the outlines and indicate the +bearings of so vast a subject, will serve to awaken readers to the +interest and importance of American archæology for the general study of +the evolution of human society.</p> + +<p>So much for the first and subsidiary theme. As for my principal theme, +the Discovery of America, I was first drawn to it through its close +relations with a subject which for some time chiefly occupied my mind, +the history of the contact between the Aryan and Semitic worlds, and +more particularly between Christians and Mussulmans about the shores of +the Mediterranean. It is also interesting as part of the history of +science, and furthermore as connected with the beginnings of <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagex" name="pagex"></a>(p. x)</span> one +of the most momentous events in the career of mankind, the colonization +of the barbaric world by Europeans. Moreover, the discovery of America +has its full share of the romantic fascination that belongs to most of +the work of the Renaissance period. I have sought to exhibit these +different aspects of the subject.</p> + +<p>The present book is in all its parts written from the original sources +of information. The work of modern scholars has of course been freely +used, but never without full acknowledgment in text or notes, and seldom +without independent verification from the original sources. +Acknowledgments are chiefly due to Humboldt, Morgan, Bandelier, Major, +Varnhagen, Markham, Helps, and Harrisse. To the last-named scholar I owe +an especial debt of gratitude, in common with all who have studied this +subject since his arduous researches were begun. Some of the most +valuable parts of his work have consisted in the discovery, +reproduction, and collation of documents; and to some extent his pages +are practically equivalent to the original sources inspected by him in +the course of years of search through European archives, public and +private. In the present book I must have expressed dissent from his +conclusions at least as often as agreement with them, but whether one +agrees with him or not, one always finds him helpful and stimulating. +Though he has in some sort made <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexi" name="pagexi"></a>(p. xi)</span> himself a Frenchman in the +course of his labours, it is pleasant to recall the fact that M. +Harrisse is by birth our fellow-countryman; and there are surely few +Americans of our time whom students of history have more reason for +holding in honour.</p> + +<p>I have not seen Mr. Winsor's "Christopher Columbus" in time to make any +use of it. Within the last few days, while my final chapter is going to +press, I have received the sheets of it, a few days in advance of +publication. I do not find in it any references to sources of +information which I have not already fully considered, so that our +differences of opinion on sundry points may serve to show what diverse +conclusions may be drawn from the same data. The most conspicuous +difference is that which concerns the personal character of Columbus. +Mr. Winsor writes in a spirit of energetic (not to say violent) reaction +against the absurdities of Roselly de Lorgues and others who have tried +to make a saint of Columbus; and under the influence of this reaction he +offers us a picture of the great navigator that serves to raise a +pertinent question. No one can deny that Las Casas was a keen judge of +men, or that his standard of right and wrong was quite as lofty as any +one has reached in our own time. He had a much more intimate knowledge +of Columbus than any modern historian can ever hope to acquire, and he +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexii" name="pagexii"></a>(p. xii)</span> always speaks of him with warm admiration and respect. But how +could Las Casas ever have respected the feeble, mean-spirited driveller +whose portrait Mr. Winsor asks us to accept as that of the Discoverer of +America?</p> + +<p>If, however, instead of his biographical estimate of Columbus, we +consider Mr. Winsor's contributions toward a correct statement of the +difficult geographical questions connected with the subject, we +recognize at once the work of an acknowledged master in his chosen +field. It is work, too, of the first order of importance. It would be +hard to mention a subject on which so many reams of direful nonsense +have been written as on the discovery of America; and the prolific +source of so much folly has generally been what Mr. Freeman fitly calls +"bondage to the modern map." In order to understand what the great +mariners of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were trying to do, and +what people supposed them to have done, one must begin by resolutely +banishing the modern map from one's mind. The ancient map must take its +place, but this must not be the ridiculous "Orbis Veteribus Notus," to +be found in the ordinary classical atlas, <i>which simply copies the +outlines of countries with modern accuracy from the modern map, and then +scatters ancient names over them!</i> Such maps are worse than useless. In +dealing with the discovery of America one must steadily keep before +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexiii" name="pagexiii"></a>(p. xiii)</span> one's mind the quaint notions of ancient geographers, +especially Ptolemy and Mela, as portrayed upon such maps as are +reproduced in the present volume. It was just these distorted and hazy +notions that swayed the minds and guided the movements of the great +discoverers, and went on reproducing themselves upon newly-made maps for +a century or more after the time of Columbus. Without constant reference +to these old maps one cannot begin to understand the circumstances of +the discovery of America.</p> + +<p>In no way can one get at the heart of the matter more completely than by +threading the labyrinth of causes and effects through which the western +hemisphere came slowly and gradually to be known by the name <span class="smcap">America</span>. +The reader will not fail to observe the pains which I have taken to +elucidate this subject, not from any peculiar regard for Americus +Vespucius, but because the quintessence of the whole geographical +problem of the discovery of the New World is in one way or another +involved in the discussion. I can think of no finer instance of the +queer complications that can come to surround and mystify an increase of +knowledge too great and rapid to be comprehended by a single generation +of men.</p> + +<p>In the solution of the problem as to the first Vespucius voyage I follow +the lead of Varnhagen, but always independently and with the documentary +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexiv" name="pagexiv"></a>(p. xiv)</span> evidence fully in sight. For some years I vainly tried to +pursue Humboldt's clues to some intelligible conclusion, and felt +inhospitably inclined toward Varnhagen's views as altogether too +plausible; he seemed to settle too many difficulties at once. But after +becoming convinced of the spuriousness of the Bandini letter (see below, +vol. ii. p. 94); and observing how the air at once was cleared in some +directions, it seemed that further work in textual criticism would be +well bestowed. I made a careful study of the diction of the letter from +Vespucius to Soderini in its two principal texts:—1. the Latin version +of 1507, the original of which is in the library of Harvard University, +appended to Waldseemüller's "Cosmographiæ Introductio"; 2. the Italian +text reproduced severally by Bandini, Canovai, and Varnhagen, from the +excessively rare original, of which only five copies are now known to be +in existence. It is this text that Varnhagen regards as the original +from which the Latin version of 1507 was made, through an intermediate +French version now lost. In this opinion Varnhagen does not stand alone, +as Mr. Winsor seems to think ("Christopher Columbus," p. 540, line 5 +from bottom), for Harrisse and Avezac have expressed themselves plainly +to the same effect (see below, vol. ii. p. 42). A minute study of this +text, with all its quaint interpolations of Spanish and <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexv" name="pagexv"></a>(p. xv)</span> +Portuguese idioms and seafaring phrases into the Italian ground-work of +its diction, long ago convinced me that it never was a <i>translation</i> +from anything in heaven or earth or the waters under the earth. Nobody +would ever have translated a document <i>into</i> such an extremely peculiar +and individual jargon. It is most assuredly an original text, and its +author was either Vespucius or the Old Nick. It was by starting from +this text as primitive that Varnhagen started correctly in his +interpretation of the statements in the letter, and it was for that +reason that he was able to dispose of so many difficulties at one blow. +When he showed that the landfall of Vespucius on his first voyage was +near Cape Honduras and had nothing whatever to do with the Pearl Coast, +he began to follow the right trail, and so the facts which had puzzled +everybody began at once to fall into the right places. This is all made +clear in the seventh chapter of the present work, where the general +argument of Varnhagen is in many points strongly reinforced. The +evidence here set forth in connection with the Cantino map is especially +significant.</p> + +<p>It is interesting on many accounts to see the first voyage of Vespucius +thus elucidated, though it had no connection with the application of his +name by Waldseemüller to an entirely different region from any that was +visited upon that voyage. <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexvi" name="pagexvi"></a>(p. xvi)</span> The real significance of the third +voyage of Vespucius, in connection with the naming of America, is now +set forth, I believe, for the first time in the light thrown upon the +subject by the opinions of Ptolemy and Mela. Neither Humboldt nor Major +nor Harrisse nor Varnhagen seems to have had a firm grasp of what was in +Waldseemüller's mind when he wrote the passage photographed below in +vol. ii. p. 136 of this work. It is only when we keep the Greek and +Roman theories in the foreground and unflinchingly bar out that +intrusive modern atlas, that we realize what the Freiburg geographer +meant and why Ferdinand Columbus was not in the least shocked or +surprised.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>I have at various times given lectures on the discovery of America and +questions connected therewith, more especially at University College, +London, in 1879, at the Philosophical Institution in Edinburgh, in 1880, +at the Lowell Institute in Boston, in 1890, and in the course of my work +as professor in the Washington University at St. Louis; but the present +work is in no sense whatever a reproduction of such lectures.</p> + +<p>Acknowledgments are due to Mr. Winsor for his cordial permission to make +use of a number of reproductions of old maps and facsimiles already used +by him in the "Narrative and Critical History of America;" they are +mentioned in the lists <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexvii" name="pagexvii"></a>(p. xvii)</span> of illustrations. I have also to thank +Dr. Brinton for allowing me to reproduce a page of old Mexican music, +and the Hakluyt Society for permission to use the Zeno and Catalan maps +and the view of Kakortok church. Dr. Fewkes has very kindly favoured me +with a sight of proof-sheets of some recent monographs by Bandelier. And +for courteous assistance at various libraries I have most particularly +to thank Mr. Kiernan of Harvard University, Mr. Appleton Griffin of the +Boston Public Library, and Mr. Uhler of the Peabody Institute in +Baltimore.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>There is one thing which I feel obliged, though with extreme hesitation +and reluctance, to say to my readers in this place, because the time has +come when something ought to be said, and there seems to be no other +place available for saying it. For many years letters—often in a high +degree interesting and pleasant to receive—have been coming to me from +persons with whom I am not acquainted, and I have always done my best to +answer them. It is a long time since such letters came to form the +larger part of a voluminous mass of correspondence. The physical fact +has assumed dimensions with which it is no longer possible to cope. If I +were to answer all the letters which arrive by every mail, I should +never be able to do another day's work. It is becoming impossible +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexviii" name="pagexviii"></a>(p. xviii)</span> even to <i>read</i> them all; and there is scarcely time for +giving due attention to one in ten. Kind friends and readers will thus +understand that if their queries seem to be neglected, it is by no means +from any want of good will, but simply from the lamentable fact that the +day contains only four-and-twenty hours.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cambridge</span>, <i>October 25, 1891.</i></p> + + + + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexix" name="pagexix"></a>(p. xix)</span> CONTENTS.</h2> + +<a id="toc" name="toc"></a> + +<p class="p2 center line15">CHAPTER I.<br> + +<span class="smaller">ANCIENT AMERICA.</span></p> + +<ul> +<li> <span class="ralign smcap">page</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> American aborigines +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page001">1</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Question</span> as to their origin +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page002">2</a>, <a href="#page003">3</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Antiquity</span> of man in America +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page004">4</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Shell-mounds,</span> or middens +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page004">4</a>, <a href="#page005">5</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Glacial Period +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page006">6</a>, <a href="#page007">7</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Discoveries</span> in the Trenton gravel +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page008">8</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Discoveries</span> in Ohio, Indiana, and Minnesota +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page009">9</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mr. Cresson's</span> discovery at Claymont, Delaware +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page010">10</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Calaveras skull +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page011">11</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Pleistocene</span> men and mammals +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page012">12</a>, <a href="#page013">13</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Elevation</span> and subsidence +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page013">13</a>, <a href="#page014">14</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Waves</span> of migration +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page015">15</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Cave men of Europe in the Glacial Period +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page016">16</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Eskimos are probably a remnant of the Cave men +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page017">17</a>-19</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">There</span> was probably no connection or intercourse by +water between ancient America and the Old World +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page020">20</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">There</span> is one great American red race +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page021">21</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Different</span> senses in which the word "race" is used +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page021">21</a>-23</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">No necessary</span> connection between differences in culture +and differences in race +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page023">23</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mr. Lewis</span> Morgan's classification of grades of culture +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page024">24</a>-32</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Distinction</span> between Savagery and Barbarism +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page025">25</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Origin</span> of pottery +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page025">25</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Lower,</span> middle, and upper status of savagery +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page026">26</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Lower</span> status of barbarism; it ended differently in the +two hemispheres; in ancient America there was no +pastoral stage of development +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page027">27</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexx" name="pagexx"></a>(p. xx)</span> Importance</span> of Indian corn +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page028">28</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Tillage</span> with irrigation +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page029">29</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Use</span> of adobe-brick and stone in building +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page029">29</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Middle</span> status of barbarism +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page029">29</a>, <a href="#page030">30</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Stone</span> and copper tools +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page030">30</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Working</span> of metals; smelting of iron +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page030">30</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Upper</span> status of barbarism +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page031">31</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> alphabet and the beginnings of civilization +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page032">32</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">So-called</span> "civilizations" of Mexico and Peru +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page033">33</a>, <a href="#page034">34</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Loose</span> use of the words "savagery" and "civilization" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page035">35</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Value</span> and importance of the term "barbarism" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page035">35</a>, <a href="#page036">36</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> status of barbarism is most completely exemplified +in ancient America +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page036">36</a>, <a href="#page037">37</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Survival</span> of bygone epochs of culture; work of the +Bureau of Ethnology +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page037">37</a>, <a href="#page038">38</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Tribal</span> society and multiplicity of languages in aboriginal +America +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page038">38</a>, <a href="#page039">39</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Tribes</span> in the upper status of savagery; Athabaskans, +Apaches, Shoshones, etc. +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page039">39</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Tribes</span> in the lower status of barbarism; the Dakota +group or family +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page040">40</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Minnitarees and Mandans +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page041">41</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Pawnee and Arickaree group +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page042">42</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Maskoki group +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page042">42</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Algonquin group +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page043">43</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Huron-Iroquois group +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page044">44</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Five Nations +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page045">45</a>-47</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Distinction</span> between horticulture and field agriculture +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page048">48</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Perpetual</span> intertribal warfare, with torture and +cannibalism +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page049">49</a>-51</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Myths</span> and folk-lore +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page051">51</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ancient</span> law +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page052">52</a>, <a href="#page053">53</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> patriarchal family not primitive +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page053">53</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">"Mother-right"</span> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page054">54</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Primitive</span> marriage +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page055">55</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> system of reckoning kinship through females only +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page056">56</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Original</span> reason for the system +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page057">57</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> primeval human horde +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page058">58</a>, <a href="#page059">59</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Earliest</span> family-group; the clan +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page060">60</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">"Exogamy"</span> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page060">60</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxi" name="pagexxi"></a>(p. xxi)</span> Phratry</span> and tribe +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page061">61</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Effect</span> of pastoral life upon property and upon the +family +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page061">61</a>-63</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> exogamous clan in ancient America +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page064">64</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Intimate</span> connection of aboriginal architecture with +social life +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page065">65</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> long houses of the Iroquois +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page066">66</a>, <a href="#page067">67</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Summary</span> divorce +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page068">68</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Hospitality</span> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page068">68</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Structure</span> of the clan +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page069">69</a>, <a href="#page070">70</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Origin</span> and structure of the phratry +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page070">70</a>, <a href="#page071">71</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Structure</span> of the tribe +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page072">72</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Cross-relationships</span> between clans and tribes; the Iroquois +Confederacy +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page072">72</a>-74</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Structure</span> of the confederacy +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page075">75</a>, <a href="#page076">76</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> "Long House" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page076">76</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Symmetrical</span> development of institutions in ancient +America +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page077">77</a>, <a href="#page078">78</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Circular</span> houses of the Mandans +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page079">79</a>-81</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Indians of the pueblos, in the middle status of +barbarism +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page082">82</a>, <a href="#page083">83</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Horticulture</span> with irrigation, and architecture with +adobe +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page083">83</a>, <a href="#page084">84</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Possible</span> origin of adobe architecture +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page084">84</a>, <a href="#page085">85</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mr. Cushing's</span> sojourn at Zuñi +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page086">86</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Typical</span> structure of the pueblo +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page086">86</a>-88</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Pueblo</span> society +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page089">89</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Wonderful</span> ancient pueblos in the Chaco valley +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page090">90</a>-92</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Moqui pueblos +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page093">93</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> cliff-dwellings +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page093">93</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Pueblo</span> of Zuñi +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page093">93</a>, <a href="#page094">94</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Pueblo</span> of Tlascala +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page094">94</a>-96</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> ancient city of Mexico was a great composite +pueblo +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page097">97</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Spanish discoverers could not be expected to understand +the state of society which they found there +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page097">97</a>, <a href="#page098">98</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Contrast</span> between feudalism and gentilism +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page098">98</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Change</span> from gentile society to political society in +Greece and Rome +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page099">99</a>, <a href="#page100">100</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxii" name="pagexxii"></a>(p. xxii)</span> First</span> suspicions as to the erroneousness of the Spanish +accounts +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page101">101</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Detection</span> and explanation of the errors, by Lewis +Morgan +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page102">102</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Adolf</span> Bandelier's researches +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page103">103</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Aztec Confederacy +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page104">104</a>, <a href="#page105">105</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Aztec</span> clans +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page106">106</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Clan</span> officers +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page107">107</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Rights</span> and duties of the clan +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page108">108</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Aztec</span> phratries +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page108">108</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> <i>tlatocan</i>, or tribal council +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page109">109</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> <i>cihuacoatl</i>, or "snake-woman" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page110">110</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> <i>tlacatecuhtli</i>, or "chief-of-men" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page111">111</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Evolution</span> of kingship in Greece and Rome +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page112">112</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mediæval</span> kingship +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page113">113</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Montezuma</span> was a "priest-commander" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page114">114</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mode</span> of succession to the office +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page114">114</a>, <a href="#page115">115</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Manner</span> of collecting tribute +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page116">116</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mexican</span> roads +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page117">117</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Aztec</span> and Iroquois confederacies contrasted +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page118">118</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Aztec</span> priesthood; human sacrifices +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page119">119</a>, <a href="#page120">120</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Aztec</span> slaves +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page121">121</a>, <a href="#page122">122</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Aztec family +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page122">122</a>, <a href="#page123">123</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Aztec</span> property +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page124">124</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mr. Morgan's</span> rules of criticism +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page125">125</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">He</span> sometimes disregarded his own rules +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page126">126</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Amusing</span> illustrations from his remarks on "Montezuma's +Dinner" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page126">126</a>-128</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> reaction against uncritical and exaggerated statements +was often carried too far by Mr. Morgan +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page128">128</a>, <a href="#page129">129</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Great</span> importance of the middle period of barbarism +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page130">130</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Mexicans compared with the Mayas +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page131">131</a>-133</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Maya</span> hieroglyphic writing +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page132">132</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ruined</span> cities of Central America +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page134">134</a>-138</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">They</span> are probably not older than the twelfth century +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page136">136</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Recent</span> discovery of the Chronicle of Chicxulub +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page138">138</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Maya</span> culture very closely related to Mexican +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page139">139</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> "Mound-Builders" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page140">140</a>-146</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> notion that they were like the Aztecs +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page142">142</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Or,</span> perhaps, like the Zuñis +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page143">143</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxiii" name="pagexxiii"></a>(p. xxiii)</span> These</span> notions are not well sustained +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page144">144</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> mounds were probably built by different peoples +in the lower status of barbarism, by Cherokees, +Shawnees, and other tribes +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page144">144</a>, <a href="#page145">145</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">It is</span> not likely that there was a "race of Mound Builders" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page146">146</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Society</span> in America at the time of the Discovery had +reached stages similar to stages reached by eastern +Mediterranean peoples fifty or sixty centuries +earlier +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page146">146</a>, <a href="#page147">147</a></span></li> +</ul> + + +<p class="p2 center line15">CHAPTER II.<br> +<span class="smaller">PRE-COLUMBIAN VOYAGES.</span></p> + +<ul> +<li><span class="min1em">Stories</span> of voyages to America before Columbus; the +Chinese +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page148">148</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Irish. +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page149">149</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Blowing</span> and drifting; Cousin, of Dieppe +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page150">150</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">These</span> stories are of small value +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page150">150</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">But</span> the case of the Northmen is quite different +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page151">151</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Viking exodus from Norway +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page151">151</a>, <a href="#page152">152</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Founding</span> of a colony in Iceland, <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 874 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page153">153</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Icelandic</span> literature +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page154">154</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Discovery</span> of Greenland, <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 876 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page155">155</a>, <a href="#page156">156</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Eric</span> the Red, and his colony in Greenland, +<span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 986 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page157">157</a>-161</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Voyage</span> of Bjarni Herjulfsson +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page162">162</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Conversion</span> of the Northmen to Christianity +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page163">163</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Leif</span> Ericsson's voyage, <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 1000; Helluland and +Markland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page164">164</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Leif's</span> winter in Vinland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page154">165</a>, <a href="#page166">166</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Voyages</span> of Thorvald and Thorstein +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page167">167</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Thorfinn</span> Karlsefni, and his unsuccessful attempt to +found a colony in Vinland, <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 1007-10 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page167">167</a>-169</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Freydis,</span> and her evil deeds in Vinland, 1011-12 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page170">170</a>, <a href="#page171">171</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Voyage</span> into Baffin's Bay, 1135 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page172">172</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Description</span> of a Viking ship discovered at Sandefiord, +in Norway +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page173">173</a>-175</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxiv" name="pagexxiv"></a>(p. xxiv)</span> To</span> what extent the climate of Greenland may have +changed within the last thousand years +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page176">176</a>, <a href="#page177">177</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">With</span> the Northmen once in Greenland, the discovery +of the American continent was inevitable +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page178">178</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ear-marks</span> of truth in the Icelandic narratives +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page179">179</a>, <a href="#page180">180</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Northern</span> limit of the vine +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page181">181</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Length</span> of the winter day +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page182">182</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Indian</span> corn +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page182">182</a>, <a href="#page183">183</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Winter</span> weather in Vinland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page184">184</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Vinland</span> was probably situated somewhere between Cape Breton +and Point Judith +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page185">185</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Further</span> ear-marks of truth; savages and barbarians of the +lower status were unknown to mediæval Europeans +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page185">185</a>, <a href="#page186">186</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> natives of Vinland as described in the Icelandic +narratives +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page187">187</a>-193</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Meaning</span> of the epithet "Skrælings" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page188">188</a>, <a href="#page189">189</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Personal</span> appearance of the Skrælings +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page189">189</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Skrælings of Vinland were Indians,—very likely +Algonquins +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page190">190</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> "balista" or "demon's head" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page191">191</a>, <a href="#page192">192</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> story of the "uniped" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page193">193</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Character</span> of the Icelandic records; misleading associations +with the word "saga" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page194">194</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> comparison between Leif Ericsson and Agamemnon, made by +a committee of the Massachusetts Historical Society, was +peculiarly unfortunate and inappropriate +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page194">194</a>, <a href="#page197">197</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> story of the Trojan War, in the shape in which we find +it in Greek poetry, is pure folk-lore +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page195">195</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Saga of Eric the Red is not folk-lore +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page196">196</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mythical</span> and historical sagas +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page197">197</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> western or Hauks-bók version of Eric the Red's Saga +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page198">198</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> northern or Flateyar-bók version +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page199">199</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Presumption</span> against sources not contemporary +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page200">200</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Hauk</span> Erlendsson and his manuscripts +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page201">201</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> story is not likely to have been preserved to Hauk's +time by oral tradition only +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page202">202</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Allusions</span> to Vinland in other Icelandic documents +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page202">202</a>-207</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxv" name="pagexxv"></a>(p. xxv)</span> Eyrbyggja</span> Saga +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page203">203</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> abbot Nikulas, etc. +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page204">204</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ari</span> Fródhi and his works +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page204">204</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> significant allusion to Vinland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page205">205</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Other</span> references +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page206">206</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Differences</span> between Hauks-bók and Flateyar-bók versions +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page207">207</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Adam</span> of Bremen +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page208">208</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Importance</span> of his testimony +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page209">209</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> misconception of the situation of Vinland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page210">210</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Summary</span> of the argument +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page211">211</a>-213</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Absurd</span> speculations of zealous antiquarians +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page213">213</a>-215</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Dighton inscription was made by Algonquins, and has +nothing to do with the Northmen +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page213">213</a>, <a href="#page214">214</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Governor</span> Arnold's stone windmill +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page215">215</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">There</span> is no reason for supposing that the Northmen founded a +colony in Vinland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page216">216</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">No</span> archæological remains of them have been found south of +Davis strait +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page217">217</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">If</span> the Northmen had founded a successful colony, they would +have introduced domestic cattle into the North American +fauna +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page218">218</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">And</span> such animals could not have vanished and left no trace +of their existence +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page219">219</a>, <a href="#page220">220</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Further</span> fortunes of the Greenland colony +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page221">221</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Bishop</span> Eric's voyage in search of Vinland, 1121 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page222">222</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> ship from Markland, 1347 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page223">223</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Greenland colony attacked by Eskimos, 1349 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page224">224</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Queen</span> Margaret's monopoly, and its baneful effects +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page225">225</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Story</span> of the Venetian brothers, Nicolò and Antonio Zeno +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page226">226</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Nicolò</span> Zeno wrecked upon one of the Færoe islands +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page227">227</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">He</span> enters the service of Henry Sinclair, Earl of the Orkneys +and Caithness +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page228">228</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Nicolò's</span> voyage to Greenland, cir. 1394 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page229">229</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Voyage</span> of Earl Sinclair and Antonio Zeno +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page229">229</a>, <a href="#page230">230</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Publication</span> of the remains of the documents by the younger +Nicolò Zeno, 1558 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page231">231</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Zeno map +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page231">232</a>, 233</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Queer</span> transformations of names +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page234">234</a>-236</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxvi" name="pagexxvi"></a>(p. xxvi)</span> The</span> name <i>Færoislander</i> became <i>Frislanda</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page236">236</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> narrative nowhere makes a claim to the "discovery +of America" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page237">237</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> "Zichmni" of the narrative means Henry Sinclair +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page238">238</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Bardsen's</span> "Description of Greenland" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page239">239</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> monastery of St. Olaus and its hot spring +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page240">240</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Volcanoes</span> of the north Atlantic ridge +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page241">241</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Fate</span> of Gunnbjörn's Skerries, 1456 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page242">242</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Volcanic</span> phenomena in Greenland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page242">242</a>, <a href="#page243">243</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Estotiland</span> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page244">244</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Drogio</span> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page245">245</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Inhabitants</span> of Drogio and the countries beyond +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page246">246</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Fisherman's return to Frislanda +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page247">247</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Was</span> the account of Drogio woven into the narrative +by the younger Nicolò? +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page248">248</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Or</span> does it represent actual experiences in North +America? +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page249">249</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> case of David Ingram, 1568 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page250">250</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> case of Cabeza de Vaca, 1528-36 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page251">251</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">There</span> may have been unrecorded instances of visits to +North America +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page252">252</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> pre-Columbian voyages made no real contributions +to geographical knowledge +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page253">253</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">And</span> were in no true sense a discovery of America +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page254">254</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Real</span> contact between the eastern and western hemisphere +was first established by Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page255">255</a></span></li> +</ul> + +<p class="p2 center line15">CHAPTER III.<br> +<span class="smaller">EUROPE AND CATHAY.</span></p> + +<ul> +<li><span class="min1em">Why</span> the voyages of the Northmen were not followed up +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page256">256</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ignorance</span> of their geographical significance +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page257">257</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Lack</span> of instruments for ocean navigation +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page257">257</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Condition</span> of Europe in the year 1000 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page258">258</a>, <a href="#page259">259</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">It</span> was not such as to favour colonial enterprise +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page260">260</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> outlook of Europe was toward Asia +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page261">261</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Routes</span> of trade between Europe and Asia +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page262">262</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxvii" name="pagexxvii"></a>(p. xxvii)</span> Claudius</span> Ptolemy and his knowledge of the earth +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page263">263</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Early</span> mention of China +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page264">264</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> monk Cosmas Indicopleustes +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page265">265</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Shape</span> of the earth, according to Cosmas +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page266">266</a>, <a href="#page267">267</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> knowledge of Asia +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page268">268</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Nestorians +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page268">268</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Effects</span> of the Saracen conquests +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page269">269</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Constantinople</span> in the twelfth century +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page270">270</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Crusades +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page270">270</a>-274</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Barbarizing</span> character of Turkish conquest +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page271">271</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">General</span> effects of the Crusades +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page272">272</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Fourth Crusade +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page273">273</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Rivalry</span> between Venice and Genoa +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page274">274</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Centres</span> and routes of mediæval trade +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page275">275</a>, <a href="#page276">276</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Effects</span> of the Mongol conquests +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page277">277</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Cathay,</span> origin of the name +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page277">277</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Carpini</span> and Rubruquis +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page278">278</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">First</span> knowledge of an eastern ocean beyond Cathay +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page278">278</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> data were thus prepared for Columbus; but as yet nobody +reasoned from these data to a practical conclusion +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page279">279</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Polo brothers +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page280">280</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Kublai</span> Khan's message to the Pope +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page281">281</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Marco</span> Polo and his travels in Asia +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page281">281</a>, <a href="#page282">282</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">First</span> recorded voyage of Europeans around the Indo-Chinese +peninsula +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page282">282</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Return</span> of the Polos to Venice +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page283">283</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Marco</span> Polo's book, written in prison at Genoa, 1299; +its great contributions to geographical knowledge +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page284">284</a>, <a href="#page285">285</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Prester</span> John +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page285">285</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Griffins</span> and Arimaspians +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page286">286</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Catalan map, 1375 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page287">288</a>, 289</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Other</span> visits to China +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page287">287</a>-291</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Overthrow</span> of the Mongol dynasty, and shutting up of China +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page291">291</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">First</span> rumours of the Molucca islands and Japan +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page292">292</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> accustomed routes of Oriental trade were cut off in the +fifteenth century by the Ottoman Turks +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page293">293</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Necessity</span> for finding an "outside route to the Indies" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page294">294</a></span></li> +</ul> + + +<p class="p2 center line15"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxviii" name="pagexxviii"></a>(p. xxviii)</span> CHAPTER IV.<br> +<span class="smaller">THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES.<br> +<i>EASTWARD OR PORTUGUESE ROUTE.</i></span></p> + +<ul> +<li><span class="min1em">Question</span> as to whether Asia could be reached by sailing +around Africa +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page295">295</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Views</span> of Eratosthenes +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page296">296</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Opposing</span> theory of Ptolemy +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page297">297</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Story</span> of the Phœnician voyage in the time of Necho +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page298">298</a>-300</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Voyage</span> of Hanno +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page300">300</a>, <a href="#page301">301</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Voyages</span> of Sataspes and Eudoxus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page302">302</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Wild</span> exaggerations +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page303">303</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Views</span> of Pomponius Mela +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page304">304</a>, <a href="#page305">305</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ancient</span> theory of the five zones +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page306">306</a>, <a href="#page307">307</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Inhabited World, or Œcumene, and the Antipodes +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page308">308</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Curious</span> notions about Taprobane (Ceylon) +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page309">309</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Question</span> as to the possibility of crossing the torrid zone +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page309">309</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Notions</span> about sailing "up and down hill" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page310">310</a>, <a href="#page311">311</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Superstitious</span> fancies +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page311">311</a>, <a href="#page312">312</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Clumsiness</span> of ships in the fifteenth century +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page312">312</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Dangers</span> from famine and scurvy +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page313">313</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> mariner's compass; an interesting letter from Brunetto +Latini to Guido Cavalcanti +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page313">313</a>-315</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Calculating</span> latitudes and longitudes +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page315">315</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Prince</span> Henry the Navigator +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page316">316</a>-326</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> idea of an ocean route to the Indies, and what it +might bring +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page318">318</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Sacred Promontory +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page319">319</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Madeira and Canary islands +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page320">320</a>-322</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Gil</span> Eannes passes Cape Bojador +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page323">323</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Beginning</span> of the modern slave-trade, 1442 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page323">323</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Papal</span> grant of heathen countries to the Portuguese +crown +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page324">324</a>, <a href="#page325">325</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Advance</span> to Sierra Leone +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page326">326</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Advance</span> to the Hottentot coast +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page326">326</a>, <a href="#page327">327</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Note</span> upon the extent of European acquaintance with +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxix" name="pagexxix"></a>(p. xxix)</span> savagery and the lower forms of barbarism previous +to the fifteenth century +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page327">327</a>-329</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Effect</span> of the Portuguese discoveries upon the theories +of Ptolemy and Mela +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page329">329</a>, <a href="#page330">330</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">News</span> of Prester John; Covilham's journey +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page331">331</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Bartholomew</span> Dias passes the Cape of Good Hope and enters the +Indian ocean +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page332">332</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Some</span> effects of this discovery +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page333">333</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Bartholomew</span> Columbus took part in it +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page333">333</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Connection</span> between these voyages and the work of Christopher +Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page334">334</a></span></li> +</ul> + +<p class="p2 center line15">CHAPTER V.<br> +<span class="smaller">THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES.<br> +<i>WESTWARD OR SPANISH ROUTE.</i></span></p> + +<ul> +<li><span class="min1em">Sources</span> of information concerning the life of Columbus; +Las Casas and Ferdinand Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page335">335</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Biblioteca Colombina at Seville +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page336">336</a>, <a href="#page337">337</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Bernaldez</span> and Peter Martyr +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page338">338</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Letters</span> of Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page338">338</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Defects</span> in Ferdinand's information +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page339">339</a>, <a href="#page340">340</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Researches</span> of Henry Harrisse +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page341">341</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Date</span> of the birth of Columbus; archives of Savona +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page342">342</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Statement</span> of Bernaldez +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page343">343</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus's</span> letter of September, 1501 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page344">344</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> balance of probability is in favour of 1436 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page345">345</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> family of Domenico Colombo, and its changes of +residence +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page346">346</a>, <a href="#page347">347</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> tells us that he was born in the city of Genoa +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page348">348</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> early years +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page349">349</a>-351</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Christopher</span> and his brother Bartholomew at Lisbon +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page351">351</a>, <a href="#page352">352</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Philippa</span> Moñiz de Perestrelo +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page352">352</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Personal</span> appearance of Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page353">353</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> marriage, and life upon the island of Porto Santo +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page353">353</a>, <a href="#page354">354</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> king of Portugal asks advice of the great astronomer +Toscanelli +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page355">355</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxx" name="pagexxx"></a>(p. xxx)</span> Toscanelli's</span> first letter to Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page356">356</a>-361</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> second letter to Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page361">361</a>, <a href="#page362">362</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Who</span> first suggested the feasibleness of a westward route +to the Indies? Was it Columbus? +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page363">363</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Perhaps</span> it was Toscanelli +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page363">363</a>, <a href="#page364">364</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Note</span> on the date of Toscanelli's first letter to +Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page365">365</a>-367</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> idea, being naturally suggested by the globular form of +the earth, was as old as Aristotle +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page368">368</a>, <a href="#page369">369</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Opinions</span> of ancient writers +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page370">370</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Opinions</span> of Christian writers +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page371">371</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> "Imago Mundi" of Petrus Alliacus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page372">372</a>, 373</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ancient</span> estimates of the size of the globe and the length of +the Œcumene +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page374">374</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Toscanelli's</span> calculation of the size of the earth, and of +the position of Japan (Cipango) +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page375">375</a>, <a href="#page376">376</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus's</span> opinions of the size of the globe, the length of +the Œcumene, and the width of the Atlantic ocean from +Portugal to Japan +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page377">377</a>-380</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">There</span> was a fortunate mixture of truth and error in these +opinions of Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page381">381</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> whole point and purport of Columbus's scheme lay in its +promise of a route to the Indies shorter than that which the +Portuguese were seeking by way of Guinea +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page381">381</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus's</span> speculations on climate; his voyages to Guinea +and into the Arctic ocean +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page382">382</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">He</span> may have reached Jan Mayen island, and stopped +at Iceland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page383">383</a>, <a href="#page384">384</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Scandinavian hypothesis that Columbus "must +have" heard and understood the story of the Vinland +voyages +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page384">384</a>, <a href="#page385">385</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">It</span> has not a particle of evidence in its favour +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page385">385</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">It</span> is not probable that Columbus knew of Adam of +Bremen's allusion to Vinland, or that he would have +understood it if he had read it +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page386">386</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">It</span> is doubtful if he would have stumbled upon the +story in Iceland +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page387">387</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">If</span> he had heard it, he would probably have classed it +with such tales as that of St. Brandan's isle +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page388">388</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxxi" name="pagexxxi"></a>(p. xxxi)</span> He</span> could not possibly have obtained from such a source his +opinion of the width of the ocean +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page388">388</a>, <a href="#page389">389</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">If</span> he had known and understood the Vinland story, he had the +strongest motives for proclaiming it and no motive whatever +for concealing it +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page390">390</a>-392</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">No</span> trace of a thought of Vinland appears in any of his +voyages +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page393">393</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Why</span> did not Norway or Iceland utter a protest in 1493? +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page393">393</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> idea of Vinland was not associated with the idea of +America until the seventeenth century +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page394">394</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Recapitulation</span> of the genesis of Columbus's scheme +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page395">395</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Martin</span> Behaim's improved astrolabe +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page395">395</a>, <a href="#page396">396</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Negotiations</span> of Columbus with John II. of Portugal +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page396">396</a>, <a href="#page397">397</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> king is persuaded into a shabby trick +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page398">398</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> leaves Portugal and enters into the service +of Ferdinand and Isabella, 1486 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page398">398</a>-400</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> junto at Salamanca, 1486 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page401">401</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Birth</span> of Ferdinand Columbus, August 15, 1488 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page401">401</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Bartholomew</span> Columbus returns from the Cape of Good Hope, +December, 1487 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page402">402</a>, <a href="#page403">403</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Christopher</span> visits Bartholomew at Lisbon, cir. September, +1488, and sends him to England +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page404">404</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Bartholomew,</span> after mishaps, reaches England cir. February, +1490, and goes thence to France before 1492 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page405">405</a>-407</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The duke</span> of Medina-Celi proposes to furnish the ships for +Columbus, but the queen withholds her consent +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page408">408</a>, <a href="#page409">409</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> makes up his mind to get his family together and go +to France, October, 1491 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page409">409</a>, <a href="#page410">410</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">A change</span> of fortune; he stops at La Rábida, and meets the +prior Juan Perez, who writes to the queen +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page411">411</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> is summoned back to court +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page411">411</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> junto before Granada, December, 1491 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page412">412</a>, <a href="#page413">413</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Surrender</span> of Granada, January 2, 1492 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page414">414</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> negotiates with the queen, who considers his terms +exorbitant +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page400">414</a>-416</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Interposition</span> of Luis de Santangel +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page416">416</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxxii" name="pagexxxii"></a>(p. xxxii)</span> Agreement</span> between Columbus and the sovereigns +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page417">417</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Cost</span> of the voyage +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page418">418</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Dismay</span> at Palos +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page419">419</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> three famous caravels +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page420">420</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Delay</span> at the Canary islands +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page421">421</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Martin</span> Behaim and his globe +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page421">422</a>, <a href="#page424">423</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> starts for Japan, September 6, 1492 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page424">424</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Terrors</span> of the voyage:—1. Deflection of the needle +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page425">425</a></span></li> +<li><span class="add87em">2. The Sargasso sea</span> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page426">426</a>, <a href="#page427">427</a></span></li> +<li><span class="add87em">3. The trade wind</span> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page428">428</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Impatience</span> of the crews +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page428">428</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Change</span> of course from W. to W. S. W +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page429">429</a>, <a href="#page430">430</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Discovery</span> of land, October 12, 1492 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page431">431</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Guanahani:</span> which of the Bahama islands was it? +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page432">432</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Groping</span> for Cipango and the route to Quinsay +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page433">433</a>, <a href="#page434">434</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> reaches Cuba, and sends envoys to find a +certain Asiatic prince +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page434">434</a>, <a href="#page435">435</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">He</span> turns eastward and Pinzon deserts him +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page435">435</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> arrives at Hayti and thinks it must be Japan +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page436">436</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> flag-ship is wrecked, and he decides to go back to +Spain +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page437">437</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Building</span> of the blockhouse, La Navidad +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page438">438</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Terrible</span> storm in mid-ocean on the return voyage +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page439">439</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Cold</span> reception at the Azores +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page440">440</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> is driven ashore in Portugal, where the king is +advised to have him assassinated +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page440">440</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">But</span> to offend Spain so grossly would be imprudent +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page441">441</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Arrival</span> of Columbus and Pinzon at Palos; death of Pinzon +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page442">442</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> is received by the sovereigns at Barcelona +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page443">443</a>, <a href="#page444">444</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">General</span> excitement at the news that a way to the Indies had +been found +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page445">445</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">This</span> voyage was an event without any parallel in history +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page446">446</a></span></li> +</ul> + + +<p class="p2 center line15"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxxiii" name="pagexxxiii"></a>(p. xxxiii)</span> CHAPTER VI.<br> +<span class="smaller">THE FINDING OF STRANGE COASTS.</span></p> + +<ul> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Discovery of America was a gradual process +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page447">447</a>, <a href="#page448">448</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> letters of Columbus to Santangel and to Sanchez +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page449">449</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Versification</span> of the story by Giuliano Dati +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page450">450</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Earliest</span> references to the discovery +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page451">451</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> earliest reference in English +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page452">452</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> Portuguese claim to the Indies +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page453">453</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Bulls</span> of Pope Alexander VI. +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page454">454</a>-458</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> treaty of Tordesillas +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page459">459</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Juan</span> Rodriguez Fonseca, and his relations with +Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page460">460</a>-462</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Friar</span> Boyle +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page462">462</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Notable</span> persons who embarked on the second voyage +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page463">463</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Departure</span> from Cadiz +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page464">464</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Cruise</span> among the Cannibal (Caribbee) islands +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page465">465</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Fate</span> of the colony at La Navidad +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page466">466</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Building</span> the town of Isabella +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page467">467</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Exploration</span> of Cibao +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page467">467</a>, <a href="#page468">468</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Westward</span> cruise; Cape Alpha and Omega +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page468">468</a>-470</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Discovery</span> of Jamaica +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page471">471</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Coasting</span> the south side of Cuba +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page472">472</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> "people of Mangon" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page473">473</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Speculations</span> concerning the Golden Chersonese +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page474">474</a>-476</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">A solemn</span> expression of opinion +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page477">477</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Vicissitudes</span> of theory +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page477">477</a>, <a href="#page478">478</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Arrival</span> of Bartholomew Columbus in Hispaniola +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page478">478</a>, <a href="#page479">479</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mutiny</span> in Hispaniola; desertion of Boyle and Margarite +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page478">479</a>, <a href="#page480">480</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> government of Columbus was not tyrannical +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page481">481</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Troubles</span> with the Indians +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page481">481</a>, <a href="#page482">482</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Mission</span> of Juan Aguado +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page482">482</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Discovery</span> of gold mines, and speculations about Ophir +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page483">483</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Founding</span> of San Domingo, 1496 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page484">484</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> return voyage to Spain +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page485">485</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Edicts</span> of 1495 and 1497 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page486">486</a>, <a href="#page487">487</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Vexatious</span> conduct of Fonseca; Columbus loses his temper +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page487">487</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxxiv" name="pagexxxiv"></a>(p. xxxiv)</span> Departure</span> from San Lucar on the third voyage +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page488">488</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> belt of calms +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page489">489</a>-491</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Trinidad</span> and the Orinoco +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page491">491</a>, <a href="#page492">492</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Speculations</span> as to the earth's shape; the mountain of +Paradise +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page494">494</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Relation</span> of the "Eden continent" to "Cochin China" +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page495">495</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Discovery</span> of the Pearl Coast +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page495">495</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> arrives at San Domingo +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page496">496</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Roldan's</span> rebellion and Fonseca's machinations +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page496">496</a>, <a href="#page497">497</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Gama's</span> voyage to Hindustan, 1497 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page498">498</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Fonseca's</span> creature, Bobadilla, sent to investigate the +troubles in Hispaniola +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page499">499</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">He</span> imprisons Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page500">500</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">And</span> sends him in chains to Spain +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page501">501</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Release</span> of Columbus; his interview with the sovereigns +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page502">502</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">How</span> far were the sovereigns responsible for Bobadilla? +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page503">503</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ovando,</span> another creature of Fonseca, appointed governor +of Hispaniola +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page503">503</a>, <a href="#page504">504</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Purpose</span> of Columbus's fourth voyage, to find a passage +from the Caribbee waters into the Indian ocean +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page504">504</a>, <a href="#page506">506</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">The</span> voyage across the Atlantic +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page506">506</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> not allowed to stop at San Domingo +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page507">507</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> arrival at Cape Honduras +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page508">508</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Cape</span> Gracias a Dios, and the coast of Veragua +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page509">509</a></span></li> + +<li><span class="min1em">Fruitless</span> search for the strait of Malacca +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page510">510</a></span></li> + +<li><span class="min1em">Futile</span> attempt to make a settlement in Veragua +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page511">511</a></span></li> + +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus</span> is shipwrecked on the coast of Jamaica; shameful +conduct of Ovando +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page512">512</a></span></li> + +<li><span class="min1em">Columbus's</span> last return to Spain +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page513">513</a></span></li> + +<li><span class="min1em">His</span> death at Valladolid, May 20, 1506 +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page513">513</a></span></li> + +<li><span class="min1em">"Nuevo</span> Mundo;" arms of Ferdinand Columbus +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page514">514</a>, <a href="#page515">515</a></span></li> + +<li><span class="min1em">When</span> Columbus died, the fact that a New World had been +discovered by him had not yet begun to dawn upon his mind, +or upon the mind of any voyager or any writer +<span class="ralign"><a href="#page515">515</a>, <a href="#page516">516</a></span></li> +</ul> + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxxv" name="pagexxxv"></a>(p. xxxv)</span> ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2> + +<ul> +<li> <span class="ralign smcap">page</span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Portrait</span> of the author +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img024"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">View</span> and ground-plan of Seneca-Iroquois long house +<i>reduced from Morgan's Houses and House-Life of the +American Aborigines</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img002">66</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">View,</span> cross-section, and ground-plan of Mandan round +house, <i>ditto</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img004">80</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ground-plan</span> of Pueblo Hungo Pavie, <i>ditto</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img005">86</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Restoration</span> of Pueblo Hungo Pavie, <i>ditto</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img006">88</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Restoration</span> of Pueblo Bonito, <i>ditto</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img007">90</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ground-plan</span> of Pueblo Peñasca Blanca, <i>ditto</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img008">92</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ground-plan</span> of so-called "House of the Nuns" at Uxmal, +<i>ditto</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img009">133</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Map</span> of the East Bygd, or eastern settlement of the Northmen +in Greenland, <i>reduced from Rafn's Antiquitates +Americanæ</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img010">160, 161</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Ruins</span> of the church at Kakortok, <i>from Major's Voyages of +the Zeni, published by the Hakluyt Society</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img011">222</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Zeno</span> Map, cir. 1400, <i>ditto</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img012">232, 233</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Map</span> of the World according to Claudius Ptolemy, cir. <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> +150, <i>an abridged sketch after a map in Bunbury's History of +Ancient Geography</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img023"><i>Facing</i> 265</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Two</span> sheets of the Catalan Map, 1375, <i>from Yule's Cathay, +published by the Hakluyt Society</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img013l">288, 289</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Map</span> of the World according to Pomponius Mela, cir. <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 50, +<i>from Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img014">304</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Map</span> illustrating Portuguese voyages on the coast of Africa, +<i>from a sketch by the author</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img015">324</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Toscanelli's</span> Map, 1474, <i>redrawn and improved from a sketch +in Winsor's America</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img022"><i>Facing</i> 357</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em"><span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxxvi" name="pagexxxvi"></a>(p. xxxvi)</span> Annotations</span> by Columbus, <i>reduced from a photograph in +Harrisse's Notes on Columbus</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img016">373</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Sketch</span> of Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492, preserved in the city +hall at Nuremberg, <i>reduced to Mercator's projection and +sketched by the author</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img017">422, 423</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Sketch</span> of Martin Behaim's Atlantic Ocean, with outline of the +American continent superimposed, <i>from Winsor's America</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img018">429</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Map</span> of the discoveries made by Columbus in his first and +second voyages, <i>sketched by the author</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img019">469</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Map</span> of the discoveries made by Columbus in his third and +fourth voyages, <i>ditto</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img020">493</a></span></li> +<li><span class="min1em">Arms</span> of Ferdinand Columbus, <i>from the title-page of +Harrisse's Fernand Colomb</i> +<span class="ralign"><a href="#img021">515</a></span></li> +</ul> + +<h1><span class="pagenum"><a id="page001" name="page001"></a>(p. 001)</span> THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.</h1> + +<h2>CHAPTER I.<br> + +<span class="smaller">ANCIENT AMERICA.</span></h2> + +<p>When the civilized people of Europe first became acquainted with the +continents of North and South America, they found them inhabited by a +race of men quite unlike any of the races with which they were familiar +in the Old World. <span class="sidenote">The American aborigines.</span> +Between the various tribes of this aboriginal American +race, except in the sub-arctic region, there is now seen to be a general +physical likeness, such as to constitute an American type of mankind as +clearly recognizable as those types which we call Mongolian and Malay, +though far less pronounced than such types as the Australian or the +negro. The most obvious characteristics possessed in common by the +American aborigines are the copper-coloured or rather the +cinnamon-coloured complexion, along with the high cheek-bones and small +deep-set eyes, the straight black hair and absence or scantiness of +beard. With regard to stature, length of limbs, massiveness of frame, +and shape of skull, considerable <span class="pagenum"><a id="page002" name="page002"></a>(p. 002)</span> divergencies may be noticed +among the various American tribes, as indeed is also the case among the +members of the white race in Europe, and of other races. With regard to +culture the differences have been considerable, although, with two or +three apparent but not real exceptions, there was nothing in +pre-Columbian America that could properly be called civilization; the +general condition of the people ranged all the way from savagery to +barbarism of a high type.</p> + +<p>Soon after America was proved not to be part of Asia, a puzzling +question arose. Whence came these "Indians," and in what manner did they +find their way to the western hemisphere. Since the beginning of the +present century discoveries in geology have entirely altered our mental +attitude toward this question. It was formerly argued upon the two +assumptions that the geographical relations of land and water had been +always pretty much the same as we now find them, and that all the racial +differences among men have arisen since the date of the "Noachian +Deluge," which was generally placed somewhere between two and three +thousand years before the Christian era. <span class="sidenote">Question as to their origin.</span> +Hence inasmuch as European +tradition knows nothing of any such race as the Indians, it was supposed +that at some time within the historic period they must have moved +eastward from Asia into America; and thus "there was felt to be a sort +of speculative necessity for discovering points of resemblance between +American languages, myths, and social observances and those of the +Oriental world. Now the aborigines <span class="pagenum"><a id="page003" name="page003"></a>(p. 003)</span> of this Continent were made +out to be Kamtchatkans, and now Chinamen, and again they were shown, +with quaint erudition, to be remnants of the ten tribes of Israel. +Perhaps none of these theories have been exactly disproved, but they +have all been superseded and laid on the shelf."<a id="footnotetag1" name="footnotetag1"></a><a href="#footnote1" title="Go to footnote 1"><span class="small">[1]</span></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page004" name="page004"></a>(p. 004)</span> The +tendency of modern discovery is indeed toward agreement with the +time-honoured tradition which makes the Old World, and perhaps Asia, the +earliest dwelling-place of mankind. Competition has been far more active +in the fauna of the eastern hemisphere than in that of the western, +natural selection has accordingly resulted in the evolution of higher +forms, and it is there that we find both extinct and surviving species +of man's nearest collateral relatives, those tailless half-human apes, +the gorilla, chimpanzee, orang, and gibbon. +<span class="sidenote">Antiquity of man in America.</span> +It is altogether probable +that the people whom the Spaniards found in America came by migration +from the Old World. But it is by no means probable that their migration +occurred within so short a period as five or six thousand years. +A series of observations and discoveries kept up for the last half-century +seem to show that North America has been continuously inhabited by human +beings since the earliest Pleistocene times, if not earlier.</p> + +<p>The first group of these observations and discoveries relate to +"middens" or shell-heaps. On the banks of the Damariscotta river in +Maine are some of the most remarkable shell-heaps in the world. With an +average thickness of six or seven feet, they rise in places to a height +of twenty-five feet. +<span class="sidenote">Shell-mounds.</span> +They consist almost entirely of huge oyster-shells +often ten inches in length and sometimes much longer. The shells belong +to a salt-water species. In some places "there is an appearance of +stratification covered by an alternation of shells and earth, as if the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page005" name="page005"></a>(p. 005)</span> deposition of shells had been from time to time interrupted, +and a vegetable mould had covered the surface." In these heaps have been +found fragments of pottery and of the bones of such edible animals as +the moose and deer. "At the very foundation of one of the highest +heaps," in a situation which must for long ages have been undisturbed, +Mr. Edward Morse "found the remains of an ancient fire-place, where he +exhumed charcoal, bones, and pottery."<a id="footnotetag2" name="footnotetag2"></a><a href="#footnote2" title="Go to footnote 2"><span class="small">[2]</span></a> The significant circumstance +is that "at the present time oysters are only found in very small +numbers, too small to make it an object to gather them," and so far as +memory and tradition can reach, such seems to have been the case. The +great size of the heap, coupled with the notable change in the +distribution of this mollusk since the heap was abandoned, implies a +very considerable lapse of time since the vestiges of human occupation +were first left here. Similar conclusions have been drawn from the banks +or mounds of shells on the St. John's river in Florida,<a id="footnotetag3" name="footnotetag3"></a><a href="#footnote3" title="Go to footnote 3"><span class="small">[3]</span></a> on the +Alabama river, at Grand Lake on the lower Mississippi, and at San Pablo +in the bay of San Francisco. Thus at various points from Maine to +California, and in connection with one particular kind of memorial, we +find records of the presence of man at a period undoubtedly prehistoric, +but not necessarily many thousands of years old.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page006" name="page006"></a>(p. 006)</span> + +<p>The second group of discoveries carries us back much farther, even into +the earlier stages of that widespread glaciation which was the most +remarkable feature of the Pleistocene period. +<span class="sidenote">The Glacial Period.</span> +At the periods of greatest +cold "the continent of North America was deeply swathed in ice as far +south as the latitude of Philadelphia, while glaciers descended into +North Carolina."<a id="footnotetag4" name="footnotetag4"></a><a href="#footnote4" title="Go to footnote 4"><span class="small">[4]</span></a> The valleys of the Rocky Mountains also supported +enormous glaciers, and a similar state of things existed at the same +time in Europe. These periods of intense cold were alternated with long +interglacial periods during which the climate was warmer than it is +to-day. Concerning the antiquity of the Pleistocene age, which was +characterized by such extraordinary vicissitudes of heat and cold, there +has been, as in all questions relating to geological time, much conflict +of opinion. Twenty years ago geologists often argued as if there were an +unlimited fund of past time upon which to draw; but since Sir William +Thomson and other physicists emphasized the point that in an antiquity +very far from infinite this earth must have been a molten mass, there +has been a reaction. In many instances further study has shown that less +time was needed in order to effect a given change than had formerly been +supposed; and so there has grown up a tendency to shorten the time +assigned to geological periods. Here, as in so many other cases, the +truth is doubtless to be sought within the extremes. If we adopt the +magnificent argument of Dr. Croll, which seems <span class="pagenum"><a id="page007" name="page007"></a>(p. 007)</span> to me still to +hold its ground against all adverse criticism,<a id="footnotetag5" name="footnotetag5"></a><a href="#footnote5" title="Go to footnote 5"><span class="small">[5]</span></a> and regard the Glacial +epoch as coincident with the last period of high eccentricity of the +earth's orbit, we obtain a result that is moderate and probable. That +astronomical period began about 240,000 years ago and came to an end +about 80,000 years ago. During this period the eccentricity was seldom +less than .04, and at one time rose to .0569. At the present time the +eccentricity is .0168, and nearly 800,000 years will pass before it +attains such a point as it reached during the Glacial epoch. For the +last 50,000 years the departure of the earth's orbit from a circular +form has been exceptionally small.</p> + +<p>Now the traces of the existence of men in North America during the +Glacial epoch have in recent years been discovered in abundance, as for +example, the palæolithic quartzite implements found in the drift near +the city of St. Paul, which date from toward the close of the Glacial +epoch<a id="footnotetag6" name="footnotetag6"></a><a href="#footnote6" title="Go to footnote 6"><span class="small">[6]</span></a>; the fragment of a human jaw found in the red clay deposited in +Minnesota during an earlier part of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page008" name="page008"></a>(p. 008)</span> that epoch;<a id="footnotetag7" name="footnotetag7"></a><a href="#footnote7" title="Go to footnote 7"><span class="small">[7]</span></a> the noble +collection of palæoliths found by Dr. C. C. Abbott in the Trenton +gravels in New Jersey; and the more recent discoveries of Dr. Metz and +Mr. H. T. Cresson.</p> + +<p>The year 1873 marks an era in American archæology as memorable as the +year 1841 in the investigation of the antiquity of man in Europe. With +reference to these problems Dr. Abbott occupies a position similar to +that of Boucher de Perthes in the Old World, and the Trenton valley is +coming to be classic ground, like the valley of the Somme. In April, +1873, Dr. Abbott published his description of three rude implements +which he had found some sixteen feet below the surface of the ground "in +the gravels of a bluff overlooking the Delaware river." +<span class="sidenote">Discoveries in the Trenton gravel.</span> +The implements +were in place in an undisturbed deposit, and could not have found their +way thither in any recent time; Dr. Abbott assigned them to the age of +the Glacial drift. This was the beginning of a long series of +investigations, in which Dr. Abbott's work was assisted and supplemented +by Messrs. Whitney, Carr, Putnam, Shaler, Lewis, Wright, Haynes, +Dawkins, and other eminent geologists and archæologists. By 1888 Dr. +Abbott had obtained not less than 60 implements from various recorded +depths in the gravel, while many others were found at depths not +recorded or in the talus of the banks.<a id="footnotetag8" name="footnotetag8"></a><a href="#footnote8" title="Go to footnote 8"><span class="small">[8]</span></a> Three human skulls and other +bones, along with the tusk <span class="pagenum"><a id="page009" name="page009"></a>(p. 009)</span> of a mastodon, have been discovered +in the same gravel. Careful studies have been made of the conditions +under which the gravel-banks were deposited and their probable age; and +it is generally agreed that they date from the later portion of the +Glacial period, or about the time of the final recession of the +ice-sheet from this region. At that time, in its climate and general +aspect, New York harbour must have been much like a Greenland fiord of +the present day. In 1883 Professor Wright of Oberlin, after a careful +study of the Trenton deposits and their relations to the terrace and +gravel deposits to the westward, predicted that similar palæolithic +implements would be found in Ohio. Two years afterward, the prediction +was verified by Dr. Metz, who found a true palæolith of black flint at +Madisonville, in the Little Miami valley, eight feet below the surface. +<span class="sidenote">Discoveries in Ohio, Indiana, and Minnesota;</span> +Since then further discoveries have been made in the same neighbourhood +by Dr. Metz, and in Jackson county, Indiana, by Mr. H. T. Cresson; and +the existence of man in that part of America toward the close of the +Glacial period may be regarded as definitely established. The +discoveries of Miss Babbitt and Professor Winchell, in Minnesota, carry +the conclusion still farther, and add to the probability of the +existence of a human population all the way from the Atlantic coast to +the upper Mississippi valley at that remote antiquity.</p> + +<p>A still more remarkable discovery was made by Mr. Cresson in July, 1887, +at Claymont, in the north of Delaware. In a deep cut of the Baltimore +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page010" name="page010"></a>(p. 010)</span> and Ohio Railroad, in a stratum of Philadelphia red gravel and +brick clay, <span class="sidenote">and in Delaware.</span> +Mr. Cresson obtained an unquestionable palæolith, and a few +months afterward his diligent search was rewarded with another.<a id="footnotetag9" name="footnotetag9"></a><a href="#footnote9" title="Go to footnote 9"><span class="small">[9]</span></a> This +formation dates from far back in the Glacial period. If we accept Dr. +Croll's method of reckoning, we can hardly assign to it an antiquity +less than 150,000 years.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page011" name="page011"></a>(p. 011)</span> + +<p>But according to Professor Josiah Whitney there is reason for supposing +that man existed in California at a still more remote period. +<span class="sidenote">The Calaveras skull.</span> +He holds +that the famous skull discovered in 1866, in the gold-bearing gravels of +Calaveras county, belongs to the Pliocene age.<a id="footnotetag10" name="footnotetag10"></a><a href="#footnote10" title="Go to footnote 10"><span class="small">[10]</span></a> If this be so, it +seems to suggest an antiquity not less than twice as great as that just +mentioned. The question as to the antiquity of the Calaveras skull is +still hotly disputed among the foremost palæontologists, but as one +reads the arguments one cannot help feeling that theoretical +difficulties have put the objectors into a somewhat inhospitable +attitude toward the evidence so ably presented by Professor Whitney. It +has been too hastily assumed that, from the point of view of evolution, +the existence of Pliocene man is improbable. Upon general +considerations, however, we have strong reason for believing that human +beings must have inhabited some portions of the earth throughout the +whole duration of the Pliocene period, and it need not surprise us if +their remains are presently discovered in more places than one.<a id="footnotetag11" name="footnotetag11"></a><a href="#footnote11" title="Go to footnote 11"><span class="small">[11]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page012" name="page012"></a>(p. 012)</span> + +<p>Whatever may be the final outcome of the Calaveras controversy, there +can be no doubt as to the existence of man in North America far back in +early Pleistocene times. The men of the River-drift, who long dwelt in +western Europe during <span class="pagenum"><a id="page013" name="page013"></a>(p. 013)</span> the milder intervals of the Glacial +period, but seem to have become extinct toward the end of it, are well +known to palæontologists through their bones and their rude tools. +Contemporaneously with these Europeans of the River-drift there +certainly lived some kind of men, of a similar low grade of culture, in +the Mississippi valley and on both the Atlantic and Pacific slopes of +North America. +<span class="sidenote">Pleistocene men and mammals.</span> +Along with these ancient Americans lived some terrestrial +mammals that still survive, such as the elk, reindeer, prairie wolf, +bison, musk-ox, and beaver; and many that have long been extinct, such +as the mylodon, megatherium, megalonyx, mastodon, Siberian elephant, +mammoth, at least six or seven species of ancestral horse, a huge bear +similar to the cave bear of ancient Europe, a lion similar to the +European cave lion, and a tiger as large as the modern tiger of Bengal.</p> + +<p>Now while the general relative positions of those stupendous abysses +that hold the oceans do not appear to have undergone any considerable +change since an extremely remote geological period, their shallow +marginal portions have been repeatedly raised so as to add extensive +territories to the edges of continents, and in some cases to convert +archipelagoes into continents, and to join continents previously +separated. Such elevation is followed in turn by an era of subsidence, +and almost everywhere either the one process or the other is slowly +going on. If you look at a model in relief of the continents and +ocean-floors, such as may be seen at the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy +in Cambridge, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page014" name="page014"></a>(p. 014)</span> showing the results of a vast number of +soundings in all parts of the world, you cannot fail to be struck with +the shallowness of Bering Sea; <span class="sidenote">Elevation and subsidence.</span> +it looks like a part of the continent +rather than of the ocean, and indeed it is just that,—an area of +submerged continent. So in the northern Atlantic there is a lofty ridge +running from France to Greenland. The British islands, the Orkney, +Shetland, and Færoe groups, and Iceland are the parts of this ridge high +enough to remain out of water. The remainder of it is shallow sea. Again +and again it has been raised, together with the floor of the German +ocean, so as to become dry land. Both before and since the time when +those stone tools were dropped into the red gravel from which Mr. +Cresson took them the other day, the northwestern part of Europe has +been solid continent for more than a hundred miles to the west of the +French and Irish coasts, the Thames and Humber have been tributaries to +the Rhine, which emptied into the Arctic ocean, and across the Atlantic +ridge one might have walked to the New World dry-shod.<a id="footnotetag12" name="footnotetag12"></a><a href="#footnote12" title="Go to footnote 12"><span class="small">[12]</span></a> In similar +wise the northwestern corner of America has repeatedly been joined to +Siberia through the elevation of Bering Sea.</p> + +<p>There have therefore been abundant opportunities for men to get into +America from the Old World without crossing salt water. Probably this +was the case with the ancient inhabitants of the Delaware and Little +Miami valleys; it is not at all <span class="pagenum"><a id="page015" name="page015"></a>(p. 015)</span> likely that men who used their +kind of tools knew much about going on the sea in boats.</p> + +<p>Whether the Indians are descended from this ancient population or not, +is a question with which we have as yet no satisfactory method of +dealing. It is not unlikely that these glacial men may have perished +from off the face of the earth, having been crushed and supplanted by +stronger races. <span class="sidenote">Waves of migration.</span> +There may have been several successive waves of +migration, of which the Indians were the latest.<a id="footnotetag13" name="footnotetag13"></a><a href="#footnote13" title="Go to footnote 13"><span class="small">[13]</span></a> There is time +enough for a great many things to happen in a thousand centuries. It +will doubtless be long before all the evidence can be brought in and +ransacked, but of one thing we may feel pretty sure; the past is more +full of changes than we are apt to realize. Our first theories are +usually too simple, and have to be enlarged and twisted into all manner +of shapes in order to cover the actual complication of facts.<a id="footnotetag14" name="footnotetag14"></a><a href="#footnote14" title="Go to footnote 14"><span class="small">[14]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page016" name="page016"></a>(p. 016)</span> + +<p>In this connection the history of the Eskimos introduces us to some +interesting problems. Mention has been made of the River-drift men who +lived in Europe during the milder intervals of the Glacial period. At +such times they made their way into Germany and Britain, along with +leopards, hyænas, and African elephants. But as the cold intervals came +on and the edge of the polar ice-sheet crept southward and mountain +glaciers filled up the valleys, these men and beasts retreated into +Africa; <span class="sidenote">The Cave men of Europe in the Glacial Period.</span> +and their place was taken by a sub-arctic race of men known as +the Cave men, along with the reindeer and arctic fox and musk-sheep. +More than once with the secular alternations of temperature did the +River-drift men thus advance and retreat and advance again, and as they +advanced the Cave men retreated, both races yielding to an enemy +stronger than either,—to wit, the hostile climate. At length all traces +of the River-drift men vanish, but what of the Cave men? They have left +no representatives among the present populations of Europe, but the +musk-sheep, which always went and came with the Cave men, is to-day +found only in sub-arctic <span class="pagenum"><a id="page017" name="page017"></a>(p. 017)</span> America among the Eskimos, and the +fossilized bones of the musk-sheep lie in a regular trail across the +eastern hemisphere, from the Pyrenees through Germany and Russia and all +the vast length of Siberia. The stone arrow-heads, the sewing-needles, +the necklaces and amulets of cut teeth, and the daggers made from +antler, used by the Eskimos, resemble so minutely the implements of the +Cave men, that if recent Eskimo remains were to be put into the +Pleistocene caves of France and England they would be indistinguishable +in appearance from the remains of the Cave men which are now found +there.<a id="footnotetag15" name="footnotetag15"></a><a href="#footnote15" title="Go to footnote 15"><span class="small">[15]</span></a> There is another striking point of resemblance. The Eskimos +have a talent for artistic sketching of men and beasts, and scenes in +which men and beasts figure, which is absolutely unrivalled among rude +peoples. One need but look at the sketches by common Eskimo fishermen +which illustrate Dr. Henry Rink's fascinating book on Danish Greenland, +to realize that this rude Eskimo art has a character as pronounced and +unmistakable in its way as the much higher art of the Japanese. +<span class="sidenote">The Eskimos are probably a remnant of the Cave men.</span> +Now +among the European remains of the Cave men are many sketches of +mammoths, cave bears, and other animals now extinct, and hunting scenes +so artfully and vividly portrayed as to bring distinctly before us many +details of daily life in an antiquity so vast that in comparison with it +the interval between the pyramids of Egypt and the Eiffel tower shrinks +into a point. Such a talent is unique among savage peoples. It exists +only among the living Eskimos and the ancient Cave men; and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page018" name="page018"></a>(p. 018)</span> +when considered in connection with so many other points of agreement, +and with the indisputable fact that the Cave men were a sub-arctic race, +it affords a strong presumption in favour of the opinion of that great +palæontologist, Professor Boyd Dawkins, that the Eskimos of North +America are to-day the sole survivors of the race that made their homes +in the Pleistocene caves of western Europe.<a id="footnotetag16" name="footnotetag16"></a><a href="#footnote16" title="Go to footnote 16"><span class="small">[16]</span></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page019" name="page019"></a>(p. 019)</span> If we have always been accustomed to think of races of men only +as they are placed on modern maps, it at first seems strange to think of +England and France as ever having been inhabited by Eskimos. Facts +equally strange may be cited in abundance from zoölogy and botany. The +camel is found to-day only in Arabia and Bactria; yet in all probability +the camel originated in America,<a id="footnotetag17" name="footnotetag17"></a><a href="#footnote17" title="Go to footnote 17"><span class="small">[17]</span></a> and is an intruder into what we are +accustomed to call his native deserts, just as the people of the United +States are European intruders upon the soil of America. So the giant +trees of Mariposa grove are now found only in California, but there was +once a time when they were as common in Europe<a id="footnotetag18" name="footnotetag18"></a><a href="#footnote18" title="Go to footnote 18"><span class="small">[18]</span></a> as maple-trees to-day +in a New England village.</p> + +<p>Familiarity with innumerable facts of this sort, concerning the +complicated migrations and distribution of plants and animals, has +entirely altered our way of looking at the question as to the origin of +the American Indians. As already observed, we can hardly be said to +possess sufficient data for determining whether they are descended from +the Pleistocene inhabitants of America, or have come in some later wave +of migration from the Old World. Nor can we as yet determine whether +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page020" name="page020"></a>(p. 020)</span> they were earlier or later comers than the Eskimos. But since +we have got rid of that feeling of speculative necessity above referred +to, for bringing the red men from Asia within the historic period, it +has become more and more clear that they have dwelt upon American soil +for a very long time. The aboriginal American, as we know him, with his +language and legends, his physical and mental peculiarities, his social +observances and customs, is most emphatically a native and not an +imported article. He belongs to the American continent as strictly as +its opossums and armadillos, its maize and its golden-rod, or any +members of its aboriginal fauna and flora belong to it. +<span class="sidenote">There was probably no connection or intercourse by water +between ancient America and the Old World.</span> +In all +probability he came from the Old World at some ancient period, whether +pre-glacial or post-glacial, when it was possible to come by land; and +here in all probability, until the arrival of white men from Europe, he +remained undisturbed by later comers, unless the Eskimos may have been +such. There is not a particle of evidence to suggest any connection or +intercourse between aboriginal America and Asia within any such period +as the last twenty thousand years, except in so far as there may perhaps +now and then have been slight surges of Eskimo tribes back and forth +across Bering strait.</p> + +<p>The Indians must surely be regarded as an entirely different stock from +the Eskimos. On the other hand, the most competent American ethnologists +are now pretty thoroughly agreed that all the aborigines south of the +Eskimo region, all the way from Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn, belong +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page021" name="page021"></a>(p. 021)</span> to one and the same race. It was formerly supposed that the +higher culture of the Aztecs, Mayas, and Peruvians must indicate that +they were of different race from the more barbarous Algonquins and +Dakotas; <span class="sidenote">There is one great American "red" race.</span> +and a speculative necessity was felt for proving that, whatever +may have been the case with the other American peoples, this higher +culture at any rate must have been introduced within the historic period +from the Old World.<a id="footnotetag19" name="footnotetag19"></a><a href="#footnote19" title="Go to footnote 19"><span class="small">[19]</span></a> This feeling was caused partly by the fact that, +owing to crude and loosely-framed conceptions of the real points of +difference between civilization and barbarism, this Central American +culture was absurdly exaggerated. As the further study of the +uncivilized parts of the world has led to more accurate and precise +conceptions, this kind of speculative necessity has ceased to be felt. +There is an increasing disposition among scholars to agree that the +warrior of Anahuac and the shepherd of the Andes were just simply +Indians, and that their culture was no less indigenous than that of the +Cherokees or Mohawks.</p> + +<p>To prevent any possible misconception of my meaning, a further word of +explanation may be needed at this point. +<span class="sidenote">Different senses in which the word "race" is used.</span> +The word "race" is used in such +widely different senses that there is apt to be more or less vagueness +about it. The difference is <span class="pagenum"><a id="page022" name="page022"></a>(p. 022)</span> mainly in what logicians call +extension; sometimes the word covers very little ground, sometimes a +great deal. We say that the people of England, of the United States, and +of New South Wales belong to one and the same race; and we say that an +Englishman, a Frenchman, and a Greek belong to three different races. +There is a sense in which both these statements are true. But there is +also a sense in which we may say that the Englishman, the Frenchman, and +the Greek belong to one and the same race; and that is when we are +contrasting them as white men with black men or yellow men. Now we may +correctly say that a Shawnee, an Ojibwa, and a Kickapoo belong to one +and the same Algonquin race; that a Mohawk and a Tuscarora belong to one +and the same Iroquois race; but that an Algonquin differs from an +Iroquois somewhat as an Englishman differs from a Frenchman. No doubt we +may fairly say that the Mexicans encountered by Cortes differed in race +from the Iroquois encountered by Champlain, as much as an Englishman +differs from an Albanian or a Montenegrin. But when we are contrasting +aboriginal Americans with white men or yellow men, it is right to say +that Mexicans and Iroquois belong to the same great red race.</p> + +<p>In some parts of the world two strongly contrasted races have become +mingled together, or have existed side by side for centuries without +intermingling. In Europe the big blonde Aryan-speaking race has mixed +with the small brunette Iberian race, producing the endless varieties in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page023" name="page023"></a>(p. 023)</span> stature and complexion which may be seen in any drawing-room +in London or New York. In Africa south of Sahara, on the other hand, we +find, interspersed among negro tribes but kept perfectly distinct, that +primitive dwarfish race with yellow skin and tufted hair to which belong +the Hottentots and Bushmen, the Wambatti lately discovered by Mr. +Stanley, and other tribes.<a id="footnotetag20" name="footnotetag20"></a><a href="#footnote20" title="Go to footnote 20"><span class="small">[20]</span></a> Now in America south of Hudson's Bay the +case seems to have been quite otherwise, and more as it would have been +in Europe if there had been only Aryans, or in Africa if there had been +only blacks.<a id="footnotetag21" name="footnotetag21"></a><a href="#footnote21" title="Go to footnote 21"><span class="small">[21]</span></a></p> + +<p>The belief that the people of the Cordilleras must be of radically +different race from other Indians was based upon the vague notion that +grades of culture have some necessary connection with likenesses and +differences of race. +<span class="sidenote">No necessary connection between differences in culture and +differences in race.</span> +There is no such necessary connection.<a id="footnotetag22" name="footnotetag22"></a><a href="#footnote22" title="Go to footnote 22"><span class="small">[22]</span></a> Between +the highly civilized Japanese and their barbarous Mandshu cousins the +difference in culture is much greater <span class="pagenum"><a id="page024" name="page024"></a>(p. 024)</span> than the difference +between Mohawks and Mexicans; and the same may be said of the people of +Israel and Judah in contrast with the Arabs of the desert, or of the +imperial Romans in comparison with their Teutonic kinsmen as described +by Tacitus.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>At this point, in order to prepare ourselves the more clearly to +understand sundry facts with which we shall hereafter be obliged to +deal, especially the wonderful experiences of the Spanish conquerors, +<span class="sidenote">Grades of culture.</span> +it +will be well to pause for a moment and do something toward defining the +different grades of culture through which men have passed in attaining +to the grade which can properly be called civilization. Unless we begin +with clear ideas upon this head we cannot go far toward understanding +the ancient America that was first visited and described for us by +Spaniards. The various grades of culture need to be classified, and that +most original and suggestive scholar, the late Lewis Morgan of +Rochester, made a brilliant attempt in this direction, to which the +reader's attention is now invited.</p> + +<p>Below <i>Civilization</i> Mr. Morgan<a id="footnotetag23" name="footnotetag23"></a><a href="#footnote23" title="Go to footnote 23"><span class="small">[23]</span></a> distinguishes two principal grades +or stages of culture, namely <i>Savagery</i> and <i>Barbarism</i>. There is much +looseness and confusion in the popular use of these <span class="pagenum"><a id="page025" name="page025"></a>(p. 025)</span> terms, and +this is liable to become a fruitful source of misapprehension in the +case of any statement involving either of them. +<span class="sidenote">Distinction between Savagery and Barbarism.</span> +When popular usage +discriminates between them it discriminates in the right direction; +there is a vague but not uncertain feeling that savagery is a lower +stage than barbarism. But ordinarily the discrimination is not made and +the two terms are carelessly employed as if interchangeable. Scientific +writers long since recognized a general difference between savagery and +barbarism, but Mr. Morgan was the first to suggest a really useful +criterion for distinguishing between them. His criterion is the making +of pottery; and his reason for selecting it is that the making of +pottery is something that presupposes village life and more or less +progress in the simpler arts. The earlier methods of boiling food were +either putting it into holes in the ground lined with skins and then +using heated stones, or else putting it into baskets coated with clay to +be supported over a fire. <span class="sidenote">Origin of pottery.</span> +The clay served the double purpose of +preventing liquids from escaping and protecting the basket against the +flame. It was probably observed that the clay was hardened by the fire, +and thus in course of time it was found that the clay would answer the +purpose without the basket.<a id="footnotetag24" name="footnotetag24"></a><a href="#footnote24" title="Go to footnote 24"><span class="small">[24]</span></a> Whoever first made this ingenious +discovery led the way from savagery to barbarism. Throughout the present +work <span class="pagenum"><a id="page026" name="page026"></a>(p. 026)</span> we shall apply the name "savages" only to uncivilized +people who do not make pottery.</p> + +<p>But within each of these two stages Mr. Morgan distinguishes three +subordinate stages, or Ethnic Periods, which may be called either lower, +middle, and upper status, or older, middle, and later periods. +<span class="sidenote">Lower status of savagery.</span> +The lower +status of savagery was that wholly prehistoric stage when men lived in +their original restricted habitat and subsisted on fruit and nuts. To +this period must be assigned the beginning of articulate speech. All +existing races of men had passed beyond it at an unknown antiquity.</p> + +<p>Men began to pass beyond it when they discovered how to catch fish and +how to use fire. They could then begin +<span class="sidenote">Middle status of savagery.</span> +(following coasts and rivers) to +spread over the earth. The middle status of savagery, thus introduced, +ends with the invention of that compound weapon, the bow and arrow. The +natives of Australia, who do not know this weapon, are still in the +middle status of savagery.<a id="footnotetag25" name="footnotetag25"></a><a href="#footnote25" title="Go to footnote 25"><span class="small">[25]</span></a></p> + +<p>The invention of the bow and arrow, which marks the upper status of +savagery, was not only a great advance in military art, +<span class="sidenote">Upper status of savagery.</span> +but it also +vastly increased men's supply of food by increasing their power of +killing wild game. The lowest tribes in America, such as those upon the +Columbia river, the Athabaskans of Hudson's Bay, the Fuegians and some +other South American tribes, are in the upper status of savagery.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page027" name="page027"></a>(p. 027)</span> + +<p>The transition from this status to the lower status of barbarism was +marked, as before observed, by the invention of pottery. The end of the +lower status of barbarism was marked in the Old World by the +domestication of animals other than the dog, which was probably +domesticated at a much earlier period as an aid to the hunter. +<span class="sidenote">Lower status of barbarism: it ended differently in +the two hemispheres.</span>The +domestication of horses and asses, oxen and sheep, goats and pigs, marks +of course an immense advance. Along with it goes considerable +development of agriculture, thus enabling a small territory to support +many people. It takes a wide range of country to support hunters. In the +New World, except in Peru, the only domesticated animal was the dog. +Horses, oxen, and the other animals mentioned did not exist in America, +during the historic period, until they were brought over from Europe by +the Spaniards. In ancient American society there was no such thing as a +pastoral stage of development,<a id="footnotetag26" name="footnotetag26"></a><a href="#footnote26" title="Go to footnote 26"><span class="small">[26]</span></a> and the absence of domesticable +animals from the western hemisphere may well be reckoned as very +important among the causes which retarded the progress of mankind in +this part of the world.</p> + +<p>On the other hand the ancient Americans had a cereal plant peculiar to +the New World, which made comparatively small demands upon the +intelligence and industry of the cultivator. Maize or "Indian corn" has +played a most important <span class="pagenum"><a id="page028" name="page028"></a>(p. 028)</span> part in the history of the New World, +as regards both the red men and the white men. It could be planted +without clearing or ploughing the soil. It was only necessary to girdle +the trees with a stone hatchet, so as to destroy their leaves and let in +the sunshine. A few scratches and digs were made in the ground with a +stone digger, and the seed once dropped in took care of itself. +<span class="sidenote">Importance of Indian corn.</span> +The ears +could hang for weeks after ripening, and could be picked off without +meddling with the stalk; there was no need of threshing and winnowing. +None of the Old World cereals can be cultivated without much more +industry and intelligence. At the same time, when Indian corn is sown in +tilled land it yields with little labour more than twice as much food +per acre as any other kind of grain. This was of incalculable advantage +to the English settlers of New England, who would have found it much +harder to gain a secure foothold upon the soil if they had had to begin +by preparing it for wheat and rye without the aid of the beautiful and +beneficent American plant.<a id="footnotetag27" name="footnotetag27"></a><a href="#footnote27" title="Go to footnote 27"><span class="small">[27]</span></a> The Indians of the Atlantic coast of +North America for the most part lived in stockaded villages, and +cultivated their corn along with beans, pumpkins, squashes, and tobacco; +but their cultivation was of the rudest sort,<a id="footnotetag28" name="footnotetag28"></a><a href="#footnote28" title="Go to footnote 28"><span class="small">[28]</span></a> and population was too +sparse for much progress toward civilization. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page029" name="page029"></a>(p. 029)</span> But Indian corn, +when sown in carefully tilled and irrigated land, had much to do with +the denser population, the increasing organization of labour, and the +higher development in the arts, which characterized the confederacies of +Mexico and Central America and all the pueblo Indians of the southwest. +The potato played a somewhat similar part in Peru. Hence it seems proper +to take the regular employment of tillage with irrigation as marking the +end of the lower period of barbarism in the New World. To this Mr. +Morgan adds the use of adobe-brick and stone in architecture, which also +distinguished the Mexicans and their neighbours from the ruder tribes of +North and South America. All these ruder tribes, except the few already +mentioned as in the upper period of savagery, were somewhere within the +lower period of barbarism. Thus the Algonquins and Iroquois, the Creeks, +the Dakotas, etc., when first seen by white men, were within this +period; but some had made much further progress within it than others. +For example, the Algonquin tribe of Ojibwas had little more than emerged +from savagery, while the Creeks and Cherokees had made considerable +advance toward the middle status of barbarism.</p> + +<p>Let us now observe some characteristics of this extremely interesting +middle period. <span class="sidenote">Middle status of barbarism.</span> +It began, we see, in the eastern hemisphere with the +domestication of other animals than the dog, and in the western +hemisphere with cultivation by irrigation and the use of adobe-brick and +stone for building. It also possessed another <span class="pagenum"><a id="page030" name="page030"></a>(p. 030)</span> feature which +distinguished it from earlier periods, in the materials of which its +tools were made. In the periods of savagery hatchets and spear-heads +were made of rudely chipped stones. In the lower period of barbarism the +chipping became more and more skilful until it gave place to polishing. +In the middle period tools were greatly multiplied, improved polishing +gave sharp and accurate points and edges, and at last metals began to be +used as materials preferable to stone. In America the metal used was +copper, and in some spots where it was very accessible there were +instances of its use by tribes not in other respects above the lower +status of barbarism,—as for example, the "mound-builders." In the Old +World the metal used was the alloy of copper and tin familiarly known as +bronze, and in its working it called for a higher degree of intelligence +than copper.</p> + +<p>Toward the close of the middle period of barbarism the working of metals +became the most important element of progress, +<span class="sidenote">Working of metals.</span> +and the period may be +regarded as ending with the invention of the process of smelting iron +ore. According to this principle of division, the inhabitants of the +lake villages of ancient Switzerland, who kept horses and oxen, pigs and +sheep, raised wheat and ground it into flour, and spun and wove linen +garments, but knew nothing of iron, were in the middle status of +barbarism. The same was true of the ancient Britons before they learned +the use of iron from their neighbours in Gaul. In the New World the +representatives of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page031" name="page031"></a>(p. 031)</span> the middle status of barbarism were such +peoples as the Zuñis, the Aztecs, the Mayas, and the Peruvians.</p> + +<p>The upper status of barbarism, in so far as it implies a knowledge of +smelting iron, was never reached in aboriginal America. +<span class="sidenote">Upper status of barbarism.</span> +In the Old World +it is the stage which had been reached by the Greeks of the Homeric +poems<a id="footnotetag29" name="footnotetag29"></a><a href="#footnote29" title="Go to footnote 29"><span class="small">[29]</span></a> and the Germans in the time of Cæsar. The end <span class="pagenum"><a id="page032" name="page032"></a>(p. 032)</span> of +this period and the beginning of true civilization is marked by the +invention of a phonetic alphabet and the production of written records. +<span class="sidenote">Beginning of civilization.</span> +This brings within the pale of civilization such people as the ancient +Phœnicians, the Hebrews after the exodus, the ruling classes at +Nineveh and Babylon, the Aryans of Persia and India, and the Japanese. +But clearly it will not do to insist too narrowly upon the phonetic +character of the alphabet. Where people acquainted with iron have +enshrined in hieroglyphics so much matter of historic record and +literary interest as the Chinese and the ancient Egyptians, they too +must be classed as civilized; and this Mr. Morgan by implication admits.</p> + +<p>This brilliant classification of the stages of early culture will be +found very helpful if we only keep in mind the fact that in all wide +generalizations of this sort the case is liable to be somewhat unduly +simplified. The story of human progress is really not quite so easy to +decipher as such descriptions would make it appear, and when we have +laid down rules of this sort we need not be surprised if we now and then +come upon facts that will not exactly fit into them. In such an +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page033" name="page033"></a>(p. 033)</span> event it is best not to try to squeeze or distort the unruly +facts, but to look and see if our rules will not bear some little +qualification. The faculty for generalizing is a good servant but a bad +master. If we observe this caution we shall find Mr. Morgan's work to be +of great value. It will be observed that, with one exception, his +restrictions leave the area of civilization as wide as that which we are +accustomed to assign to it in our ordinary speaking and thinking. That +exception is the case of Mexico, Central America, and Peru. We have so +long been accustomed to gorgeous accounts of the civilization of these +countries at the time of their discovery by the Spaniards that it may at +first shock our preconceived notions to see them set down as in the +"middle status of barbarism," one stage higher than Mohawks, and one +stage lower than the warriors of the Iliad. +<span class="sidenote">"Civilizations" of Mexico and Peru.</span> +This does indeed mark a +change since Dr. Draper expressed the opinion that the Mexicans and +Peruvians were morally and intellectually superior to the Europeans of +the sixteenth century.<a id="footnotetag30" name="footnotetag30"></a><a href="#footnote30" title="Go to footnote 30"><span class="small">[30]</span></a> The reaction from the state of opinion in +which such an extravagant remark was even possible has been attended +with some controversy; but on the whole Mr. Morgan's main position has +been steadily and rapidly gaining ground, and it is becoming more and +more clear that if we are to use language correctly when we speak of the +civilizations of Mexico and Peru we really mean civilizations of an +extremely archaic type, considerably <span class="pagenum"><a id="page034" name="page034"></a>(p. 034)</span> more archaic than that of +Egypt in the time of the Pharaohs. A "civilization" like that of the +Aztecs, without domestic animals or iron tools, with trade still in the +primitive stage of barter, with human sacrifices, and with cannibalism, +has certainly some of the most vivid features of barbarism. Along with +these primitive features, however, there seem to have been—after making +all due allowances—some features of luxury and splendour such as we are +wont to associate with civilization. The Aztecs, moreover, though +doubtless a full ethnical period behind the ancient Egyptians in general +advancement, had worked out a system of hieroglyphic writing, and had +begun to put it to some literary use. It would seem that a people may in +certain special points reach a level of attainment higher than the level +which they occupy in other points. The Cave men of the Glacial period +were ignorant of pottery, and thus had not risen above the upper status +of savagery; but their artistic talent, upon which we have remarked, was +not such as we are wont to associate with savagery. Other instances will +occur to us in the proper place.</p> + +<p>The difficulty which people usually find in realizing the true position +of the ancient Mexican culture arises partly from the misconceptions +which have until recently distorted the facts, and partly from the loose +employment of terms above noticed. +<span class="sidenote">Loose use of the words "savagery" and "civilization".</span> +It is quite correct to speak of the +Australian blackfellows as "savages," but nothing is more common than to +hear the same epithet employed to characterize Shawnees <span class="pagenum"><a id="page035" name="page035"></a>(p. 035)</span> and +Mohawks; and to call those Indians "savages" is quite misleading. So on +the other hand the term "civilization" is often so loosely used as to +cover a large territory belonging to "barbarism." One does not look for +scientific precision in newspapers, but they are apt to reflect popular +habits of thought quite faithfully, and for that reason it is proper +here to quote from one. In a newspaper account of Mr. Cushing's recent +discoveries of buried towns, works of irrigation, etc., in Arizona, we +are first told that these are the remains of a "splendid prehistoric +civilization," and the next moment we are told, in entire +unconsciousness of the contradiction, that the people who constructed +these works had only stone tools. Now to call a people "civilized" who +have only stone tools is utterly misleading. Nothing but confusion of +ideas and darkening of counsel can come from such a misuse of words. +Such a people may be in a high degree interesting and entitled to credit +for what they have achieved, but the grade of culture which they have +reached is not "civilization."</p> + +<p>With "savagery" thus encroaching upon its area of meaning on the one +side, and "civilization" encroaching on the other, the word "barbarism," +as popularly apprehended, is left in a vague and unsatisfactory plight. +If we speak of Montezuma's people as barbarians one stage further +advanced than Mohawks, we are liable to be charged with calling them +"savages." <span class="sidenote">Value and importance of the term "barbarism."</span> +Yet the term "barbarism" is a very useful one; indispensable, +indeed, in the history of human progress. There is no other word which +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page036" name="page036"></a>(p. 036)</span> can serve in its stead as a designation of the enormous +interval which begins with the invention of pottery and ends with the +invention of the alphabet. The popular usage of the word is likely to +become more definite as it comes to be more generally realized how +prodigious that interval has been. When we think what a considerable +portion of man's past existence has been comprised within it, and what a +marvellous transformation in human knowledge and human faculty has been +gradually wrought between its beginning and its end, the period of +barbarism becomes invested with most thrilling interest, and its name +ceases to appear otherwise than respectable. It is Mr. Morgan's chief +title to fame that he has so thoroughly explored this period and +described its features with such masterly skill.</p> + +<p>It is worth while to observe that Mr. Morgan's view of the successive +stages of culture is one which could not well have been marked out in +all its parts except by a student of American archæology. Aboriginal +America is the richest field in the world for the study of barbarism. +<span class="sidenote">The status of barbarism is most completely exemplified in +ancient America.</span> +Its people present every gradation in social life during three ethnical +periods—the upper period of savagery and the lower and middle periods +of barbarism—so that the process of development may be most +systematically and instructively studied. Until we have become familiar +with ancient American society, and so long as our view is confined to +the phases of progress in the Old World, the demarcation between +civilized and uncivilized life <span class="pagenum"><a id="page037" name="page037"></a>(p. 037)</span> seems too abrupt and sudden; we +do not get a correct measure of it. The oldest European tradition +reaches back only through the upper period of barbarism.<a id="footnotetag31" name="footnotetag31"></a><a href="#footnote31" title="Go to footnote 31"><span class="small">[31]</span></a> The middle +and lower periods have lapsed into utter oblivion, and it is only modern +archæological research that is beginning to recover the traces of them. +But among the red men of America the social life of ages more remote +than that of the lake villages of Switzerland is in many particulars +preserved for us to-day, and when we study it we begin to realize as +never before the continuity of human development, its enormous duration, +and the almost infinite accumulation of slow efforts by which progress +has been achieved. Ancient America is further instructive in presenting +the middle status of barbarism in a different form from that which it +assumed in the eastern hemisphere. Its most conspicuous outward +manifestations, instead of tents and herds, were strange and imposing +edifices of stone, so that it was quite natural that observers +interpreting it from a basis of European experience should mistake it +for civilization. <span class="sidenote">Survivals of bygone epochs of culture.</span> +Certain aspects of that middle period may be studied +to-day in New Mexico and Arizona, as phases of the older periods may +still be found among the wilder tribes, even after all the contact they +have had with white men. These survivals from antiquity will not +permanently outlive that contact, and it is important that no time +should be lost in gathering and putting <span class="pagenum"><a id="page038" name="page038"></a>(p. 038)</span> on record all that can +be learned of the speech and arts, the customs and beliefs, everything +that goes to constitute the philology and anthropology of the red men. +For the intelligent and vigorous work of this sort now conducted by the +Bureau of Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution, under the direction +of Major Powell, no praise can be too strong and no encouragement too +hearty.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>A brief enumeration of the principal groups of Indians will be helpful +in enabling us to comprehend the social condition of ancient America. +The groups are in great part defined by differences of language, which +are perhaps a better criterion of racial affinity in the New World than +in the Old, because there seems to have been little or nothing of that +peculiar kind of conquest with incorporation resulting in complete +change of speech which we sometimes find in the Old World; as, for +example, when we see the Celto-Iberian population of Spain and the +Belgic, Celtic, and Aquitanian populations of Gaul forgetting their +native tongues, and adopting that of a confederacy of tribes in Latium. +<span class="sidenote">Tribal society and multiplicity of languages in aboriginal +America.</span> +Except in the case of Peru there is no indication that anything of this +sort went on, or that there was anything even superficially analogous to +"empire," in ancient America. What strikes one most forcibly at first is +the vast number of American languages. Adelung, in his "Mithridates," +put the number at 1,264, and Ludewig, in his "Literature of the American +Languages," put it roundly at 1,100. Squier, on the other hand, was +content <span class="pagenum"><a id="page039" name="page039"></a>(p. 039)</span> with 400.<a id="footnotetag32" name="footnotetag32"></a><a href="#footnote32" title="Go to footnote 32"><span class="small">[32]</span></a> The discrepancy arises from the fact +that where one scholar sees two or three distinct languages another sees +two or three dialects of one language and counts them as one; it is like +the difficulty which naturalists find in agreeing as to what are species +and what are only varieties. The great number of languages and dialects +spoken by a sparse population is one mark of the universal prevalence of +a rude and primitive form of tribal society.<a id="footnotetag33" name="footnotetag33"></a><a href="#footnote33" title="Go to footnote 33"><span class="small">[33]</span></a></p> + +<p>The lowest tribes in North America were those that are still to be found +in California, in the valley of the Columbia river, and on the shores of +Puget Sound. The Athabaskans of Hudson's Bay were on about the same +level of savagery. <span class="sidenote">Tribes in the upper status of savagery.</span> +They made no pottery, knew nothing of horticulture, +depended for subsistence entirely upon bread-roots, fish, and game, and +thus had no village life. They were mere prowlers in the upper status of +savagery.<a id="footnotetag34" name="footnotetag34"></a><a href="#footnote34" title="Go to footnote 34"><span class="small">[34]</span></a> The Apaches of Arizona, preëminent even among red men for +atrocious cruelty, are an offshoot from the Athabaskan stock. Very +little better are the Shoshones and Bannocks that still wander <span class="pagenum"><a id="page040" name="page040"></a>(p. 040)</span> +among the lonely bare mountains and over the weird sage-brush plains of +Idaho. The region west of the Rocky Mountains and north of New Mexico is +thus the region of savagery.</p> + +<p>Between the Rocky Mountains and the Atlantic coast the aborigines, at +the time of the Discovery, might have been divided into six or seven +groups, of which three were situated mainly to the east of the +Mississippi river, the others mainly to the west of it. +<span class="sidenote">The Dakota family of tribes.</span> +All were in the +lower period of barbarism. Of the western groups, by far the most +numerous were the Dakotas, comprising the Sioux, Poncas, Omahas, Iowas, +Kaws, Otoes, and Missouris. From the headwaters of the Mississippi their +territory extended westward on both sides of the Missouri for a thousand +miles. One of their tribes, the Winnebagos, had crossed the Mississippi +and pressed into the region between that river and Lake Michigan.</p> + +<p>A second group, very small in numbers but extremely interesting to the +student of ethnology, comprises the Minnitarees and Mandans on the upper +Missouri.<a id="footnotetag35" name="footnotetag35"></a><a href="#footnote35" title="Go to footnote 35"><span class="small">[35]</span></a> The remnants of these tribes now live together in the same +village, and in personal appearance, as well as in intelligence, they +are described as superior to any other red men <span class="pagenum"><a id="page041" name="page041"></a>(p. 041)</span> north of New +Mexico. From their first discovery, by the brothers La Vérendrye in +1742, <span class="sidenote">The Minnitarees and Mandans.</span> +down to Mr. Catlin's visit nearly a century later, there was no +change in their condition,<a id="footnotetag36" name="footnotetag36"></a><a href="#footnote36" title="Go to footnote 36"><span class="small">[36]</span></a> but shortly afterward, in 1838, the +greater part of them were swept away by small-pox. The excellence of +their horticulture, the framework of their houses, and their peculiar +religious ceremonies early attracted attention. Upon Mr. Catlin they +made such an impression that he fancied there must be an infusion of +white blood in them; and after the fashion of those days he sought to +account for it by a reference to the legend of Madoc, a Welsh prince who +was dimly imagined to have sailed to America about 1170. He thought that +Madoc's party might have sailed to the Mississippi and founded a colony +which ascended that river and the Ohio, built the famous mounds of the +Ohio valley, and finally migrated to the upper Missouri.<a id="footnotetag37" name="footnotetag37"></a><a href="#footnote37" title="Go to footnote 37"><span class="small">[37]</span></a> To this +speculation was appended the inevitable list of words which happen to +sound somewhat alike in Mandan and in Welsh. In the realm of free fancy +everything is easy. That there was a Madoc who went somewhere in 1170 is +quite possible, but as shrewd old John Smith said about it, "where this +place was no history can show."<a id="footnotetag38" name="footnotetag38"></a><a href="#footnote38" title="Go to footnote 38"><span class="small">[38]</span></a> But one <span class="pagenum"><a id="page042" name="page042"></a>(p. 042)</span> part of Mr. +Catlin's speculation may have hit somewhat nearer the truth. It is +possible that the Minnitarees or the Mandans, or both, may be a remnant +of some of those Mound-builders in the Mississippi valley concerning +whom something will presently be said.</p> + +<p>The third group in this western region consists of the Pawnees +<span class="sidenote">Pawnees, etc.</span> +and +Arickarees,<a id="footnotetag39" name="footnotetag39"></a><a href="#footnote39" title="Go to footnote 39"><span class="small">[39]</span></a> of the Platte valley in Nebraska, with a few kindred +tribes farther to the south.</p> + +<p>Of the three groups eastward of the Mississippi we may first mention the +Maskoki,<span class="sidenote">Maskoki family.</span> + or Muskhogees, consisting of the Choctaws, Chickasaws, +Seminoles, and others, with the Creek confederacy.<a id="footnotetag40" name="footnotetag40"></a><a href="#footnote40" title="Go to footnote 40"><span class="small">[40]</span></a> These tribes were +intelligent and powerful, with a culture well advanced toward the end of +the lower period of barbarism.</p> + +<p>The Algonquin family, bordering at its southern limits upon the Maskoki, +had a vast range northeasterly along the Atlantic coast until it reached +the confines of Labrador, and northwesterly through the region of the +Great Lakes and as far as the Churchill river<a id="footnotetag41" name="footnotetag41"></a><a href="#footnote41" title="Go to footnote 41"><span class="small">[41]</span></a> to the west of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page043" name="page043"></a>(p. 043)</span> Hudson's Bay. In other words, the Algonquins were bounded on +the south by the Maskoki,<span class="sidenote">Algonquin family of tribes.</span> +<a id="footnotetag42" name="footnotetag42"></a><a href="#footnote42" title="Go to footnote 42"><span class="small">[42]</span></a> on the west by the Dakotas, on the +northwest by the Athabaskans, on the northeast by Eskimos, and on the +east by the ocean. Between Lake Superior and the Red River of the North +the Crees had their hunting grounds, and closely related to them were +the Pottawatomies, Ojibwas, and Ottawas. One offshoot, including the +Blackfeet, Cheyennes, and Arrapahos, roamed as far west as the Rocky +Mountains. The great triangle between the upper Mississippi and the Ohio +was occupied by the Menomonees and Kickapoos, the Sacs and Foxes, the +Miamis and Illinois, and the Shawnees. Along the coast region the +principal Algonquin tribes were the Powhatans of Virginia, the Lenape or +Delawares, the Munsees or Minisinks of the mountains about the +Susquehanna, the Mohegans on the Hudson, the Adirondacks between that +river and the St. Lawrence, the Narragansetts and their congeners in New +England, and finally the Micmacs and Wabenaki far down East, as the last +name implies. There is a tradition, supported to some extent by +linguistic evidence,<a id="footnotetag43" name="footnotetag43"></a><a href="#footnote43" title="Go to footnote 43"><span class="small">[43]</span></a> that the Mohegans, with their cousins the +Pequots, were more closely related to the Shawnees than to the Delaware +or coast group. While all the Algonquin tribes were in the lower period +of barbarism, there was a noticeable gradation among them, the Crees +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page044" name="page044"></a>(p. 044)</span> and Ojibwas of the far North standing lowest in culture, and +the Shawnees, at their southernmost limits, standing highest.</p> + +<p>We have observed the Dakota tribes pressing eastward against their +neighbours and sending out an offshoot, the Winnebagos, across the +Mississippi river. <span class="sidenote">Huron-Iroquois family of tribes.</span> +It has been supposed that the Huron-Iroquois group of +tribes was a more remote offshoot from the Dakotas. This is very +doubtful; but in the thirteenth or fourteenth century the general trend +of the Huron-Iroquois movement seems to have been eastward, either in +successive swarms, or in a single swarm, which became divided and +scattered by segmentation, as was common with all Indian tribes. They +seem early to have proved their superiority over the Algonquins in +bravery and intelligence. Their line of invasion seems to have run +eastward to Niagara, and thereabouts to have bifurcated, one line +following the valley of the St. Lawrence, and the other that of the +Susquehanna. The Hurons established themselves in the peninsula between +the lake that bears their name and Lake Ontario. South of them and along +the northern shore of Lake Erie were settled their kindred, afterward +called the "Neutral Nation."<a id="footnotetag44" name="footnotetag44"></a><a href="#footnote44" title="Go to footnote 44"><span class="small">[44]</span></a> On the southern shore the Eries planted +themselves, while the Susquehannocks pushed on in a direction +sufficiently described by their name. Farthest <span class="pagenum"><a id="page045" name="page045"></a>(p. 045)</span> of all +penetrated the Tuscaroras, even into the pine forests of North Carolina, +where they maintained themselves in isolation from their kindred until +1715. These invasions resulted in some displacement of Algonquin tribes, +and began to sap the strength of the confederacy or alliance in which +the Delawares had held a foremost place.</p> + +<p>But by far the most famous and important of the Huron-Iroquois were +those that followed the northern shore of Lake Ontario into the valley +of the St. Lawrence. In that direction their progress was checked by the +Algonquin tribe of Adirondacks, but they succeeded in retaining a +foothold in the country for a long time; for in 1535 Jacques Cartier +found on the site which he named Montreal an Iroquois village which had +vanished before Champlain's arrival seventy years later. Those Iroquois +who were thrust back in the struggle for the St. Lawrence valley, early +in the fifteenth century, made their way across Lake Ontario and +established themselves at the mouth of the Oswego river. They were then +in three small tribes,—the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas,—but as +they grew in numbers and spread eastward to the Hudson and westward to +the Genesee, the intermediate tribes of Oneidas and Cayugas were formed +by segmentation.<a id="footnotetag45" name="footnotetag45"></a><a href="#footnote45" title="Go to footnote 45"><span class="small">[45]</span></a> About 1450 the five tribes—afterwards known as the +Five Nations—were +<span class="sidenote">The Five Nations.</span> +joined in a confederacy in pursuance of the wise +counsel which Hayowentha, or Hiawatha,<a id="footnotetag46" name="footnotetag46"></a><a href="#footnote46" title="Go to footnote 46"><span class="small">[46]</span></a> according to the legend, +whispered into <span class="pagenum"><a id="page046" name="page046"></a>(p. 046)</span> the ears of the Onondaga sachem, Daganoweda. +This union of their resources combined, with their native bravery and +cunning, and their occupation of the most commanding military position +in eastern North America, to render them invincible among red men. They +exterminated their old enemies the Adirondacks, and pushed the Mohegans +over the mountains from the Hudson river to the Connecticut. When they +first encountered white men in 1609 their name had become a terror in +New England, insomuch that as soon as a single Mohawk was caught sight +of by the Indians in that country, they would raise the cry from hill to +hill, "A Mohawk! a Mohawk!" and forthwith would flee like sheep before +wolves, never dreaming of resistance.<a id="footnotetag47" name="footnotetag47"></a><a href="#footnote47" title="Go to footnote 47"><span class="small">[47]</span></a></p> + +<p>After the Five Nations had been supplied with firearms by the Dutch +their power increased with portentous rapidity.<a id="footnotetag48" name="footnotetag48"></a><a href="#footnote48" title="Go to footnote 48"><span class="small">[48]</span></a> At first they sought +to persuade their neighbours of kindred blood and speech, the Eries and +others, to join their confederacy; <span class="pagenum"><a id="page047" name="page047"></a>(p. 047)</span> and failing in this they +went to war and exterminated them.<a id="footnotetag49" name="footnotetag49"></a><a href="#footnote49" title="Go to footnote 49"><span class="small">[49]</span></a> Then they overthrew one Algonquin +tribe after another until in 1690 their career was checked by the +French. By that time they had reduced to a tributary condition most of +the Algonquin tribes, even to the Mississippi river. Some writers have +spoken of the empire of the Iroquois, and it has been surmised that, if +they had not been interfered with by white men, they might have played a +part analogous to that of the Romans in the Old World; but there is no +real similarity between the two cases. The Romans acquired their mighty +strength by incorporating vanquished peoples into their own body +politic.<a id="footnotetag50" name="footnotetag50"></a><a href="#footnote50" title="Go to footnote 50"><span class="small">[50]</span></a> No American aborigines ever had a glimmering of the process +of state-building after the Roman fashion. No incorporation resulted +from the victories of the Iroquois. Where their burnings and massacres +stopped short of extermination, they simply took tribute, which was as +far as state-craft had got in the lower period of barbarism. General +Walker has summed up their military career in a single sentence: "They +were the scourge of God upon the aborigines of the continent."<a id="footnotetag51" name="footnotetag51"></a><a href="#footnote51" title="Go to footnote 51"><span class="small">[51]</span></a></p> + +<p>The six groups here enumerated—Dakota, Mandan, Pawnee, Maskoki, +Algonquin, Iroquois—made <span class="pagenum"><a id="page048" name="page048"></a>(p. 048)</span> up the great body of the aborigines +of North America who at the time of the Discovery lived in the lower +status of barbarism. All made pottery of various degrees of rudeness. +Their tools and weapons were of the Neolithic type,—stone +<span class="sidenote">Horticulture must be distinguished from field agriculture.</span> +either +polished or accurately and artistically chipped. For the most part they +lived in stockaded villages, and cultivated maize, beans, pumpkins, +squashes, sunflowers, and tobacco. They depended for subsistence partly +upon such vegetable products, partly upon hunting and fishing, the women +generally attending to the horticulture, the men to the chase. +<i>Horticulture</i> is an appropriate designation for this stage in which the +ground is merely scratched with stone spades and hoes. It is incipient +agriculture, but should be carefully distinguished from the <i>field +agriculture</i> in which extensive pieces of land are subdued by the +plough. The assistance of domestic animals is needed before such work +can be carried far, and it does not appear that there was an approach to +field agriculture in any part of pre-Columbian America except Peru, +where men were harnessed to the plough, and perhaps occasionally llamas +were used in the same way.<a id="footnotetag52" name="footnotetag52"></a><a href="#footnote52" title="Go to footnote 52"><span class="small">[52]</span></a> Where subsistence depended upon rude +horticulture eked out by game and fish, it required a large territory to +support a sparse population. The great diversity of languages +contributed to maintain the isolation of tribes and prevent extensive +confederation. Intertribal <span class="pagenum"><a id="page049" name="page049"></a>(p. 049)</span> warfare was perpetual, save now and +then for truces of brief duration. Warfare was attended by wholesale +massacre. <span class="sidenote">Perpetual warfare.</span> +As many prisoners as could be managed were taken home by their +captors; in some cases they were adopted into the tribe of the latter as +a means of increasing its fighting strength, otherwise they were put to +death with lingering torments.<a id="footnotetag53" name="footnotetag53"></a><a href="#footnote53" title="Go to footnote 53"><span class="small">[53]</span></a> There was nothing which afforded the +red men such exquisite delight as the spectacle of live human flesh +lacerated with stone knives or hissing under the touch of firebrands, +and for elaborate ingenuity in devising tortures they have never been +equalled.<a id="footnotetag54" name="footnotetag54"></a><a href="#footnote54" title="Go to footnote 54"><span class="small">[54]</span></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page050" name="page050"></a>(p. 050)</span> Cannibalism was quite commonly practised.<a id="footnotetag55" name="footnotetag55"></a><a href="#footnote55" title="Go to footnote 55"><span class="small">[55]</span></a> +The <span class="pagenum"><a id="page051" name="page051"></a>(p. 051)</span> scalps of slain enemies were always taken, and until they +had attained such trophies the young men were not likely to find favour +in the eyes of women. The Indian's notions of morality were those that +belong to that state of society in which the tribe is the largest +well-established political aggregate. Murder without the tribe was +meritorious unless it entailed risk of war at an obvious disadvantage; +murder within the tribe was either revenged by blood-feud or compounded +by a present given to the victim's kinsmen. Such rudimentary <i>wergild</i> +was often reckoned in wampum, or strings of beads made of a kind of +mussel shell, and put to divers uses, as personal ornament, mnemonic +record, and finally money. Religious thought was in the fetishistic or +animistic stage,<a id="footnotetag56" name="footnotetag56"></a><a href="#footnote56" title="Go to footnote 56"><span class="small">[56]</span></a> while many tribes had risen to a vague conception +of tutelar deities embodied in human or animal forms. Myth-tales +abounded, and the folk-lore of the red men is found to be extremely +interesting and instructive.<a id="footnotetag57" name="footnotetag57"></a><a href="#footnote57" title="Go to footnote 57"><span class="small">[57]</span></a> Their religion consisted mainly +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page052" name="page052"></a>(p. 052)</span> in a devout belief in witchcraft. No well-defined priestly +class had been evolved; the so-called "medicine men" were mere +conjurers, though possessed of considerable influence.</p> + +<p>But none of the characteristics of barbarous society above specified +will carry us so far toward realizing the gulf which divides it from +civilized society as the imperfect development of its domestic +relations. The importance of this subject is such as to call for a few +words of special elucidation.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>Thirty years ago, when Sir Henry Maine published that magnificent +treatise on Ancient Law, which, when considered in all its potency of +suggestiveness, has perhaps done more than any other single book of our +century toward placing the study of history upon a scientific basis, +<span class="sidenote">Ancient Law.</span> +he +began by showing that in primitive society the individual is nothing and +the state nothing, while the family-group is everything, and that the +progress of civilization politically has <span class="pagenum"><a id="page053" name="page053"></a>(p. 053)</span> consisted on the one +hand in the aggregation and building up of family-groups through +intermediate tribal organizations into states, and on the other hand in +the disentanglement of individuals from the family thraldom. In other +words, we began by having no political communities larger than clans, +and no bond of political union except blood relationship, and in this +state of things the individual, as to his rights and obligations, was +submerged in the clan. We at length come to have great nations like the +English or the French, in which blood-relationship as a bond of +political union is no longer indispensable or even much thought of, and +in which the individual citizen is the possessor of legal rights and +subject to legal obligations. No one in our time can forget how +beautifully Sir Henry Maine, with his profound knowledge of early Aryan +law and custom, from Ireland to Hindustan, delineated the slow growth of +individual ownership of property and individual responsibility for +delict and crime out of an earlier stage in which ownership and +responsibility belonged only to family-groups or clans.</p> + +<p>In all these brilliant studies Sir Henry Maine started with the +patriarchal family as we find it at the dawn of history among all +peoples of Aryan and Semitic speech,—the +<span class="sidenote">The patriarchal family not primitive.</span> +patriarchal family of the +ancient Roman and the ancient Jew, the family in which kinship is +reckoned through males, and in which all authority centres in the eldest +male, and descends to his eldest son. Maine treated this patriarchal +family as primitive; but his great book had hardly <span class="pagenum"><a id="page054" name="page054"></a>(p. 054)</span> appeared +when other scholars, more familiar than he with races in savagery or in +the lower status of barbarism, showed that his view was too restricted. +We do not get back to primitive society by studying Greeks, Romans, and +Jews, peoples who had nearly emerged from the later period of barbarism +when we first know them.<a id="footnotetag58" name="footnotetag58"></a><a href="#footnote58" title="Go to footnote 58"><span class="small">[58]</span></a> Their patriarchal family was perfected in +shape during the later period of barbarism, and it was preceded by a +much ruder and less definite form of family-group in which kinship was +reckoned only through the mother, and the headship never descended from +father to son. As so often happens, this discovery was made almost +simultaneously by two investigators, each working in ignorance of what +the other was doing. In 1861, the same year in which "Ancient Law" was +published, <span class="sidenote">"Mother-right."</span> +Professor Bachofen, of Basel, published his famous book, "Das +Mutterrecht," of which his co-discoverer and rival, after taking +exception to some of his statements, thus cordially writes: "It remains, +however, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page055" name="page055"></a>(p. 055)</span> after all qualifications and deductions, that +Bachofen, before any one else, discovered the fact that a system of +kinship through mothers only, had anciently everywhere prevailed before +the tie of blood between father and child had found a place in systems +of relationships. And the honour of that discovery, the importance of +which, as affording a new starting-point for all history, cannot be +overestimated, must without stint or qualification be assigned to +him."<a id="footnotetag59" name="footnotetag59"></a><a href="#footnote59" title="Go to footnote 59"><span class="small">[59]</span></a> Such are the generous words of the late John Ferguson +McLennan, who had no knowledge of Bachofen's work when his own treatise +on "Primitive Marriage" was published in 1865. Since he was so modest in +urging his own claims, it is due to the Scotch lawyer's memory to say +that, while he was inferior in point of erudition to the Swiss +professor, <span class="sidenote">Primitive marriage.</span> +his book is characterized by greater sagacity, goes more +directly to the mark, and is less encumbered by visionary speculations +of doubtful value.<a id="footnotetag60" name="footnotetag60"></a><a href="#footnote60" title="Go to footnote 60"><span class="small">[60]</span></a> Mr. McLennan proved, from evidence collected +chiefly from Australians and South Sea Islanders, and sundry non-Aryan +tribes of Hindustan and Thibet, that systems of kinship in which the +father is ignored exist to-day, and he furthermore discovered +unmistakable and very significant traces of the former existence of such +a state of things among the Mongols, the Greeks and Phœnicians, and +the ancient Hebrews. By those who were inclined to <span class="pagenum"><a id="page056" name="page056"></a>(p. 056)</span> regard Sir +Henry Maine's views as final, it was argued that Mr. McLennan's facts +were of a sporadic and exceptional character. But when the evidence from +this vast archaic world of America began to be gathered in and +interpreted by Mr. Morgan, this argument fell to the ground, and as to +the point chiefly in contention, Mr. McLennan was proved to be right. +<span class="sidenote">The system of reckoning kinship through females only.</span> +Throughout aboriginal America, with one or two exceptions, kinship was +reckoned through females only, and in the exceptional instances the +vestiges of that system were so prominent as to make it clear that the +change had been but recently effected. During the past fifteen years, +evidence has accumulated from various parts of the world, until it is +beginning to appear as if it were the patriarchal system that is +exceptional, having been reached only by the highest races.<a id="footnotetag61" name="footnotetag61"></a><a href="#footnote61" title="Go to footnote 61"><span class="small">[61]</span></a> Sir +Henry Maine's work has lost none of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page057" name="page057"></a>(p. 057)</span> its value, only, like all +human work, it is not final; it needs to be supplemented by the further +study of savagery as best exemplified in Australia and some parts of +Polynesia, and of barbarism as best exemplified in America. The subject +is, moreover, one of great and complicated difficulty, and leads +incidentally to many questions for solving which the data at our command +are still inadequate. It is enough for us now to observe in general that +while there are plenty of instances of change from the system of +reckoning kinship only through females, to the system of reckoning +through males, there do not appear to have been any instances of change +in the reverse direction; and that in ancient America the earlier system +was prevalent.</p> + +<p>If now we ask the reason for such a system of reckoning kinship and +inheritance, so strange according to all our modern notions, +<span class="sidenote">Original reason for the system.</span> +the true +answer doubtless is that which was given by prudent +(ΠεΠνυμένος) +Telemachus to the goddess Athene when she asked him to tell her truly if +he was the son of Odysseus:—"My mother says I am his son, for my part, +I don't know; one never knows of one's self who one's father is."<a id="footnotetag62" name="footnotetag62"></a><a href="#footnote62" title="Go to footnote 62"><span class="small">[62]</span></a> +Already, no doubt, in Homer's time <span class="pagenum"><a id="page058" name="page058"></a>(p. 058)</span> there was a gleam of satire +about this answer, such as it would show on a modern page; but in more +primitive times it was a very serious affair. From what we know of the +ideas and practices of uncivilized tribes all over the world, it is +evident that the sacredness of the family based upon indissoluble +marriage is a thing of comparatively modern growth. If the sexual +relations of the Australians, as observed to-day,<a id="footnotetag63" name="footnotetag63"></a><a href="#footnote63" title="Go to footnote 63"><span class="small">[63]</span></a> are an improvement +upon an antecedent state of things, +<span class="sidenote">The primeval human horde.</span> +that antecedent state must have been +sheer promiscuity. There is ample warrant for supposing, with Mr. +McLennan, that at the beginning of the lower status of savagery, long +since everywhere extinct, the family had not made itself distinctly +visible, but men lived in a horde very much like gregarious brutes.<a id="footnotetag64" name="footnotetag64"></a><a href="#footnote64" title="Go to footnote 64"><span class="small">[64]</span></a> +I have shown that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page059" name="page059"></a>(p. 059)</span> the essential difference between this +primeval human horde and a mere herd of brutes consisted in the fact +that the gradual but very great prolongation of infancy had produced two +effects: the lengthening of the care of children tended to differentiate +the horde into family-groups, and the lengthening of the period of +youthful mental plasticity made it more possible for a new generation to +improve upon the ideas and customs of its predecessors.<a id="footnotetag65" name="footnotetag65"></a><a href="#footnote65" title="Go to footnote 65"><span class="small">[65]</span></a> In these two +concomitant processes—the development of the family and the increase of +mental plasticity, or ability to adopt new methods and strike out into +new paths of thought—lies the whole explanation of the moral and +intellectual superiority of men over dumb animals. But in each case the +change was very gradual.<a id="footnotetag66" name="footnotetag66"></a><a href="#footnote66" title="Go to footnote 66"><span class="small">[66]</span></a> The true savage is only a little less +unteachable than the beasts of the field. The savage family is at first +barely discernible amid the primitive social chaos <span class="pagenum"><a id="page060" name="page060"></a>(p. 060)</span> in which it +had its origin. Along with polyandry and polygyny in various degrees and +forms, instances of exclusive pairing, of at least a temporary +character, are to be found among the lowest existing savages, +<span class="sidenote">Earliest family-group: the clan.</span> +and there +are reasons for supposing that such may have been the case even in +primeval times. But it was impossible for strict monogamy to flourish in +the ruder stages of social development; and the kind of family-group +that was first clearly and permanently differentiated from the primeval +horde was not at all like what civilized people would recognize as a +family. It was the <i>gens</i> or <i>clan</i>, as we find it exemplified in all +stages from the middle period of savagery to the middle period of +barbarism. The <i>gens</i> or <i>clan</i> was simply—to define it by a third +synonym—the <i>kin</i>; it was originally a group of males and females who +were traditionally aware of their common descent reckoned in the female +line. <span class="sidenote">"Exogamy."</span> +At this stage of development there was quite generally though not +universally prevalent the custom of "exogamy," by which a man was +forbidden to marry a woman of his own clan. Among such Australian tribes +as have been studied, this primitive restriction upon promiscuity seems +to be about the only one.</p> + +<p>Throughout all the earlier stages of culture, and even into the +civilized period, we find society organized with the clan for its +ultimate unit, although in course of time its character becomes greatly +altered by the substitution of kinship in the paternal, for that in the +maternal line. By <span class="pagenum"><a id="page061" name="page061"></a>(p. 061)</span> long-continued growth and repeated +segmentation the primitive clan was developed into a more complex +structure, in which a group of clans constituted a +<span class="sidenote">Phratry and tribe.</span> +<i>phratry</i> or +brotherhood, and a group of phratries constituted a <i>tribe</i>. This +threefold grouping is found so commonly in all parts of the world as to +afford good ground for the belief that it has been universal. It was +long ago familiar to historians in the case of Greece and Rome, and of +our Teutonic forefathers,<a id="footnotetag67" name="footnotetag67"></a><a href="#footnote67" title="Go to footnote 67"><span class="small">[67]</span></a> but it also existed generally in ancient +America, and many obscure points connected with the history of the Greek +and Roman groups have been elucidated through the study of Iroquois and +Algonquin institutions. Along with the likenesses, however, there are +numerous unlikenesses, due to the change of kinship, among the European +groups, from the female line to the male.</p> + +<p>This change, as it occurred among Aryan and Semitic peoples, marked one +of the most momentous revolutions in the history of mankind. It probably +occurred early in the upper period of barbarism, or late in the middle +period, after the long-continued domestication of animals had resulted +in the acquisition of private property (<i>pecus, peculium, pecunia</i>) in +large amounts by individuals. +<span class="sidenote">Effect of pastoral life upon property and upon the family.</span> +In primitive society there was very little +personal property except in weapons, clothing (such as it was), and +trinkets. Real estate was unknown. Land was simply <i>occupied</i> by the +tribe. There was general communism and social equality. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page062" name="page062"></a>(p. 062)</span> In the +Old World the earliest instance of extensive "adverse possession" on the +part of individuals, as against other individuals in the clan-community, +was the possession of flocks and herds. Distinctions in wealth and rank +were thus inaugurated; slavery began to be profitable and personal +retainers and adherents useful in new ways. As in earlier stages the +community in marital relations had been part of the general community in +possessions, so now the exclusive possession of a wife or wives was part +of the system of private property that was coming into vogue. The man of +many cattle, the man who could attach subordinates to him through +motives of self-interest as well as personal deference, the man who +could defend his property against robbers, could also have his separate +household and maintain its sanctity. In this way, it is believed, +indissoluble marriage, in its two forms of monogamy and polygamy, +originated. That it had already existed sporadically is not denied, but +it now acquired such stability and permanence that the older and looser +forms of alliance, hitherto prevalent, fell into disfavour. A natural +result of the growth of private wealth and the permanence of the marital +relation was the change in reckoning kinship from the maternal to the +paternal line. This change was probably favoured by the prevalence of +polygamy among those who were coming to be distinguished as "upper +classes," since a large family of children by different mothers could be +held together only by reckoning the kinship through the father. Thus, we +may suppose, originated the patriarchal <span class="pagenum"><a id="page063" name="page063"></a>(p. 063)</span> family. Even in its +rudest form it was an immense improvement upon what had gone before, and +to the stronger and higher social organization thus acquired we must +largely ascribe the rise of the Aryan and Semitic peoples to the +foremost rank of civilization.<a id="footnotetag68" name="footnotetag68"></a><a href="#footnote68" title="Go to footnote 68"><span class="small">[68]</span></a></p> + +<p>It is not intended to imply that there is no other way in which the +change to the male line may have been brought about among other peoples. +The explanation just given applies very well to the Aryan and Semitic +peoples, but it is inapplicable to the state of things which seems to +have existed in Mexico at the time of the Discovery.<a id="footnotetag69" name="footnotetag69"></a><a href="#footnote69" title="Go to footnote 69"><span class="small">[69]</span></a> The subject is +a difficult one, and sometimes confronts us with questions much easier +to ask than to answer. The change has been observed among tribes in a +lower stage than that just described.<a id="footnotetag70" name="footnotetag70"></a><a href="#footnote70" title="Go to footnote 70"><span class="small">[70]</span></a> On the other hand, as old +customs die hard, no doubt inheritance has in many places continued in +the maternal line long after paternity is fully known. Symmetrical +regularity in the development of human institutions has by no means been +the rule, and there is often much difficulty in explaining particular +cases, even when the direction of the general drift can be discerned.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page064" name="page064"></a>(p. 064)</span> + +<p>In aboriginal America, as already observed, kinship through females only +was the rule, +<span class="sidenote">The exogamous clan in ancient America.</span> +and exogamy was strictly enforced,—the wife must be taken +from a different clan. Indissoluble marriage, whether monogamous or +polygamous, seems to have been unknown. The marriage relation was +terminable at the will of either party.<a id="footnotetag71" name="footnotetag71"></a><a href="#footnote71" title="Go to footnote 71"><span class="small">[71]</span></a> The abiding unit upon which +the social structure was founded was not the family but the exogamous +clan.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>I have been at some pains to elucidate this point because the house-life +of the American aborigines found visible, and in some instances very +durable, expression in a remarkable style of house-architecture. The +manner in which the Indians built their houses grew directly out of the +requirements of their life. It was an unmistakably characteristic +architecture, and while it exhibits <span class="pagenum"><a id="page065" name="page065"></a>(p. 065)</span> manifold unlikenesses in +detail, due to differences in intelligence as well as to the presence or +absence of sundry materials, +<span class="sidenote">Intimate connection of aboriginal architecture with social +life.</span> +there is one underlying principle always +manifest. That underlying principle is adaptation to a certain mode of +communal living such as all American aborigines that have been carefully +studied are known to have practised. Through many gradations, from the +sty of the California savage up to the noble sculptured ruins of Uxmal +and Chichen-Itza, the principle is always present. Taken in connection +with evidence from other sources, it enables us to exhibit a gradation +of stages of culture in aboriginal North America, with the savages of +the Sacramento and Columbia valleys at the bottom, and the Mayas of +Yucatan at the top; and while in going from one end to the other a very +long interval was traversed, we feel that the progress of the aborigines +in crossing that interval was made along similar lines.<a id="footnotetag72" name="footnotetag72"></a><a href="#footnote72" title="Go to footnote 72"><span class="small">[72]</span></a></p> + +<a id="img002" name="img002"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img002.jpg" width="500" height="216" alt="" title=""> +<p>Seneca-Iroquois long house.</p> +</div> + +<a id="img003" name="img003"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img003.jpg" width="500" height="105" alt="" title=""> +<p>Ground-plan of long house.</p> +</div> + +<p>The principle was first studied and explained by Mr. Morgan in the case +of the famous "long houses" of the Iroquois. "The long house ... was +from fifty to eighty and sometimes one hundred feet long. It consisted +of a strong frame of upright poles set in the ground, which was +strengthened with horizontal poles attached with withes, and surmounted +with a triangular, and in some cases with a round roof. It was covered +over, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page066" name="page066"></a>(p. 066)</span> both sides and roof, with long strips of elm bark tied +to the frame with strings or splints. An external frame of poles for the +sides and of rafters for the roof were then adjusted to hold the bark +shingles between them, the two frames being tied together. +<span class="sidenote">The long houses of the Iroquois.</span> +The interior +of the house was comparted<a id="footnotetag73" name="footnotetag73"></a><a href="#footnote73" title="Go to footnote 73"><span class="small">[73]</span></a> at intervals of six or eight feet, +leaving each chamber entirely open like a stall upon the passageway +which passed through the centre of the house from end to end. At each +end was a doorway covered with suspended skins. Between each four +apartments, two on a side, was a fire-pit in the centre of the hall, +used in common by their occupants. Thus a house with five fires would +contain twenty apartments <span class="pagenum"><a id="page067" name="page067"></a>(p. 067)</span> and accommodate twenty families, +unless some apartments were reserved for storage. They were warm, roomy, +and tidily-kept habitations. Raised bunks were constructed around the +walls of each apartment for beds. From the roof-poles were suspended +their strings of corn in the ear, braided by the husks, also strings of +dried squashes and pumpkins. Spaces were contrived here and there to +store away their accumulations of provisions. Each house, as a rule, was +occupied by related families, the mothers and their children belonging +to the same gens, while their husbands and the fathers of these children +belonged to other gentes; consequently the gens or clan of the mother +largely predominated in the household. Whatever was taken in the hunt or +raised by cultivation by any member of the household ... was for the +common benefit. Provisions were made a common stock within the +household."<a id="footnotetag74" name="footnotetag74"></a><a href="#footnote74" title="Go to footnote 74"><span class="small">[74]</span></a></p> + +<p>"Over every such household a matron presided, whose duty it was to +supervise its domestic economy. After the single daily meal had been +cooked at the different fires within the house, it was her province to +divide the food from the kettle to the several families according to +their respective needs. What remained was placed in the custody of +another person until she again required it."<a id="footnotetag75" name="footnotetag75"></a><a href="#footnote75" title="Go to footnote 75"><span class="small">[75]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page068" name="page068"></a>(p. 068)</span> + +<p>Not only the food was common property, but many chattels, including the +children, belonged to the gens or clan. When a young woman got married +she brought her husband home with her. Though thenceforth an inmate of +this household he remained an alien to her clan. "If he proved lazy and +failed to do his share of the providing, woe be to him. +<span class="sidenote">Summary divorce.</span> +No matter how +many children, or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at +any time be ordered to pick up his blanket and budge; and after such +orders it would not be healthful for him to disobey; the house would be +too hot for him; and unless saved by the intercession of some aunt or +grandmother [of his wife] he must retreat to his own clan, or, as was +often done, go and start a new matrimonial alliance in some other.... +The female portion ruled the house."<a id="footnotetag76" name="footnotetag76"></a><a href="#footnote76" title="Go to footnote 76"><span class="small">[76]</span></a></p> + +<p>Though there was but one freshly-cooked meal, taken about the middle of +the day, any member of the household when hungry could be helped from +the common stock. Hospitality was universal. If a person from one of the +other communal households, or a stranger from another tribe (in time of +peace), <span class="sidenote">Hospitality.</span> +were to visit the house, the women would immediately offer him +food, and it was a breach of etiquette to decline to eat it. This custom +was strictly observed all over the continent and in the West India +Islands, and was often remarked upon by the early discoverers, in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page069" name="page069"></a>(p. 069)</span> whose minds it was apt to implant idyllic notions that were +afterward rudely disturbed. The prevalence of hospitality among +uncivilized races has long been noted by travellers, and is probably in +most cases, as it certainly was in ancient America, closely connected +with communism in living.</p> + +<p>The clan, which practised this communism, had its definite organization, +officers, rights, and duties. Its official head was the "sachem," whose +functions were of a civil nature. The sachem was elected by the clan and +must be a member of it, so that a son could not be chosen to succeed his +father, <span class="sidenote">Structure of the clan.</span> +but a sachem could be succeeded by his uterine brother or by his +sister's son, and in this way customary lines of succession could and +often did tend to become established. The clan also elected its +"chiefs," whose functions were military; the number of chiefs was +proportionate to that of the people composing the clan, usually one +chief to every fifty or sixty persons. The clan could depose its sachem +or any of its chiefs. Personal property, such as weapons, or trophies, +or rights of user in the garden-plots, was inheritable in the female +line, and thus stayed within the clan. The members were reciprocally +bound to help, defend, and avenge one another. The clan had the right of +adopting strangers to strengthen itself. It had the right of naming its +members, and these names were always obviously significant, like Little +Turtle, Yellow Wolf, etc.; of names like our Richard or William, with +the meaning lost, or obvious only to scholars, no trace is to be found +in aboriginal America. The clan <span class="pagenum"><a id="page070" name="page070"></a>(p. 070)</span> itself, too, always had a +name, which was usually that of some animal,—as Wolf, Eagle, or Salmon, +and a rude drawing or pictograph of the creature served as a "totem" or +primitive heraldic device. A mythological meaning was attached to this +emblem. The clan had its own common religious rites and common burial +place. There was a clan-council, of which women might be members; there +were instances, indeed, of its being composed entirely of women, whose +position was one of much more dignity and influence than has commonly +been supposed. Instances of squaw sachems were not so very rare.<a id="footnotetag77" name="footnotetag77"></a><a href="#footnote77" title="Go to footnote 77"><span class="small">[77]</span></a></p> + +<p>The number of clans in a tribe naturally bore some proportion to the +populousness of the tribe, varying from three, in the case of the +Delawares, to twenty or more, as in the case of the Ojibwas and Creeks. +There were usually eight or ten, and these were usually grouped into two +or three phratries. <span class="sidenote">Origin and structure of the phratry.</span> +The phratry seems to have originated in the +segmentation of the overgrown clan, for in some cases exogamy was +originally practised as between the phratries and afterward the custom +died out while it was retained as between their constituent clans.<a id="footnotetag78" name="footnotetag78"></a><a href="#footnote78" title="Go to footnote 78"><span class="small">[78]</span></a> +The <span class="pagenum"><a id="page071" name="page071"></a>(p. 071)</span> system of naming often indicates this origin of the +phratry, though seldom quite so forcibly as in the case of the Mohegan +tribe, which was thus composed:<a id="footnotetag79" name="footnotetag79"></a><a href="#footnote79" title="Go to footnote 79"><span class="small">[79]</span></a>—</p> + +<div class="center"> +<p>I. <span class="smcap">Wolf Phratry.</span><br> +<i>Clans:</i> 1. Wolf, 2. Bear, 3. Dog, 4. Opossum.</p> + +<p>II. <span class="smcap">Turtle Phratry.</span><br> +<i>Clans:</i> 5. Little Turtle, 6. Mud Turtle, 7. Great Turtle, 8. Yellow +Eel.</p> + +<p>III. <span class="smcap">Turkey Phratry.</span><br> +<i>Clans:</i> 9. Turkey, 10. Crane, 11. Chicken.</p> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">Here the senior clan in the phratry tends to keep +the original clan-name, while the junior clans have been guided by a +sense of kinship in choosing their new names. This origin of the phratry +is further indicated by the fact that the phratry does not always occur; +sometimes the clans are organized directly into the tribe. The phratry +was not so much a governmental as a religious and social organization. +Its most important function seems to have been supplementing or +reinforcing the action of the single clan in exacting compensation for +murder; and this point is full of interest because it helps us to +understand how among our Teutonic forefathers the "hundred" (the +equivalent of the phratry) became charged with the duty of prosecuting +criminals. The Greek phratry had a precisely analogous function.<a id="footnotetag80" name="footnotetag80"></a><a href="#footnote80" title="Go to footnote 80"><span class="small">[80]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page072" name="page072"></a>(p. 072)</span> + +<p>The Indian tribe was a group of people distinguished by the exclusive +possession of a dialect in common. +<span class="sidenote">Structure of the tribe.</span> +It possessed a tribal name and +occupied a more or less clearly defined territory; there were also +tribal religious rites. Its supreme government was vested in the council +of its clan-chiefs and sachems; and as these were thus officers of the +tribe as well as of the clan, the tribe exercised the right of investing +them with office, amid appropriate solemnities, after their election by +their respective clans. The tribal-council had also the right to depose +chiefs and sachems. In some instances, not always, there was a head +chief or military commander for the tribes, elected by the tribal +council. Such, was the origin of the office which, in most societies of +the Old World, gradually multiplied its functions and accumulated power +until it developed into true kingship. Nowhere in ancient North America +did it quite reach such a stage.</p> + +<p>Among the greater part of the aborigines no higher form of social +structure was attained than the tribe. +<span class="sidenote">Cross-relationships between clans and tribes: the Iroquois +Confederacy.</span> +There were, however, several +instances of permanent confederation, of which the two most interesting +and most highly developed were the League of the Iroquois, mentioned +above, and the Mexican Confederacy, presently to be considered. The +principles upon which the Iroquois league <span class="pagenum"><a id="page073" name="page073"></a>(p. 073)</span> was founded have +been thoroughly and minutely explained by Mr. Morgan.<a id="footnotetag81" name="footnotetag81"></a><a href="#footnote81" title="Go to footnote 81"><span class="small">[81]</span></a> It originated +in a union of five tribes composed of clans in common, and speaking five +dialects of a common language. These tribes had themselves arisen +through the segmentation of a single overgrown tribe, so that portions +of the original clans survived in them all. The Wolf, Bear, and Turtle +clan were common to all the five tribes; three other clans were common +to three of the five. "All the members of the same gens [clan], whether +Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, or Senecas, were brothers and +sisters to each other in virtue of their descent from the same common +[female] ancestor, and they recognized each other as such with the +fullest cordiality. When they met, the first inquiry was the name of +each other's gens, and next the immediate pedigree of each other's +sachems; after which they were able to find, under their peculiar system +of consanguinity, the relationship in which they stood to each other.... +This cross-relationship between persons of the same gens in the +different tribes is still preserved and recognized among them in all its +original force. It explains the tenacity with which the fragments of the +old confederacy still cling together."<a id="footnotetag82" name="footnotetag82"></a><a href="#footnote82" title="Go to footnote 82"><span class="small">[82]</span></a> Acknowledged <span class="pagenum"><a id="page074" name="page074"></a>(p. 074)</span> +consanguinity is to the barbarian a sound reason, and the only one +conceivable, for permanent political union; and the very existence of +such a confederacy as that of the Five Nations was rendered possible +only through the permanence of the clans or communal households which +were its ultimate units. We have here a clue to the policy of these +Indians toward the kindred tribes who refused to join their league. +These tribes, too, so far as is known, would seem to have contained the +same clans. After a separation of at least four hundred years the +Wyandots have still five of their eight clans in common with the +Iroquois. When the Eries and other tribes would not join the league of +their kindred, the refusal smacked of treason to the kin, and we can +quite understand the deadly fury with which the latter turned upon them +and butchered every man, woman, and child except such as they saw fit to +adopt into their own clans.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page075" name="page075"></a>(p. 075)</span> + +<p>Each of the Five Tribes retained its local self-government. The supreme +government of the confederacy was vested in a General Council of fifty +sachems, "equal in rank and authority." The fifty sachemships were +created in perpetuity in certain clans of the several tribes; whenever a +vacancy occurred, it was filled by the clan electing one of its own +members; <span class="sidenote">Structure of the confederacy.</span> +a sachem once thus elected could be deposed by the clan-council +for good cause; "but the right to invest these sachems with office was +reserved to the General Council." These fifty sachems of the confederacy +were likewise sachems in their respective tribes, "and with the chiefs +of these tribes formed the council of each, which was supreme over all +matters pertaining to the tribe exclusively." The General Council could +not convene itself, but could be convened by any one of the five tribal +councils. The regular meeting was once a year in the autumn, in the +valley of Onondaga, but in stirring times extra sessions were frequent. +The proceedings were opened by an address from one of the sachems, "in +the course of which he thanked the Great Spirit [i. e. Ioskeha, the +sky-god] for sparing their lives and permitting them to meet together;" +after this they were ready for business. It was proper for any orator +from among the people to address the Council with arguments, and the +debates were sometimes very long and elaborate. When it came to voting, +the fifty sachems voted by tribes, each tribe counting as a unit, and +unanimity was as imperative as in an English jury, so that one tribe +could <span class="pagenum"><a id="page076" name="page076"></a>(p. 076)</span> block the proceedings. The confederacy had no +head-sachem, or civil chief-magistrate; but a military commander was +indispensable, and, curiously enough, without being taught by the +experience of a Tarquin, the Iroquois made this a dual office, like the +Roman consulship. There were two permanent chieftainships, one in the +Wolf, the other in the Turtle clan, and both in the Seneca tribe, +because the western border was the most exposed to attack.<a id="footnotetag83" name="footnotetag83"></a><a href="#footnote83" title="Go to footnote 83"><span class="small">[83]</span></a> The +chiefs were elected by the clan, and inducted into office by the General +Council; their tenure was during life or good behaviour. This office +never encroached upon the others in its powers, but an able warrior in +this position could wield great influence.</p> + +<p>Such was the famous confederacy of the Iroquois. They called it the Long +House, +<span class="sidenote">The "Long House."</span> +and by this name as commonly as any other it is known in history. +The name by which they called themselves was Hodenosaunee, or "People of +the Long House." The name was picturesquely descriptive of the long and +narrow strip of villages with its western outlook toward the Niagara, +and its eastern toward the Hudson, three hundred miles distant. But it +was appropriate also for another and a deeper reason than this. We have +seen that in its social and political <span class="pagenum"><a id="page077" name="page077"></a>(p. 077)</span> structure, from top to +bottom and from end to end, the confederacy was based upon and held +together by the gentes, clans, communal households, or "long houses," +which were its component units. They may be compared to the hypothetical +indestructible atoms of modern physics, whereof all material objects are +composed. The whole institutional fabric was the outgrowth of the group +of ideas and habits that belong to a state of society ignorant of and +incapable of imagining any other form of organization than the clan held +together by the tie of a common maternal ancestry. The house +architecture was as much a constituent part of the fabric as the council +of sachems. There is a transparency about the system that is very +different from the obscurity we continually find in Europe and Asia, +where different strata of ideas and institutions have been superimposed +one upon another and crumpled and distorted with as little apparent +significance or purpose as the porches and gables of a so-called "Queen +Anne" house.<a id="footnotetag84" name="footnotetag84"></a><a href="#footnote84" title="Go to footnote 84"><span class="small">[84]</span></a> Conquest in the Old World has resulted in the +commingling and manifold fusion of peoples in very different stages of +development. In the New World there has been very little of that sort of +thing. Conquest in ancient America was pretty much all of the Iroquois +type, entailing in its milder form the imposition of tribute, in its +more desperate form the extermination of a tribe with the adoption of +its remnants into the similarly-constituted <span class="pagenum"><a id="page078" name="page078"></a>(p. 078)</span> tribe of the +conquerors. There was therefore but little modification of the social +structure while the people, gradually acquiring new arts, were passing +through savagery and into a more or less advanced stage of barbarism. +The symmetry of the structure and the relation of one institution to +another is thus distinctly apparent.</p> + +<p>The communal household and the political structure built upon it, as +above described in the case of the Iroquois, seem to have existed all +over ancient North America, with agreement in fundamental +characteristics and variation in details and degree of development. +There are many corners as yet imperfectly explored, but hitherto, in so +far as research has been rewarded with information, it all points in the +same general direction. Among the tribes above enumerated as either in +savagery or in the lower status of barbarism, so far as they have been +studied, there seems to be a general agreement, as to the looseness of +the marriage tie the clan with descent in the female line, the +phratry, the tribe, the +officers and councils, the social equality, the community in goods (with +exceptions already noted), and the wigwam or house adapted to communal +living.</p> + +<a id="img004" name="img004"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img004.jpg" width="300" height="521" alt="" title=""> +<p>View, Cross-section, and Ground-plan of Mandan round +house.</p> +</div> + +<p>The extreme of variation consistent with adherence to the common +principle was to be found in the shape and material of the houses. Those +of the savage tribes were but sorry huts. The long house was used by the +Powhatans and other Algonquin tribes. The other most highly developed +type may be illustrated by the circular frame-houses <span class="pagenum"><a id="page079" name="page079"></a>(p. 079)</span> of the +Mandans.<a id="footnotetag85" name="footnotetag85"></a><a href="#footnote85" title="Go to footnote 85"><span class="small">[85]</span></a> +These houses were from forty to sixty feet in diameter. +<span class="sidenote">Circular houses of the Mandans.</span> +A +dozen or more posts, each about eight inches in diameter, were set in +the ground, "at equal distances in the circumference of a circle, and +rising about six feet above the level of the floor." The tops of the +posts were connected by horizontal stringers; and outside each post a +slanting wooden brace sunk in the ground about four feet distant served +as a firm support to the structure. The spaces between these braces were +filled by tall wooden slabs, set with the same slant and resting against +the stringers. Thus the framework of the outer wall was completed. To +support the roof four posts were set in the ground about ten feet apart +in the form of a square, near the centre of the building. They were from +twelve to fifteen feet in height, and were connected at the top by four +stringers forming a square. The rafters rested upon these stringers and +upon the top of the circular wall below. The rafters were covered with +willow matting, and upon this was spread a layer of prairie grass. Then +both wall and roof, from the ground up to the summit, were covered with +earth, solid and hard, to a thickness of at least two feet. The rafters +projected above the square framework at the summit, so as to leave a +circular opening in the centre about four feet in diameter. This hole +let in a little light, and let out some of the smoke from the fire which +blazed underneath in a fire-pit lined with <span class="pagenum"><a id="page081" name="page081"></a>(p. 081)</span> stone slabs set on +edge. The only other aperture for light was the doorway, which was a +kind of vestibule or passage some ten feet in length. Curtains of +buffalo robes did duty instead of doors. The family compartments were +triangles with base at the outer wall, and apex opening upon the central +hearth; and the partitions were hanging mats or skins, which were +tastefully fringed and ornamented with quill-work and pictographs.<a id="footnotetag86" name="footnotetag86"></a><a href="#footnote86" title="Go to footnote 86"><span class="small">[86]</span></a> +In the lower Mandan village, visited by Catlin, there were about fifty +such houses, each able to accommodate from thirty to forty persons. The +village, situated upon a bold bluff at a bend of the Missouri river, and +surrounded by a palisade of stout timbers more than ten feet in height, +was very strong for defensive purposes. Indeed, it was virtually +impregnable to Indian methods of attack, for the earth-covered houses +could not be set on fire by blazing arrows, and just within the palisade +ran a trench in which the defenders could securely skulk, while through +the narrow chinks between the timbers they could shoot arrows fast +enough to keep their assailants at a distance. This purpose was further +secured by rude bastions, and considering the structure as a whole one +cannot help admiring the ingenuity which it exhibits. It shows a marked +superiority over the conceptions of military defence attained by the +Iroquois or any other Indians north of New Mexico. Besides the communal +houses the village contained its "medicine lodge," or council house, and +an open area for games and ceremonies. In the spaces <span class="pagenum"><a id="page082" name="page082"></a>(p. 082)</span> between +the houses were the scaffolds for drying maize, buffalo meat, etc., +ascended by well-made portable ladders. Outside the village, at a short +distance on the prairie, was a group of such scaffolds upon which the +dead were left to moulder, somewhat after the fashion of the +Parsees.<a id="footnotetag87" name="footnotetag87"></a><a href="#footnote87" title="Go to footnote 87"><span class="small">[87]</span></a></p> + +<hr> + +<p>We are now prepared to understand some essential points in the life of +the groups of Indians occupying the region of the Cordilleras, both +north and south of the Isthmus of Darien, all the way from Zuñi to +Quito. <span class="sidenote">The Indians of the pueblos,—in the middle status of +barbarism.</span> +The principal groups are the Moquis and Zuñis of Arizona and New +Mexico, the Nahuas or Nahuatlac tribes of Mexico, the Mayas, Quichés, +and kindred peoples of Central America; and beyond the isthmus, the +Chibchas of New Granada, and sundry peoples comprised within the domain +of the Incas. With regard to the ethnic relationships of these various +groups, opinion is still in a state of confusion; but it is not +necessary for our present purpose that we should pause to discuss the +numerous questions thus arising. Our business is to get a clear notion +in outline of the character of the culture to which these peoples had +attained at the time of the Discovery. Here we observe, on the part of +all, a very considerable divergence from the average Indian level which +we have thus far been describing.</p> + +<p>This divergence increases as we go from Zuñi toward Cuzco, reaching its +extreme, on the whole, among the Peruvians, though in some respects the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page083" name="page083"></a>(p. 083)</span> nearest approach to civilization was made by the Mayas. All +these peoples were at least one full ethnical period nearer to true +civilization than the Iroquois,—and a vast amount of change and +improvement is involved in the conception of an entire ethnical period. +According to Mr. Morgan, one more such period would have brought the +average level of these Cordilleran peoples to as high a plane as that of +the Greeks described in the Odyssey. Let us now observe the principal +points involved in the change, bearing in mind that it implies a +considerable lapse of time. While the date 1325, at which the city of +Mexico was founded, is the earliest date in the history of that country +which can be regarded as securely established, it was preceded by a long +series of generations of migration and warfare, the confused and +fragmentary record of which historians have tried—hitherto with scant +success—to unravel. To develop such a culture as that of the Aztecs out +of an antecedent culture similar to that of the Iroquois must of course +have taken a long time.</p> + +<p>It will be remembered that the most conspicuous distinctive marks of the +grade of culture attained by the Cordilleran peoples were two,—the +<span class="sidenote">Horticulture with irrigation, and architecture with adobe.</span> +cultivation of maize in large quantities by irrigation, and the use of +adobe-brick or stone in building. Probably there was at first, to some +extent, a causal connection between the former and the latter. The +region of the Moqui-Zuñi culture is a region in which arid plains become +richly fertile when water from neighbouring cliffs or peaks is <span class="pagenum"><a id="page084" name="page084"></a>(p. 084)</span> +directed down upon them. It is mainly an affair of sluices, not of pump +or well, which seem to have been alike beyond the ken of aboriginal +Americans of whatever grade. The change of occupation involved in +raising large crops of corn by the aid of sluices would facilitate an +increase in density of population, and would encourage a preference for +agricultural over predatory life. Such changes would be likely to favour +the development of defensive military art. The Mohawk's surest defence +lay in the terror which his prowess created hundreds of miles away. One +can easily see how the forefathers of our Moquis and Zuñis may have come +to prefer the security gained by living more closely together and +building impregnable fortresses.</p> + +<p>The earthen wall of the Mandan, supported on a framework of posts and +slabs, seems to me curiously and strikingly suggestive of the incipient +pottery made by surrounding a basket with a coating of clay.<a id="footnotetag88" name="footnotetag88"></a><a href="#footnote88" title="Go to footnote 88"><span class="small">[88]</span></a> When it +was discovered how to make the earthen bowl or dish without the basket, +a new era in progress was begun. So when it was discovered that an +earthen wall could be fashioned to answer the requirements of +house-builders without the need of a permanent wooden framework, another +great step was taken. <span class="sidenote">Possible origin of adobe architecture.</span> +Again the consequences were great enough to make +it mark the beginning of a new ethnical period. If we suppose the +central portion of our continent, the Mississippi and Missouri valleys, +to have been occupied at <span class="pagenum"><a id="page085" name="page085"></a>(p. 085)</span> some time by tribes familiar with the +Mandan style of building; and if we further suppose a gradual extension +or migration of this population, or some part of it, westward into the +mountain region; that would be a movement into a region in which timber +was scarce, while adobe clay was abundant. Under such circumstances the +useful qualities of that peculiar clay could not fail to be soon +discovered. The simple exposure to sunshine would quickly convert a +Mandan house built with it into an adobe house; the coating of earth +would become a coating of brick. It would not then take long to +ascertain that with such adobe-brick could be built walls at once light +and strong, erect and tall, such as could not be built with common clay. +In some such way as this I think the discovery must have been made by +the ancestors of the Zuñis, and others who have built pueblos. After the +pueblo style of architecture, with its erect walls and terraced stories, +had become developed, it was an easy step, when the occasion suggested +it, to substitute for the adobe-brick coarse rubble-stones embedded in +adobe. The final stage was reached in Mexico and Yucatan, when soft +coralline limestone was shaped into blocks with a flint chisel and laid +in courses with adobe-mortar.</p> + +<p>The pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona are among the most interesting +structures in the world. Several are still inhabited by the descendants +of the people who were living in them at the time of the Spanish +Discovery, and their primitive customs and habits of thought have been +preserved to the present day with but little <span class="pagenum"><a id="page086" name="page086"></a>(p. 086)</span> change. The long +sojourn of Mr. Cushing, <span class="sidenote">Mr. Cushing at Zuñi.</span> +of the Bureau of Ethnology, in the Zuñi pueblo, +has already thrown a flood of light upon many points in American +archæology.<a id="footnotetag89" name="footnotetag89"></a><a href="#footnote89" title="Go to footnote 89"><span class="small">[89]</span></a> As in the case of American aborigines generally, the +social life of these people is closely connected with their +architecture, and the pueblos which are still inhabited seem to furnish +us with the key to the interpretation of those that we find deserted or +in ruins, whether in Arizona or in Guatemala.</p> + +<a id="img005" name="img005"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img005.jpg" width="500" height="296" alt="" title=""> +<p>Pueblo Hungo Pavie. Chaco Cañon N. M.</p> +</div> + +<p>In the architecture of the pueblos one typical form is reproduced with +sundry variations in detail. <span class="sidenote">Typical structure of the pueblo.</span> +The typical form is that of a solid block +of buildings making three sides of an extensive rectangular enclosure +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page087" name="page087"></a>(p. 087)</span> or courtyard. On the inside, facing upon the courtyard, the +structure is but one story in height; on the outside, looking out upon +the surrounding country, it rises to three, or perhaps even five or six +stories. From inside to outside the flat roofs rise in a series of +terraces, so that the floor of the second row is continuous with the +roof of the first, the floor of the third row is continuous with the +roof of the second, and so on. The fourth side of the rectangle is +formed by a solid block of one-story apartments, usually with one or two +narrow gateways overlooked by higher structures within the enclosure. +Except these gateways there is no entrance from without; the only +windows are frowning loop-holes, and access to the several apartments is +gained through skylights reached by portable ladders. Such a structure +is what our own forefathers would have naturally called a "burgh," or +fortress; it is in one sense a house, yet in another sense a town;<a id="footnotetag90" name="footnotetag90"></a><a href="#footnote90" title="Go to footnote 90"><span class="small">[90]</span></a> +its divisions are not so much houses as compartments; it is a +joint-tenement affair, like the Iroquois long houses, but in a higher +stage of development.</p> + +<a id="img006" name="img006"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img006.jpg" width="500" height="246" alt="" title=""> +<p>Restoration of Pueblo Hungo Pavie.</p> +</div> + +<p>So far as they have been studied, the pueblo Indians are found to be +organized in clans, with descent in the female line, as in the case of +the ruder Indians above described. In the event of marriage the young +husband goes to live with his wife, and she may turn him out of doors if +he <span class="pagenum"><a id="page089" name="page089"></a>(p. 089)</span> deserves it.<a id="footnotetag91" name="footnotetag91"></a><a href="#footnote91" title="Go to footnote 91"><span class="small">[91]</span></a> +The ideas of property seem still limited +to that of possessory right, +<span class="sidenote">Pueblo society.</span> +with the ultimate title in the clan, except +that portable articles subject to individual ownership have become more +numerous. In government the council of sachems reappears with a +principal sachem, or cacique, called by the Spaniards "gobernador." +There is an organized priesthood, with distinct orders, and a ceremonial +more elaborate than those of the ruder Indians. In every pueblo there is +to be found at least one "estufa," or council-house, for governmental or +religious transactions. Usually there are two or three or more such +estufas. In mythology, in what we may call pictography or rudimentary +hieroglyphics, as well as in ordinary handicrafts, there is a marked +advance beyond the Indians of the lower status of barbarism, after +making due allowances for such things as the people of the pueblos have +learned from white men.<a id="footnotetag92" name="footnotetag92"></a><a href="#footnote92" title="Go to footnote 92"><span class="small">[92]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page090" name="page090"></a>(p. 090)</span> +<a id="img007" name="img007"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img007.jpg" width="500" height="247" alt="" title=""> +<p>Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.</p> +</div> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page091" name="page091"></a>(p. 091)</span> + +<a id="img008" name="img008"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img008b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img008.jpg" width="300" height="462" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Pueblo Peñasca Blanca.</p> +</div> + +<p>From the pueblos still existing, whether inhabited or in ruins, we may +eventually get some sort of clue to the populations of ancient towns +visited by the Spanish <span class="sidenote">Wonderful ancient pueblos in the Chaco valley.</span> +discoverers.<a id="footnotetag93" name="footnotetag93"></a><a href="#footnote93" title="Go to footnote 93"><span class="small">[93]</span></a> The pueblo of Zuñi seems to have +had at one time a population of 5,000, but it has dwindled to less than +2,000. Of the ruined pueblos, built of stone with adobe mortar, in the +valley of the Rio Chaco, the Pueblo Hungo Pavie contained 73 apartments +in the first story, 53 in the second, and 29 in the third, with an +average size of 18 feet by 13; and would have accommodated about 1,000 +Indians. In the same valley Pueblo Bonito, with four stories, contained +not less than 640 apartments, with room enough for a population of +3,000; within a third of a mile from this huge structure stood Pueblo +Chettro Kettle, with 506 apartments. The most common variation from the +rectangular shape was that in which a terraced semicircle was +substituted for the three terraced sides, as in Pueblo Bonito, or the +whole rectangular design was converted into an ellipse, as in Pueblo +Peñasca Blanca. There are indications that these fortresses were not in +all cases built at one time, but that, at least in some cases, they grew +by gradual accretions.<a id="footnotetag94" name="footnotetag94"></a><a href="#footnote94" title="Go to footnote 94"><span class="small">[94]</span></a> The smallness of the distances between those +in the Chaco valley suggests that their inhabitants must have been +united in a confederation; and one can easily see that an actual +juxtaposition or partial coalescence <span class="pagenum"><a id="page092" name="page092"></a>(p. 092)</span> of such communities would +have made a city of very imposing appearance. The pueblos are always +found situated near a river, and their gardens, lying outside, are +easily accessible to sluices <span class="pagenum"><a id="page093" name="page093"></a>(p. 093)</span> from neighbouring cliffs or +mesas. <span class="sidenote">The Moqui pueblos.</span> +But in some cases, as the Wolpi pueblo of the Moquis, the whole +stronghold is built upon the summit of the cliff; there is a coalescence +of communal structures, each enclosing a courtyard, in which there is a +spring for the water-supply; and the irrigated gardens are built in +terrace-form just below on the bluff, and protected by solid walls. From +this curious pueblo another transition takes us to the extraordinary +cliff-houses found in the Chelly, Mancos, and McElmo cañons, and +elsewhere,—veritable <span class="sidenote">The cliff pueblos.</span> +human eyries perched in crevices or clefts of the +perpendicular rock, accessible only by dint of a toilsome and perilous +climb; places of refuge, perhaps for fragments of tribes overwhelmed by +more barbarous invaders, yet showing in their dwelling-rooms and estufas +marks of careful building and tasteful adornment.<a id="footnotetag95" name="footnotetag95"></a><a href="#footnote95" title="Go to footnote 95"><span class="small">[95]</span></a></p> + +<p>The pueblo of Zuñi is a more extensive and complex structure than the +ruined pueblos on the Chaco river. It is not so much an enormous +communal house as a small town formed of a number of such houses crowded +together, with access from one to another along their roof-terraces. +<span class="sidenote">Pueblo of Zuñi.</span> +Some of the structures are of adobe brick, others of stone embedded in +adobe mortar <span class="pagenum"><a id="page094" name="page094"></a>(p. 094)</span> and covered with plaster. There are two open +plazas or squares in the town, and several streets, some of which are +covered ways passing beneath the upper stories of houses. The effect, +though not splendid, must be very picturesque, and would doubtless +astonish and bewilder visitors unprepared for such a sight. When +Coronado's men discovered Zuñi in 1540, although that style of building +was no longer a novelty to them, they compared the place to Granada.</p> + +<p>Now it is worthy of note that Cortes made the same comparison in the +case of Tlascala, one of the famous towns at which he stopped on his +march from Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico. In his letter to the emperor +Charles V., +<span class="sidenote">Pueblo of Tlascala.</span> +he compared Tlascala to Granada, "affirming that it was +larger, stronger, and more populous than the Moorish capital at the time +of the conquest, and quite as well built."<a id="footnotetag96" name="footnotetag96"></a><a href="#footnote96" title="Go to footnote 96"><span class="small">[96]</span></a> Upon this Mr. Prescott +observes, "we shall be slow to believe that its edifices could have +rivalled those monuments of Oriental magnificence, whose light aerial +forms still survive after the lapse of ages, the admiration of every +traveller of sensibility and taste. The truth is that Cortes, like +Columbus, saw objects through the warm medium of his own fond +imagination, giving them a higher tone of colouring and larger +dimensions than were strictly warranted by the fact." Or, as Mr. +Bandelier puts <span class="pagenum"><a id="page095" name="page095"></a>(p. 095)</span> it, when it comes to general statements about +numbers and dimensions, "the descriptions of the conquerors cannot be +taken as facts, only as the expression of feelings, honestly entertained +but uncritical." From details given in various Spanish descriptions, +including those of Cortes himself, it is evident that there could not +have been much difference in size between Tlascala and its neighbour +Cholula. The population of the latter town has often been given as from +150,000 to 200,000; but, from elaborate archæological investigations +made on the spot in 1881, Mr. Bandelier concludes that it cannot have +greatly exceeded 30,000, and this number really agrees with the +estimates of two very important Spanish authorities, Las Casas and +Torquemada, when correctly understood.<a id="footnotetag97" name="footnotetag97"></a><a href="#footnote97" title="Go to footnote 97"><span class="small">[97]</span></a> We may therefore suppose that +the population of Tlascala was about 30,000. Now the population of the +city of Granada, at the time of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page096" name="page096"></a>(p. 096)</span> its conquest by Ferdinand and +Isabella, is said by the greatest of Spanish historians<a id="footnotetag98" name="footnotetag98"></a><a href="#footnote98" title="Go to footnote 98"><span class="small">[98]</span></a> to have been +about 200,000. It would thus appear that Cortes sometimes let his +feelings run away with him; and, all things considered, small blame to +him if he did! In studying the story of the Spanish conquest of America, +liberal allowance must often be made for inaccuracies of statement that +were usually pardonable and sometimes inevitable.</p> + +<p>But when Cortes described Tlascala as "quite as well built" as Granada, +it is not at all likely that he was thinking about that exquisite +Moorish architecture which in the mind of Mr. Prescott or any cultivated +modern writer is the first thing to be suggested by the name. The +Spaniards of those days did not admire the artistic work of "infidels;" +they covered up beautiful arabesques with a wash of dirty plaster, and +otherwise behaved very much like the Puritans who smashed the +"idolatrous" statues in English cathedrals. When Cortes looked at +Tlascala, and Coronado looked at Zuñi, and both soldiers were reminded +of Granada, they were probably looking at those places with a +professional eye as fortresses hard to capture; and from this point of +view there was doubtless some justice in the comparison.</p> + +<p>In the description of Tlascala by the Spaniards who first saw it, with +its dark and narrow streets, its houses of adobe, or "the better sort" +of stone laid in adobe mortar, and its flat and terraced roofs, one is +irresistibly reminded of such a pueblo <span class="pagenum"><a id="page097" name="page097"></a>(p. 097)</span> as Zuñi. Tlascala was a +town of a type probably common in Mexico. +<span class="sidenote">The ancient city of Mexico was a great composite pueblo.</span> +In some respects, as will +hereafter appear, the city of Mexico showed striking variations from the +common type. Yet there too were to be seen the huge houses, with +terraced roofs, built around a square courtyard; in one of them 450 +Spaniards, with more than 1,000 Tlascalan allies, were accommodated; in +another, called "Montezuma's palace," one of the conquerors, who came +several times intending to see the whole of it, got so tired with +wandering through the interminable succession of rooms that at length he +gave it up and never saw them all.<a id="footnotetag99" name="footnotetag99"></a><a href="#footnote99" title="Go to footnote 99"><span class="small">[99]</span></a> This might have happened in such +a building as Pueblo Bonito; and a suspicion is raised that Montezuma's +city was really a vast composite pueblo, and that its so-called palaces +were communal buildings in principle like the pueblos of the Chaco +valley.</p> + +<p>Of course the Spanish discoverers could not be expected to understand +the meaning of what they saw. +<span class="sidenote">Natural mistake of the Spanish discoverers.</span> +It dazed and bewildered them. They knew +little or nothing of any other kind of society than feudal monarchy, and +if they made such mistakes as to call the head war-chief a "king" (i. e. +feudal king) or "emperor," and the clan-chiefs "lords" or "noblemen," if +they supposed that these huge fortresses <span class="pagenum"><a id="page098" name="page098"></a>(p. 098)</span> were like feudal +castles and palaces in Europe, they were quite excusable. Such +misconceptions were common enough before barbarous societies had been +much studied; and many a dusky warrior, without a tithe of the pomp and +splendour about him that surrounded Montezuma, has figured in the pages +of history as a mighty potentate girt with many of the trappings of +feudalism.<a id="footnotetag100" name="footnotetag100"></a><a href="#footnote100" title="Go to footnote 100"><span class="small">[100]</span></a> Initial misconceptions that were natural enough, indeed +unavoidable, found expression in an absurdly inappropriate nomenclature; +and then the use of wrong names and titles bore fruit in what one cannot +properly call a theory but rather an incoherent medley of notions about +barbaric society. Nothing could be further from <i>feudalism</i>, in which +the relation of landlord and tenant is a fundamental element, than the +society of the American aborigines, in which that relation was utterly +unknown and inconceivable. <span class="sidenote">Contrast between feudalism and gentilism.</span> +This more primitive form of society is not +improperly called <i>gentilism</i>, inasmuch as it is based upon the gens or +clan, with communism in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page099" name="page099"></a>(p. 099)</span> living, and with the conception of +individual ownership of property undeveloped. It was gentilism that +everywhere prevailed throughout the myriads of unrecorded centuries +during which the foremost races of mankind struggled up through savagery +and barbarism into civilization, while weaker and duller races lagged +behind at various stages on the way. +<span class="sidenote">Change from gentile society to political society.</span> +The change from "gentile" society +to political society as we know it was in some respects the most +important change that has occurred in human affairs since men became +human. It might be roughly defined as the change from personal to +territorial organization. It was accomplished when the stationary clan +became converted into the township, and the stationary tribe into the +small state;<a id="footnotetag101" name="footnotetag101"></a><a href="#footnote101" title="Go to footnote 101"><span class="small">[101]</span></a> when the conception of individual property in land was +fully acquired; when the tie of physical kinship ceased to be +indispensable as a bond for holding a society together; when the +<i>clansman</i> became a <i>citizen</i>. This momentous change was accomplished +among the Greeks during a period beginning <span class="pagenum"><a id="page100" name="page100"></a>(p. 100)</span> shortly before the +first Olympiad (<span class="smcap">B. C.</span> 776), and ending with the reforms of Kleisthenes +at Athens (<span class="smcap">B. C.</span> 509); among the Romans it was accomplished by the +series of legislative changes beginning with those ascribed to Servius +Tullius (about <span class="smcap">B. C.</span> 550), and perfected by the time of the first Punic +War (<span class="smcap">B. C.</span> 264-241). In each case about three centuries was required to +work the change.<a id="footnotetag102" name="footnotetag102"></a><a href="#footnote102" title="Go to footnote 102"><span class="small">[102]</span></a> If now the reader, familiar with European history, +will reflect upon the period of more than a thousand years which +intervened between the date last named and the time when feudalism +became thoroughly established, if he will recall to mind the vast and +powerful complication of causes which operated to transform civil +society from the aspect which it wore in the days of Regulus and the +second Ptolemy to that which it had assumed in the times of Henry the +Fowler or Fulk of Anjou, he will begin to realize how much "feudalism" +implies, and what a wealth of experience it involves, above and beyond +the change from "gentile" to "civil" society. It does not appear that +any people in ancient America ever approached very near to this earlier +change. None had fairly begun to emerge from gentilism; none had +advanced so far as the Greeks of the first Olympiad or the Romans under +the rule of the Tarquins.</p> + +<p>The first eminent writer to express a serious <span class="pagenum"><a id="page101" name="page101"></a>(p. 101)</span> doubt as to the +correctness of the earlier views of Mexican civilization was that +sagacious Scotchman, <span class="sidenote">Suspicions as to the erroneousness of the Spanish accounts.</span> +William Robertson.<a id="footnotetag103" name="footnotetag103"></a><a href="#footnote103" title="Go to footnote 103"><span class="small">[103]</span></a> The illustrious statesman +and philologist, Albert Gallatin, founder of the American Ethnological +Society, published in the first volume of its "Transactions" an essay +which recognized the danger of trusting the Spanish narratives without +very careful and critical scrutiny.<a id="footnotetag104" name="footnotetag104"></a><a href="#footnote104" title="Go to footnote 104"><span class="small">[104]</span></a> It is to be observed that Mr. +Gallatin approached the subject with somewhat more knowledge of +aboriginal life in America than had been possessed by previous writers. +A similar scepticism was expressed by Lewis Cass, who also knew a great +deal about Indians.<a id="footnotetag105" name="footnotetag105"></a><a href="#footnote105" title="Go to footnote 105"><span class="small">[105]</span></a> Next came Mr. Morgan,<a id="footnotetag106" name="footnotetag106"></a><a href="#footnote106" title="Go to footnote 106"><span class="small">[106]</span></a> the man of +path-breaking ideas, whose minute and profound acquaintance with Indian +life was joined with a power of penetrating the hidden implications of +facts so keen and so sure as to <span class="pagenum"><a id="page102" name="page102"></a>(p. 102)</span> amount to genius. Mr. Morgan +saw the nature of the delusion under which the Spaniards laboured; +<span class="sidenote">Detection and explanation of the errors, by Lewis Morgan.</span> +he +saw that what they mistook for feudal castles owned by great lords, and +inhabited by dependent retainers, were really huge communal houses, +owned and inhabited by clans, or rather by segments of overgrown clans. +He saw this so vividly that it betrayed him now and then into a somewhat +impatient and dogmatic manner of statement; but that was a slight fault, +for what he saw was not the outcome of dreamy speculation but of +scientific insight. His researches, which reduced "Montezuma's empire" +to a confederacy of tribes dwelling in pueblos, governed by a council of +chiefs, and collecting tribute from neighbouring pueblos, have been +fully sustained by subsequent investigation.</p> + +<p>The state of society which Cortes saw has, indeed, passed away, and its +monuments and hieroglyphic records have been in great part destroyed. +Nevertheless some monuments and some hieroglyphic records remain, and +the people are still there. Tlascalans and Aztecs, descendants in the +eleventh or twelfth generation from the men whose bitter feuds gave such +a golden opportunity to Cortes, still dwell upon the soil of Mexico, and +speak the language in which Montezuma made his last harangue to the +furious people. There is, moreover, a great mass of literature in +Spanish, besides more or less in Nahuatl, written during the century +following the conquest, and the devoted missionaries and painstaking +administrators, who wrote books about the country in which they were +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page103" name="page103"></a>(p. 103)</span> working, were not engaged in a wholesale conspiracy for +deceiving mankind. From a really critical study of this literature, +combined with archæological investigation, much may be expected; and a +noble beginning has already been made. A more extensive acquaintance +with Mexican literature would at times have materially modified Mr. +Morgan's conclusions, though without altering their general drift. At +this point the work has been taken up by +<span class="sidenote">Adolf Bandelier's researches.</span> +Mr. Adolf Bandelier, of +Highland, Illinois, to whose rare sagacity and untiring industry as a +field archæologist is joined such a thorough knowledge of Mexican +literature as few men before him have possessed. Armed with such +resources, Mr. Bandelier is doing for the ancient history of America +work as significant as that which Mommsen has done for Rome, or Baur for +the beginnings of Christianity. When a sufficient mass of facts and +incidents have once been put upon record, it is hard for ignorant +misconception to bury the truth in a pit so deep but that the delving +genius of critical scholarship will sooner or later drag it forth into +the light of day.<a id="footnotetag107" name="footnotetag107"></a><a href="#footnote107" title="Go to footnote 107"><span class="small">[107]</span></a></p> + +<p>At this point in our exposition a very concise summary of Mr. +Bandelier's results will suffice to <span class="pagenum"><a id="page104" name="page104"></a>(p. 104)</span> enable the reader to +understand their import. What has been called the "empire of Montezuma" +was in reality a confederacy of three tribes, the Aztecs, Tezcucans, and +Tlacopans,<a id="footnotetag108" name="footnotetag108"></a><a href="#footnote108" title="Go to footnote 108"><span class="small">[108]</span></a> dwelling in three large composite pueblos situated very +near together in one of the strongest defensive positions ever occupied +by Indians. <span class="sidenote">The Aztec confederacy.</span> +This Aztec confederacy extended its "sway" over a +considerable portion of the Mexican peninsula, but that "sway" could not +correctly be described as "empire," for it was in no sense a military +occupation of the country. The confederacy did not have garrisons in +subject pueblos or civil officials to administer their affairs for them. +It simply sent some of its chiefs about from one pueblo to another to +collect tribute. This tax consisted in great part of maize and other +food, and each tributary pueblo reserved a certain portion of its tribal +territory to be cultivated for the benefit of the domineering +confederacy. If a pueblo proved delinquent or recalcitrant, Aztec +warriors swooped down upon it in stealthy midnight assault, butchered +its inhabitants and emptied its granaries, and when the paroxysm of rage +had spent itself, went exulting homeward, carrying away women for +concubines, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page105" name="page105"></a>(p. 105)</span> men to be sacrificed, and such miscellaneous booty +as could be conveyed without wagons or beasts to draw them.<a id="footnotetag109" name="footnotetag109"></a><a href="#footnote109" title="Go to footnote 109"><span class="small">[109]</span></a> If the +sudden assault, with scaling ladders, happened to fail, the assailants +were likely to be baffled, for there was no artillery, and so little +food could be carried that a siege meant starvation for the besiegers.</p> + +<p>The tributary pueblos were also liable to be summoned to furnish a +contingent of warriors to the war-parties of the confederacy, under the +same penalties for delinquency as in the case of refusal of tribute. In +such cases it was quite common for the confederacy to issue a peremptory +summons, followed by a declaration of war. When a pueblo was captured, +the only way in which the vanquished people could stop the massacre was +by holding out signals of submission; a parley then sometimes adjusted +the affair, and the payment of a year's tribute in advance induced the +conquerors to depart, but captives once taken could seldom if ever be +ransomed. If the parties could not agree upon terms, the slaughter was +renewed, and sometimes went on until the departing victors left nought +behind them but ruined houses belching from loop-hole and doorway lurid +clouds of smoke and flame upon narrow silent streets heaped up with +mangled corpses.</p> + +<p>The sway of the Aztec confederacy over the Mexican peninsula was thus +essentially similar to the sway of the Iroquois confederacy over a great +part of the tribes between the Connecticut river <span class="pagenum"><a id="page106" name="page106"></a>(p. 106)</span> and the +Mississippi. It was simply the levying of tribute,—a system of plunder +enforced by terror. The so-called empire was "only a partnership formed +for the purpose of carrying on the business of warfare, and that +intended, not for the extension of territorial ownership, but only for +an increase of the means of subsistence."<a id="footnotetag110" name="footnotetag110"></a><a href="#footnote110" title="Go to footnote 110"><span class="small">[110]</span></a> There was none of that +coalescence and incorporation of peoples which occurs after the change +from gentilism to civil society has been effected. Among the Mexicans, +as elsewhere throughout North America, the tribe remained intact as the +highest completed political integer.</p> + +<p>The Aztec tribe was organized in clans and phratries, +<span class="sidenote">Aztec clans.</span> +and the number of +clans would indicate that the tribe was a very large one.<a id="footnotetag111" name="footnotetag111"></a><a href="#footnote111" title="Go to footnote 111"><span class="small">[111]</span></a> There +were twenty clans, called in the Nahuatl language "calpullis." We may +fairly suppose that the average size of a clan was larger <span class="pagenum"><a id="page107" name="page107"></a>(p. 107)</span> than +the average tribe of Algonquins or Iroquois; but owing to the compact +"city" life, this increase of numbers did not result in segmentation and +scattering, as among Indians in the lower status. Each Aztec clan seems +to have occupied a number of adjacent communal houses, forming a kind of +precinct, with its special house or houses for official purposes, +corresponding to the <i>estufas</i> in the New Mexican pueblos. The houses +were the common property of the clan, and so was the land which its +members cultivated; and such houses and land could not be sold or +bartered away by the clan, or in anywise alienated. The idea of "real +estate" had not been developed; the clan simply exercised a right of +occupancy, and—as among some ruder Indians—its individual members +exercised certain limited rights of user in particular garden-plots.</p> + +<p>The clan was governed by a clan council, consisting of chiefs +(<i>tecuhtli</i>) elected by the clan, and inducted into office after a cruel +religious ordeal, in which the candidate was bruised, tortured, and half +starved. <span class="sidenote">Clan officers.</span> +An executive department was more clearly differentiated from +the council than among the Indians of the lower status. The clan +(<i>calpulli</i>) had an official head, or sachem, called the <i>calpullec</i>; +and also a military commander called the <i>ahcacautin</i>, or "elder +brother." The <i>ahcacautin</i> was also a kind of peace officer, or +constable, for the precinct occupied by the clan, and carried about with +him a staff of office; a tuft of white feathers attached to this staff +betokened that his errand was one of death. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page108" name="page108"></a>(p. 108)</span> The clan elected +its <i>calpullec</i> and <i>ahcacautin</i>, and could depose them for cause.<a id="footnotetag112" name="footnotetag112"></a><a href="#footnote112" title="Go to footnote 112"><span class="small">[112]</span></a></p> + +<p>The members of the clan were reciprocally bound to aid, defend, and +avenge one another; but wergild was no longer accepted, and the penalty +for murder was death. The clan exercised the right of naming its +members. Such names were invariably significant (as <i>Nezahualcoyotl</i>, +"Hungry Coyote," <i>Axayacatl</i>, "Face-in-the-Water," etc.), +<span class="sidenote">Rights and duties of the clan.</span> +and more or +less "medicine," or superstitious association, was attached to the name. +The clans also had their significant names and totems. Each clan had its +peculiar religious rites, its priests or medicine-men who were members +of the clan council, and its temple or medicine-house. Instead of +burying their dead the Mexican tribes practised cremation; there was, +therefore, no common cemetery, but the funeral ceremonies were conducted +by the clan.</p> + +<p>The clans of the Aztecs, like those of many other Mexican tribes, were +organized into four phratries; and this divided the city of Mexico, +<span class="sidenote">Aztec phratries.</span> +as +the Spaniards at once remarked, into four quarters. The phratry had +acquired more functions than it possessed in the lower status. Besides +certain religious and social duties, and besides its connection with the +punishment of criminals, the Mexican phratry was an organization for +military purposes.<a id="footnotetag113" name="footnotetag113"></a><a href="#footnote113" title="Go to footnote 113"><span class="small">[113]</span></a> The four <span class="pagenum"><a id="page109" name="page109"></a>(p. 109)</span> phratries were four divisions +of the tribal host, each with its captain. In each of the quarters was +an arsenal, or "dart-house," where weapons were stored, and from which +they were handed out to war-parties about to start on an expedition.</p> + +<p>The supreme government of the Aztecs was vested in the tribal council +composed of twenty members, <span class="sidenote">The tribal council.</span> +one for each clan. The member, representing +a clan, was not its <i>calpullec</i>, or "sachem;" he was one of the +<i>tecuhtli</i>, or clan-chiefs, and was significantly called the "speaker" +(<i>tlatoani</i>). The tribal council, thus composed of twenty speakers, was +called the <i>tlatocan</i>, or "place of speech."<a id="footnotetag114" name="footnotetag114"></a><a href="#footnote114" title="Go to footnote 114"><span class="small">[114]</span></a> At least as often as +once in ten days the council assembled at the <i>tecpan</i>, or official +house of the tribe, but it could be convened whenever occasion required, +and in cases of emergency was continually in session. Its powers and +duties were similar to those of an ancient English shiremote, in so far +as they were partly directive and partly judicial. A large part of its +business was settling disputes between the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page110" name="page110"></a>(p. 110)</span> clans. It +superintended the ceremonies of investiture with which the chiefs and +other officers of the clans were sworn into office. At intervals of +eighty days there was an "extra session" of the <i>tlatocan</i>, attended +also by the twenty "elder brothers," the four phratry-captains, the two +executive chiefs of the tribe, and the leading priests, and at such +times a reconsideration of an unpopular decision might be urged; but the +authority of the <i>tlatocan</i> was supreme, and from its final decision +there could be no appeal.<a id="footnotetag115" name="footnotetag115"></a><a href="#footnote115" title="Go to footnote 115"><span class="small">[115]</span></a></p> + +<p>The executive chiefs of the tribe were two in number, as was commonly +the case in ancient America. The tribal sachem, or civil executive, bore +the grotesque title of <i>cihuacoatl</i>,<span class="sidenote">The "snake-woman."</span> +or "snake-woman."<a id="footnotetag116" name="footnotetag116"></a><a href="#footnote116" title="Go to footnote 116"><span class="small">[116]</span></a> His relation +to the tribe was in general like that of the <i>calpullec</i> to the clan. He +executed the decrees of the tribal council, of which he was <i>ex officio</i> +a member, and was responsible for the housing of tribute and its proper +distribution among the clans. He was also chief judge, and he was +lieutenant to the head war-chief in command of the tribal <span class="pagenum"><a id="page111" name="page111"></a>(p. 111)</span> +host.<a id="footnotetag117" name="footnotetag117"></a><a href="#footnote117" title="Go to footnote 117"><span class="small">[117]</span></a> He was elected for life by the tribal council, which could +depose him for misconduct.</p> + +<p>The office of head war-chief was an instance of primitive royalty in a +very interesting stage of development. The title of this officer was +<i>tlacatecuhtli</i>,<span class="sidenote">The "chief-of men."</span> +or "chief-of-men."<a id="footnotetag118" name="footnotetag118"></a><a href="#footnote118" title="Go to footnote 118"><span class="small">[118]</span></a> He was primarily head war-chief +of the Aztec tribe, but about 1430 became supreme military commander of +the three confederate tribes, so that his office was one of peculiar +dignity and importance. When the Spaniards arrived upon the scene +Montezuma was <i>tlacatecuhtli</i>, and they naturally called him "king." To +understand precisely how far such an epithet could correctly be applied +to him, and how far it was misleading, we must recall the manner in +which early kingship arose in Europe. The Roman <i>rex</i> was an officer +elected for life; the typical Greek <i>basileus</i> was a somewhat more fully +developed king, inasmuch as his office was becoming practically +hereditary; <span class="sidenote">Evolution of kingship in Greece and Rome.</span> +otherwise <i>rex</i> was about equivalent to <i>basileus</i>. Alike in +Rome and in Greece the king had at least three great functions, and +possibly four.<a id="footnotetag119" name="footnotetag119"></a><a href="#footnote119" title="Go to footnote 119"><span class="small">[119]</span></a> He was, primarily, chief <span class="pagenum"><a id="page112" name="page112"></a>(p. 112)</span> commander, +secondly, chief priest, thirdly, chief judge; whether he had reached the +fourth stage and added the functions of chief civil executive, is matter +of dispute. Kingship in Rome and in most Greek cities was overthrown at +so early a date that some questions of this sort are difficult to +settle. But in all probability the office grew up through the successive +acquisition of ritual, judicial, and civil functions by the military +commander. The paramount necessity of consulting the tutelar deities +before fighting resulted in making the general a priest competent to +perform sacrifices and interpret omens;<a id="footnotetag120" name="footnotetag120"></a><a href="#footnote120" title="Go to footnote 120"><span class="small">[120]</span></a> he thus naturally became +the most important among priests; an increased sanctity invested his +person and office; and by and by he acquired control over the +dispensation of justice, and finally over the whole civil +administration. One step more was needed to develop the <i>basileus</i> into +a despot, like the king of Persia, and that was to let him get into his +hands the law-making power, involving complete control over taxation. +When the Greeks and Romans became dissatisfied with the increasing +powers of their kings, they destroyed the office. The <span class="pagenum"><a id="page113" name="page113"></a>(p. 113)</span> Romans +did not materially diminish its functions, but put them into commission, +by entrusting them to two consuls of equal authority elected annually. +The Greeks, on the other hand, divided the royal functions among +different officers, as e. g. at Athens among the nine archons.<a id="footnotetag121" name="footnotetag121"></a><a href="#footnote121" title="Go to footnote 121"><span class="small">[121]</span></a></p> + +<p>The typical kingship in mediæval Europe, after the full development of +the feudal system, was very different indeed from the kingship in early +Greece and Rome. <span class="sidenote">Mediæval kingship.</span> +In the Middle Ages all priestly functions had passed +into the hands of the Church.<a id="footnotetag122" name="footnotetag122"></a><a href="#footnote122" title="Go to footnote 122"><span class="small">[122]</span></a> A king like Charles VII. of France, +or Edward III. of England, was military commander, civil magistrate, +chief judge, and <i>supreme landlord</i>; the people were his tenants. That +was the kind of king with which the Spanish discoverers of Mexico were +familiar.</p> + +<p>Now the Mexican <i>tlacatecuhtli</i>, or "chief-of-men," was much more like +Agamemnon in point of kingship than like Edward III. He was not supreme +landlord, for landlordship did not exist in Mexico. He was not chief +judge or civil magistrate; <span class="pagenum"><a id="page114" name="page114"></a>(p. 114)</span> those functions belonged to the +"snake-woman." Mr. Bandelier regards the "chief-of-men" as simply a +military commander; <span class="sidenote">Montezuma was a "priest-commander."</span> +but for reasons which I shall state hereafter,<a id="footnotetag123" name="footnotetag123"></a><a href="#footnote123" title="Go to footnote 123"><span class="small">[123]</span></a> +it seems quite clear that he exercised certain very important priestly +functions, although beside him there was a kind of high-priest or +medicine-chief. If I am right in holding that Montezuma was a +"priest-commander," then incipient royalty in Mexico had advanced at +least one stage beyond the head war-chief of the Iroquois, and remained +one stage behind the <i>basileus</i> of the Homeric Greeks.</p> + +<p>The <i>tlacatecuhtli</i>, or "chief-of-men," was elected by an assembly +consisting of the tribal council, the "elder brothers" of the several +clans, and certain leading priests. <span class="sidenote">Mode of succession to the office.</span> +Though the office was thus elective, +the choice seems to have been practically limited to a particular clan, +and in the eleven chiefs who were chosen from 1375 to 1520 a certain +principle or custom of succession seems to be plainly indicated.<a id="footnotetag124" name="footnotetag124"></a><a href="#footnote124" title="Go to footnote 124"><span class="small">[124]</span></a> +There was a further limit to the order of succession. Allusion has been +made to the four phratry-captains commanding the quarters of the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page115" name="page115"></a>(p. 115)</span> city. Their cheerful titles were "man of the house of darts," +"cutter of men," "bloodshedder," and "chief of the eagle and cactus." +These captains were military chiefs of the phratries, and also +magistrates charged with the duty of maintaining order and enforcing the +decrees of the council in their respective quarters. The "chief of the +eagle and cactus" was chief executioner,—Jack Ketch. He was not +eligible for the office of "chief-of-men;" the three other +phratry-captains were eligible. Then there was a member of the +priesthood entitled "man of the dark house." This person, with the three +eligible captains, made a quartette, and one of this privileged four +<i>must</i> succeed to the office of "chief-of-men."</p> + +<p>The eligibility of the "man of the dark house" may be cited here as +positive proof that sometimes the "chief-of-men" could be a +"priest-commander." That in all cases he acquired priestly functions +after election, even when he did not possess them before, is indicated +by the fact that at the ceremony of his induction into office he +ascended to the summit of the pyramid sacred to the war-god +Huitzilopochtli, where he was anointed by the high-priest with a black +ointment, and sprinkled with sanctified water; having thus become +consecrated he took a censer of live coals and a bag of copal, and as +his first official act offered incense to the war-god.<a id="footnotetag125" name="footnotetag125"></a><a href="#footnote125" title="Go to footnote 125"><span class="small">[125]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page116" name="page116"></a>(p. 116)</span> + +<p>As the "chief-of-men" was elected, so too he could be deposed for +misbehaviour. He was <i>ex officio</i> a member of the tribal council, and he +had his official residence in the <i>tecpan</i>, or tribal house, where the +meetings of the council were held, and where the hospitalities of the +tribe were extended to strangers. As an administrative officer, the +"chief-of-men" had little to do within the limits of the tribe; that, as +already observed, was the business of the "snake-woman." But outside of +the confederacy the "chief-of-men" exercised administrative functions. +He superintended the collection of tribute. +<span class="sidenote">Manner of collecting tribute.</span> +Each of the three +confederate tribes appointed, through its tribal council, agents to +visit the subjected pueblos and gather in the tribute. These agents were +expressively termed <i>calpixqui</i>, "crop-gatherers." As these men were +obliged to spend considerable time in the vanquished pueblos in the +double character of tax-collectors and spies, we can imagine how hateful +their position was. Their security from injury depended upon the +reputation of their tribes for ruthless ferocity.<a id="footnotetag126" name="footnotetag126"></a><a href="#footnote126" title="Go to footnote 126"><span class="small">[126]</span></a> The tiger-like +confederacy was only too ready to take offence; in the lack of a decent +pretext it often went to war without one, simply in order to get human +victims for sacrifice.</p> + +<p>Once appointed, the tax-gatherers were directed <span class="pagenum"><a id="page117" name="page117"></a>(p. 117)</span> by the +"chief-of-men." The tribute was chiefly maize, but might be anything the +conquerors chose to demand,—weapons, fine pottery or featherwork, gold +ornaments, or female slaves. Sometimes the tributary pueblo, instead of +sacrificing all its prisoners of war upon its own altars, sent some of +them up to Mexico as part of its tribute. The ravening maw of the +horrible deities was thus appeased, not by the pueblo that paid the +blackmail, but by the power that extorted it, and thus the latter +obtained a larger share of divine favour. Generally the unhappy +prisoners were forced to carry the corn and other articles. They were +convoyed by couriers who saw that everything was properly delivered at +the <i>tecpan</i>, and also brought information by word of mouth and by +picture-writing from the <i>calpixqui</i> to the "chief-of-men." When the +newly-arrived Spaniards saw these couriers coming and going they fancied +that they were "ambassadors." This system of tribute-taking made it +necessary to build roads, and this in turn facilitated, not only +military operations, but trade, which had already made some progress +albeit of a simple sort. These "roads" might perhaps more properly be +called Indian trails,<a id="footnotetag127" name="footnotetag127"></a><a href="#footnote127" title="Go to footnote 127"><span class="small">[127]</span></a> but they served their purpose.</p> + +<p>The general similarity of the Aztec confederacy <span class="pagenum"><a id="page118" name="page118"></a>(p. 118)</span> to that of the +Iroquois, in point of social structure, is thus clearly manifest. +<span class="sidenote">Aztec and Iroquois confederacies contrasted.</span> +Along +with this general similarity we have observed some points of higher +development, such as one might expect to find in traversing the entire +length of an ethnical period. Instead of stockaded villages, with houses +of bark or of clay supported upon a wooden framework, we have pueblos of +adobe-brick or stone, in various stages of evolution, the most advanced +of which present the appearance of castellated cities. Along with the +systematic irrigation and increased dependence upon horticulture, we +find evidences of greater density of population; and we see in the +victorious confederacy a more highly developed organization for adding +to its stock of food and other desirable possessions by the systematic +plunder of neighbouring weaker communities. Naturally such increase in +numbers and organization entails some increase in the number of officers +and some differentiation of their functions, as illustrated in the +representation of the clans (<i>calpulli</i>) in the tribal council +(<i>tlatocan</i>), by speakers (<i>tlatoani</i>) chosen for the purpose, and not +by the official heads (<i>calpullec</i>) of the clan. Likewise in the +military commander-in-chief (<i>tlacatecuhtli</i>) we observe a marked +increase in dignity, and—as I have already suggested and hope to +maintain—we find that his office has been clothed with sacerdotal +powers, and has thus taken a decided step toward kingship of the ancient +type, as depicted in the Homeric poems.</p> + +<p>No feature of the advance is more noteworthy <span class="pagenum"><a id="page119" name="page119"></a>(p. 119)</span> than the +development of the medicine-men into an organized priesthood.<a id="footnotetag128" name="footnotetag128"></a><a href="#footnote128" title="Go to footnote 128"><span class="small">[128]</span></a> The +<span class="sidenote">Aztec priesthood: human sacrifices.</span> +presence of this priesthood and its ritual was proclaimed to the eyes of +the traveller in ancient Mexico by the numerous tall truncated pyramids +(<i>teocallis</i>), on the flat summits of which men, women, and children +were sacrificed to the gods. This custom of human sacrifice seems to +have been a characteristic of the middle period of barbarism, and to +have survived, with diminishing frequency, into the upper period. There +are abundant traces of its existence throughout the early Aryan world, +from Britain to Hindustan, as well as among the ancient Hebrews and +their kindred.<a id="footnotetag129" name="footnotetag129"></a><a href="#footnote129" title="Go to footnote 129"><span class="small">[129]</span></a> But among all these peoples, at the earliest times +at which we can study them with trustworthy records, we find the custom +of human sacrifice in an advanced stage of decline, and generally no +longer accompanied by the custom of cannibalism in which it probably +originated.<a id="footnotetag130" name="footnotetag130"></a><a href="#footnote130" title="Go to footnote 130"><span class="small">[130]</span></a> Among the Mexicans, however, when they were first +visited by the Spaniards, cannibalism flourished as nowhere else in the +world except perhaps in Fiji, and human sacrifices were conducted +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page120" name="page120"></a>(p. 120)</span> on such a scale as could not have been witnessed in Europe +without going back more than forty centuries.</p> + +<p>The custom of sacrificing captives to the gods was a marked advance upon +the practice in the lower period of barbarism, when the prisoner, unless +saved by adoption into the tribe of his captors, was put to death with +lingering torments. There were occasions on which the Aztecs tortured +their prisoners before sending them to the altar,<a id="footnotetag131" name="footnotetag131"></a><a href="#footnote131" title="Go to footnote 131"><span class="small">[131]</span></a> but in general +the prisoner was well-treated and highly fed,—fatted, in short, for the +final banquet in which the worshippers participated with their savage +deity.<a id="footnotetag132" name="footnotetag132"></a><a href="#footnote132" title="Go to footnote 132"><span class="small">[132]</span></a> In a more advanced stage of development than that which the +Aztecs had reached, in the stage when agriculture became extensive +enough to create a steady demand for servile labour, the practice of +enslaving prisoners became general; and as slaves became more and more +valuable, men gradually succeeded in compounding with their deities for +easier terms,—a ram, or a kid, or a bullock, instead of the human +victim.<a id="footnotetag133" name="footnotetag133"></a><a href="#footnote133" title="Go to footnote 133"><span class="small">[133]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page121" name="page121"></a>(p. 121)</span> + +<p>The ancient Mexicans had not arrived at this stage, which in the Old +World characterized the upper period of barbarism. Slavery had, however, +made a beginning among the Aztecs. <span class="sidenote">Aztec slaves.</span> +The nucleus of the small +slave-population of Mexico consisted of <i>outcasts</i>, persons expelled +from the clan for some misdemeanour. The simplest case was that in which +a member of a clan failed for two years to cultivate his +garden-plot.<a id="footnotetag134" name="footnotetag134"></a><a href="#footnote134" title="Go to footnote 134"><span class="small">[134]</span></a> The delinquent member was deprived, not only of his +right of user, but of all his rights as a clansman, and the only way to +escape starvation was to work upon some other lot, either <span class="pagenum"><a id="page122" name="page122"></a>(p. 122)</span> in +his own or in some other clan, and be paid in such pittance from its +produce as the occupant might choose to give him. This was slavery in +embryo. The occupant did not own this outcast labourer, any more than he +owned his lot; he only possessed a limited right of user in both +labourer and lot. To a certain extent it was "adverse" or exclusive +possession. If the slave ran away or was obstinately lazy, he could be +made to wear a wooden collar and sold without his consent; if it proved +too troublesome to keep him, the collared slave could be handed over to +the priests for sacrifice.<a id="footnotetag135" name="footnotetag135"></a><a href="#footnote135" title="Go to footnote 135"><span class="small">[135]</span></a> In this class of outcasts and their +masters we have an interesting illustration of a rudimentary phase of +slavery and of private property.</p> + +<p>At this point it is worthy of note that in the development of the family +the Aztecs had advanced considerably beyond the point attained by +Shawnees and Mohawks, and a little way toward the point attained in the +patriarchal family of the ancient Romans and Hebrews. In the Aztec clan +(which was exogamous<a id="footnotetag136" name="footnotetag136"></a><a href="#footnote136" title="Go to footnote 136"><span class="small">[136]</span></a>) +<span class="sidenote">The Aztec family.</span> +the change to descent in the male line seems +to have been accomplished before the time of the Discovery. Apparently +it had been recently accomplished. Names for designating family +relationships remained in that primitive stage in which no distinction +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page123" name="page123"></a>(p. 123)</span> is made between father and uncle, grandchildren and cousins. +The family was still too feebly established to count for much in the +structure of society, which still rested firmly upon the clan.<a id="footnotetag137" name="footnotetag137"></a><a href="#footnote137" title="Go to footnote 137"><span class="small">[137]</span></a> +Nevertheless the marriage bonds were drawn much tighter than among +Indians of the lower status, and penalties for incontinence were more +severe. The wife became her husband's property and was entitled to the +protection of his clan. All matrimonial arrangements were controlled by +the clan, and no member of it, male or female, was allowed to remain +unmarried, except for certain religious reasons. The penalty for +contumacy was expulsion from the clan, and the same penalty was +inflicted for such sexual irregularities as public opinion, still in +what we should call quite a primitive stage, condemned. Men and women +thus expelled went to swell the numbers of that small class of outcasts +already noted. With men the result, as we have seen, was a kind of +slavery; with women it was prostitution; and it is curious to see that +the same penalty, entailing such a result, was visited alike upon +unseemly frailty and upon refusal to marry. In either case the sin +consisted in rebellion against the clan's standards of proper or +permissible behaviour.</p> + +<p>The inheritance in the male line, the beginnings of individual property +in slaves, the tightening of the marriage bond, accompanied by the +condemnation of sundry irregularities heretofore tolerated, are +phenomena which we might expect to find associated together. They are +germs of the upper <span class="pagenum"><a id="page124" name="page124"></a>(p. 124)</span> status of barbarism, as well as of the +earliest status of civilization more remotely to follow. The common +cause, of which they are the manifestations, is an increasing sense of +the value and importance of personal property. +<span class="sidenote">Aztec property.</span> +In the Old World this +sense grew up during a pastoral stage of society such as the New World +never knew, and by the ages of Abraham and Agamemnon<a id="footnotetag138" name="footnotetag138"></a><a href="#footnote138" title="Go to footnote 138"><span class="small">[138]</span></a> it had +produced results such as had not been reached in Mexico at the time of +the Discovery. Still the tendency in the latter country was in a similar +direction. Though there was no notion of real estate, and the house was +still clan-property, yet the number and value of articles of personal +ownership had no doubt greatly increased during the long interval which +must have elapsed since the ancestral Mexicans entered upon the middle +status. The mere existence of large and busy market-places with regular +and frequent fairs, even though trade had scarcely begun to emerge from +the stage of barter, is sufficient proof of this. Such fairs and markets +do not belong to the Mohawk chapter in human progress. They imply a +considerable number and diversity of artificial products, valued as +articles of personal property. A legitimate inference from them is the +existence of a certain degree of luxury, though doubtless luxury of a +barbaric type.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page125" name="page125"></a>(p. 125)</span> + +<p>It is at this point, I think, that a judicious critic will begin to part +company with Mr. Morgan. As regards the outward aspect of the society +which the Spaniards found in Mexico, <span class="sidenote">Mr. Morgan's rules.</span> +that eminent scholar more than once +used arguments that were inconsistent with principles of criticism laid +down by himself. At the beginning of his chapter on the Aztec +confederacy Mr. Morgan proposed the following rules:—</p> + +<p>"The histories of Spanish America may be trusted in whatever relates to +the acts of the Spaniards, and to the acts and personal characteristics +of the Indians; in whatever relates to their weapons, implements and +utensils, fabrics, food and raiment, and things of a similar character.</p> + +<p>"But in whatever relates to Indian society and government, their social +relations and plan of life, they are nearly worthless, because they +learned nothing and knew nothing of either. We are at full liberty to +reject them in these respects and commence anew; using any facts they +may contain which harmonize with what is known of Indian society."<a id="footnotetag139" name="footnotetag139"></a><a href="#footnote139" title="Go to footnote 139"><span class="small">[139]</span></a></p> + +<p>Perhaps it would have been better if the second of these rules had been +somewhat differently worded; for even with regard to the strange society +and government, the Spanish writers have recorded an immense number of +valuable facts, without which Mr. Bandelier's work would have been +impossible. It is not so much the <i>facts</i> as the <i>interpretations</i> of +the Spanish historians that are "nearly worthless," and even their +misinterpretations <span class="pagenum"><a id="page126" name="page126"></a>(p. 126)</span> are interesting and instructive when once +we rightly understand them. Sometimes they really help us toward the +truth.</p> + +<p>The broad distinction, however, as stated in Mr. Morgan's pair of rules, +is well taken. In regard to such a strange form of society the Spanish +discoverers of Mexico could not help making mistakes, but in regard to +utensils and dress their senses were not likely to deceive them, and +their statements, according to Mr. Morgan, may be trusted. +<span class="sidenote">Mr. Morgan sometimes disregarded his own rules: "Montezuma's +Dinner."</span> +Very good. +But as soon as Mr. Morgan had occasion to write about the social life of +the Aztecs, he forgot his own rules and paid as little respect to the +senses of eye-witnesses as to their judgment. This was amusingly +illustrated in his famous essay on "Montezuma's Dinner."<a id="footnotetag140" name="footnotetag140"></a><a href="#footnote140" title="Go to footnote 140"><span class="small">[140]</span></a> When +Bernal Diaz describes Montezuma as sitting on a low chair at a table +covered with a white cloth, Mr. Morgan declares that it could not have +been so,—there were no chairs or tables! On second thought he will +admit that there may have been a wooden block hollowed out for a stool, +but in the matter of a table he is relentless. So when Cortes, in his +despatch to the emperor, speaks of the "wine-cellar" and of the presence +of "secretaries" at dinner, Mr. Morgan observes, "Since cursive writing +was unknown among the Aztecs, the presence of these secretaries is an +amusing feature in the account. The wine-cellar also is remarkable for +two reasons: firstly, because the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page127" name="page127"></a>(p. 127)</span> level of the streets and +courts was but four feet above the level of the water, which made +cellars impossible; and, secondly, because the Aztecs had no knowledge +of wine. An acid beer (<i>pulque</i>), made by fermenting the juice of the +maguey, was a common beverage of the Aztecs; but it is hardly supposable +that even this was used at dinner."<a id="footnotetag141" name="footnotetag141"></a><a href="#footnote141" title="Go to footnote 141"><span class="small">[141]</span></a></p> + +<p>To this I would reply that the fibre of that same useful plant from +which the Aztecs made their "beer" supplied them also with paper, upon +which they were in the habit of writing, not indeed in cursive +characters, but in hieroglyphics. This kind of writing, as well as any +other, accounts for the presence of secretaries, which seems to me, by +the way, a very probable and characteristic feature in the narrative. +From the moment the mysterious strangers landed, every movement of +theirs had been recorded in hieroglyphics, and there is no reason why +notes of what they said and did should not have been taken at dinner. As +for the place where the <i>pulque</i> was kept, it was a venial slip of the +pen to call it a "wine-cellar," even if it was not below the ground. The +language of Cortes does not imply that he visited the "cellar;" he saw a +crowd of Indians drinking the beverage, and supposing the great house he +was in to be Montezuma's, he expressed his sense of that person's +hospitality by saying that "his wine-cellar was open to all." And +really, is it not rather a captious criticism which in one breath chides +Cortes for calling the beverage "wine," and in the next breath goes on +to call it "beer"? <span class="pagenum"><a id="page128" name="page128"></a>(p. 128)</span> The <i>pulque</i> was neither the one nor the +other; for want of any other name a German might have called it beer, a +Spaniard would be more likely to call it wine. And why is it "hardly +supposable" that <i>pulque</i> was used at dinner? Why should Mr. Morgan, who +never dined with Montezuma, know so much more about <i>such things</i> than +Cortes and Bernal Diaz, who did?<a id="footnotetag142" name="footnotetag142"></a><a href="#footnote142" title="Go to footnote 142"><span class="small">[142]</span></a></p> + +<p>The Spanish statements of facts are, of course, not to be accepted +uncritically. When we are told of cut slabs of porphyry inlaid in the +walls of a room, +<span class="sidenote">The reaction against uncritical and exaggerated statements.</span> +we have a right to inquire how so hard a stone could be +cut with flint or copper chisels,<a id="footnotetag143" name="footnotetag143"></a><a href="#footnote143" title="Go to footnote 143"><span class="small">[143]</span></a> and are ready to entertain the +suggestion that some other stone might easily have been mistaken for +porphyry. Such a critical inquiry is eminently profitable, and none the +less so when it brings us to the conclusion that the Aztecs did succeed +in cutting porphyry. Again, when we read about Indian armies of 200,000 +men, pertinent questions arise as to the commissariat, and we are led to +reflect that there is nothing about which old soldiers spin such +unconscionable yarns as about the size <span class="pagenum"><a id="page129" name="page129"></a>(p. 129)</span> of the armies they have +thrashed. In a fairy tale, of course, such suggestions are impertinent; +things can go on anyhow. In real life it is different. The trouble with +most historians of the conquest of Mexico has been that they have made +it like a fairy tale, and the trouble with Mr. Morgan was that, in a +wholesome and much-needed spirit of reaction, he was too much inclined +to dismiss the whole story as such. He forgot the first of his pair of +rules, and applied the second to everything alike. He felt "at full +liberty to reject" the testimony of the discoverers as to what they saw +and tasted, and to "commence anew," reasoning from "what is known of +Indian society." And here Mr. Morgan's mind was so full of the kind of +Indian society which he knew more minutely and profoundly than any other +man, that he was apt to forget that there could be any other kind. He +overlooked his own distinction between the lower and middle periods of +barbarism in his attempt to ignore or minimize the points of difference +between Aztecs and Iroquois.<a id="footnotetag144" name="footnotetag144"></a><a href="#footnote144" title="Go to footnote 144"><span class="small">[144]</span></a> In this way he did injustice to his +own brilliant and useful classification of stages of culture, and in +particular to the middle period of barbarism, the significance of which +he was the first to detect, but failed to realize fully because his +attention had been so intensely concentrated upon the lower period.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page130" name="page130"></a>(p. 130)</span> + +<p>In truth, the middle period of barbarism was one of the most important +periods in the career of the human race, and full of fascination to the +student, <span class="sidenote">Importance of the middle period of barbarism.</span> +as the unfading interest in ancient Mexico and the huge mass of +literature devoted to it show. It spanned the interval between such +society as that of Hiawatha and such as that of the Odyssey. One more +such interval (and, I suspect, a briefer one, because the use of iron +and the development of inheritable wealth would accelerate progress) led +to the age that could <i>write</i> the Odyssey, one of the most beautiful +productions of the human mind. If Mr. Morgan had always borne in mind +that, on his own classification, Montezuma must have been at least as +near to Agamemnon as to Powhatan, his attitude toward the Spanish +historians would have been less hostile. A Moqui pueblo stands near the +lower end of the middle period of barbarism; ancient Troy stood next the +upper end. Mr. Morgan found apt illustrations in the former; perhaps if +he had lived long enough to profit by the work of Schliemann and +Bandelier, he might have found equally apt ones in the latter. Mr. +Bandelier's researches certainly show that the ancient city of Mexico, +in point of social development, stood somewhere between the two.</p> + +<p>How that city looked may best be described when we come to tell what its +first Spanish visitors saw. Let it suffice here to say that, upon a +reasonable estimate of their testimony, pleasure-gardens, menageries and +aviaries, fountains and baths, tessellated marble floors, finely wrought +pottery, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page131" name="page131"></a>(p. 131)</span> exquisite featherwork, brilliant mats and tapestries, +silver goblets, dainty spices burning in golden censers, varieties of +highly seasoned dishes, dramatic performances, jugglers and acrobats, +ballad singers and dancing girls,—such things were to be seen in this +city of snake-worshipping cannibals. It simulated civilization as a +tree-fern simulates a tree.</p> + +<a id="img009" name="img009"></a> +<div class="p2 figcenter"> +<img src="images/img009.jpg" width="400" height="445" alt="" title=""> +<p>Ground-plan of so-called "House of the Nuns" at Uxmal.</p> +</div> + +<p>In its general outlines the account here given of Aztec society and +government at the time of the Discovery will probably hold true of all +the semi-civilized communities of the Mexican peninsula and Central +America. The pueblos of Mexico were doubtless of various grades of size, +strength, and comfort, ranging from such structures as Zuñi up to the +city of Mexico. <span class="sidenote">Mexicans and Mayas.</span> +The cities of Chiapas, Yucatan, and Guatemala, whose +ruins, in those tropical forests, are so impressive, probably belong to +the same class. The Maya-Quiché tribes, who dwelt and still dwell in +this region, were different in stock-language from their neighbours of +Mexico; but there are strong reasons for believing that the two great +groups, Mexicans and Mayas, arose from the expansion and segmentation of +one common stock, and there is no doubt as to the very close similarity +between the two in government, religion, and social advancement. In some +points the Mayas were superior. They possessed a considerable +literature, written in highly developed hieroglyphic characters upon +maguey paper and upon deerskin parchment, so that from this point of +view they <span class="pagenum"><a id="page132" name="page132"></a>(p. 132)</span> stood upon the threshold of civilization as strictly +defined.<a id="footnotetag145" name="footnotetag145"></a><a href="#footnote145" title="Go to footnote 145"><span class="small">[145]</span></a> But, like the Mexicans, they were ignorant <span class="pagenum"><a id="page133" name="page133"></a>(p. 133)</span> of +iron, their society was organized upon the principle of gentilism, they +were cannibals and sacrificed men and women to idols, some of which were +identical with those of Mexico. The Mayas had no conception of property +in land; their buildings were great communal houses, like pueblos; in +some cases these so-called palaces, at first supposed to be scanty +remnants of vast cities, were themselves the entire "cities;" in other +cases <span class="pagenum"><a id="page134" name="page134"></a>(p. 134)</span> there were doubtless large composite pueblos fit to be +called cities.</p> + +<p>These noble ruins have excited great and increasing interest since the +publication of Mr. Stephens's charming book just fifty years ago.<a id="footnotetag146" name="footnotetag146"></a><a href="#footnote146" title="Go to footnote 146"><span class="small">[146]</span></a> +An air of profound mystery surrounded them, and many wild theories were +propounded to account for their existence. +<span class="sidenote">Ruined cities of Central America.</span> +They were at first accredited +with a fabulous antiquity, and in at least one instance this notion was +responsible for what must be called misrepresentation, if not +humbug.<a id="footnotetag147" name="footnotetag147"></a><a href="#footnote147" title="Go to footnote 147"><span class="small">[147]</span></a> Having been placed <span class="pagenum"><a id="page135" name="page135"></a>(p. 135)</span> by popular fancy at such a +remote age, they were naturally supposed to have been built, not by the +Mayas,—who still inhabit Yucatan and do not absolutely dazzle us with +their exalted civilization,—but by some wonderful people long since +vanished. Now as to this point the sculptured slabs of Uxmal and +Chichen-Itza tell their own story. They are covered with hieroglyphic +inscriptions, and these hieroglyphs are the same as those in which the +Dresden Codex and other Maya manuscripts still preserved are written; +though their decipherment is not yet complete, there is no sort of doubt +as to their being written in the Maya characters. Careful inspection, +moreover, shows that the buildings in which these inscriptions occur are +not so very ancient. Mr. Stephens, who was one of their earliest as well +as sanest explorers, believed them to be the work of the Mayas at a +comparatively recent period.<a id="footnotetag148" name="footnotetag148"></a><a href="#footnote148" title="Go to footnote 148"><span class="small">[148]</span></a> The notion of their antiquity was +perhaps suggested by the belief that certain colossal mahogany trees +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page136" name="page136"></a>(p. 136)</span> growing between and over the ruins at Palenque must be nearly +2,000 years old. But when M. de Charnay visited Palenque in 1859 he had +the eastern side of the "palace" cleared of its dense vegetation in +order to get a good photograph; and when he revisited the spot in 1881 +he found a sturdy growth of young mahogany the age of which he knew did +not exceed twenty-two years. Instead of making a ring once a year, as in +our sluggish and temperate zone, these trees had made rings at the rate +of about one in a month; their trunks were already more than two feet in +diameter; judging from this rate of growth the biggest giant on the +place need not have been more than 200 years old, if as much.<a id="footnotetag149" name="footnotetag149"></a><a href="#footnote149" title="Go to footnote 149"><span class="small">[149]</span></a></p> + +<p>These edifices are not so durably constructed as those which in Europe +have stood for more than a thousand years. They do not indicate a high +civilization on the part of their builders. +<span class="sidenote">They are probably not older than the twelfth century.</span> +They do not, as Mr. Andrew +Lang says, "throw Mycenæ into the shade, and rival the remains of +Cambodia."<a id="footnotetag150" name="footnotetag150"></a><a href="#footnote150" title="Go to footnote 150"><span class="small">[150]</span></a> In pictures they may seem to do so, but M. de Charnay, +after close and repeated examination of these buildings, assures us that +as structures they "cannot be compared with those at Cambodia, which +belong to nearly the same period, the twelfth century, and which, +notwithstanding their greater and more resisting proportions, are found +in the same dilapidated condition."<a id="footnotetag151" name="footnotetag151"></a><a href="#footnote151" title="Go to footnote 151"><span class="small">[151]</span></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page137" name="page137"></a>(p. 137)</span> It seems to me that +if Mr. Lang had spoken of the Yucatan ruins as rivalling the remains of +Mycenæ, instead of "throwing them into the shade," he would have come +nearer the mark. The builders of Uxmal, like those of Mycenæ, did not +understand the principle of the arch, but were feeling their way toward +it.<a id="footnotetag152" name="footnotetag152"></a><a href="#footnote152" title="Go to footnote 152"><span class="small">[152]</span></a> And here again we are brought back, as seems to happen whatever +road we follow, to the middle status of barbarism. The Yucatan +architecture shows the marks of its origin in the adobe and rubble-stone +work of the New Mexico pueblos. The inside of the wall "is a rude +mixture of friable mortar and small irregular stones," and under the +pelting tropical rains the dislocation of the outer facing is presently +effected. The large blocks, cut with flint chisels, are of a soft stone +that is soon damaged by weather; and the cornices and lintels are beams +of a very hard wood, yet not so hard but that insects bore into it. From +such considerations it is justly inferred that the highest probable +antiquity for most of the ruins in Yucatan or Central America is the +twelfth or thirteenth century of our era.<a id="footnotetag153" name="footnotetag153"></a><a href="#footnote153" title="Go to footnote 153"><span class="small">[153]</span></a> Some, perhaps, may be no +older than the ancient city of Mexico, built <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 1325.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page138" name="page138"></a>(p. 138)</span> + +<p>But we are no longer restricted to purely archæological evidence. One of +the most impressive of all these ruined cities is Chichen-Itza, which is +regarded as older than Uxmal, but not so old as Izamal. +<span class="sidenote">Chronicle of Chicxulub.</span> +Now in recent +times sundry old Maya documents have been discovered in Yucatan, and +among them is a brief history of the Spanish conquest of that country, +written in the Roman character by a native chief, Nakuk Pech, about +1562. It has been edited, with an English translation, by that zealous +and indefatigable scholar, to whom American philology owes such a debt +of gratitude,—Dr. Daniel Brinton. This chronicle tells us several +things that we did not know before, and, among others, it refers most +explicitly to Chichen-Itza and Izamal as inhabited towns during the time +that the Spaniards were coming, from 1519 to 1542. If there could have +been any lingering doubt as to the correctness of the views of Stephens, +Morgan, and Charnay, this contemporaneous documentary testimony dispels +it once for all.<a id="footnotetag154" name="footnotetag154"></a><a href="#footnote154" title="Go to footnote 154"><span class="small">[154]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page139" name="page139"></a>(p. 139)</span> + +<p>The Mexicans and Mayas believed themselves to be akin to each other, +they had several deities and a large stock of traditional lore in +common, <span class="sidenote">Maya culture very closely related to Mexican.</span> +and there was an essential similarity in their modes of life; so +that, since we are now assured that such cities as Izamal and +Chichen-Itza were contemporary with the city of Mexico, we shall +probably not go very far astray if we assume that the elaborately carved +and bedizened ruins of the former may give us some hint as to how things +might have looked in the latter. Indeed this complicated and grotesque +carving on walls, door-posts, and lintels was one of the first things to +attract the attention of the Spaniards in Mexico. They regarded it with +mingled indignation and awe, for serpents, coiled or uncoiled, with +gaping mouths, were most conspicuous among the objects represented. The +visitors soon learned that all this had a symbolic and religious +meaning, and with some show of reason they concluded that this strange +people worshipped the Devil.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>We have now passed in review the various peoples of North America, from +the Arctic circle to the neighbourhood of the isthmus of Darien, and can +form some sort of a mental picture of the continent at the time of its +discovery by Europeans in the fifteenth century. Much more might have +been said without going beyond the requirements of an outline sketch, +but quite as much has been said as is consistent with the general plan +of this book. I have not undertaken at present to go beyond the isthmus +of Darien, because this preliminary <span class="pagenum"><a id="page140" name="page140"></a>(p. 140)</span> chapter is already +disproportionately long, and after this protracted discussion the +reader's attention may be somewhat relieved by an entire change of +scene. Enough has been set forth to explain the narrative that follows, +and to justify us henceforth in taking certain things for granted. The +outline description of Mexico will be completed when we come to the +story of its conquest by Spaniards, and then we shall be ready to +describe some principal features of Peruvian society and to understand +how the Spaniards conquered that country.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>There is, however, one conspicuous feature of North American antiquity +which has not yet received our attention, and which calls for a few +words before we close this chapter. <span class="sidenote">The "Mound-Builders."</span> +I refer to the mounds that are +scattered over so large a part of the soil of the United States, and +more particularly to those between the Mississippi river and the +Alleghany mountains, which have been the subject of so much theorizing, +and in late years of so much careful study.<a id="footnotetag155" name="footnotetag155"></a><a href="#footnote155" title="Go to footnote 155"><span class="small">[155]</span></a> Vague <span class="pagenum"><a id="page141" name="page141"></a>(p. 141)</span> and +wild were the speculations once rife about the "Mound-Builders" and +their wonderful civilization. They were supposed to have been a race +quite different from the red men, with a culture perhaps superior to our +own, and more or less eloquence was wasted over the vanished "empire" of +the mound-builders. There is no reason, however, for supposing that +there ever was an empire of any sort in ancient North America, and no +relic of the past has ever been seen at any spot on our planet which +indicates the former existence of a vanished civilization even remotely +approaching our own. The sooner the student of history gets his head +cleared of all such rubbish, the better. As for the mounds, which are +scattered in such profusion over the country west of the Alleghanies, +there are some which have been built by Indians <span class="pagenum"><a id="page142" name="page142"></a>(p. 142)</span> since the +arrival of white men in America, and which contain knives and trinkets +of European manufacture. There are many others which are much older, and +in which the genuine remains sometimes indicate a culture like that of +Shawnees or Senecas, and sometimes suggest something perhaps a little +higher. With the progress of research the vast and vague notion of a +distinct race of <span class="sidenote">The notion that they were like the Aztecs;</span> +"Mound-Builders" became narrowed and defined. It began +to seem probable that the builders of the more remarkable mounds were +tribes of Indians who had advanced beyond the average level in +horticulture, and consequently in density of population, and perhaps in +political and priestly organization. Such a conclusion seemed to be +supported by the size of some of the "ancient garden-beds," often +covering more than a hundred acres, filled with the low parallel ridges +in which corn was planted. The mound people were thus supposed to be +semi-civilized red men, like the Aztecs, and some of their elevated +earthworks were explained as places for human sacrifice, like the +pyramids of Mexico and Central America. It was thought that the +"civilization" of the Cordilleran peoples might formerly have extended +northward and eastward into the Mississippi valley, and might after a +while have been pushed back by powerful hordes of more barbarous +invaders. A further modification and reduction of this theory likened +the mound-builders to the pueblo Indians of New Mexico. Such was the +opinion of Mr. Morgan, who offered a very ingenious explanation of the +extensive <span class="pagenum"><a id="page143" name="page143"></a>(p. 143)</span> earthworks at High Bank, in Ross county, Ohio, as +the fortified site of a pueblo.<a id="footnotetag156" name="footnotetag156"></a><a href="#footnote156" title="Go to footnote 156"><span class="small">[156]</span></a> Although there is no reason for +supposing that the mound-builders practised irrigation (which would not +be required in the Mississippi valley) or used adobe-brick, <span class="sidenote">or like the Zuñis.</span> +yet Mr. +Morgan was inclined to admit them into his middle status of barbarism +because of the copper hatchets and chisels found in some of the mounds, +and because of the apparent superiority in horticulture and the +increased reliance upon it. He suggested that a people somewhat like the +Zuñis might have migrated eastward and modified their building habits to +suit the altered conditions of the Mississippi valley, where they dwelt +for several centuries, until at last, for some unknown reason, they +retired to the Rocky Mountain region. It seems to me that an opinion +just the reverse of Mr. Morgan's would be more easily +defensible,—namely, that the ancestors of the pueblo Indians were a +people of building habits somewhat similar to the Mandans, and that +their habits became modified in adaptation to a country which demanded +careful irrigation and supplied adobe-clay in abundance. If ever they +built any of the mounds in the Mississippi valley, I should be disposed +to place their mound-building period before their pueblo period.</p> + +<p>Recent researches, however, make it more and more improbable that the +mound-builders were nearly akin to such people as the Zuñis or similar +to them in grade of culture. Of late years the exploration <span class="pagenum"><a id="page144" name="page144"></a>(p. 144)</span> of +the mounds has been carried on with increasing diligence. More than +2,000 mounds have been opened, and at least 38,000 ancient relics have +been gathered from them: such as quartzite arrow-heads and spades, +greenstone axes and hammers, mortars and pestles, tools for spinning and +weaving, and cloth, made of spun thread and woven with warp and woof, +somewhat like a coarse sail-cloth. The water-jugs, kettles, pipes, and +sepulchral urns have been elaborately studied. +<span class="sidenote">The mounds were probably built by different peoples in the +lower status of barbarism;</span> +The net results of all +this investigation, up to the present time, have been concisely summed +up by Dr. Cyrus Thomas.<a id="footnotetag157" name="footnotetag157"></a><a href="#footnote157" title="Go to footnote 157"><span class="small">[157]</span></a> The mounds were not all built by one +people, but by different tribes as clearly distinguishable from one +another as Algonquins are distinguishable from Iroquois. These +mound-building tribes were not superior in culture to the Iroquois and +many of the Algonquins as first seen by white men. They are not to be +classified with Zuñis, still less with Mexicans or Mayas, in point of +culture, but with Shawnees and Cherokees. Nay more,—some of them <i>were</i> +Shawnees and Cherokees. The missionary Johann Heckewelder long ago +published the Lenape tradition of the Tallegwi or Allighewi people, who +have left their name upon the Alleghany river and mountains.<a id="footnotetag158" name="footnotetag158"></a><a href="#footnote158" title="Go to footnote 158"><span class="small">[158]</span></a> The +Tallegwi have been identified <span class="pagenum"><a id="page145" name="page145"></a>(p. 145)</span> with the Cherokees, who are now +reckoned among the most intelligent and progressive of Indian +peoples.<a id="footnotetag159" name="footnotetag159"></a><a href="#footnote159" title="Go to footnote 159"><span class="small">[159]</span></a> +<span class="sidenote">by Cherokees;</span> +The Cherokees were formerly classed in the Muskoki group, +along with the Creeks and Choctaws, but a closer study of their language +seems to show that they were a somewhat remote offshoot of the +Huron-Iroquois stock. For a long time they occupied the country between +the Ohio river and the Great Lakes, and probably built the mounds that +are still to be seen there. Somewhere about the thirteenth or fourteenth +century they were gradually pushed southward into the Muskoki region by +repeated attacks from the Lenape and Hurons. The Cherokees were probably +also the builders of the mounds of eastern Tennessee and western North +Carolina. They retained their mound-building habits some time after the +white men came upon the scene. <span class="sidenote">and by Shawnees, and other tribes.</span> +On the other hand the mounds and +box-shaped stone graves of Kentucky, Tennessee, and northern Georgia +were probably the work of Shawnees, and the stone graves in the Delaware +valley are to be ascribed to the Lenape. There are many reasons for +believing that the mounds of northern Mississippi were constructed by +Chickasaws, and the burial tumuli and "effigy mounds" of Wisconsin by +Winnebagos. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page146" name="page146"></a>(p. 146)</span> The Minnitarees and Mandans were also very likely +at one time a mound-building people.</p> + +<p>If this view, which is steadily gaining ground, be correct, our +imaginary race of "Mound-Builders" is broken up and vanishes, and +henceforth we may content ourselves with speaking of the authors of the +ancient earthworks as "Indians." There were times in the career of +sundry Indian tribes when circumstances induced them to erect mounds as +sites for communal houses or council houses, medicine-lodges or +burial-places; somewhat as there was a period in the history of our own +forefathers in England when circumstances led them to build moated +castles, with drawbridge and portcullis; and there is no more occasion +for assuming a mysterious race of "Mound-Builders" in America than for +assuming a mysterious race of "Castle-Builders" in England.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>Thus, at whatever point we touch the subject of ancient America, we find +scientific opinion tending more and more steadily toward the conclusion +that its people and their culture were indigenous. +<span class="sidenote">Society in America at the time of the Discovery had reached +stages similar to stages reached by eastern Mediterranean peoples fifty +or sixty centuries earlier.</span> +One of the most +important lessons impressed upon us by a long study of comparative +mythology is that human minds in different parts of the world, but under +the influence of similar circumstances, develop similar ideas and clothe +them in similar forms of expression. It is just the same with political +institutions, with the development of the arts, with social customs, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page147" name="page147"></a>(p. 147)</span> with culture generally. To repeat the remark already quoted +from Sir John Lubbock,—and it is well worth repeating,—"Different +races in similar stages of development often present more features of +resemblance to one another than the same race does to itself in +different stages of its history." When the zealous Abbé Brasseur found +things in the history of Mexico that reminded him of ancient Egypt, he +hastened to the conclusion that Mexican culture was somehow "derived" +from that of Egypt. It was natural enough for him to do so, but such +methods of explanation are now completely antiquated. Mexican culture +was no more Egyptian culture than a prickly-pear is a lotus. It was an +outgrowth of peculiar American conditions acting upon the aboriginal +American mind, and such of its features as remind us of ancient Egypt or +prehistoric Greece show simply that it was approaching, though it had +not reached, the standard attained in those Old World countries. From +this point of view the resemblances become invested with surpassing +interest. Ancient America, as we have seen, was a much more archaic +world than the world of Europe and Asia, and presented in the time of +Columbus forms of society that on the shores of the Mediterranean had +been outgrown before the city of Rome was built. Hence the intense and +peculiar fascination of American archæology, and its profound importance +to the student of general history.<a href="#toc"><span class="small">[Back to Contents]</span></a></p> + + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page148" name="page148"></a>(p. 148)</span> CHAPTER II.<br> + +<span class="smaller">PRE-COLUMBIAN VOYAGES.</span></h2> + + +<p>There is something solemn and impressive in the spectacle of human life +thus going on for countless ages in the Eastern and Western halves of +our planet, each all unknown to the other and uninfluenced by it. The +contact between the two worlds practically begins in 1492.</p> + +<p>By this statement it is not meant to deny that occasional visitors may +have come and did come before that famous date from the Old World to the +New. On the contrary I am inclined to suspect that there may have been +more such occasional visits than we have been wont to suppose. For the +most part, however, the subject is shrouded in the mists of obscure +narrative and fantastic conjecture. <span class="sidenote">The Chinese.</span> +When it is argued that in the fifth +century of the Christian era certain Buddhist missionary priests came +from China by way of Kamtchatka and the Aleutian islands, and kept on +till they got to a country which they called Fusang, and which was +really Mexico, one cannot reply that such a thing was necessarily and +absolutely impossible; but when other critics assure us that, after all, +Fusang was really Japan, perhaps one feels a slight sense of +relief.<a id="footnotetag160" name="footnotetag160"></a><a href="#footnote160" title="Go to footnote 160"><span class="small">[160]</span></a> So of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page149" name="page149"></a>(p. 149)</span> the dim whispers of voyages to America +undertaken by the Irish, in the days when the cloisters of sweet +Innisfallen were a centre of piety and culture for northwestern +Europe,<a id="footnotetag161" name="footnotetag161"></a><a href="#footnote161" title="Go to footnote 161"><span class="small">[161]</span></a> +<span class="sidenote">The Irish.</span> +we may say that this sort of thing has not much to do with +history, or history with it. Irish anchorites certainly went to Iceland +in the seventh century,<a id="footnotetag162" name="footnotetag162"></a><a href="#footnote162" title="Go to footnote 162"><span class="small">[162]</span></a> and in the course of this book we shall +have frequent occasion to observe that first and last there has been on +all seas a good deal of blowing and drifting done. It is credibly +reported that Japanese junks have been driven ashore on the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page150" name="page150"></a>(p. 150)</span> +coasts of Oregon and California;<a id="footnotetag163" name="footnotetag163"></a><a href="#footnote163" title="Go to footnote 163"><span class="small">[163]</span></a> +<span class="sidenote">Cousin, of Dieppe.</span> +and there is a story that in 1488 +a certain Jean Cousin, of Dieppe, while sailing down the west coast of +Africa, was caught in a storm and blown across to Brazil.<a id="footnotetag164" name="footnotetag164"></a><a href="#footnote164" title="Go to footnote 164"><span class="small">[164]</span></a> This was +certainly quite possible, for it was not so very unlike what happened in +1500 to Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, as we shall hereafter see;<a id="footnotetag165" name="footnotetag165"></a><a href="#footnote165" title="Go to footnote 165"><span class="small">[165]</span></a> +nevertheless, the evidence adduced in support of the story will hardly +bear a critical examination.<a id="footnotetag166" name="footnotetag166"></a><a href="#footnote166" title="Go to footnote 166"><span class="small">[166]</span></a></p> + +<p>It is not my purpose to weary the reader with a general discussion of +these and some other legends or rumours of pre-Columbian visitors to +America. We may admit, at once, that "there is no good reason why any +one of them may not have done" what is claimed, +<span class="sidenote">Those stories are of little value;</span> +but at the same time the +proof that any one of them <i>did</i> do it is very far from +satisfactory.<a id="footnotetag167" name="footnotetag167"></a><a href="#footnote167" title="Go to footnote 167"><span class="small">[167]</span></a> Moreover the questions raised are often of small +importance, and belong not so much to the serious workshop of history as +to its limbo prepared for learned trifles, whither we will hereby +relegate them.<a id="footnotetag168" name="footnotetag168"></a><a href="#footnote168" title="Go to footnote 168"><span class="small">[168]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page151" name="page151"></a>(p. 151)</span> + +<p>But when we come to the voyages of the Northmen in the tenth and +eleventh centuries, <span class="sidenote">but the case of the Northmen is entirely different.</span> +it is quite a different affair. Not only is this a +subject of much historic interest, but in dealing with it we stand for a +great part of the time upon firm historic ground. The narratives which +tell us of Vinland and of Leif Ericsson are closely intertwined with the +authentic history of Norway and Iceland. In the ninth century of our era +there was a process of political consolidation going on in Norway, +somewhat as in England under Egbert and his successors. After a war of +twelve years, King Harold Fairhair overthrew the combined forces of the +Jarls, or small independent princes, in the decisive naval battle of +Hafursfiord in the year 872. <span class="sidenote">The Viking exodus from Norway.</span> +This resulted in making Harold the feudal +landlord of Norway. Allodial tenures were abolished, and the Jarls were +required to become his vassals. This consolidation of the kingdom was +probably beneficial in its main consequences, but to many a proud spirit +and crafty brain it made life in Norway unendurable. These bold Jarls +and their Viking<a id="footnotetag169" name="footnotetag169"></a><a href="#footnote169" title="Go to footnote 169"><span class="small">[169]</span></a> followers, to whom, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page152" name="page152"></a>(p. 152)</span> as to the ancient +Greeks, the sea was not a barrier, but a highway,<a id="footnotetag170" name="footnotetag170"></a><a href="#footnote170" title="Go to footnote 170"><span class="small">[170]</span></a> had no mind to +stay at home and submit to unwonted thraldom. So they manned their +dragon-prowed keels, invoked the blessing of Wodan, god of storms, upon +their enterprise, and sailed away. Some went to reinforce their kinsmen +who were making it so hot for Alfred in England<a id="footnotetag171" name="footnotetag171"></a><a href="#footnote171" title="Go to footnote 171"><span class="small">[171]</span></a> and for Charles the +Bald in Gaul; some had already visited Ireland and were establishing +themselves at Dublin and Limerick; others now followed and found homes +for themselves in the Hebrides and all over Scotland north of glorious +Loch Linnhe and the Murray frith; some made their way through the blue +Mediterranean to "Micklegard," the Great City of the Byzantine Emperor, +and in his service wielded their stout axes against Magyar and +Saracen;<a id="footnotetag172" name="footnotetag172"></a><a href="#footnote172" title="Go to footnote 172"><span class="small">[172]</span></a> some found their amphibious natures better satisfied upon +the islands of the Atlantic ridge,—the Orkneys, Shetlands, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page153" name="page153"></a>(p. 153)</span> +and Færoes, and especially noble Iceland. +<span class="sidenote">Founding of Iceland, <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 874.</span> +There an aristocratic republic +soon grew up, owning slight and indefinite allegiance to the kings of +Norway.<a id="footnotetag173" name="footnotetag173"></a><a href="#footnote173" title="Go to footnote 173"><span class="small">[173]</span></a> The settlement of Iceland was such a wholesale colonization +of communities of picked men as had not been seen since ancient Greek +times, and was not to be seen again until Winthrop sailed into +Massachusetts Bay. It was not long before the population of Iceland +exceeded 50,000 souls. Their sheep and cattle flourished, hay crops were +heavy, a lively trade—with fish, oil, butter, skins, and wool, in +exchange for meal and malt—was kept up with Norway, Denmark, and the +British islands, political freedom was unimpaired,<a id="footnotetag174" name="footnotetag174"></a><a href="#footnote174" title="Go to footnote 174"><span class="small">[174]</span></a> justice was (for +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page154" name="page154"></a>(p. 154)</span> the Middle Ages) fairly well administered, naval superiority +kept all foes at a distance; and under such conditions the growth of the +new community in wealth<a id="footnotetag175" name="footnotetag175"></a><a href="#footnote175" title="Go to footnote 175"><span class="small">[175]</span></a> and culture was surprisingly rapid. In the +twelfth century, before literature had begun to blossom in the modern +speech of France or Spain or Italy, there was a flourishing literature +in prose and verse in Iceland. Especial attention was paid to history, +and the "Landnáma-bók," or statistical and genealogical account of the +early settlers, was the most complete and careful work of the kind which +had ever been undertaken by any people down to quite recent times. Few +persons in our day adequately realize the extent of the early Icelandic +literature or its richness. The poems, legends, and histories earlier +than the date when Dante walked and mused in the streets of Florence +survive for us now in some hundreds of works, for the most part of rare +and absorbing interest. The "Heimskringla," or chronicle of Snorro +Sturleson, written about 1215, is one of the greatest history books in +the world.<a id="footnotetag176" name="footnotetag176"></a><a href="#footnote176" title="Go to footnote 176"><span class="small">[176]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page155" name="page155"></a>(p. 155)</span> + +<p>Now from various Icelandic chronicles<a id="footnotetag177" name="footnotetag177"></a><a href="#footnote177" title="Go to footnote 177"><span class="small">[177]</span></a> we learn that in 876, only +two years after the island commonwealth <span class="pagenum"><a id="page156" name="page156"></a>(p. 156)</span> was founded, one of +the settlers named <span class="sidenote">Discovery of Greenland, 876.</span> +Gunnbjörn was driven by foul weather to some point on +the coast of Greenland, where he and his crew contrived to pass the +winter, their ship being locked in ice; <span class="pagenum"><a id="page157" name="page157"></a>(p. 157)</span> when the spring set +them free, they returned to Iceland. In the year 983 Eric the Red, a +settler upon Öxney (Ox-island) near the mouth of Breidafiord, was +outlawed for killing a man in a brawl. Eric then determined to search +for the western land which Gunnbjörn had discovered. He set out with a +few followers, and in the next three years these bold sailors explored +the coasts of Greenland pretty thoroughly for a considerable distance on +each side of Cape Farewell. At length they found a suitable place for a +home, at the head of Igaliko fiord, not far from the site of the modern +Julianeshaab.<a id="footnotetag178" name="footnotetag178"></a><a href="#footnote178" title="Go to footnote 178"><span class="small">[178]</span></a> It was fit work for Vikings to penetrate so deep a +fiord and find out such a spot, hidden as it is by miles upon miles of +craggy and ice-covered headlands. They proved their sagacity by pitching +upon one of the pleasantest spots on the gaunt Greenland coast; and +there upon a smooth grassy plain may still be seen the ruins of +seventeen houses built of rough blocks of sandstone, their chinks +caulked up with clay and gravel. <span class="sidenote">Eric's Colony in Greenland, 986.</span> +In contrast with most of its bleak +surroundings the place might well be called Greenland, and so Eric named +it, for, said he, it is well to have a pleasant name if we would induce +people to come hither. The name thus given by Eric to this chosen spot +has <span class="pagenum"><a id="page158" name="page158"></a>(p. 158)</span> been extended in modern usage to the whole of the vast +continental region north of Davis strait, for the greater part of which +it is a flagrant misnomer.<a id="footnotetag179" name="footnotetag179"></a><a href="#footnote179" title="Go to footnote 179"><span class="small">[179]</span></a> In 986 Eric ventured back to Iceland, +and was so successful in enlisting settlers for Greenland that on his +return voyage he started with five and twenty ships. The loss from foul +weather and icebergs was cruel. Eleven vessels were lost; the remaining +fourteen, carrying probably from four to five hundred souls, arrived +safely at the head of Igaliko fiord, and began building their houses at +the place called Brattahlid. Their settlement presently extended over +the head of Tunnudliorbik fiord, the next deep inlet to the northwest; +they called it Ericsfiord. After a while it extended westward as far as +Immartinek, and eastward as far as the site of Friedrichsthal; and +another distinct settlement of less extent was also made about four +hundred miles to the northwest, near the present site of Godthaab. The +older settlement, which began at Igaliko fiord, was known as the East +Bygd;<a id="footnotetag180" name="footnotetag180"></a><a href="#footnote180" title="Go to footnote 180"><span class="small">[180]</span></a> the younger settlement, near Godthaab, was called the West +Bygd.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page159" name="page159"></a>(p. 159)</span> + +<a id="img010" name="img010"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img010b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img010.jpg" width="400" height="347" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>The East Bygd, or Eastern Settlement of the +Northmen in Greenland.</p> +</div> + +<p>This colonization of Greenland by the Northmen in the tenth century is +as well established as any event that occurred in the Middle Ages. For +four hundred years the fortunes of the Greenland colony formed a part, +albeit a very humble part, of European history. Geographically speaking, +Greenland is reckoned as a part of America, of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page162" name="page162"></a>(p. 162)</span> the western +hemisphere, and not of the eastern. The Northmen who settled in +Greenland had, therefore, in this sense found their way to America. +Nevertheless one rightly feels that in the history of geographical +discovery an arrival of Europeans in Greenland is equivalent merely to +reaching the vestibule or ante-chamber of the western hemisphere. It is +an affair begun and ended outside of the great world of the red men.</p> + +<p>But the story does not end here. Into the world of the red men the +voyagers from Iceland did assuredly come, as indeed, after once getting +a foothold upon Greenland, they could hardly fail to do. Let us pursue +the remainder of the story as we find it in our Icelandic sources of +information, and afterwards it will be proper to inquire into the +credibility of these sources.</p> + +<p>One of the men who accompanied Eric to Greenland was named Herjulf, +whose son Bjarni, after roving the seas for some years, came home to +Iceland in 986 to drink the Yuletide ale with his father. Finding him +gone, he weighed anchor and started after him to Greenland, +<span class="sidenote">Voyage of Bjarni Herjulfson, 986.</span> +but +encountered foggy weather, and sailed on for many days by guess-work +without seeing sun or stars. When at length he sighted land it was a +shore without mountains, showing only small heights covered with dense +woods. It was evidently not the land of fiords and glaciers for which +Bjarni was looking. So without stopping to make explorations he turned +his prow to the north and kept on. The sky was now fair, and after +scudding nine or ten days with a brisk breeze <span class="pagenum"><a id="page163" name="page163"></a>(p. 163)</span> astern, Bjarni +saw the icy crags of Greenland looming up before him, and after some +further searching found his way to his father's new home.<a id="footnotetag181" name="footnotetag181"></a><a href="#footnote181" title="Go to footnote 181"><span class="small">[181]</span></a> On the +route he more than once sighted land on the larboard.</p> + +<p>This adventure of Bjarni's seems not to have excited general curiosity +or to have awakened speculation. Indeed, in the dense geographical +ignorance of those times there is no reason why it should have done so. +About 994 Bjarni was in Norway, and one or two people expressed some +surprise that he did not take more pains to learn something about the +country he had seen; but nothing came of such talk till it reached the +ears of Leif, the famous son of Eric the Red. This wise and stately +man<a id="footnotetag182" name="footnotetag182"></a><a href="#footnote182" title="Go to footnote 182"><span class="small">[182]</span></a> +spent a year or two in Norway about 998. +<span class="sidenote">Conversion of the Northmen to Christianity.</span> +Roman missionary +priests were then preaching up and down the land, and had converted the +king, Olaf Tryggvesson, great-grandson of Harold Fairhair. Leif became a +Christian and was baptised, and when he returned to Greenland he took +priests with him who converted many people, though old Eric, it is said, +preferred to go in the way of his fathers, and deemed boisterous +Valhalla, with its cups of wassail, a place of better cheer than the New +Jerusalem, with its streets of gold.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page164" name="page164"></a>(p. 164)</span> + +<p>Leif's zeal for the conversion of his friends in Greenland did not so +far occupy his mind as to prevent him from undertaking a voyage of +discovery. His curiosity had been stimulated by what he had heard about +Bjarni's experiences, and he made up his mind to go and see what the +coasts to the south of Greenland were like. He sailed from +<span class="sidenote">Leif Ericsson's voyage, 1000.</span> +Brattahlid—probably in the summer or early autumn of the year +1000<a id="footnotetag183" name="footnotetag183"></a><a href="#footnote183" title="Go to footnote 183"><span class="small">[183]</span></a>—with a crew of five and thirty men. Some distance to the +southward they came upon a barren country covered with big flat stones, +so that they called it Helluland, +<span class="sidenote">Helluland.</span> +or "slate-land." There is little room +for doubt that this was the coast opposite Greenland, either west or +east of the strait of Belle Isle; in other words, it was either Labrador +or the northern coast of Newfoundland. Thence, keeping generally to the +southward, our explorers came after some days to a thickly wooded coast, +where they landed and inspected the country. What chiefly impressed them +was the extent of the forest, so that they called the place Markland, +<span class="sidenote">Markland.</span> +or +"wood-land." Some critics have supposed that this spot was somewhere +upon the eastern or southern coast of Newfoundland, but the more general +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page165" name="page165"></a>(p. 165)</span> opinion places it somewhere upon the coast of Cape Breton +island or Nova Scotia. From this Markland our voyagers stood out to sea, +and running briskly before a stiff northeaster it was more than two days +before they came in sight of land. Then, after following the coast for a +while, they went ashore at a place where a river, issuing from a lake, +fell into the sea. They brought their ship up into the lake and cast +anchor. The water abounded in excellent fish, and the country seemed so +pleasant that Leif decided to pass the winter there, and accordingly his +men put up some comfortable wooden huts or booths. One day one of the +party, a "south country" man, whose name was Tyrker,<a id="footnotetag184" name="footnotetag184"></a><a href="#footnote184" title="Go to footnote 184"><span class="small">[184]</span></a> came in from a +ramble in the neighbourhood making grimaces and talking to himself in +his own language <span class="sidenote">Vinland.</span> +(probably German), which his comrades did not +understand. On being interrogated as to the cause of his <span class="pagenum"><a id="page166" name="page166"></a>(p. 166)</span> +excitement, he replied that he had discovered vines loaded with grapes, +and was much pleased at the sight inasmuch as he had been brought up in +a vine country. Wild grapes, indeed, abounded in this autumn season, and +Leif accordingly called the country Vinland. The winter seems to have +passed off very comfortably. Even the weather seemed mild to these +visitors from high latitudes, and they did not fail to comment on the +unusual length of the winter day. Their language on this point has been +so construed as to make the length of the shortest winter day exactly +nine hours, which would place their Vinland in about the latitude of +Boston. But their expressions do not admit of any such precise +construction; and when we remember that they had no accurate instruments +for measuring time, and that a difference of about fourteen minutes +between sunrise and sunset on the shortest winter day would make all the +difference between Boston and Halifax, we see how idle it is to look for +the requisite precision in narratives of this sort, and to treat them as +one would treat the reports of a modern scientific exploring expedition.</p> + +<p>In the spring of 1001 Leif returned to Greenland with a cargo of +timber.<a id="footnotetag185" name="footnotetag185"></a><a href="#footnote185" title="Go to footnote 185"><span class="small">[185]</span></a> The voyage made much talk. Leif's brother Thorvald caught +the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page167" name="page167"></a>(p. 167)</span> inspiration,<a id="footnotetag186" name="footnotetag186"></a><a href="#footnote186" title="Go to footnote 186"><span class="small">[186]</span></a> and, borrowing Leif's ship, sailed in +1002, and succeeded in finding Vinland and Leif's huts, where his men +spent two winters. +<span class="sidenote">Voyages of Thorvald and Thorstein, 1002-05.</span> +In the intervening summer they went on an exploring +expedition along the coast, fell in with some savages in canoes, and got +into a fight in which Thorvald was killed by an arrow. In the spring of +1004 the ship returned to Brattahlid. Next year the third brother, +Thorstein Ericsson, set out in the same ship, with his wife Gudrid and a +crew of thirty-five men; but they were sore bestead with foul weather, +got nowhere, and accomplished nothing. Thorstein died on the voyage, and +his widow returned to Greenland.</p> + +<p>In the course of the next summer, 1006, there came to Brattahlid from +Iceland a notable personage, a man of craft and resource, wealthy withal +and well born, with the blood of many kinglets or jarls flowing in his +veins. This man, Thorfinn Karlsefni, straightway fell in love with the +young and beautiful widow Gudrid, and in the course of the winter there +was a merry wedding at Brattahlid. +<span class="sidenote">Thorfinn Karlsefni, and his unsuccessful attempt to found a +colony in Vinland, 1007-10.</span> +Persuaded by his adventurous bride, +whose spirit had been roused by the reports from Vinland and by her +former unsuccessful attempt to find it, Thorfinn now undertook to visit +that country in force sufficient for founding a colony there. +Accordingly in the spring of 1007 he <span class="pagenum"><a id="page168" name="page168"></a>(p. 168)</span> started with three or +four ships,<a id="footnotetag187" name="footnotetag187"></a><a href="#footnote187" title="Go to footnote 187"><span class="small">[187]</span></a> carrying one hundred and sixty men, several women, and +quite a cargo of cattle. In the course of that year his son Snorro was +born in Vinland,<a id="footnotetag188" name="footnotetag188"></a><a href="#footnote188" title="Go to footnote 188"><span class="small">[188]</span></a> and our chronicle tells us that this child was +three years old before the disappointed company turned their backs upon +that land of promise and were fain to make their way homeward to the +fiords of Greenland. It was the hostility of the natives that compelled +Thorfinn to abandon his enterprise. At first they traded with him, +bartering valuable furs for little strips of scarlet cloth which they +sought most eagerly; and they were as terribly frightened by his cattle +as the Aztecs were in later days by the Spanish horses.<a id="footnotetag189" name="footnotetag189"></a><a href="#footnote189" title="Go to footnote 189"><span class="small">[189]</span></a> The chance +bellowing of a bull sent them squalling to the woods, and they did not +show themselves again for three weeks. After a while quarrels arose, the +natives attacked in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page169" name="page169"></a>(p. 169)</span> great numbers, many Northmen were killed, +and in 1010 the survivors returned to Greenland with a cargo of timber +and peltries. On the way thither the ships seem to have separated, and +one of them, commanded by Bjarni Grimolfsson, found itself bored by +worms (the <i>teredo</i>) and sank, with its commander and half the +crew.<a id="footnotetag190" name="footnotetag190"></a><a href="#footnote190" title="Go to footnote 190"><span class="small">[190]</span></a></p> + +<p>Among Karlsefni's companions on this memorable expedition was one +Thorvard, with his wife Freydis, a natural daughter of Eric the Red. +About the time of their return to Greenland in the summer of 1010, a +ship arrived from Norway, commanded by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page170" name="page170"></a>(p. 170)</span> During the winter a new expedition was planned, and in the +summer of 1011 +<span class="sidenote">Freydis, and her evil deeds in Vinland, 1011-12.</span> +two ships set sail for Vinland, one with Freydis, +Thorvard, and a crew of 30 men, the other with Helgi and Finnbogi, and a +crew of 35 men. There were also a number of women. The purpose was not +to found a colony but to cut timber. The brothers arrived first at +Leif's huts and had begun carrying in their provisions and tools, when +Freydis, arriving soon afterward, ordered them off the premises. They +had no right, she said, to occupy her brother's houses. So they went out +and built other huts for their party a little farther from the shore. +Before their business was accomplished "winter set in, and the brothers +proposed to have some games for amusement to pass the time. So it was +done for a time, till discord came among them, and the games were given +up, and none went from one house to the other; and things went on so +during a great part of the winter." At length came the catastrophe. +Freydis one night complained to her husband that the brothers had given +her evil words and struck her, and insisted that he should forthwith +avenge the affront. Presently Thorvard, unable to bear her taunts, was +aroused to a deed of blood. With his followers he made a night attack +upon the huts of Helgi and Finnbogi, seized and bound all the occupants, +and killed the men one after another in cold blood. Five women were left +whom Thorvard would have spared; as none of his men would raise a hand +against them, Freydis herself took an axe and brained them one and all. +In the spring <span class="pagenum"><a id="page171" name="page171"></a>(p. 171)</span> of 1012 the party sailed for Brattahlid in the +ship of the murdered brothers, which was the larger and better of the +two. Freydis pretended that they had exchanged ships and left the other +party in Vinland. With gifts to her men, and dire threats for any who +should dare tell what had been done, she hoped to keep them silent. +Words were let drop, however, which came to Leif's ears, and led him to +arrest three of the men and put them to the torture until they told the +whole story. "'I have not the heart,' said Leif, 'to treat my wicked +sister as she deserves; but this I will foretell them [Freydis and +Thorvard] that their posterity will never thrive.' So it went that +nobody thought anything of them save evil from that time."</p> + +<p>With this grewsome tale ends all account of Norse attempts at exploring +or colonizing Vinland, though references to Vinland by no means end +here.<a id="footnotetag191" name="footnotetag191"></a><a href="#footnote191" title="Go to footnote 191"><span class="small">[191]</span></a> Taking the narrative as a whole, it seems to me a sober, +straightforward, and eminently probable story. +<span class="sidenote">The whole story is eminently probable.</span> +We may not be able to say +with confidence exactly where such places as Markland and Vinland were, +but it is clear that the coasts visited on these southerly and +southwesterly voyages from Brattahlid must have been parts of the coast +of North America, unless the whole story is to be dismissed as a figment +of somebody's imagination. But for a figment of the imagination, and of +European <span class="pagenum"><a id="page172" name="page172"></a>(p. 172)</span> imagination withal, it has far too many points of +verisimilitude, as I shall presently show.</p> + +<p>In the first place, it is an extremely probable story from the time that +Eric once gets settled in Brattahlid. The founding of the Greenland +colony is the only strange or improbable part of the narrative, but that +is corroborated in so many other ways that we know it to be true; as +already observed, no fact in mediæval history is better established. +When I speak of the settlement of Greenland as strange, I do not mean +that there is anything strange in the Northmen's accomplishing the +voyage thither from Iceland. That island is nearer to Greenland than to +Norway, and we know, moreover, that Norse sailors achieved more +difficult things than penetrating the fiords of southern Greenland. Upon +the island of Kingitorsook in Baffin's Bay (72° 55' N., 56° 5' W.) +<span class="sidenote">Voyage into Baffin's Bay, 1135.</span> +near +Upernavik, in a region supposed to have been unvisited by man before the +modern age of Arctic exploration, there were found in 1824 some small +artificial mounds with an inscription upon stone:—"Erling Sighvatson +and Bjarni Thordharson and Eindrid Oddson raised these marks and cleared +ground on Saturday before Ascension Week, 1135." That is to say, they +took symbolic possession of the land.<a id="footnotetag192" name="footnotetag192"></a><a href="#footnote192" title="Go to footnote 192"><span class="small">[192]</span></a></p> + +<p>In order to appreciate how such daring voyages were practicable, we must +bear in mind that the Viking "ships" were probably stronger and more +seaworthy, and certainly much swifter, than the Spanish vessels of the +time of Columbus. One <span class="pagenum"><a id="page173" name="page173"></a>(p. 173)</span> was unearthed a few years ago at +Sandefiord in Norway, and may be seen at the museum in Christiania. +<span class="sidenote">A Viking ship discovered at Sandefiord, in Norway.</span> +Its +pagan owner had been buried in it, and his bones were found amidships, +along with the bones of a dog and a peacock, a few iron fish-hooks and +other articles. Bones of horses and dogs, probably sacrificed at the +funeral according to the ancient Norse custom, lay scattered about. This +craft has been so well described by Colonel Higginson,<a id="footnotetag193" name="footnotetag193"></a><a href="#footnote193" title="Go to footnote 193"><span class="small">[193]</span></a> that I may +as well quote the passage in full:—</p> + +<p>She "was seventy-seven feet eleven inches at the greatest length, and +sixteen feet eleven inches at the greatest width, and from the top of +the keel to the gunwale amidships she was five feet nine inches deep. +She had twenty ribs, and would draw less than four feet of water. She +was clinker-built; that is, had plates slightly overlapped, like the +shingles on the side of a house. The planks and timbers of the frame +were fastened together with withes made of roots, but the oaken boards +of the side were united by iron rivets firmly clinched. The bow and +stern were similar in shape, and must have risen high out of water, but +were so broken that it was impossible to tell how they originally ended. +<span class="sidenote">Description of the ship.</span> +The keel was deep and made of thick oak beams, and there was no trace of +any metallic sheathing; but an iron anchor was found almost rusted to +pieces. There was no deck and the seats for rowers had been taken out. +The oars were twenty feet long, and the oar-holes, sixteen on each side, +had slits sloping towards the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page174" name="page174"></a>(p. 174)</span> stern to allow the blades of the +oars to be put through from inside. The most peculiar thing about the +ship was the rudder, which was on the starboard or right side, this side +being originally called 'steerboard' from this circumstance. The rudder +was like a large oar, with long blade and short handle, and was +attached, not to the side of the boat, but to the end of a conical piece +of wood which projected almost a foot from the side of the vessel, and +almost two feet from the stern. This piece of wood was bored down its +length, and no doubt a rope passing through it secured the rudder to the +ship's side. It was steered by a tiller attached to the handle, and +perhaps also by a rope fastened to the blade. As a whole, this +disinterred vessel proved to be anything but the rude and primitive +craft which might have been expected; it was neatly built and well +preserved, constructed on what a sailor would call beautiful lines, and +eminently fitted for sea service. Many such vessels may be found +depicted on the celebrated Bayeux tapestry; and the peculiar position of +the rudder explains the treaty mentioned in the Heimskringla, giving to +Norway all lands lying west of Scotland between which and the mainland a +vessel could pass with her rudder shipped.... This was not one of the +very largest ships, for some of them had thirty oars on each side, and +vessels carrying from twenty to twenty-five were not uncommon. The +largest of these were called Dragons, and other sizes were known as +Serpents or Cranes. The ship itself was often so built as to represent +the name it bore: the dragon, for instance, was a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page175" name="page175"></a>(p. 175)</span> long low +vessel, with the gilded head of a dragon at the bow, and the gilded tail +at the stern; the moving oars at the side might represent the legs of +the imaginary creature, the row of shining red and white shields that +were hung over the gunwale looked like the monster's scales, and the +sails striped with red and blue might suggest his wings. The ship +preserved at Christiania is described as having had but a single mast, +set into a block of wood so large that it is said no such block could +now be cut in Norway. Probably the sail was much like those still +carried by large open boats in that country,—a single square on a mast +forty feet long.<a id="footnotetag194" name="footnotetag194"></a><a href="#footnote194" title="Go to footnote 194"><span class="small">[194]</span></a> These masts have no standing rigging, and are +taken down when not in use; and this was probably the practice of the +Vikings."</p> + +<p>In such vessels, well stocked with food and weapons, the Northmen were +accustomed to spend many weeks together on the sea, now and then +touching land. In such vessels they made their way to Algiers and +Constantinople, to the White Sea, to Baffin's Bay. It is not, therefore, +their voyage to Greenland that seems strange, but it is their success in +founding a colony which could last for more than four centuries in that +inhospitable climate. The question is sometimes asked whether the +climate of Greenland <span class="sidenote">The climate of Greenland.</span> +may not have undergone some change within the last +thousand years.<a id="footnotetag195" name="footnotetag195"></a><a href="#footnote195" title="Go to footnote 195"><span class="small">[195]</span></a> If there has been <span class="pagenum"><a id="page176" name="page176"></a>(p. 176)</span> any change, it must +have been very slight; such as, perhaps, a small variation in the flow +of ocean currents might occasion. I am inclined to believe that there +may have been such a change, from the testimony of Ivar Bardsen, steward +of the Gardar bishopric in the latter half of the fourteenth century, or +about halfway between the time of Eric the Red and our own time. +According to Bardsen there had long been a downward drifting of ice from +the north and a consequent accumulation of bergs and floes upon the +eastern coast of Greenland, insomuch that the customary route formerly +followed by ships coming from Iceland was no longer safe, and a more +southerly route had been generally adopted.<a id="footnotetag196" name="footnotetag196"></a><a href="#footnote196" title="Go to footnote 196"><span class="small">[196]</span></a> This slow southward +extension of the polar ice-sheet upon the east of Greenland seems still +to be going on at the present day.<a id="footnotetag197" name="footnotetag197"></a><a href="#footnote197" title="Go to footnote 197"><span class="small">[197]</span></a> It is therefore not at all +improbable, but on the contrary quite probable, that a thousand years +ago the mean annual temperature of the tip end of Greenland, at Cape +Farewell, was a few degrees <span class="pagenum"><a id="page177" name="page177"></a>(p. 177)</span> higher than now.<a id="footnotetag198" name="footnotetag198"></a><a href="#footnote198" title="Go to footnote 198"><span class="small">[198]</span></a> But a slight +difference of this sort might have an important bearing upon the +fortunes of a colony planted there. For example, it would directly +affect the extent of the hay crop. Grass grows very well now in the +neighbourhood of Julianeshaab. In summer it is still a "green land," +with good pasturage for cattle, but there is difficulty in getting hay +enough to last through the nine months of winter. In 1855 "there were in +Greenland 30 to 40 head of horned cattle, about 100 goats, and 20 +sheep;" but in the ancient colony, with a population not exceeding 6,000 +persons, "herds of cattle were kept which even yielded produce for +exportation to Europe."<a id="footnotetag199" name="footnotetag199"></a><a href="#footnote199" title="Go to footnote 199"><span class="small">[199]</span></a> So strong a contrast seems to indicate a +much more plentiful grass crop than to-day, although some hay might +perhaps have been imported from Iceland in exchange for Greenland +exports, which were chiefly whale oil, eider-down, and skins of seals, +foxes, and white bears.</p> + +<p>When once the Northmen had found their way to Cape Farewell, it would +have been marvellous if such active sailors could long have avoided +stumbling upon the continent of North America. Without compass or +astrolabe these daring men were accustomed to traverse long stretches of +open <span class="pagenum"><a id="page178" name="page178"></a>(p. 178)</span> sea, trusting to the stars; +<span class="sidenote">With the Northmen once in Greenland, the discovery of the +American continent was almost inevitable.</span> +and it needed only a stiff +northeasterly breeze, with persistent clouds and fog, to land a westward +bound "dragon" anywhere from Cape Race to Cape Cod. This is what appears +to have happened to Bjarni Herjulfsson in 986, and something quite like +it happened to Henry Hudson in 1609.<a id="footnotetag200" name="footnotetag200"></a><a href="#footnote200" title="Go to footnote 200"><span class="small">[200]</span></a> Curiosity is a motive quite +sufficient to explain Leif's making the easy summer voyage to find out +what sort of country Bjarni had seen. He found it thickly wooded, and as +there was a dearth of good timber both in Greenland and in Iceland, it +would naturally occur to Leif's friends that voyages for timber, to be +used at home and also to be exported to Iceland, <span class="sidenote">Voyages for timber.</span> +might turn out to be +profitable.<a id="footnotetag201" name="footnotetag201"></a><a href="#footnote201" title="Go to footnote 201"><span class="small">[201]</span></a> As Laing says, "to go in quest of the wooded countries +to the southwest, from whence driftwood came to their shores, was a +reasonable, intelligible motive for making a voyage in search of the +lands from whence it came, and where this valuable material could be got +for nothing."<a id="footnotetag202" name="footnotetag202"></a><a href="#footnote202" title="Go to footnote 202"><span class="small">[202]</span></a></p> + +<p>If now we look at the details of the story we shall find many ear-marks +of truth in it. We must not look for absolute accuracy in a narrative +which—as we have it—is not the work of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page179" name="page179"></a>(p. 179)</span> Leif or Thorfinn or +any of their comrades, but of compilers or copyists, honest and careful +as it seems to me, but liable to misplace details and to call by wrong +names things which they had never seen. Starting with these modest +expectations we shall find the points of verisimilitude numerous. +<span class="sidenote">Ear-marks of truth in the narrative.</span> +To +begin with the least significant, somewhere on our northeastern coast +the voyagers found many foxes.<a id="footnotetag203" name="footnotetag203"></a><a href="#footnote203" title="Go to footnote 203"><span class="small">[203]</span></a> These animals, to be sure, are found +in a great many countries, but the point for us is that in a southerly +and southwesterly course from Cape Farewell these sailors are said to +have found them. If our narrators had been drawing upon their +imaginations or dealing with semi-mythical materials, they would as +likely as not have lugged into the story elephants from Africa or +hippogriffs from Dreamland; mediæval writers were blissfully ignorant of +all canons of probability in such matters.<a id="footnotetag204" name="footnotetag204"></a><a href="#footnote204" title="Go to footnote 204"><span class="small">[204]</span></a> But our narrators simply +mention an animal which has for ages abounded on our northeastern +coasts. One such instance is enough to suggest that they were following +reports or documents which emanated ultimately from eye-witnesses and +told the plain truth. A dozen such instances, if not neutralized by +counter-instances, are enough to make this view extremely probable; and +then one or two instances <span class="pagenum"><a id="page180" name="page180"></a>(p. 180)</span> which could not have originated in +the imagination of a European writer will suffice to prove it.</p> + +<p>Let us observe, then, that on coming to Markland they "slew a +bear;"<a id="footnotetag205" name="footnotetag205"></a><a href="#footnote205" title="Go to footnote 205"><span class="small">[205]</span></a> the river and lake (or bay) in Vinland abounded with salmon +bigger than Leif's people had ever seen;<a id="footnotetag206" name="footnotetag206"></a><a href="#footnote206" title="Go to footnote 206"><span class="small">[206]</span></a> on the coast they caught +halibut;<a id="footnotetag207" name="footnotetag207"></a><a href="#footnote207" title="Go to footnote 207"><span class="small">[207]</span></a> they came to an island where there were so many eider +ducks breeding that they could hardly avoid treading on their eggs;<a id="footnotetag208" name="footnotetag208"></a><a href="#footnote208" title="Go to footnote 208"><span class="small">[208]</span></a> +and, as already observed, it was because of the abundance of wild grapes +that Leif named the southernmost country he visited Vinland.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page181" name="page181"></a>(p. 181)</span> + +<p>From the profusion of grapes—such that the ship's stern boat is said on +one occasion to have been filled with them<a id="footnotetag209" name="footnotetag209"></a><a href="#footnote209" title="Go to footnote 209"><span class="small">[209]</span></a>—we get a clue, though +less decisive than could be wished, to the location of Vinland. The +extreme northern limit of the vine in Canada is 47°, +<span class="sidenote">Northern limit of the vine.</span> +the parallel which +cuts across the tops of Prince Edward and Cape Breton islands on the +map.<a id="footnotetag210" name="footnotetag210"></a><a href="#footnote210" title="Go to footnote 210"><span class="small">[210]</span></a> Near this northern limit, however, wild grapes are by no means +plenty; so that the coast upon which Leif wintered must apparently have +been south of Cape Breton. Dr. Storm, who holds that Vinland was on the +southern coast of Nova Scotia, has collected some interesting testimony +as to the growth of wild grapes in that region, but on the whole the +abundance of this fruit seems rather to point to the shores of +Massachusetts Bay.<a id="footnotetag211" name="footnotetag211"></a><a href="#footnote211" title="Go to footnote 211"><span class="small">[211]</span></a></p> + +<p>We may now observe that, while it is idle to attempt to determine +accurately the length of the winter day, +<span class="sidenote">Length of the winter day.</span> +as given in our chronicles, +nevertheless since that length attracted the attention of the voyagers, +as something remarkable, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page182" name="page182"></a>(p. 182)</span> it may fairly be supposed to indicate +a latitude lower than they were accustomed to reach in their trading +voyages in Europe. Such a latitude as that of Dublin, which lies +opposite Labrador, would have presented no novelty to them, for voyages +of Icelanders to their kinsmen in Dublin, and in Rouen as well, were +common enough. Halifax lies about opposite Bordeaux, and Boston a little +south of opposite Cape Finisterre, in Spain, so that either of these +latitudes would satisfy the conditions of the case; either would show a +longer winter day than Rouen, which was about the southern limit of +ordinary trading voyages from Iceland. At all events, the length of day +indicates for Vinland a latitude south of Cape Breton.</p> + +<p>The next point to be observed is the mention of "self-sown +wheat-fields."<a id="footnotetag212" name="footnotetag212"></a><a href="#footnote212" title="Go to footnote 212"><span class="small">[212]</span></a> This is not only an important ear-mark of truth in +the narrative, but it helps us somewhat further in determining the +position of Vinland. The "self-sown" cereal, which these Icelanders +called "wheat," was in all probability what the English settlers six +hundred years afterward called "corn," <span class="sidenote">Indian corn.</span> +in each case applying to a new +and nameless thing the most serviceable name at hand. In England "corn" +means either wheat, barley, rye, and oats collectively, or more +specifically wheat; in Scotland it generally means oats; in America it +means maize, the "Indian corn," the cereal peculiar to the western +hemisphere. The beautiful waving plant, with its exquisitely tasselled +ears, which <span class="pagenum"><a id="page183" name="page183"></a>(p. 183)</span> was one of the first things to attract Champlain's +attention, could not have escaped the notice of such keen observers as +we are beginning to find Leif and Thorfinn to have been. A cereal like +this, requiring so little cultivation that without much latitude of +speech it might be described as growing wild, would be interesting to +Europeans visiting the American coast; but it would hardly occur to +European fancy to invent such a thing. The mention of it is therefore a +very significant ear-mark of the truth of the narrative. As regards the +position of Vinland, the presence of maize seems to indicate a somewhat +lower latitude than Nova Scotia. Maize requires intensely hot summers, +and even under the most careful European cultivation does not flourish +north of the Alps. In the sixteenth century its northern-most limit on +the American coast seems to have been at the mouth of the Kennebec +(44°), though farther inland it was found by Cartier at Hochelaga, on +the site of Montreal (45° 30'). A presumption is thus raised in favour +of the opinion that Vinland was not farther north than Massachusetts +Bay.<a id="footnotetag213" name="footnotetag213"></a><a href="#footnote213" title="Go to footnote 213"><span class="small">[213]</span></a></p> + +<p>This presumption is supported by what is said about the climate of +Vinland, though it must be borne in mind that general statements about +climate are apt to be very loose and misleading. We <span class="pagenum"><a id="page184" name="page184"></a>(p. 184)</span> are told +that it seemed to Leif's people that cattle would be able to pass the +winter out of doors there, <span class="sidenote">Winter weather in Vinland.</span> +for there was no frost and the grass was not +much withered.<a id="footnotetag214" name="footnotetag214"></a><a href="#footnote214" title="Go to footnote 214"><span class="small">[214]</span></a> On the other hand, Thorfinn's people found the +winter severe, and suffered from cold and hunger.<a id="footnotetag215" name="footnotetag215"></a><a href="#footnote215" title="Go to footnote 215"><span class="small">[215]</span></a> Taken in +connection with each other, these two statements would apply very well +to-day to our variable winters on the coast southward from Cape Ann. The +winter of 1889-90 in Cambridge, for example, might very naturally have +been described by visitors from higher latitudes as a winter without +frost and with grass scarcely withered. Indeed, we might have described +it so ourselves. On Narragansett and Buzzard's bays such soft winter +weather is still more common; north of Cape Ann it is much less common. +The severe winter (<i>magna hiems</i>) is of course familiar enough anywhere +along the northeastern coast of America.</p> + +<p>On the whole, we may say with some confidence that the place described +by our chroniclers <span class="sidenote">Probable situation of Vinland.</span> +as Vinland was situated somewhere between Point +Judith and Cape Breton; possibly we may narrow our limits and say +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page185" name="page185"></a>(p. 185)</span> that it was somewhere between Cape Cod and Cape Ann. But the +latter conclusion is much less secure than the former. In such a case as +this, the more we narrow our limits the greater our liability to +error.<a id="footnotetag216" name="footnotetag216"></a><a href="#footnote216" title="Go to footnote 216"><span class="small">[216]</span></a> While by such narrowing, moreover, the question may acquire +more interest as a bone of contention among local antiquarians, its +value for the general historian is not increased.</p> + +<p>But we have not yet done with the points of verisimilitude in our story. +We have now to cite two or three details that are far more striking than +any as yet mentioned,—details that could never have been conjured up by +the fancy of any mediæval European. <span class="sidenote">"Savages" unknown to mediæval Europeans.</span> +We must bear in mind that "savages," +whether true savages or people in the lower status of barbarism, were +practically unknown to Europeans before the fifteenth century. There +were no such people in Europe or in any part of Asia or Africa visited +by Europeans before the great voyages of the Portuguese. Mediæval +Europeans knew nothing whatever about people who would show surprise at +the sight of an iron tool<a id="footnotetag217" name="footnotetag217"></a><a href="#footnote217" title="Go to footnote 217"><span class="small">[217]</span></a> or frantic terror at the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page186" name="page186"></a>(p. 186)</span> voice +of a bull, or who would eagerly trade off valuable property for +worthless trinkets. Their imagination might be up to inventing +hobgoblins and people with heads under their shoulders,<a id="footnotetag218" name="footnotetag218"></a><a href="#footnote218" title="Go to footnote 218"><span class="small">[218]</span></a> but it was +not up to inventing such simple touches of nature as these. Bearing this +in mind, let us observe that Thorfinn found the natives of Vinland eager +to give valuable furs<a id="footnotetag219" name="footnotetag219"></a><a href="#footnote219" title="Go to footnote 219"><span class="small">[219]</span></a> in exchange for <span class="pagenum"><a id="page187" name="page187"></a>(p. 187)</span> little strips of +scarlet cloth to bind about their heads. When the Northmen found the +cloth growing scarce they cut it into extremely narrow strips, but the +desire of the natives was so great that they would still give a whole +skin for the smallest strip. <span class="sidenote">The natives of Vinland.</span> +They wanted also to buy weapons, but +Thorfinn forbade his men to sell them. One of the natives picked up an +iron hatchet and cut wood with it; one after another tried and admired +it; at length one tried it on a stone and broke its edge, and then they +scornfully threw it down.<a id="footnotetag220" name="footnotetag220"></a><a href="#footnote220" title="Go to footnote 220"><span class="small">[220]</span></a> One day while they were trading, +Thorfinn's bull ran out before them and bellowed, whereupon the whole +company was instantly scattered in headlong flight. After this, when +threatened with an attack by the natives, Thorfinn drew up his men for a +fight and put the bull in front, very much as Pyrrhus used elephants—at +first with success—to frighten the Romans and their horses.<a id="footnotetag221" name="footnotetag221"></a><a href="#footnote221" title="Go to footnote 221"><span class="small">[221]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page188" name="page188"></a>(p. 188)</span> + +<p>These incidents are of surpassing interest, for they were attendant upon +the first meeting (in all probability) that ever took place between +civilized Europeans and any people below the upper status of +barbarism.<a id="footnotetag222" name="footnotetag222"></a><a href="#footnote222" title="Go to footnote 222"><span class="small">[222]</span></a> Who were these natives encountered by Thorfinn? The +Northmen called them "Skrælings," a name which one is at first sight +strongly tempted to derive from the Icelandic verb <i>skrækja</i>, identical +with the English <i>screech</i>. A crowd of excited Indians might most +appropriately be termed Screechers.<a id="footnotetag223" name="footnotetag223"></a><a href="#footnote223" title="Go to footnote 223"><span class="small">[223]</span></a> This derivation, however, is +not correct. <span class="sidenote">Meaning of the epithet "Skrælings."</span> +The word <i>skræling</i> survives in modern Norwegian, and means +a feeble or puny or <i>insignificant</i> person. Dr. Storm's suggestion is in +all probability correct, that the name "Skrælings," as applied to the +natives of America, had no ethnological significance, but simply meant +"inferior people;" it gave concise expression to the white man's opinion +that they were "a bad lot." In Icelandic literature the name is usually +applied to the Eskimos, and hence it has been rashly inferred that +Thorfinn found Eskimos in Vinland. Such was Rafn's opinion, and since +his time the commentators <span class="pagenum"><a id="page189" name="page189"></a>(p. 189)</span> have gone off upon a wrong trail and +much ingenuity has been wasted.<a id="footnotetag224" name="footnotetag224"></a><a href="#footnote224" title="Go to footnote 224"><span class="small">[224]</span></a> It would be well to remember, +however, that the Europeans of the eleventh century were not +ethnologists; in meeting these inferior peoples for the first time they +were more likely to be impressed with the broad fact of their +inferiority than to be nice in making distinctions. When we call both +Australians and Fuegians "savages," we do not assert identity or +relationship between them; and so when the Northmen called Eskimos and +Indians by the same disparaging epithet, they doubtless simply meant to +call them savages.</p> + + +<p>Our chronicle describes the Skrælings of Vinland as swarthy in hue, +ferocious in aspect, with ugly hair, big eyes, and broad cheeks.<a id="footnotetag225" name="footnotetag225"></a><a href="#footnote225" title="Go to footnote 225"><span class="small">[225]</span></a> +<span class="sidenote">Personal appearance of the Skrælings.</span> +This will do very well for Indians, except as to the eyes. We are +accustomed to think of Indian eyes as small; but in this connection it +is worthy of note that a very keen <span class="pagenum"><a id="page190" name="page190"></a>(p. 190)</span> observer, Marc Lescarbot, +in his minute and elaborate description of the physical appearance of +the Micmacs of Acadia, speaks with some emphasis of their large +eyes.<a id="footnotetag226" name="footnotetag226"></a><a href="#footnote226" title="Go to footnote 226"><span class="small">[226]</span></a> Dr. Storm quite reasonably suggests that the Norse expression +may refer to the size not of the eye-ball, but of the eye-socket, which +in the Indian face is apt to be large; and very likely this is what the +Frenchman also had in mind.</p> + +<p>These Skrælings were clad in skins, and their weapons were bows and +arrows, slings, and stone hatchets. In the latter we may now, I think, +be allowed to recognize the familiar tomahawk; and when we read that, in +a sharp fight with the natives, Thorbrand, son of the commander Snorro, +was slain, and the woman Freydis afterward found his corpse in the +woods, with a flat stone sticking in the head, and his naked sword lying +on the ground beside him, we seem to see how it all happened.<a id="footnotetag227" name="footnotetag227"></a><a href="#footnote227" title="Go to footnote 227"><span class="small">[227]</span></a> +<span class="sidenote">The Skrælings of Vinland were Indians,—very likely +Algonquins.</span> +We +seem to see the stealthy Indian suddenly dealing the death-blow, and +then obliged for his own safety to dart away among the trees without +recovering his tomahawk or seizing the sword. The Skrælings came up the +river or lake in a swarm of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page191" name="page191"></a>(p. 191)</span> canoes, all yelling at the top of +their voices (<i>et illi omnes valde acutum ululabant</i>), and, leaping +ashore, began a formidable attack with slings and arrows. The narrative +calls these canoes "skin-boats" (<i>hudhkeipar</i>), whence it has been +inferred that the writer had in mind the <i>kayaks</i> and <i>umiaks</i> of the +Eskimos.<a id="footnotetag228" name="footnotetag228"></a><a href="#footnote228" title="Go to footnote 228"><span class="small">[228]</span></a> I suspect that the writer did have such boats in mind, and +accordingly used a word not strictly accurate. Very likely his +authorities failed to specify a distinction between bark-boats and +skin-boats, and simply used the handiest word for designating canoes as +contrasted with their own keeled boats.<a id="footnotetag229" name="footnotetag229"></a><a href="#footnote229" title="Go to footnote 229"><span class="small">[229]</span></a></p> + +<p>One other point which must be noticed here in connection with the +Skrælings is a singular manœuvre which they are said to have +practised in the course of the fight. They raised upon the end of a pole +a big ball, not unlike a sheep's paunch, and of a bluish colour; this +ball they swung from the pole over the heads of the white men, and it +fell to the ground with a horrid noise.<a id="footnotetag230" name="footnotetag230"></a><a href="#footnote230" title="Go to footnote 230"><span class="small">[230]</span></a> Now, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page192" name="page192"></a>(p. 192)</span> according to +Mr. Schoolcraft, this was a mode of fighting formerly common among the +Algonquins, in New England and elsewhere. This big ball was what Mr. +Schoolcraft calls the "balista," or what the Indians themselves call the +"demon's head." It was a large round boulder, sewed up in a new skin and +attached to a pole. As the skin dried it enwrapped the stone tightly; +and then it was daubed with grotesque devices in various colours. "It +was borne by several warriors who acted as balisteers. Plunged upon a +boat or canoe, it was capable of sinking it. Brought down upon a group +of men on a sudden, it produced consternation and death."<a id="footnotetag231" name="footnotetag231"></a><a href="#footnote231" title="Go to footnote 231"><span class="small">[231]</span></a> This is a +most remarkable feature in the narrative, for it shows us the Icelandic +writer (here manifestly controlled by some authoritative source of +information) describing a very strange mode of fighting, which we know +to have been characteristic of the Algonquins. Karlsefni's men do not +seem to have relished this outlandish style of fighting; they retreated +along the river bank until they came to a favourable situation among +some rocks, where they made a stand and beat off their swarming +assailants. The latter, as soon as they found themselves losing many +warriors without gaining their point, suddenly <span class="pagenum"><a id="page193" name="page193"></a>(p. 193)</span> turned and fled +to their canoes, and paddled away with astonishing celerity. Throughout +the account it seems to me perfectly clear that we are dealing with +Indians.</p> + +<p>The coexistence of so many unmistakable marks of truth in our narratives +may fairly be said to amount to a demonstration that they must be +derived, through some eminently trustworthy channel, from the statements +of intelligent eye-witnesses who took part in the events related. Here +and there, no doubt, we come upon some improbable incident or a touch of +superstition, such as we need not go back to the eleventh century to +<span class="sidenote">The uniped.</span> +find very common among seamen's narratives; but the remarkable thing in +the present case is that there are so few such features. One fabulous +creature is mentioned. Thorfinn and his men saw from their vessel a +glittering speck upon the shore at an opening in the woods. They hailed +it, whereupon the creature proceeded to perform the quite human act of +shooting an arrow, which killed the man at the helm. The narrator calls +it a "uniped," or some sort of one-footed goblin,<a id="footnotetag232" name="footnotetag232"></a><a href="#footnote232" title="Go to footnote 232"><span class="small">[232]</span></a> but that is +hardly reasonable, for after the shooting it went on to perform the +further quite human and eminently Indian-like act of running away.<a id="footnotetag233" name="footnotetag233"></a><a href="#footnote233" title="Go to footnote 233"><span class="small">[233]</span></a> +Evidently this discreet "uniped" was impressed with the desirableness of +living to fight <span class="pagenum"><a id="page194" name="page194"></a>(p. 194)</span> another day. In a narrative otherwise +characterized by sobriety, such an instance of fancy, even supposing it +to have come down from the original sources, counts for as much or as +little as Henry Hudson's description of a mermaid.<a id="footnotetag234" name="footnotetag234"></a><a href="#footnote234" title="Go to footnote 234"><span class="small">[234]</span></a></p> + +<hr> + +<p>It is now time for a few words upon the character of the records upon +which our story is based. And first, let us remark upon a possible +source of misapprehension due to the associations with which a certain +Norse word has been clothed. The old Norse narrative-writings are called +"sagas," a word which we are in the habit of using in English as +equivalent to legendary or semi-mythical narratives. +<span class="sidenote">Misleading associations with the word "saga."</span> +To cite a "saga" as +authority for a statement seems, therefore, to some people as +inadmissible as to cite a fairy-tale; and I cannot help suspecting that +to some such misleading association of ideas is due the particular form +of the opinion expressed some time ago by a committee of the +Massachusetts Historical Society,—"that there is the same sort of +reason for believing in the existence of Leif Ericsson that there is for +believing in the existence of Agamemnon. They are both traditions +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page195" name="page195"></a>(p. 195)</span> accepted by later writers, and there is no more reason for +regarding as true the details +<span class="sidenote">Unfortunate comparison between Leif Ericsson and Agamemnon.</span> +related about the discoveries of the +former than there is for accepting as historic truth the narrative +contained in the Homeric poems." The report goes on to observe that "it +is antecedently probable that the Northmen discovered America in the +early part of the eleventh century; and this discovery is confirmed by +the same sort of historical tradition, not strong enough to be called +evidence, upon which our belief in many of the accepted facts of history +rests."<a id="footnotetag235" name="footnotetag235"></a><a href="#footnote235" title="Go to footnote 235"><span class="small">[235]</span></a> The second of these statements is characterized by critical +moderation, and expresses the inevitable and wholesome reaction against +the rash enthusiasm of Professor Rafn half a century ago, and the +vagaries of many an uninstructed or uncritical writer since his time. +But the first statement is singularly unfortunate. It would be difficult +to find a comparison more inappropriate than that between Agamemnon and +Leif, <span class="sidenote">The story of the Trojan War, as we have it, is pure +folk-lore.</span> +between the Iliad and the Saga of Eric the Red. The story of the +Trojan War and its heroes, as we have it in Homer and the Athenian +dramatists, is pure folk-lore as regards form, and chiefly folk-lore as +regards contents. It is in a high degree probable that this mass of +folk-lore surrounds a kernel of plain fact, that in times long before +the first Olympiad an actual "king of men" at Mycenæ conducted an +expedition against the great city by the Simois, that the Agamemnon of +the poet stands in some <span class="pagenum"><a id="page196" name="page196"></a>(p. 196)</span> such relation toward this chieftain as +that in which the Charlemagne of mediæval romance stands toward the +mighty Emperor of the West.<a id="footnotetag236" name="footnotetag236"></a><a href="#footnote236" title="Go to footnote 236"><span class="small">[236]</span></a> Nevertheless the story, as we have it, +is simply folk-lore. If the Iliad and Odyssey contain faint +reminiscences of actual events, these events are so inextricably wrapped +up with mythical phraseology that by no cunning of the scholar can they +be construed into history. The motives and capabilities of the actors +and the conditions under which they accomplish their destinies are such +as exist only in fairy-tales. Their world is as remote from that in +which we live as the world of Sindbad and Camaralzaman; and this is not +essentially altered by the fact that Homer introduces us to definite +localities and familiar customs as often as the Irish legends of Finn +M'Cumhail.<a id="footnotetag237" name="footnotetag237"></a><a href="#footnote237" title="Go to footnote 237"><span class="small">[237]</span></a></p> + +<p>It would be hard to find anything more unlike such writings than the +class of Icelandic sagas to which that of Eric the Red belongs. +<span class="sidenote">The Saga of Eric the Red is not folk-lore.</span> +Here we +have quiet and sober narrative, not in the least like a fairy-tale, but +often much like a ship's log. Whatever such narrative may be, it is not +folk-lore. In act and motive, in its conditions and laws, its world is +the every-day world in which we live. If now and then a "uniped" happens +to stray into it, the incongruity <span class="pagenum"><a id="page197" name="page197"></a>(p. 197)</span> is as conspicuous as in the +case of Hudson's mermaid, or a ghost in a modern country inn; whereas in +the Homeric fabric the supernatural is warp and woof. To assert a +likeness between two kinds of literature so utterly different is to go +very far astray.</p> + +<p>As already observed, I suspect that misleading associations with the +word "saga" may have exerted an unconscious influence in producing this +particular kind of blunder,—for it is nothing less than a blunder. +Resemblance is tacitly assumed between the Iliad and an Icelandic saga. +Well, between the Iliad and <i>some</i> Icelandic sagas there is a real and +strong resemblance. In truth these sagas are divisible into two well +marked and sharply contrasted classes. In the one class belong the Eddic +Lays, and the <span class="sidenote">Mythical and historical sagas.</span> +<i>mythical sagas</i>, such as the Volsunga, the stories of +Ragnar, Frithiof, and others; and along with these, though totally +different in source, we may for our present purpose group the <i>romantic +sagas</i>, such as Parceval, Remund, Karlamagnus, and others brought from +southern Europe. These are alike in being composed of legendary and +mythical materials; they belong essentially to the literature of +folk-lore. In the other class come the <i>historical sagas</i>, such as those +of Njal and Egil, the Sturlunga, and many others, with the numerous +biographies and annals.<a id="footnotetag238" name="footnotetag238"></a><a href="#footnote238" title="Go to footnote 238"><span class="small">[238]</span></a> These <span class="pagenum"><a id="page198" name="page198"></a>(p. 198)</span> writings give us history, +and often very good history indeed. "Saga" meant simply any kind of +literature in narrative form; the good people of Iceland did not happen +to have such a handy word as "history," which they could keep entire +when they meant it in sober earnest and chop down into "story" when they +meant it otherwise. It is very much as if we were to apply the same word +to the Arthur legends and to William of Malmesbury's judicious and +accurate chronicles, and call them alike "stories."</p> + +<p>The narrative upon which our account of the Vinland voyages is chiefly +based belongs to the class of historical sagas. It is the Saga of Eric +the Red, and it exists in two different versions, of which one seems to +have been made in the north, the other in the west, of Iceland. The +western version is the earlier and in some respects the better. +<span class="sidenote">The western or Hauks-bók version of Eric the Red's Saga.</span> +It is +found in two vellums, that of the great collection known as <i>Hauks-bók</i> +(AM. 544), and that which is simply known as AM. 557 from its catalogue +number in Arni Magnusson's collection. Of these the former, which is the +best preserved, was written in a beautiful hand by Hauk Erlendsson, +between 1305 and 1334, the year of his death. This western version is +the one which has generally been printed under the title, "Saga of +Thorfinn Karlsefni." It is the one to which I have most frequently +referred in the present chapter.<a id="footnotetag239" name="footnotetag239"></a><a href="#footnote239" title="Go to footnote 239"><span class="small">[239]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page199" name="page199"></a>(p. 199)</span> + +<p>The northern version is that which was made about the year 1387 by the +priest Jón Thórdharson, and contained in the famous compilation known as +the <i>Flateyar-bók</i>, or <span class="sidenote">The northern or Flateyar-bók version.</span> +"Flat Island Book."<a id="footnotetag240" name="footnotetag240"></a><a href="#footnote240" title="Go to footnote 240"><span class="small">[240]</span></a> This priest was editing +the saga of King Olaf Tryggvesson, which is contained in that +compilation, and inasmuch as Leif Ericsson's presence at King Olaf's +court was connected both with the introduction of Christianity into +Greenland and with the discovery of Vinland, Jón paused, after the +manner of mediæval chroniclers, and inserted then and there what he knew +about Eric and Leif and Thorfinn. In doing this, he used parts of the +original saga of Eric the Red (as we find it reproduced in the western +version), and added thereunto a considerable amount of material +concerning the Vinland voyages derived from other sources. Jón's version +thus made has generally been printed under the title, "Saga of Eric the +Red."<a id="footnotetag241" name="footnotetag241"></a><a href="#footnote241" title="Go to footnote 241"><span class="small">[241]</span></a></p> + +<p>Now the older version, written at the beginning of the fourteenth +century, gives an account of things which happened three centuries +before it was written. A cautious scholar will, as a rule, be slow to +consider any historical narrative as quite <span class="pagenum"><a id="page200" name="page200"></a>(p. 200)</span> satisfactory +authority, even when it contains no improbable statements, +<span class="sidenote">Presumption against sources not contemporary.</span> +unless it is +nearly contemporary with the events which it records. Such was the rule +laid down by the late Sir George Cornewall Lewis, and it is a very good +rule; the proper application of it has disencumbered history of much +rubbish. At the same time, like all rules, it should be used with +judicious caution and not allowed to run away with us. As applied by +Lewis to Roman history it would have swept away in one great cataclysm +not only kings and decemvirs, but Brennus and his Gauls to boot, and +left us with nothing to swear by until the invasion of Pyrrhus.<a id="footnotetag242" name="footnotetag242"></a><a href="#footnote242" title="Go to footnote 242"><span class="small">[242]</span></a> +Subsequent research has shown that this was going altogether too far. +The mere fact of distance in time between a document and the events +which it records is only negative testimony against its value, for it +may be a faithful transcript of some earlier document or documents since +lost. It is so difficult to prove a negative that the mere lapse of time +simply raises a presumption the weight of which should be estimated by a +careful survey of all the probabilities in the case. Among the many +Icelandic vellums that are known to have perished<a id="footnotetag243" name="footnotetag243"></a><a href="#footnote243" title="Go to footnote 243"><span class="small">[243]</span></a> there <span class="pagenum"><a id="page201" name="page201"></a>(p. 201)</span> +may well have been earlier copies of Eric the Red's Saga.</p> + +<p>Hauk Erlendsson reckoned himself a direct descendant, in the eighth +generation, from Snorro, son of Thorfinn and Gudrid, born in Vinland. He +was an important personage in Iceland, a man of erudition, author of a +brief book of contemporary annals and a treatise on arithmetic in which +he introduced the Arabic numerals into Iceland. In those days the lover +of books, <span class="sidenote">Hauk Erlendsson and his manuscripts.</span> +if he would add them to his library, might now and then obtain +an original manuscript, but usually he had to copy them or have them +copied by hand. The Hauks-bók, with its 200 skins, one of the most +extensive Icelandic vellums now in existence, is really Hauk's private +library, or what there is left of it, and it shows that he was a man who +knew how to make a good choice of books. He did a good deal of his +copying himself, and also employed two clerks in the same kind of +work.<a id="footnotetag244" name="footnotetag244"></a><a href="#footnote244" title="Go to footnote 244"><span class="small">[244]</span></a></p> + +<p>Now I do not suppose it will occur to any rational being to suggest that +Hauk may have written down his version of Eric the Red's Saga from an +oral tradition nearly three centuries old. The narrative could not have +been so long preserved in its integrity, with so little extravagance of +statement and so many marks of truthfulness in details foreign to +ordinary Icelandic experience, if <span class="pagenum"><a id="page202" name="page202"></a>(p. 202)</span> it had been entrusted to +oral tradition alone. <span class="sidenote">The story is not likely to have been preserved to Hauk's time +by oral tradition only.</span> +One might as well try to imagine Drake's "World +Encompassed" handed down by oral tradition from the days of Queen +Elizabeth to the days of Queen Victoria. Such transmission is possible +enough with heroic poems and folk-tales, which deal with a few dramatic +situations and a stock of mythical conceptions familiar at every +fireside; but in a simple matter-of-fact record of sailors' observations +and experiences on a strange coast, oral tradition would not be long in +distorting and jumbling the details into a result quite undecipherable. +The story of the Zeno brothers, presently to be cited, shows what +strange perversions occur, even in written tradition, when the copyist, +instead of faithfully copying records of unfamiliar events, tries to +edit and amend them. One cannot reasonably doubt that Hauk's vellum of +Eric the Red's Saga, with its many ear-marks of truth above mentioned, +was copied by him—and quite carefully and faithfully withal—from some +older vellum not now forthcoming.</p> + +<p>As we have no clue, however, beyond the internal evidence, to the age or +character of the sources from which Hauk copied, <span class="sidenote">Allusions to Vinland in other documents.</span> +there is nothing left +for us to do but to look into other Icelandic documents, to see if +anywhere they betray a knowledge of Vinland and the voyages thither. +Incidental references to Vinland, in narratives concerned with other +matters, are of great significance in this connection; for they imply on +the part of the narrator a presumption that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page203" name="page203"></a>(p. 203)</span> his readers +understand such references, and that it is not necessary to interrupt +his story in order to explain them. Such incidental references imply the +existence, during the interval between the Vinland voyages and Hauk's +manuscript, of many intermediate links of sound testimony that have +since dropped out of sight; and therefore they go far toward removing +whatever presumption may be alleged against Hauk's manuscript because of +its distance from the events.</p> + +<p>Now the Eyrbyggja Saga, written between 1230 and 1260, is largely +devoted to the settlement of Iceland, and is full of valuable notices of +the heathen institutions and customs of the tenth century. <span class="sidenote">Eyrbyggja Saga.</span> +The +Eyrbyggja, having occasion to speak of Thorbrand Snorrason, observes +incidentally that he went from Greenland to Vinland with Karlsefni and +was killed in a battle with the Skrælings.<a id="footnotetag245" name="footnotetag245"></a><a href="#footnote245" title="Go to footnote 245"><span class="small">[245]</span></a> We have already +mentioned the death of this Thorbrand, and how Freydis found his body in +the woods.</p> + +<p>Three Icelandic tracts on geography, between the twelfth and fourteenth +centuries, mention Helluland and Vinland, and in two of these accounts +Markland is interposed between Helluland and Vinland.<a id="footnotetag246" name="footnotetag246"></a><a href="#footnote246" title="Go to footnote 246"><span class="small">[246]</span></a> One of these +tracts mentions the voyages of Leif and Thorfinn. It forms part of an +essay called "Guide to the Holy Land," by <span class="sidenote">The abbot Nikulas, etc.</span> +Nikulas <span class="pagenum"><a id="page204" name="page204"></a>(p. 204)</span> Sæmundsson, +abbot of Thvera, in the north of Iceland, who died 1159. This Nikulas +was curious in matters of geography, and had travelled extensively.</p> + +<p>With the celebrated Ari Thorgilsson, usually known as Fródhi, "the +learned," we come to testimony nearly contemporaneous in time and +extremely valuable in character. This erudite priest, born in 1067, was +the founder of historical writing in Iceland. He was the principal +author of the <span class="sidenote">Ari Fródhi.</span> +"Landnáma-bók," already mentioned as a work of thorough +and painstaking research unequalled in mediæval literature. His other +principal works were the "Konunga-bók," or chronicle of the kings of +Norway, and the "Islendinga-bók," or description of Iceland.<a id="footnotetag247" name="footnotetag247"></a><a href="#footnote247" title="Go to footnote 247"><span class="small">[247]</span></a> Ari's +books, written not in monkish Latin, but in a good vigorous vernacular, +were a mine of information from which all subsequent Icelandic +historians were accustomed to draw such treasures as they needed. To his +diligence and acumen they were all, from Snorro Sturlason down, very +much indebted. He may be said to have given the tone to history-writing +in Iceland, and it was a high tone.</p> + +<p>Unfortunately Ari's Islendinga-bók has perished. One cannot help +suspecting that it may have contained the contemporary materials from +which Eric the Red's Saga in the Hauks-bók was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page205" name="page205"></a>(p. 205)</span> ultimately +drawn. For Ari made an abridgment or epitome of his great book, and this +epitome, commonly known as "Libellus Islandorum," still survives. In it +Ari makes brief mention of Greenland, and refers to his paternal uncle, +Thorkell Gellison, as authority for his statements. This Thorkell +Gellison, of Helgafell, <span class="sidenote">Ari's significant allusion to Vinland.</span> +a man of high consideration who flourished about +the middle of the eleventh century, had visited Greenland and talked +with one of the men who accompanied Eric when he went to settle in +Brattahlid in 986. From this source Ari gives us the interesting +information that Eric's party found in Greenland "traces of human +habitations, fragments of boats, and stone implements; so from this one +might conclude that people of the kind who inhabited Vinland and were +known by the (Norse) Greenlanders as Skrælings must have roamed about +there."<a id="footnotetag248" name="footnotetag248"></a><a href="#footnote248" title="Go to footnote 248"><span class="small">[248]</span></a> Observe the force of this allusion. The settlers in +Greenland did not at first (nor for a long time) meet with barbarous or +savage natives there, but only with the vestiges of their former +presence. But when Ari wrote the above passage, the memory of Vinland +and its fierce Skrælings was still fresh, and Ari very properly inferred +from the archæological remains in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page206" name="page206"></a>(p. 206)</span> Greenland that a people +similar (in point of barbarism) to the Skrælings must have been there. +Unless Ari and his readers had a distinct recollection of the accounts +of Vinland, such a reference would have been only an attempt to explain +the less obscure by the more obscure. It is to be regretted that we have +in this book no more allusions to Vinland; but if Ari could only leave +us one such allusion, he surely could not have made that one more +pointed.</p> + +<p>But this is not quite the only reference that Ari makes to Vinland. +There are three others that must in all probability be assigned to him. +Two occur in the Landnáma-bók, the first in a passage where mention is +made of Ari Marsson's voyage to a place in the western ocean near +Vinland;<a id="footnotetag249" name="footnotetag249"></a><a href="#footnote249" title="Go to footnote 249"><span class="small">[249]</span></a> the only point in this allusion which need here concern us +is that <span class="sidenote">Other references.</span> +Vinland is tacitly assumed to be a known geographical situation +to which others may be referred. The second reference occurs in one of +those elaborate and minutely specific genealogies in the Landnáma-bók: +"Their son was Thordhr Hest-höfdhi, father of Karlsefni, who found +Vinland the Good, Snorri's father," etc.<a id="footnotetag250" name="footnotetag250"></a><a href="#footnote250" title="Go to footnote 250"><span class="small">[250]</span></a> The third reference occurs +in the Kristni Saga, a kind of supplement to the Landnáma-bók, giving an +account of the introduction of Christianity into Iceland; here it is +related how Leif Ericsson came to be called "Leif the Lucky," 1. from +having rescued a shipwrecked crew off the coast of Greenland, 2. from +having <span class="pagenum"><a id="page207" name="page207"></a>(p. 207)</span> discovered "Vinland the Good."<a id="footnotetag251" name="footnotetag251"></a><a href="#footnote251" title="Go to footnote 251"><span class="small">[251]</span></a> From these brief +allusions, and from the general relation in which Ari Fródhi stood to +later writers, I suspect that if the greater Islendinga-bók had survived +to our time we should have found in it more about Vinland and its +discoverers. At any rate, as to the existence of a definite and +continuous tradition all the way from Ari down to Hauk Erlendsson, there +can be no question whatever.<a id="footnotetag252" name="footnotetag252"></a><a href="#footnote252" title="Go to footnote 252"><span class="small">[252]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page208" name="page208"></a>(p. 208)</span> + +<p>The testimony of Adam of Bremen brings us yet one generation nearer to +the Vinland voyages, and is very significant. <span class="sidenote">Adam of Bremen.</span> +Adam was much interested +in the missionary work in the north of Europe, and in 1073, the same +year that Hildebrand was elected to the papacy, he published his famous +"Historia Ecclesiastica" in which he gave an account of the conversion +of the northern nations from the time of Leo III. to that of +Hildebrand's predecessor. In prosecuting his studies, Adam made a visit +to the court of Swend Estridhsen, king of Denmark, nephew of Cnut the +Great, king of Denmark and England. Swend's reign began in 1047, so that +Adam's visit must have occurred between that date and 1073. The voyage +of Leif and Thorfinn would at that time have been within the memory of +living men, and would be likely to be known in Denmark, because the +intercourse between the several parts of the Scandinavian world was +incessant; there was continual coming and going. Adam learned what he +could of Scandinavian geography, and when he published his history, he +did just what a modern writer would do under similar circumstances; he +appended to his book some notes on the geography of those remote +countries, then so little known to his readers in central and southern +Europe. After giving some account of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, he +describes the colony in Iceland, and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page209" name="page209"></a>(p. 209)</span> then the further colony +in Greenland, and concludes by saying that out in that ocean there is +another country, or island, which has been visited by many persons, and +is called Vinland because of wild grapes that grow there, out of which a +very good wine can be made. Either rumour had exaggerated the virtues of +fox-grape juice, or the Northmen were not such good judges of wine as of +ale. Adam goes on to say that corn, likewise, grows in Vinland without +cultivation; and as such a statement to European readers must needs have +a smack of falsehood, he adds that it is based not upon fable and +guess-work, but upon "trustworthy reports (<i>certa relatione</i>) of the +Danes."</p> + + +<p>Scanty as it is, this single item of strictly contemporary testimony is +very important, because quite incidentally it gives to the later +accounts such confirmation as to show that they rest upon a solid basis +of continuous tradition and not upon mere unintelligent hearsay.<a id="footnotetag253" name="footnotetag253"></a><a href="#footnote253" title="Go to footnote 253"><span class="small">[253]</span></a> +The unvarying character of the tradition, in its essential details, +indicates that it must have been committed to writing at a very early +period, probably not later than the time of Ari's uncle Thorkell, who +was contemporary with Adam of Bremen. If, however, we read the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page210" name="page210"></a>(p. 210)</span> +whole passage in which Adam's mention of Vinland occurs, it is clear +from the context that his own information was not derived from an +inspection of Icelandic documents. He got it, as he tells us, by talking +with King Swend; and all that he got, or all that he thought worth +telling, was this curious fact about vines and self-sown corn growing so +near to Greenland; <span class="sidenote">Adam's misconception of the situation.</span> +for Adam quite misconceived the situation of Vinland, +and imagined it far up in the frozen North. After his mention of +Vinland, the continental character of which he evidently did not +suspect, he goes on immediately to say, "After this island nothing +inhabitable is to be found in that ocean, all being covered with +unendurable ice and boundless darkness." That most accomplished king, +Harold Hardrada, says Adam, tried not long since to ascertain how far +the northern ocean extended, and plunged along through this darkness +until he actually reached the end of the world, and came near tumbling +off!<a id="footnotetag254" name="footnotetag254"></a><a href="#footnote254" title="Go to footnote 254"><span class="small">[254]</span></a> Thus the worthy Adam, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page211" name="page211"></a>(p. 211)</span> while telling the truth about +fox-grapes and maize as well as he knew how, spoiled the effect of his +story by putting Vinland in the Arctic regions. The juxtaposition of +icebergs and vines was a little too close even for the mediæval mind so +hospitable to strange yarns. Adam's readers generally disbelieved the +"trustworthy reports of the Danes," and when they thought of Vinland at +all, doubtless thought of it as somewhere near the North Pole.<a id="footnotetag255" name="footnotetag255"></a><a href="#footnote255" title="Go to footnote 255"><span class="small">[255]</span></a> We +shall do well to bear this in mind when we come to consider the +possibility of Columbus having obtained from Adam of Bremen any hint in +the least likely to be of use in his own enterprise.<a id="footnotetag256" name="footnotetag256"></a><a href="#footnote256" title="Go to footnote 256"><span class="small">[256]</span></a></p> + +<hr> + +<p>To sum up the argument:—we have in Eric the Red's Saga, as copied by +Hauk Erlendsson, <span class="sidenote">Summary of the argument.</span> +a document for the existence of which we are required +to account. That document <span class="pagenum"><a id="page212" name="page212"></a>(p. 212)</span> contains unmistakable knowledge of +some things which mediæval Europeans could by no human possibility have +learned, except through a visit to some part of the coast of North +America further south than Labrador or Newfoundland. It tells an +eminently probable story in a simple, straightforward way, agreeing in +its details with what we know of the North American coast between Point +Judith and Cape Breton. Its general accuracy in the statement and +grouping of so many remote details is proof that its statements were +controlled by an exceedingly strong and steady tradition,—altogether +too strong and steady, in my opinion, to have been maintained simply by +word of mouth. These Icelanders were people so much given to writing +that their historic records during the Middle Ages were, as the late Sir +Richard Burton truly observed, more complete than those of any other +country in Europe.<a id="footnotetag257" name="footnotetag257"></a><a href="#footnote257" title="Go to footnote 257"><span class="small">[257]</span></a> It is probable that the facts mentioned in +Hauk's document rested upon some kind of a written basis as early as the +eleventh century; and it seems quite clear that the constant tradition, +by which all the allusions to Vinland and the Skrælings are controlled, +had become established by that time. The data are more scanty than we +could wish, but they all point in the same direction as surely as straws +blown by a steady wind, and their cumulative force is so great as to +fall but little short of demonstration. For these reasons it seems to me +that the Saga of Eric the Red should be accepted as history; and there +is another reason which might not have counted <span class="pagenum"><a id="page213" name="page213"></a>(p. 213)</span> for much at the +beginning of this discussion, but at the end seems quite solid and +worthy of respect. The narrative begins with the colonization of +Greenland and goes on with the visits to Vinland. It is unquestionably +sound history for the first part; why should it be anything else for the +second part? What shall be said of a style of criticism which, in +dealing with one and the same document, arbitrarily cuts it in two in +the middle and calls the first half history and the last half legend? +which accepts its statements as serious so long as they keep to the +north of the sixtieth parallel, and dismisses them as idle as soon as +they pass to the south of it? Quite contrary to common sense, I should +say.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>The only discredit which has been thrown upon the story of the Vinland +voyages, in the eyes either of scholars or of the general public, has +arisen from the eager credulity with which ingenious +<span class="sidenote">Absurd speculations of zealous antiquarians.</span> +antiquarians have +now and then tried to prove more than facts will warrant. It is +peculiarly a case in which the judicious historian has had frequent +occasion to exclaim, Save me from my friends! The only fit criticism +upon the wonderful argument from the Dighton inscription is a reference +to the equally wonderful discovery made by Mr. Pickwick at Cobham;<a id="footnotetag258" name="footnotetag258"></a><a href="#footnote258" title="Go to footnote 258"><span class="small">[258]</span></a> +and when it was attempted, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page214" name="page214"></a>(p. 214)</span> some sixty years ago, to prove that +Governor <span class="pagenum"><a id="page215" name="page215"></a>(p. 215)</span> Arnold's old stone windmill at Newport<a id="footnotetag259" name="footnotetag259"></a><a href="#footnote259" title="Go to footnote 259"><span class="small">[259]</span></a> was a +tower built by the Northmen, no wonder if the exposure of this rather +laughable notion should have led many people to suppose that the story +of Leif and Thorfinn had thereby been deprived of some part of its +support. But the story never rested upon any such evidence, and does not +call for evidence of such sort. There is nothing in the story to +indicate that the Northmen ever founded <span class="pagenum"><a id="page216" name="page216"></a>(p. 216)</span> a colony in +<span class="sidenote">There is no reason for supposing that the Northmen founded a +colony in Vinland.</span> +Vinland, +or built durable buildings there. The distinction implicitly drawn by +Adam of Bremen, who narrates the colonization of Iceland and Greenland, +and then goes on to speak of Vinland, not as colonized, but simply as +discovered, is a distinction amply borne out by our chronicles. Nowhere +is there the slightest hint of a colony or settlement established in +Vinland. On the contrary, our plain, business-like narrative tells us +that Thorfinn Karlsefni tried to found a colony and failed; and it tells +us why he failed. The Indians were too many for him. The Northmen of the +eleventh century, without firearms, were in much less favourable +condition for withstanding the Indians than the Englishmen of the +seventeenth; and at the former period there existed no cause for +emigration from Norway and Iceland at all comparable to the economic, +political, and religious circumstances which, in a later age, sent +thousands of Englishmen to Virginia and New England. The founding of +colonies in America in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was no +pastime; it was a tale of drudgery, starvation, and bloodshed, that +curdles one's blood to read; more attempts failed than succeeded. +Assuredly Thorfinn gave proof of the good sense ascribed to him when he +turned his back upon Vinland. But if he or any other Northman had ever +succeeded in establishing a colony there, can anybody explain why it +should not have stamped the fact of its existence either upon the soil, +or upon history, or both, as unmistakably as the colony of Greenland? +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page217" name="page217"></a>(p. 217)</span> Archæological remains of the Northmen abound in Greenland, all +the way from Immartinek to near Cape Farewell; the existence of one such +relic on the North American continent has never yet been proved. +<span class="sidenote">No archæological remains of the Northmen have been found +south of Davis strait.</span> +Not a +single vestige of the Northmen's presence here, at all worthy of +credence, has ever been found. The writers who have, from time to time, +mistaken other things for such vestiges, have been led astray because +they have failed to distinguish between the different conditions of +proof in Greenland and in Vinland. As Mr. Laing forcibly put the case, +nearly half a century ago, "Greenland was a colony with communications, +trade, civil and ecclesiastical establishments, and a considerable +population," for more than four centuries. "Vinland was only visited by +flying parties of woodcutters, remaining at the utmost two or three +winters, but never settling there permanently.... To expect here, as in +Greenland, material proofs to corroborate the documentary proofs, is +weakening the latter by linking them to a sort of evidence which, from +the very nature of the case,—the temporary visits of a ship's +crew,—cannot exist in Vinland, and, as in the case of Greenland, come +in to support them."<a id="footnotetag260" name="footnotetag260"></a><a href="#footnote260" title="Go to footnote 260"><span class="small">[260]</span></a></p> + +<p>The most convincing proof that the Northmen never founded a colony in +America, south of Davis strait, is furnished by the total absence of +horses, cattle, and other domestic animals from the soil of North +America until they were brought hither by the Spanish, French, and +English settlers <span class="pagenum"><a id="page218" name="page218"></a>(p. 218)</span> in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. +<span class="sidenote">If the Northmen had founded a successful colony, they would +have introduced domestic cattle into the North American fauna;</span> +If the Northmen had ever settled in Vinland, they would have brought +cattle with them, and if their colony had been successful, it would have +introduced such cattle permanently into the fauna of the country. +Indeed, our narrative tells us that Karlsefni's people "had with them +all kinds of cattle, having the intention to settle in the land if they +could."<a id="footnotetag261" name="footnotetag261"></a><a href="#footnote261" title="Go to footnote 261"><span class="small">[261]</span></a> Naturally the two things are coupled in the narrator's +mind. So the Portuguese carried livestock in their earliest +expeditions to the Atlantic islands;<a id="footnotetag262" name="footnotetag262"></a><a href="#footnote262" title="Go to footnote 262"><span class="small">[262]</span></a> Columbus brought horses and +cows, with vines and all kinds of grain, on his second voyage to the +West Indies;<a id="footnotetag263" name="footnotetag263"></a><a href="#footnote263" title="Go to footnote 263"><span class="small">[263]</span></a> when the French, under Baron Léry, made a disastrous +attempt to found a colony on or about Cape Breton in 1518, they left +behind them, upon Sable island, a goodly stock of cows and pigs, which +throve and multiplied long after their owners had gone;<a id="footnotetag264" name="footnotetag264"></a><a href="#footnote264" title="Go to footnote 264"><span class="small">[264]</span></a> the +Pilgrims at Plymouth had cattle, goats, and swine as early as 1623.<a id="footnotetag265" name="footnotetag265"></a><a href="#footnote265" title="Go to footnote 265"><span class="small">[265]</span></a> +In fact, it would be difficult to imagine a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page219" name="page219"></a>(p. 219)</span> community of +Europeans subsisting anywhere for any length of time without domestic +animals. We have seen that the Northmen took pains to raise cattle in +Greenland, and were quick to comment upon the climate of Vinland as +favourable for pasturage. To suppose that these men ever founded a +colony in North America, but did not bring domestic animals thither, +would be absurd. But it would be scarcely less absurd to suppose that +such animals, having been once fairly introduced into the fauna of North +America, <span class="sidenote">and such animals could not have vanished and left no trace of +their existence.</span> +would afterward have vanished without leaving a vestige of +their presence. As for the few cattle for which Thorfinn could find room +in his three or four dragon-ships, we may easily believe that his people +ate them up before leaving the country, especially since we are told +they were threatened with famine. But that domestic cattle, after being +supported on American soil during the length of time involved in the +establishment of a successful colony (say, for fifty or a hundred +years), should have disappeared without leaving abundant traces of +themselves, is simply incredible. Horses and kine are not dependent upon +man for their existence; when left to themselves, in almost any part of +the world, they run wild and flourish in what naturalists call a "feral" +state. Thus we find feral horned cattle in the Falkland and in the +Ladrone islands, as well as in the ancient Chillingham Park, in +Northumberland; we find feral pigs in Jamaica; feral European dogs in La +Plata; feral horses in Turkestan, and also in Mexico, descended from +Spanish <span class="pagenum"><a id="page220" name="page220"></a>(p. 220)</span> horses.<a id="footnotetag266" name="footnotetag266"></a><a href="#footnote266" title="Go to footnote 266"><span class="small">[266]</span></a> If the Northmen had ever founded a colony +in Vinland, how did it happen that the English and French in the +seventeenth century, and from that day to this, have never set eyes upon +a wild horse, or wild cattle, pigs, or hounds, or any such indication +whatever of the former presence of civilized Europeans? I do not +recollect ever seeing this argument used before, but it seems to me +conclusive. It raises against the hypothesis of a Norse colonization in +Vinland a presumption extremely difficult if not impossible to +overcome.<a id="footnotetag267" name="footnotetag267"></a><a href="#footnote267" title="Go to footnote 267"><span class="small">[267]</span></a> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page221" name="page221"></a>(p. 221)</span> + +<a id="img011" name="img011"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img011.jpg" width="500" height="394" alt="" title=""> +<p>Ruins of the church at Kakortok.</p> +</div> + +<p>As for the colony in Greenland, while its population seems never to have +exceeded 5,000 or 6,000 souls, it maintained its existence <span class="sidenote">Further fortunes of the Greenland colony.</span> +and its +intercourse with Europe uninterruptedly from its settlement in 986, by +Eric the Red, for more than four hundred years. Early in the fourteenth +century the West Bygd, or western settlement, near Godthaab, seems to +have contained ninety farmsteads and four churches; while the East Bygd, +or eastern settlement, near Julianeshaab, contained one hundred and +ninety farmsteads, with one cathedral and eleven smaller churches, two +villages, and three or four monasteries.<a id="footnotetag268" name="footnotetag268"></a><a href="#footnote268" title="Go to footnote 268"><span class="small">[268]</span></a> Between Tunnudliorbik and +Igaliko fiords, and about thirty miles from the ruined stone houses of +Brattahlid, there now stands, imposing in its decay, the simple but +massive structure of Kakortok church, once the "cathedral" church of the +Gardar bishopric, where the Credo was intoned and censers swung, while +not less than ten generations lived and died. About the beginning of the +twelfth century there was a movement at Rome for establishing new +dioceses in "the islands of the ocean;" in 1106 a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page222" name="page222"></a>(p. 222)</span> bishop's see +was erected in the north of Iceland, and one at about the same time in +the Færoes. In 1112, Eric Gnupsson,<a id="footnotetag269" name="footnotetag269"></a><a href="#footnote269" title="Go to footnote 269"><span class="small">[269]</span></a> having been appointed by Pope +Paschal II. "bishop of Greenland and Vinland <i>in partibus infidelium</i>," +went from Iceland to organize his new diocese in Greenland. It is +mentioned in at least six different vellums that in 1121 <span class="sidenote">Bishop Eric's voyage in search of Vinland, 1121.</span> +Bishop Eric +"went in search of Vinland."<a id="footnotetag270" name="footnotetag270"></a><a href="#footnote270" title="Go to footnote 270"><span class="small">[270]</span></a> It is nowhere mentioned that he found +it, and Dr. Storm thinks it probable that he perished in the enterprise, +for, within the next year or next but one, the Greenlanders asked for a +new bishop, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page223" name="page223"></a>(p. 223)</span> and Eric's successor, Bishop Arnold, was +consecrated in 1124.<a id="footnotetag271" name="footnotetag271"></a><a href="#footnote271" title="Go to footnote 271"><span class="small">[271]</span></a> After Eric there was a regular succession of +bishops appointed by the papal court, down at least to 1409, and +seventeen of these bishops are mentioned by name. We do not learn that +any of them ever repeated Eric's experiment of searching for Vinland. So +far as existing Icelandic vellums know, there was no voyage to Vinland +after 1121. Very likely, however, there may have been occasional voyages +for timber from Greenland to the coast of the American continent, which +did not attract attention or call for comment in Iceland. This is +rendered somewhat probable from an entry in the "Elder Skálholt Annals," +<span class="sidenote">The ship from Markland, 1347.</span> +a vellum written about 1362. This informs us that in 1347 "there came a +ship from Greenland, less in size than small Icelandic trading-vessels. +It was without an anchor. There were seventeen men on board, and they +had sailed to Markland, but had afterwards been driven hither by storms +at sea."<a id="footnotetag272" name="footnotetag272"></a><a href="#footnote272" title="Go to footnote 272"><span class="small">[272]</span></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page224" name="page224"></a>(p. 224)</span> This is the latest mention of any voyage to or +from the countries beyond Greenland.</p> + +<p>If the reader is inclined to wonder why a colony could be maintained in +southern Greenland more easily than on the coasts of Nova Scotia or +Massachusetts, or even why the Northmen did not at once abandon their +fiords at Brattahlid and come in a flock to these pleasanter places, he +must call to mind two important circumstances. First, the settlers in +southern Greenland did not meet with barbarous natives, but only with +vestiges of their former presence. It was not until the twelfth century +that, in roaming the icy deserts of the far north in quest of seals and +bearskins, the Norse hunters encountered tribes of Eskimo using stone +knives and whalebone arrow-heads;<a id="footnotetag273" name="footnotetag273"></a><a href="#footnote273" title="Go to footnote 273"><span class="small">[273]</span></a> and it was not until the +fourteenth century that we hear of their getting into a war with these +people. <span class="sidenote">The Greenland colony attacked by Eskimos.</span> +In 1349 the West Bygd was attacked and destroyed by Eskimos; in +1379 they invaded the East Bygd and wrought sad havoc; and it is +generally believed that some time after 1409 they completed the +destruction of the colony.</p> + +<p>Secondly, the relative proximity of Greenland to the mother country, +Iceland, made it much easier to sustain a colony there than in the more +distant Vinland. In colonizing, as in campaigning, distance from one's +base is sometimes the supreme circumstance. This is illustrated by the +fact that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page225" name="page225"></a>(p. 225)</span> the very existence of the Greenland colony itself +depended upon perpetual and untrammelled exchange of commodities with +Iceland; and when once the source of supply was cut off, the colony soon +languished. In 1380 and 1387 the crowns of Norway and Denmark descended +upon Queen Margaret, and soon she made her precious contribution to the +innumerable swarm of instances that show with how little wisdom the +world is ruled. She made the trade to <span class="sidenote">Queen Margaret's monopoly, and its baneful effects.</span> +Greenland, Iceland, and the Færoe +isles "a royal monopoly which could only be carried on in ships +belonging to, or licensed by, the sovereign.... Under the monopoly of +trade the Icelanders could have no vessels, and no object for sailing to +Greenland; and the vessels fitted out by government, or its lessees, +would only be ready to leave Denmark or Bergen for Iceland at the season +they ought to have been ready to leave Iceland to go to Greenland. The +colony gradually fell into oblivion."<a id="footnotetag274" name="footnotetag274"></a><a href="#footnote274" title="Go to footnote 274"><span class="small">[274]</span></a> When this prohibitory +management was abandoned after 1534 by Christian III., it was altogether +too late. Starved by the miserable policy of governmental interference +with freedom of trade, the little Greenland colony soon became too weak +to sustain itself against the natives whose hostility had, for half a +century, been growing more and more dangerous. Precisely when or how +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page226" name="page226"></a>(p. 226)</span> it perished we do not know. The latest notice we have of the +colony is of a marriage ceremony performed (probably in the Kakortok +church), in 1409, by Endrede Andreasson, the last bishop.<a id="footnotetag275" name="footnotetag275"></a><a href="#footnote275" title="Go to footnote 275"><span class="small">[275]</span></a> When, +after three centuries, the great missionary, Hans Egede, visited +Greenland, in 1721, he found the ruins of farmsteads and villages, the +population of which had vanished.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>Our account of pre-Columbian voyages to America would be very incomplete +without some mention of the latest voyage said to have been made by +European vessels to the ancient settlement of the East Bygd. I refer to +the famous narrative of the Zeno brothers, <span class="sidenote">The story of the Venetian brothers.</span> +which has furnished so many +subjects of contention for geographers that a hundred years ago John +Pinkerton called it "one of the most puzzling in the whole circle of +literature."<a id="footnotetag276" name="footnotetag276"></a><a href="#footnote276" title="Go to footnote 276"><span class="small">[276]</span></a> Nevertheless a great deal has been done, chiefly +through the acute researches of Mr. Richard Henry Major and Baron +Nordenskjöld, toward clearing up this mystery, so that certain points in +the Zeno narrative may now be regarded as established;<a id="footnotetag277" name="footnotetag277"></a><a href="#footnote277" title="Go to footnote 277"><span class="small">[277]</span></a> and from +these essential points we may <span class="pagenum"><a id="page227" name="page227"></a>(p. 227)</span> form an opinion as to the +character of sundry questionable details.</p> + +<p>The Zeno family was one of the oldest and most distinguished in Venice. +<span class="sidenote">The Zeno family.</span> +Among its members in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries we find a +doge, several senators and members of the Council of Ten, and military +commanders of high repute. Of these, Pietro Dracone Zeno, about 1350, +was captain-general of the Christian league for withstanding the Turks; +and his son Carlo achieved such success in the war against Genoa that he +was called the Lion of St. Mark, and his services to Venice were +compared with those of Camillus to Rome. Now this Carlo had two +brothers,—Nicolò, known as "the Chevalier," and Antonio. After the +close of the Genoese war the Chevalier Nicolò was seized with a desire +to see the world,<a id="footnotetag278" name="footnotetag278"></a><a href="#footnote278" title="Go to footnote 278"><span class="small">[278]</span></a> and more particularly England and Flanders. So +about 1390 he fitted up a ship at his own expense, and, passing out from +the strait of Gibraltar, sailed northward upon the Atlantic. +<span class="sidenote">Nicolò Zeno wrecked upon one of the Færoe islands, 1390.</span> +After some +days of fair weather, he was caught in a storm and blown along for many +days more, until at length the ship was cast ashore on one of the Færoe +islands and wrecked, though most of the crew and goods were rescued. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page228" name="page228"></a>(p. 228)</span> According to the barbarous custom of the Middle Ages, some of +the natives of the island (Scandinavians) came swarming about the +unfortunate strangers to kill and rob them, but a great chieftain, with +a force of knights and men-at-arms, arrived upon the spot in time to +prevent such an outrage. This chief was Henry Sinclair of Roslyn, who in +1379 had been invested by King Hacon VI., of Norway, with the earldom of +the Orkneys and Caithness. On learning Zeno's rank and importance, +Sinclair treated him with much courtesy, and presently a friendship +sprang up between the two. Sinclair was then engaged with a fleet of +thirteen vessels in conquering and annexing to his earldom the Færoe +islands, and on several occasions profited by the military and nautical +skill of the Venetian captain. Nicolò seems to have enjoyed this +stirring life, for he presently sent to his brother Antonio in Venice an +account of it, which induced the latter to come and join him in the +Færoe islands. Antonio arrived in the course of 1391, and remained in +the service of Sinclair fourteen years, returning to Venice in time to +die there in 1406. After Antonio's arrival, his brother Nicolò was +appointed to the chief command of Sinclair's little fleet, and assisted +him in taking possession of the Shetland islands, which were properly +comprised within his earldom. In the course of these adventures, Nicolò +seems to have had his interest aroused in reports about Greenland. It +was not more than four or five years since Queen Margaret had undertaken +to make a royal monopoly of the Greenland trade in furs and whale oil, +and this would <span class="pagenum"><a id="page229" name="page229"></a>(p. 229)</span> be a natural topic of conversation in the +Færoes. In July, 1393, or 1394, Nicolò Zeno sailed to Greenland with +three ships, and visited the East Bygd. +<span class="sidenote">Nicolò's voyage to Greenland, cir. 1394.</span> +After spending some time there, +not being accustomed to such a climate, he caught cold, and died soon +after his return to the Færoes, probably in 1395. His brother Antonio +succeeded to his office and such emoluments as pertained to it; and +after a while, at Earl Sinclair's instigation, he undertook a voyage of +discovery in the Atlantic ocean, in order to verify some fishermen's +reports of the existence of land a thousand miles or more to the west. +One of these fishermen was to serve as guide to the expedition, but +unfortunately he died three days before the ships were ready to sail. +Nevertheless, the expedition started, +<span class="sidenote">Voyage of Earl Sinclair and Antonio Zeno.</span> +with Sinclair himself on board, +and encountered vicissitudes of weather and fortune. In fog and storm +they lost all reckoning of position, and found themselves at length on +the western coast of a country which, in the Italian narrative, is +called "Icaria," but which has been supposed, with some probability, to +have been Kerry, in Ireland. Here, as they went ashore for fresh water, +they were attacked by the natives and several of their number were +slain. From this point they sailed out into the broad Atlantic again, +and reached a place supposed to be Greenland, but which is so vaguely +described that the identification is very difficult.<a id="footnotetag279" name="footnotetag279"></a><a href="#footnote279" title="Go to footnote 279"><span class="small">[279]</span></a> Our narrative +here ends <span class="pagenum"><a id="page230" name="page230"></a>(p. 230)</span> somewhat confusedly. We are told that Sinclair +remained in this place, "and explored the whole of the country with +great diligence, as well as the coasts on both sides of Greenland." +Antonio Zeno, on the other hand, returned with part of the fleet to the +Færoe islands, where he arrived after sailing eastward for about a +month, during five and twenty days of which he saw no land. After +relating these things and paying a word of affectionate tribute to the +virtues of Earl Sinclair, "a prince as worthy of immortal memory as any +that ever lived for his great bravery and remarkable goodness," Antonio +closes his letter abruptly: "But of this I will say no more in this +letter, and hope to be with you very shortly, and to satisfy your +curiosity on other subjects by word of mouth."<a id="footnotetag280" name="footnotetag280"></a><a href="#footnote280" title="Go to footnote 280"><span class="small">[280]</span></a></p> + +<p>The person thus addressed by Antonio was his brother, the illustrious +Carlo Zeno. Soon after reaching home, after this long and eventful +absence, Antonio died. Besides his letters he had written a more +detailed account of the affairs in the northern seas. These papers +remained for more than a century in the palace of the family at Venice, +until one of the children, in his mischievous play, got hold of them and +tore them up. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page231" name="page231"></a>(p. 231)</span> This child was Antonio's +great-great-great-grandson, Nicolò, born in 1515. When this young Nicolò +had come to middle age, and was a member of the Council of Ten, he +happened to come across some remnants of these documents, and then all +at once he remembered with grief how he had, in his boyhood, pulled them +to pieces.<a id="footnotetag281" name="footnotetag281"></a><a href="#footnote281" title="Go to footnote 281"><span class="small">[281]</span></a> In the light of the rapid progress in geographical +discovery since 1492, <span class="sidenote">Publication of the remains of the documents by the younger +Nicolò Zeno.</span> +this story of distant voyages had now for Nicolò +an interest such as it could not have had for his immediate ancestors. +Searching the palace he found a few grimy old letters and a map or +sailing chart, rotten with age, which had been made or at any rate +brought home by his ancestor Antonio. Nicolò drew a fresh copy of this +map, and pieced together the letters as best he could, with more or less +explanatory text of his own, and the result was the little book which he +published in 1558.<a id="footnotetag282" name="footnotetag282"></a><a href="#footnote282" title="Go to footnote 282"><span class="small">[282]</span></a></p> + +<a id="img012" name="img012"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img012b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img012.jpg" width="400" height="307" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Zeno Map, cir. 1400—western half & eastern half.</p> +</div> + +<p>Unfortunately young Nicolò, with the laudable purpose of making it all +as clear as he could, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page234" name="page234"></a>(p. 234)</span> thought it necessary not simply to +reproduce the old weather-beaten map, but to amend it by putting on here +and there such places and names as his diligent perusal of the +manuscript led him to deem wanting to its completeness.<a id="footnotetag283" name="footnotetag283"></a><a href="#footnote283" title="Go to footnote 283"><span class="small">[283]</span></a> Under the +most favourable circumstances that is a very difficult sort of thing to +do, but in this case the circumstances were far from favourable. Of +course Nicolò got these names and places into absurd <span class="pagenum"><a id="page235" name="page235"></a>(p. 235)</span> +positions, thus perplexing the map and damaging its reputation. With +regard to names, there was obscurity enough, to begin with. In the first +place, they were Icelandic names falling upon the Italian ears of old +Nicolò and Antonio, <span class="sidenote">Queer transformations of names.</span> +and spelled by them according to their own notions; +in the second place, these outlandish names, blurred and defaced withal +in the weather-stained manuscript, were a puzzle to the eye of young +Nicolò, who could but decipher them according to <i>his</i> notions. The +havoc that can be wrought upon winged words, subjected to such +processes, is sometimes marvellous.<a id="footnotetag284" name="footnotetag284"></a><a href="#footnote284" title="Go to footnote 284"><span class="small">[284]</span></a> Perhaps the slightest sufferer, +in this case, was the name of the group of islands upon one of which the +shipwrecked Nicolò was rescued by Sinclair. The <span class="pagenum"><a id="page236" name="page236"></a>(p. 236)</span> name +<i>Færoislander</i> sounded to Italian ears as <i>Frislanda</i>, and was uniformly +so written.<a id="footnotetag285" name="footnotetag285"></a><a href="#footnote285" title="Go to footnote 285"><span class="small">[285]</span></a> Then the pronunciation of <i>Shetland</i> was helped by +prefixing a vowel sound, as is common in Italian, and so it came to be +<i>Estland</i> and <i>Esland</i>. This led young Nicolò's eye in two or three +places to confound it with <i>Islanda</i>, or <i>Iceland</i>, and probably in one +place with <i>Irlanda</i>, or <i>Ireland</i>. Where old Nicolò meant to say that +the island upon which he was living with Earl Sinclair was somewhat +larger than Shetland, young Nicolò understood him as saying that it was +somewhat larger than Ireland; <span class="sidenote">"Frislanda."</span> +and so upon the amended map "Frislanda" +appears as one great island surrounded by tiny islands.<a id="footnotetag286" name="footnotetag286"></a><a href="#footnote286" title="Go to footnote 286"><span class="small">[286]</span></a> After the +publication of this map, in 1558, sundry details were copied from it by +the new maps of that day, so that even far down into the seventeenth +century it was common to depict a big "Frislanda" somewhere in +mid-ocean. When at length it was proved that no such island exists, the +reputation of the Zeno narrative was seriously damaged. The nadir of +reaction against it was reached when it was declared to be a tissue of +lies invented by the younger Nicolò,<a id="footnotetag287" name="footnotetag287"></a><a href="#footnote287" title="Go to footnote 287"><span class="small">[287]</span></a> apparently for the purpose of +setting up a Venetian claim to the discovery of America.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page237" name="page237"></a>(p. 237)</span> + +<p>The narrative, however, not only sets up no such claim, but nowhere +betrays a consciousness that its incidents entitle it to make such a +claim. <span class="sidenote">The narrative nowhere makes a claim to the +"discovery of America."</span> +It had evidently not occurred to young Nicolò to institute any +comparison between his ancestors' voyages to Greenland and the voyages +of Columbus to the western hemisphere, of which <i>we now know</i> Greenland +to be a part. The knowledge of the North American coast, and of the +bearing of one fact upon another fact in relation to it, was still, in +1558, in an extremely vague and rudimentary condition. In the mind of +the Zeno brothers, as the map shows, Greenland was a European peninsula; +such was the idea common among mediæval Northmen, as is nowhere better +illustrated than in this map. Neither in his references to Greenland, +nor to Estotiland and Drogio, presently to be considered, does young +Nicolò appear in the light of a man urging or suggesting a "claim." He +appears simply as a modest and conscientious editor, interested in the +deeds of his ancestors and impressed with the fact that he has got hold +of important documents, but intent only upon giving his material as +correctly as possible, and refraining from all sort of comment except +such as now <span class="pagenum"><a id="page238" name="page238"></a>(p. 238)</span> and then seems needful to explain the text as he +himself understands it.</p> + +<p>The identification of "Frislanda" with the Færoe islands was put beyond +doubt by the discovery that the "Zichmni" of the narrative means Henry +Sinclair; <span class="sidenote">Earl Sinclair.</span> +and, in order to make this discovery, it was only necessary to +know something about the history of the Orkneys; hence old Pinkerton, as +above remarked, got it right. The name "Zichmni" is, no doubt, a fearful +and wonderful bejugglement; but Henry Sinclair is a personage well known +to history in that corner of the world, and the deeds of "Zichmni," as +recounted in the narrative, are neither more nor less than the deeds of +Sinclair. Doubtless Antonio spelled the name in some queer way of his +own, and then young Nicolò, unable to read his ancestor's pot-hooks +where—as in the case of proper names—there was no clue to guide him, +contrived to make it still queerer. Here we have strong proof of the +genuineness of the narrative. If Nicolò had been concocting a story in +which Earl Sinclair was made to figure, he would have obtained his +knowledge from literary sources, and thus would have got his names +right; the earl might have appeared as Enrico de Santo Claro, but not as +"Zichmni." It is not at all likely, however, that any literary knowledge +of Sinclair and his doings was obtainable in Italy in the sixteenth +century. The Zeno narrative, moreover, in its references to Greenland in +connection with the Chevalier Nicolò's visit to the East Bygd, shows a +topographical knowledge that was otherwise <span class="pagenum"><a id="page239" name="page239"></a>(p. 239)</span> quite inaccessible +to the younger Nicolò. Late in the fourteenth century Ivar Bardsen, +steward to the Gardar bishopric, wrote a description of +<span class="sidenote">Bardsen's "Description of Greenland."</span> +Greenland, with +sailing directions for reaching it, which modern research has proved to +have been accurate in every particular. Bardsen's details and those of +the Zeno narrative mutually corroborate each other. But Bardsen's book +did not make its way down into Europe until the very end of the +sixteenth century,<a id="footnotetag288" name="footnotetag288"></a><a href="#footnote288" title="Go to footnote 288"><span class="small">[288]</span></a> and then amid the dense ignorance prevalent +concerning Greenland its details were not understood until actual +exploration within the last seventy years has at length revealed their +meaning. The genuineness of the Zeno narrative is thus conclusively +proved by its knowledge of Arctic geography, such as could have been +obtained only by a visit to the far North at a time before the Greenland +colony had finally lost touch with its mother country.</p> + +<p>The visit of the Chevalier Nicolò, therefore, about 1394, has a peculiar +interest as the last distinct glimpse afforded us of the colony founded +by Eric the Red before its melancholy disappearance from history. +Already the West Bygd had ceased to exist. Five and forty years before +that time it <span class="pagenum"><a id="page240" name="page240"></a>(p. 240)</span> had been laid waste and its people massacred by +Eskimos, and trusty Ivar Bardsen, tardily sent with a small force to the +rescue, found nothing left alive but a few cattle and sheep running +wild.<a id="footnotetag289" name="footnotetag289"></a><a href="#footnote289" title="Go to footnote 289"><span class="small">[289]</span></a> +Nicolò Zeno, arriving in the +<span class="sidenote">The monastery of St. Olaus and its hot spring.</span> +East Bygd, found there a +monastery dedicated to St. Olaus, a name which in the narrative has +become St. Thomas. To this monastery came friars from Norway and other +countries, but for the most part from Iceland.<a id="footnotetag290" name="footnotetag290"></a><a href="#footnote290" title="Go to footnote 290"><span class="small">[290]</span></a> It stood "hard by a +hill which vomited fire like Vesuvius and Etna." There was also in the +neighbourhood a spring of hot water which the ingenious friars conducted +in pipes into their monastery and church, thereby keeping themselves +comfortable in the coldest weather. This water, as it came into the +kitchen, was hot enough to boil meats and vegetables. The monks even +made use of it in warming covered gardens or hot-beds in which they +raised sundry fruits and herbs that in milder climates grow out of +doors.<a id="footnotetag291" name="footnotetag291"></a><a href="#footnote291" title="Go to footnote 291"><span class="small">[291]</span></a> "Hither in summertime <span class="pagenum"><a id="page241" name="page241"></a>(p. 241)</span> come many vessels from ... +the Cape above Norway, and from Trondheim, and bring the friars all +sorts of comforts, taking in exchange fish ... and skins of different +kinds of animals.... There are continually in the harbour a number of +vessels detained by the sea being frozen, and waiting for the next +season to melt the ice."<a id="footnotetag292" name="footnotetag292"></a><a href="#footnote292" title="Go to footnote 292"><span class="small">[292]</span></a></p> + +<p>This mention of the volcano and the hot spring is very interesting. In +the Miocene period the Atlantic <span class="sidenote">Volcanoes of the north Atlantic ridge.</span> +ridge was one of the principal seats of +volcanic activity upon the globe; the line of volcanoes extended all the +way from Greenland down into central France. But for several hundred +thousand years this activity has been diminishing. In France, in the +western parts of Great Britain and the Hebrides, the craters have long +since become extinct. In the far North, however, volcanic action has +been slower in dying out. Iceland, with no less than twenty active +volcanoes, is still the most considerable centre of such operations in +Europe. The huge volcano on Jan Mayen island, between Greenland and +Spitzbergen, is still in action. Among the submerged peaks in the +northern seas explosions still now and then occur, as in 1783, when a +small island was thrown up near Cape Reykianes, on the southern coast of +Iceland, and sank again after a year.<a id="footnotetag293" name="footnotetag293"></a><a href="#footnote293" title="Go to footnote 293"><span class="small">[293]</span></a> Midway between Iceland and +Greenland there appears to have stood, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page242" name="page242"></a>(p. 242)</span> in the Middle Ages, a +small volcanic island discovered by that Gunnbjörn who first went to +Greenland. It was known as <span class="sidenote">Fate of Gunnbjörn's Skerries, 1456.</span> +Gunnbjörn's Skerries, and was described by +Ivar Bardsen.<a id="footnotetag294" name="footnotetag294"></a><a href="#footnote294" title="Go to footnote 294"><span class="small">[294]</span></a> This island is no longer above the surface, and its +fate is recorded upon Ruysch's map of the world in the 1508 edition of +Ptolemy: "Insula hæc anno Domini 1456 fuit totaliter combusta,"—this +island was entirely burnt (i. e. blown up in an eruption) in 1456; and +in later maps Mr. Major has found the corrupted name "Gombar Scheer" +applied to the dangerous reefs and shoals left behind by this +explosion.<a id="footnotetag295" name="footnotetag295"></a><a href="#footnote295" title="Go to footnote 295"><span class="small">[295]</span></a> Where volcanic action is declining geysers and boiling +springs are apt to abound, as in Iceland; where it has become extinct at +a period geologically recent, as in Auvergne and the Rhine country, its +latest vestiges are left in the hundreds of thermal and mineral springs +whither fashionable invalids congregate to drink or to bathe.<a id="footnotetag296" name="footnotetag296"></a><a href="#footnote296" title="Go to footnote 296"><span class="small">[296]</span></a> Now +in <span class="sidenote">Volcanic phenomena in Greenland.</span> +Greenland, at the present day, hot springs are found, of which the +most noted are those on the island of Ounartok, at the entrance to the +fiord of that name. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page243" name="page243"></a>(p. 243)</span> These springs seem to be the same that +were described five hundred years ago by Ivar Bardsen. As to volcanoes, +it has been generally assumed that those of Greenland are all extinct; +but in a country as yet so imperfectly studied this only means that +eruptions have not been recorded.<a id="footnotetag297" name="footnotetag297"></a><a href="#footnote297" title="Go to footnote 297"><span class="small">[297]</span></a> On the whole, it seems to me that +the mention, in our Venetian narrative, of a boiling spring and an +active volcano in Greenland is an instance of the peculiar sort—too +strange to have been invented, but altogether probable in itself—that +adds to the credit of the narrative.</p> + +<p>Thus far, in dealing with the places actually visited by Nicolò or +Antonio, or by both brothers, we have found the story consistent and +intelligible. But in what relates to countries beyond Greenland, +countries which were not visited by either of the brothers, but about +which Antonio heard reports, it is quite a different thing. We are +introduced to a jumble very unlike the clear, business-like account of +Vinland voyages in the Hauks-bók. Yet in this medley there are some +statements curiously suggestive of things in North America. It will be +remembered that Antonio's voyage with Sinclair (somewhere about 1400) +was undertaken <span class="pagenum"><a id="page244" name="page244"></a>(p. 244)</span> in order to verify certain reports of the +existence of land more than a thousand miles west of the Færoe islands.</p> + +<p>About six and twenty years ago, said Antonio in a letter to Carlo, four +small fishing craft, venturing very far out upon the Atlantic, had been +blown upon a strange coast, where their crews were well received by the +people. The land proved to be an island rather smaller than <span class="sidenote">Estotiland.</span> +Iceland (or +Shetland?), with a high mountain whence flowed four rivers. The +inhabitants were intelligent people, possessed of all the arts, but did +not understand the language of these Norse fishermen.<a id="footnotetag298" name="footnotetag298"></a><a href="#footnote298" title="Go to footnote 298"><span class="small">[298]</span></a> There +happened, however, to be one European among them, who had himself been +cast ashore in that country and had learned its language; he could speak +Latin, and found some one among the shipwrecked men who could understand +him. There was a populous city with walls, and the king had Latin books +in his library which nobody could read.<a id="footnotetag299" name="footnotetag299"></a><a href="#footnote299" title="Go to footnote 299"><span class="small">[299]</span></a> All kinds of metals +abounded, and especially gold.<a id="footnotetag300" name="footnotetag300"></a><a href="#footnote300" title="Go to footnote 300"><span class="small">[300]</span></a> The woods were of immense extent. +The people traded with Greenland, importing thence pitch(?), brimstone, +and furs. They sowed grain and made "beer." They made small boats, but +were ignorant of the loadstone and the compass. For this reason, they +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page245" name="page245"></a>(p. 245)</span> held the newcomers in high estimation.<a id="footnotetag301" name="footnotetag301"></a><a href="#footnote301" title="Go to footnote 301"><span class="small">[301]</span></a> The name of the +country was Estotiland.</p> + +<p>There is nothing so far in this vague description to show that +Estotiland was an American country, except its western direction and +perhaps its trading with Greenland. The points of unlikeness are at +least as numerous as the points of likeness. But in what follows there +is a much stronger suggestion of North America.</p> + +<p>For some reason not specified an expedition was undertaken by people +from Estotiland to a country to the southward named <span class="sidenote">Drogio.</span> +Drogio, and these +Norse mariners, or some of them, because they understood the compass, +were put in charge of it.<a id="footnotetag302" name="footnotetag302"></a><a href="#footnote302" title="Go to footnote 302"><span class="small">[302]</span></a> But the people of Drogio were cannibals, +and the people from Estotiland on their arrival were taken prisoners and +devoured,—all save the few Northmen, who were saved because of their +marvellous skill in catching fish with nets. The barbarians seemed to +have set much store by these white men, and perhaps to have regarded +them as objects of "medicine." One of the fishermen in particular became +so famous that a neighbouring tribe made war upon the tribe which kept +him, and winning the victory took him over into its own custody. This +sort of thing happened several times. Various tribes fought to secure +the person and services of this Fisherman, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page246" name="page246"></a>(p. 246)</span> so that he was +passed about among more than twenty chiefs, and "wandering up and down +the country without any fixed abode, ... he became acquainted with all +those parts."</p> + +<p>And now comes quite an interesting passage. The Fisherman "says that it +is a very great country, and, as it were, a new world; the <span class="sidenote">Inhabitants of Drogio and the countries beyond.</span> +people are +very rude and uncultivated, for they all go naked, and suffer cruelly +from the cold, nor have they the sense to clothe themselves with the +skins of the animals which they take in hunting [a gross exaggeration]. +They have no kind of metal. They live by hunting, and carry lances of +wood, sharpened at the point. They have bows, the strings of which are +made of beasts' skins. They are very fierce, and have deadly fights +amongst each other, and eat one another's flesh. They have chieftains +and certain laws among themselves, but differing in the different +tribes. The farther you go southwestwards, however, the more refinement +you meet with, because the climate is more temperate, and accordingly +there they have cities and temples dedicated to their idols, in which +they sacrifice men and afterwards eat them. In those parts they have +some knowledge and use of gold and silver. Now this Fisherman, having +dwelt so many years in these parts, made up his mind, if possible, to +return home to his own country; but his companions, despairing of ever +seeing it again, gave him God's speed, and remained themselves where +they were. Accordingly, he bade them farewell, and made his escape +through the woods in the direction of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page247" name="page247"></a>(p. 247)</span> Drogio, where he was +welcomed and very kindly received by the chief of the place, who knew +him, and was a great enemy of the neighbouring chieftain; and so passing +from one chief to another, being the same with whom he had been before, +after a long time and with much toil, he at length reached Drogio, where +he spent three years. Here, by good luck, he heard from the natives that +some boats had arrived off the coast; and full of hope of being able to +carry out his intention, he went down to the seaside, and to his great +delight found that they had come from Estotiland. He forthwith requested +that they would take him with them, which they did very willingly, and +as he knew the language of the country, which none of them could speak, +they employed him as their interpreter."<a id="footnotetag303" name="footnotetag303"></a><a href="#footnote303" title="Go to footnote 303"><span class="small">[303]</span></a></p> + + +<p>Whither the Fisherman was first carried in these boats or vessels, +Antonio's letter does not inform us. We are only told that he engaged in +some prosperous voyages, and at length returned to the <span class="sidenote">The Fisherman's return to "Frislanda."</span> +Færoes after +these six and twenty years of strange adventures. It was apparently the +Fisherman's description of Estotiland as a very rich country (<i>paese +ricchissimo</i>) that led Sinclair to fit out an expedition to visit it, +with Antonio as his chief captain. As we have already seen, the +Fisherman died just before the ships were ready to start, and to +whatever land they succeeded in reaching after they sailed without him, +the narrative leaves us with the impression that it was not the +mysterious Estotiland.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page248" name="page248"></a>(p. 248)</span> To attempt to identify that country from the description of it, +which reads like a parcel of ill-digested sailors' yarns, would be idle. +The most common conjecture has identified it with Newfoundland, from its +relations to other points mentioned in the Zeno narrative, as indicated, +with fair probability, on the Zeno map. To identify it with Newfoundland +is to brand the description as a "fish story," but from such a +conclusion there seems anyway to be no escape.</p> + + +<p>With Drogio, however, it is otherwise. The description of <span class="sidenote">Was the account of Drogio woven into the narrative by the +younger Nicolò?</span> +Drogio and the +vast country stretching beyond it, which was like a "new world," is the +merest sketch, but it seems to contain enough characteristic details to +stamp it as a description of North America, and of no other country +accessible by an Atlantic voyage. It is a sketch which apparently must +have had its ultimate source in somebody's personal experience of +aboriginal North America. Here we are reminded that when the younger +Nicolò published this narrative, in 1558, some dim knowledge of the +North American tribes was beginning to make its way into the minds of +people in Europe. The work of Soto and Cartier, to say nothing of other +explorers, had already been done. May we suppose that Nicolò had thus +obtained some idea of North America, and wove it into his reproduction +of his ancestors' letters, for the sake of completeness and point, in +somewhat the same uncritical mood as that in which the most worthy +ancient historians did not scruple to invent speeches to put into the +mouths of their heroes? <span class="pagenum"><a id="page249" name="page249"></a>(p. 249)</span> It may have been so, and in such case +the description of Drogio loses its point for us as a feature in the +pre-Columbian voyages to America. In such case we may dismiss it at +once, and pretty much all the latter part of the Zeno narrative, +relating to what Antonio heard and did, becomes valueless; though the +earlier part, relating to the elder Nicolò, still remains valid and +trustworthy.</p> + +<p>But suppose we take the other alternative. As in the earlier part of the +story we feel sure that young Nicolò must have reproduced the ancestral +documents faithfully, because it shows knowledge that he could not have +got in any other way; let us now suppose that in the latter part also he +added nothing of himself, but was simply a faithful editor. +<span class="sidenote">Or does it represent actual experiences in North America?</span> +It will then +follow that the Fisherman's account of Drogio, reduced to writing by +Antonio Zeno about 1400, must probably represent personal experiences in +North America; for no such happy combination of details characteristic +only of North America is likely at that date to have been invented +by any European. Our simplest course will be to suppose that the +Fisherman really had the experiences which are narrated, that he was +bandied about from tribe to tribe in North America, all the way, +perhaps, from Nova Scotia to Mexico, and yet returned to the Færoe +islands to tell the tale! Could such a thing be possible? Was anything +of the sort ever done before or since?</p> + +<p>Yes: something of the sort appears to have been done about ten years +after the Zeno narrative was published. In October, 1568, that great +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page250" name="page250"></a>(p. 250)</span> sailor, Sir John Hawkins, by reason of scarcity of food, +<span class="sidenote">The case of David Ingram, 1568.</span> +was +compelled to set about a hundred men ashore near the Rio de Minas, on +the Mexican coast, and leave them to their fate. The continent was a +network of rude paths or trails, as it had doubtless been for ages, and +as central Africa is to-day. Most of these Englishmen probably perished +in the wilderness. Some who took southwestern trails found their way to +the city of Mexico, where, as "vile Lutheran dogges," they were treated +with anything but kindness. Others took northeasterly trails, and one of +these men, David Ingram, made his way from Texas to Maine, and beyond to +the St. John's river, where he was picked up by a friendly French ship +and carried to France, and so got home to England. The journey across +North America took him about eleven months, but one of his comrades, Job +Hortop, had no end of adventures, and was more than twenty years in +getting back to England. Ingram told such blessed yarns about houses of +crystal and silver, and other wonderful things, that many disbelieved +his whole story, but he was subjected to a searching examination before +Sir Francis Walsingham, and as to the main fact of his journey through +the wilderness there seems to be no doubt.<a id="footnotetag304" name="footnotetag304"></a><a href="#footnote304" title="Go to footnote 304"><span class="small">[304]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page251" name="page251"></a>(p. 251)</span> + +<p>Far more important, historically, and in many ways more instructive than +the wanderings of David Ingram, was the journey of <span class="sidenote">The case of Cabeza de Vaca, 1528-36.</span> +Cabeza de Vaca and +his ingenious comrades, in 1528-36, from the Mississippi river to their +friends in Mexico. This remarkable journey will receive further +consideration in another place.<a id="footnotetag305" name="footnotetag305"></a><a href="#footnote305" title="Go to footnote 305"><span class="small">[305]</span></a> In the course of it Cabeza de Vaca +was for eight years held captive by sundry Indian tribes, and at last +his escape involved ten months of arduous travel. On one occasion he and +his friends treated some sick Indians, among other things breathing upon +them and making the sign of the cross. As the Indians happened to get +well, these Spaniards at once became objects of reverence, and different +tribes vied with one another for access to them, in order to benefit by +their supernatural gifts. In those early days, before the red men had +become used to seeing Europeans, a white captive was not so likely to be +put to death as to be cherished as a helper of vast and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page252" name="page252"></a>(p. 252)</span> +undetermined value.<a id="footnotetag306" name="footnotetag306"></a><a href="#footnote306" title="Go to footnote 306"><span class="small">[306]</span></a> The Indians set so much store by Cabeza de Vaca +that he found it hard to tear himself away; but at length he used his +influence over them in such wise as to facilitate his moving in a +direction by which he ultimately succeeded in escaping to his friends. +There seems to be a real analogy between his strange experiences and +those of the Fisherman in Drogio, who became an object of reverence +because he could do things that the natives could not do, yet the value +of which they were able to appreciate.</p> + +<p>Now if the younger Nicolò had been in the mood for adorning his +ancestors' narrative by inserting a few picturesque incidents out of his +own hearsay knowledge of North America, it does not seem likely that he +would have known enough to hit so deftly upon one of the peculiarities +of the barbaric mind. Here, again, we seem to have come upon one of +those incidents, inherently probable, but too strange to have been +invented, that tend to confirm the story. Without hazarding anything +like a positive opinion, it seems to me likely enough that this voyage +of Scandinavian fishermen to the coast of North America in the +fourteenth century may have happened.</p> + + +<p>It was this and other unrecorded but possible +<span class="sidenote">There may have been unrecorded instances of visits to North +America.</span> +instances that I had in +mind at the beginning of this chapter, in saying that occasional visits +of Europeans to America in pre-Columbian times may have occurred oftener +than we are wont to suppose. Observe <span class="pagenum"><a id="page253" name="page253"></a>(p. 253)</span> that our scanty +records—naturally somewhat perplexed and dim, as treating of remote and +unknown places—refer us to that northern Atlantic region where the +ocean is comparatively narrow, and to that northern people who, from the +time of their first appearance in history, have been as much at home +upon sea as upon land. For a thousand years past these hyperborean +waters have been furrowed in many directions by stout Scandinavian +keels, and if, in aiming at Greenland, the gallant mariners may now and +then have hit upon Labrador or Newfoundland, and have made flying visits +to coasts still farther southward, there is nothing in it all which need +surprise us.<a id="footnotetag307" name="footnotetag307"></a><a href="#footnote307" title="Go to footnote 307"><span class="small">[307]</span></a></p> + +<hr> + +<p>Nothing can be clearer, however, from a survey of the whole subject, +than that these <span class="sidenote">The pre-Columbian voyages made no real contributions to +geographical knowledge;</span> +pre-Columbian voyages were quite barren of results of +historic importance. In point of colonization they produced the two +ill-fated settlements on the Greenland coast, and nothing more. +Otherwise they made no real addition to the stock of geographical +knowledge, they wrought no effect whatever upon the European mind +outside of Scandinavia, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page254" name="page254"></a>(p. 254)</span> and even in Iceland itself the mention +of coasts beyond Greenland awakened no definite ideas, and, except for a +brief season, excited no interest. The Zeno narrative indicates that the +Vinland voyages had practically lapsed from memory before the end of the +fourteenth century.<a id="footnotetag308" name="footnotetag308"></a><a href="#footnote308" title="Go to footnote 308"><span class="small">[308]</span></a> Scholars familiar with saga literature of +course knew the story; it was just at this time that Jón Thórdharson +wrote out the version of it which is preserved in the Flateyar-bók. But +by the general public it must have been forgotten, or else the +Fisherman's tale of Estotiland and Drogio would surely have awakened +reminiscences of Markland and Vinland, and some traces of this would +have appeared in Antonio's narrative or upon his map. The principal +naval officer of the Færoes, and personal friend of the sovereign, after +dwelling several years among these Northmen, whose intercourse with +their brethren in Iceland was frequent, apparently knew nothing of Leif +or Thorfinn, or the mere names of the coasts which they had visited. +<span class="sidenote">and were in no true sense a Discovery of America.</span> +Nothing had been accomplished by those voyages which could properly be +called a contribution to geographical knowledge. To speak of them as +constituting, in any legitimate sense of the phrase, a Discovery of +America is simply absurd. Except for Greenland, which was supposed to be +a part of the European world, America remained as much undiscovered +after the eleventh century as before. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page255" name="page255"></a>(p. 255)</span> In the midsummer of 1492 +it needed to be discovered as much as if Leif Ericsson or the whole race +of Northmen had never existed.</p> + +<p>As these pre-Columbian voyages produced no effect in the eastern +hemisphere, except to leave in Icelandic literature a scanty but +interesting record, so in the western hemisphere they seem to have +produced no effect beyond cutting down a few trees and killing a few +Indians. In the outlying world of Greenland it is not improbable that +the blood of the Eskimos may have received some slight Scandinavian +infusion. But upon the aboriginal world of the red men, from Davis +strait to Cape Horn, it is not likely that any impression of any sort +was ever made. It is in the highest degree probable that Leif Ericsson +and his friends made a few voyages to <i>what we now know to have been</i> +the coast of America; but it is an abuse of language to say that they +"discovered" America. In no sense was any real contact established +between the eastern and the western halves of our planet until the great +voyage of Columbus in 1492.<a href="#toc"><span class="small">[Back to Contents]</span></a></p> + + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page256" name="page256"></a>(p. 256)</span> CHAPTER III.<br> + +<span class="smaller">EUROPE AND CATHAY.</span></h2> + +<p>The question has sometimes been asked, Why did the knowledge of the +voyages to Vinland so long remain confined to the Scandinavian people or +a portion of them, and then lapse into oblivion, insomuch that it did +not become a matter of notoriety in Europe until after the publication +of the celebrated book of <span class="sidenote">Why the voyages of the Northmen were not followed up.</span> +Thormodus Torfæus in 1705? Why did not the +news of the voyages of Leif and Thorfinn spread rapidly over Europe, +like the news of the voyage of Columbus? and why was it not presently +followed, like the latter, by a rush of conquerors and colonizers across +the Atlantic?</p> + +<p>Such questions arise from a failure to see historical events in their +true perspective, and to make the proper allowances for the manifold +differences in knowledge and in social and economic conditions which +characterize different periods of history. In the present case, the +answer is to be found, first, in the geographical ignorance which +prevented the Northmen from realizing in the smallest degree what such +voyages really signified or were going to signify to posterity; and, +secondly, in the political and commercial condition of Europe at the +close of the tenth century.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page257" name="page257"></a>(p. 257)</span> + +<p>In the first place the route which the Norse voyagers pursued, from +Iceland to Greenland and thence to Vinland, was not such as to give +them, in their ignorance of the shape of the earth, and with their +imperfect knowledge of latitude and longitude, any adequate gauge +wherewith to measure their achievement. <span class="sidenote">Ignorance of geography.</span> +The modern reader, who has in +his mind a general picture of the shape of the northern Atlantic ocean +with its coasts, must carefully expel that picture before he can begin +to realize how things must have seemed to the Northmen. None of the +Icelandic references to Markland and Vinland betray a consciousness that +these countries belong to a geographical world outside of Europe. There +was not enough organized geographical knowledge for that. They were +simply conceived as remote places beyond Greenland, inhabited by +inferior but dangerous people. The accidental finding of such places +served neither to solve any great commercial problem nor to gratify and +provoke scientific curiosity. It was, therefore, not at all strange that +it bore no fruit.</p> + +<p>Secondly, even if it had been realized, and could have been duly +proclaimed throughout Europe, that across the broad Atlantic a new world +lay open for colonization, Europe could not have taken advantage of the +fact. Now and then a ship might make its way, or be blown, +<span class="sidenote">Lack of instruments for ocean navigation.</span> +across the +waste of waters without compass or astrolabe; but until these +instruments were at hand anything like systematic ocean navigation was +out of the question; and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page258" name="page258"></a>(p. 258)</span> from a colonization which could only +begin by creeping up into the Arctic seas and taking Greenland on the +way, not much was to be expected, after all.</p> + +<p>But even if the compass and other facilities for oceanic navigation had +been at hand, the state of Europe in the days of Eric the Red was not +such as to afford surplus energy for distant enterprise of this sort. +Let us for a moment recall what was going on in Europe in the year of +grace 1000, just enough to get a suggestive picture of the time. In +England the Danish invader, fork-bearded Swend, father of the great +Cnut, was wresting the kingship from the feeble grasp of Ethelred the +Redeless. <span class="sidenote">Europe in the year 1000.</span> +In Gaul the little duchy of France, between the Somme and the +Loire, had lately become the kingdom of France, and its sovereign, Hugh +Capet, had succeeded to feudal rights of lordship over the great dukes +and counts whose territories surrounded him on every side; and now +Hugh's son, Robert the Debonair, better hymn-writer than warrior, was +waging a doubtful struggle with these unruly vassals. It was not yet in +any wise apparent what the kingdoms of England and France were going to +be. In Germany the youthful Otto III., the "wonder of the world," had +just made his weird visit to the tomb of his mighty predecessor at +Aachen, before starting on that last journey to Rome which was so soon +to cost him his life. Otto's teacher, Gerbert, most erudite of +popes,—too learned not to have had dealings with the Devil,—was +beginning to raise the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page259" name="page259"></a>(p. 259)</span> papacy out of the abyss of infamy into +which the preceding age had seen it sink, and so to prepare the way for +the far-reaching reforms of Hildebrand. The boundaries of Christendom +were as yet narrow and insecure. With the overthrow of Olaf Tryggvesson +in this year 1000, and the temporary partition of Norway between Swedes +and Danes, the work of Christianizing the North seemed, for the moment, +to languish. Upon the eastern frontier the wild Hungarians had scarcely +ceased to be a terror to Europe, and in this year Stephen, their first +Christian king, began to reign. At the same time the power of heretical +Bulgaria, which had threatened to overwhelm the Eastern Empire, was +broken down by the sturdy blows of the Macedonian emperor Basil. In this +year the Christians of Spain met woful defeat at the hands of Almansor, +and there seemed no reason why the Mussulman rule over the greater part +of that peninsula should not endure forever.</p> + +<p>Thus, from end to end, Europe was a scene of direst confusion, and +though, as we now look back upon it, the time seems by no means devoid +of promise, there was no such cheering outlook then. Nowhere were the +outlines of kingdoms or the ownership of crowns definitely settled. +Private war was both incessant and universal; the Truce of God had not +yet been proclaimed.<a id="footnotetag309" name="footnotetag309"></a><a href="#footnote309" title="Go to footnote 309"><span class="small">[309]</span></a> As for the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page260" name="page260"></a>(p. 260)</span> common people, their +hardships were well-nigh incredible. Amid all this anarchy and misery, +at the close of the thousandth year from the birth of Christ, the belief +was quite common throughout Europe that the Day of Judgment was at hand +for a world grown old in wickedness and ripe for its doom.</p> + +<p>It hardly need be argued that a period like this, in which all the vital +energy in Europe was consumed in the adjustment of affairs at home, was +not fitted for colonial enterprises. Before a people can send forth +colonies it must have solved the problem of political life so far as to +ensure stability of trade. <span class="sidenote">The condition of things was not such as to favour colonial +enterprise.</span> +It is the mercantile spirit that has +supported modern colonization, aided by the spirit of intellectual +curiosity and the thirst for romantic adventure. In the eleventh century +there was no intellectual curiosity outside the monastery walls, nor had +such a feeling become enlisted in the service of commerce. Of trade +there was indeed, even in western Europe, a considerable amount, but the +commercial marine was in its infancy, and on land the trader suffered +sorely at the hands of the robber baron. In those days the fashionable +method of compounding with your creditors was, not to offer them fifty +cents on the dollar, but to inveigle them into your castle and broil +them over a slow fire.</p> + +<p>In so far as the attention of people in Europe <span class="pagenum"><a id="page261" name="page261"></a>(p. 261)</span> was called to +any quarter of the globe outside of the seething turbulence in which +they dwelt, it was directed toward Asia. Until after 1492, Europe stood +with her back toward the Atlantic. What there might be out beyond that +"Sea of Darkness" (<i>Mare Tenebrosum</i>), as it used commonly to be called, +was a question of little interest and seems to have excited no +speculation. <span class="sidenote">The outlook of Europe was toward Asia.</span> +In the view of mediæval Europe the inhabited world was cut +off on the west by this mysterious ocean, and on the south by the +burning sands of Sahara; but eastward it stretched out no one knew how +far, and in that direction dwelt tribes and nations which Europe, from +time immemorial, had reason to fear. As early as the time of Herodotus, +the secular antagonism between Europe and Asia had become a topic of +reflection among the Greeks, and was wrought with dramatic effect by +that great writer into the structure of his history, culminating in the +grand and stirring scenes of the Persian war. A century and a half later +the conquests of Alexander the Great added a still more impressive +climax to the story. The struggle was afterward long maintained between +Roman and Parthian, but from the fifth century after Christ onward +through the Middle Ages, it seemed as if the Oriental world would never +rest until it had inflicted the extremities of retaliation upon Europe. +Whether it was the heathen of the steppes who were in question, from +Attila in the fifth century to Batu Khan in the thirteenth, or the +followers of the Prophet, who tore away from Christendom the southern +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page262" name="page262"></a>(p. 262)</span> shores of the Mediterranean, and held Spain in their iron +grasp, while from age to age they exhausted their strength in vain +against the Eastern Empire, the threatening danger was always coming +with the morning sun; whatever might be the shock that took the +attention of Europe away from herself, it directed it upon Asia. This is +a fact of cardinal importance for us, inasmuch as it was directly +through the interest, more and more absorbing, which Europe felt in Asia +that the discovery of the western hemisphere was at last effected.</p> + +<p>It was not only in war, but in commerce, that the fortunes of Europe +were dependent upon her relations with Asia. <span class="sidenote">Routes of trade between Europe and Asia.</span> +Since prehistoric times +there has always been some commercial intercourse between the eastern +shores of the Mediterranean and the peninsula of Hindustan. Tyre and +Sidon carried on such trade by way of the Red Sea.<a id="footnotetag310" name="footnotetag310"></a><a href="#footnote310" title="Go to footnote 310"><span class="small">[310]</span></a> After Alexander +had led his army to Samarcand and to the river Hyphasis, the +acquaintance of the Greeks with Asia was very considerably increased, +and important routes of trade were established. One was practically the +old Phœnician route, with its western terminus moved from Tyre to +Alexandria. Another was by way of the Caspian sea, up the river Oxus, +and thence with camels to the banks of the Indus.<a id="footnotetag311" name="footnotetag311"></a><a href="#footnote311" title="Go to footnote 311"><span class="small">[311]</span></a> An intermediate +route was through Syria and by way of the Euphrates and the Persian +gulf; the route which at one time made the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page263" name="page263"></a>(p. 263)</span> greatness of +Palmyra. After the extension of Roman sway to the Nile, the Euphrates, +and the Euxine, these same routes continued to be used. The European +commodities carried to India were light woollen cloths, linens, coral, +black lead, various kinds of glass vessels, and wine. In exchange for +these the traders brought back to Europe divers aromatic spices, black +pepper, ivory, cotton fabrics, diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, silk +thread and silk stuffs.<a id="footnotetag312" name="footnotetag312"></a><a href="#footnote312" title="Go to footnote 312"><span class="small">[312]</span></a> Detailed accounts of these commercial +transactions, and of the wealth of personal experiences that must have +been connected with them, are excessively scant. Of the Europeans who, +during all the centuries between Alexander and Justinian, made their way +to Hindustan or beyond, we know very few by name. The amount of +geographical information that was gathered during the first half of this +period is shown in the map <span class="sidenote">Claudius Ptolemy.</span> +representing Claudius Ptolemy's knowledge of +the earth, about the middle of the second century after Christ. Except +for the Scandinavian world, and some very important additions made to +the knowledge of Asia by Marco Polo, this map fairly represents the +maximum of acquaintance with the earth's surface possessed by Europeans +previous to the great voyages of the fifteenth century. It shows a dim +knowledge of the mouths of the Ganges, of the island of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page264" name="page264"></a>(p. 264)</span> +Ceylon, and of what we sometimes call Farther India. A very dim +knowledge, indeed; for the huge peninsula of Hindustan is shrunk into +insignificance, while Taprobane, or Ceylon, unduly magnified, usurps the +place belonging to the Deccan. At the same time we see that some hearsay +knowledge of China had made its way into the Roman world before the days +of Ptolemy. The two names by which China was first known to Europeans +were <span class="sidenote">Early mention of China.</span> +"Seres" or "Serica," and "Sinæ" or "Thin." These two differing +names are the records of two different methods of approach to different +parts of a vast country, very much as the Northmen called their part of +eastern North America "Vinland," while the Spaniards called their part +"Florida." The name "Seres" was given to northwestern China by traders +who approached it through the highlands of central Asia from Samarcand, +while "Sinæ" was the name given to southeastern China by traders who +approached it by way of the Indian ocean, and heard of it in India, but +never reached it. Apparently no European ships ever reached China before +the Portuguese, in 1517.<a id="footnotetag313" name="footnotetag313"></a><a href="#footnote313" title="Go to footnote 313"><span class="small">[313]</span></a> The name "Sinæ" or "Thin" seems to mean +the country of the "Tchin" dynasty, which ruled over the whole of China +in the second century before Christ, and over a portion of it for a much +longer time. The name "Seres," on the other hand, was always associated +with the trade in silks, and was known <span class="pagenum"><a id="page265" name="page265"></a>(p. 265)</span> to the Romans in the +time of the Emperor Claudius,<a id="footnotetag314" name="footnotetag314"></a><a href="#footnote314" title="Go to footnote 314"><span class="small">[314]</span></a> and somewhat earlier. The Romans in +Virgil's time set a high value upon silk, and every scrap of it they had +came from China. They knew nothing about the silk-worm, and supposed +that the fibres or threads of this beautiful stuff grew upon trees. Of +actual intercourse between the Roman and Chinese empires there was no +more than is implied in this current of trade, passing through many +hands. But that each knew, in a vague way, of the existence of the +other, there is no doubt.<a id="footnotetag315" name="footnotetag315"></a><a href="#footnote315" title="Go to footnote 315"><span class="small">[315]</span></a></p> + +<p>In the course of the reign of Justinian, we get references at first hand +to India, and coupled withal to a general theory of cosmography. This +curious information we have in the book of the monk <span class="sidenote">Cosmas Indicopleustes.</span> +Cosmas +Indicopleustes, written somewhere between <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 530 and 550. A pleasant +book it is, after its kind. In his younger days Cosmas had been a +merchant, and in divers voyages had become familiar with the coasts of +Ethiopia and the Persian gulf, and had visited India and Ceylon. After +becoming a monk at Alexandria, Cosmas wrote his book of Christian +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page266" name="page266"></a>(p. 266)</span> geography,<a id="footnotetag316" name="footnotetag316"></a><a href="#footnote316" title="Go to footnote 316"><span class="small">[316]</span></a> maintaining, in opposition to Ptolemy, that +the earth is not a sphere, but a rectangular plane forming the floor of +the universe; the heavens rise on all four sides about this rectangle, +like the four walls of a room, and, at an indefinite height above the +floor, <span class="sidenote">Shape of the earth, according to Cosmas.</span> +these blue walls support a vaulted roof or firmament, in which +God dwells with the angels. In the centre of the floor are the inhabited +lands of the earth, surrounded on all sides by a great ocean, beyond +which, somewhere out in a corner, is the Paradise from which Adam and +Eve were expelled. In its general shape, therefore, the universe +somewhat resembles the Tabernacle in the Wilderness, or a modern +"Saratoga <span class="pagenum"><a id="page267" name="page267"></a>(p. 267)</span> trunk." On the northern part of the floor, under the +firmament, is a lofty conical mountain, around which the sun, moon, and +planets perform their daily revolutions. In the summer the sun takes a +turn around the apex of the cone, and is, therefore, hidden only for a +short night; but in the winter he travels around the base, which takes +longer, and, accordingly, the nights are long. Such is the doctrine +drawn from Holy Scripture, says Cosmas, and as for the vain blasphemers +who pretend that the earth is a round ball, the Lord hath stultified +them for their sins until they impudently prate of Antipodes, where +trees grow downward and rain falls upward. As for such nonsense, the +worthy Cosmas cannot abide it.</p> + +<p>I cite these views of Cosmas because there can be no doubt that they +represent beliefs current among the general public until after the time +of Columbus,<a id="footnotetag317" name="footnotetag317"></a><a href="#footnote317" title="Go to footnote 317"><span class="small">[317]</span></a> in spite of the deference paid to Ptolemy's <span class="pagenum"><a id="page268" name="page268"></a>(p. 268)</span> +views by the learned. Along with these cosmographical speculations, +Cosmas shows a wider geographical knowledge of Asia than any earlier +writer. He gives a good deal of interesting information about India and +Ceylon, and has a fairly correct idea of the position of China, which he +calls Tzinista or Chinistan. This land of silk is the remotest of all +the Indies, and beyond it "there is neither navigation nor inhabited +country.... And the Indian philosophers, called Brachmans, tell you that +if you were to stretch a straight cord from Tzinista through Persia to +the Roman territory, you would just divide the world in halves. And +mayhap they are right."<a id="footnotetag318" name="footnotetag318"></a><a href="#footnote318" title="Go to footnote 318"><span class="small">[318]</span></a></p> + +<p>In the fourth and following centuries, Nestorian missionaries were very +active in Asia, <span class="sidenote">The Nestorians.</span> +and not only made multitudes of converts and established +metropolitan sees in such places as Kashgar and Herat, but even found +their <span class="pagenum"><a id="page269" name="page269"></a>(p. 269)</span> way into China. Their work forms an interesting though +melancholy chapter in history, but it does not seem to have done much +toward making Asia better known to Europe. As declared heretics, the +Nestorians were themselves almost entirely cut off from intercourse with +European Christians.</p> + +<p>The immediate effect of the sudden rise of the vast Saracen empire, in +the seventh and eighth centuries, was to interpose a barrier to the +extension of intercourse between Europe and the Far East. <span class="sidenote">Effects of the Saracen conquests.</span> +Trade between +the eastern and western extremities of Asia went on more briskly than +ever, but it was for a long time exclusively in Mussulman hands. The +mediæval Arabs were bold sailors, and not only visited Sumatra and Java, +but made their way to Canton. Upon the southern and middle routes the +Arab cities of Cairo and Bagdad became thriving centres of trade; but as +Spain and the whole of northern Africa were now Arab countries, most of +the trade between east and west was conducted within Mussulman +boundaries. Saracen cruisers prowled in the Mediterranean and sorely +harassed the Christian coasts. During the eighth, ninth, and tenth +centuries, Europe was more shut in upon herself than ever before or +since. In many respects these were especially the dark ages of +Europe,—the period of least comfort and least enlightenment since the +days of pre-Roman barbarism. But from this general statement +Constantinople should be in great measure excepted. The current of +mediæval trade through the noble highway of the Dardanelles and the +Bosphorus <span class="pagenum"><a id="page270" name="page270"></a>(p. 270)</span> was subject to fluctuations, but it was always +great. The city of the Byzantine emperors was before all things a +commercial city, like Venice in later days. <span class="sidenote">Constantinople in the twelfth century.</span> +Until the time of the +Crusades Constantinople was the centre of the Levant trade. The great +northern route from Asia remained available for commercial intercourse +in this direction. Persian and Armenian merchants sent their goods to +Batoum, whence they were shipped to Constantinople; and silk was brought +from northwestern China by caravan to the Oxus, and forwarded thence by +the Caspian sea, the rivers Cyrus and Phasis, and the Euxine sea.<a id="footnotetag319" name="footnotetag319"></a><a href="#footnote319" title="Go to footnote 319"><span class="small">[319]</span></a> +When it was visited by Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century, +Constantinople was undoubtedly the richest and most magnificent city, +and the seat of the highest civilization, to be found anywhere upon the +globe.</p> + +<p>In the days of its strength the Eastern Empire was the staunch bulwark +of Christendom against the dangerous assaults of Persian, Saracen, and +Turk; alike in prosperity and in calamity, it proved to be the teacher +and civilizer of the western world. The events which, at the close of +the eleventh century, brought thousands upon thousands of adventurous, +<span class="sidenote">The Crusades.</span> +keen-witted people from western Europe into this home of wealth and +refinement, were the occasion of the most remarkable intellectual +awakening that the world had ever witnessed up to that time. The +Crusades, in their beginning, were a symptom of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page271" name="page271"></a>(p. 271)</span> the growing +energy of western Europe under the ecclesiastical reformation effected +by the mighty Hildebrand. They were the military response of Europe to +the most threatening, and, as time has proved, the most deadly of all +the blows that have ever been aimed at her from Asia. Down to this time +the Mahometanism with which Christendom had so long been in conflict was +a Mahometanism of civilized peoples. The Arabs and Moors were +industrious merchants, agriculturists, and craftsmen; in their society +one might meet with learned scholars, refined poets, and profound +philosophers. But at the end of the tenth century, Islam happened to +make converts of the Turks, a nomad race in the upper status of +barbarism, with flocks and herds and patriarchal families. Inspired with +the sudden zeal for conquest which has always characterized new converts +to Islam, the Turks began to pour down from the plains of central Asia +like a deluge upon the Eastern Empire. In 1016 they overwhelmed Armenia, +and presently advanced into Asia Minor. <span class="sidenote">Barbarizing character of Turkish conquest.</span> +Their mode of conquest was +peculiarly baleful, for at first they deliberately annihilated the works +of civilization in order to prepare the country for their nomadic life; +they pulled down cities to put up tents. Though they long ago ceased to +be nomads, they have to this day never learned to comprehend civilized +life, and they have been simply a blight upon every part of the earth's +surface which they have touched. At the beginning of the eleventh +century, Asia Minor was one of the most prosperous and highly civilized +parts of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page272" name="page272"></a>(p. 272)</span> the world;<a id="footnotetag320" name="footnotetag320"></a><a href="#footnote320" title="Go to footnote 320"><span class="small">[320]</span></a> and the tale of its devastation by +the terrible Alp Arslan and the robber chiefs that came after him is one +of the most mournful chapters in history. At the end of that century, +when the Turks were holding Nicæa and actually had their outposts on the +Marmora, it was high time for Christendom to rise <i>en masse</i> in +self-defence. The idea was worthy of the greatest of popes. Imperfectly +and spasmodically as it was carried out, it undoubtedly did more than +anything that had ever gone before toward strengthening the wholesome +sentiment of a common Christendom among the peoples of western Europe. +<span class="sidenote">General effects of the Crusades.</span> +The Crusades increased the power of the Church, which was equivalent to +putting a curb upon the propensities of the robber baron and making +labour and traffic more secure. In another way they aided this good work +by carrying off the robber baron in large numbers to Egypt and Syria, +and killing him there. In this way they did much toward ridding European +society of its most turbulent elements; while at the same time they gave +fresh development to the spirit of romantic adventure, and connected it +with something better than vagrant freebooting.<a id="footnotetag321" name="footnotetag321"></a><a href="#footnote321" title="Go to footnote 321"><span class="small">[321]</span></a> By renewing the +long-suspended <span class="pagenum"><a id="page273" name="page273"></a>(p. 273)</span> intercourse between the minds of western Europe +and the Greek culture of Constantinople, they served as a mighty +stimulus to intellectual curiosity, and had a large share in bringing +about that great thirteenth century renaissance which is forever +associated with the names of Giotto and Dante and Roger Bacon.</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that in these ways the Crusades were for our +forefathers in Europe the most bracing and stimulating events that +occurred in the whole millennium between the complicated disorders of +the fifth century and the outburst of maritime discovery in the +fifteenth. How far they justified themselves from the military point of +view, it is not so easy to say. On the one hand, they had much to do +with retarding the progress of the enemy for two hundred years; they +overwhelmed the Seljukian Turks so effectually that their successors, +the Ottomans, did not become formidable until about 1300, after the last +crusading wave had spent its force. <span class="sidenote">The Fourth Crusade.</span> +On the other hand, the Fourth +Crusade, with better opportunities than any of the others for striking a +crushing blow at the Moslem, played false to Christendom, and in 1204 +captured and despoiled Constantinople in order to gratify Venice's +hatred of her commercial rival and superior. It was a sorry piece of +business, and one cannot look with unmixed pleasure at the four superb +horses that now adorn the front of the church of St. Mark as a trophy of +this unhallowed exploit.<a id="footnotetag322" name="footnotetag322"></a><a href="#footnote322" title="Go to footnote 322"><span class="small">[322]</span></a> One cannot <span class="pagenum"><a id="page274" name="page274"></a>(p. 274)</span> help feeling that but +for this colossal treachery, the great city of Constantine, to which our +own civilization owes more than can ever be adequately told, might, +perhaps, have retained enough strength to withstand the barbarian in +1453, and thus have averted one of the most lamentable catastrophes in +the history of mankind.</p> + +<p>The general effect of the Crusades upon Oriental commerce was to +increase the amount of traffic through Egypt and Syria. Of this +lucrative trade Venice got the lion's share, and while she helped +support the short-lived Latin dynasty upon the throne at Constantinople, +she monopolized a great part of the business of the Black Sea also. +<span class="sidenote">Rivalry between Venice and Genoa.</span> +But +in 1261 Venice's rival, Genoa, allied herself with the Greek emperor, +Michael Palæologus, at Nicæa, placed him upon the Byzantine throne, and +again cut off Venice from the trade that came through the Bosphorus. +From this time forth the mutual hatred between Venice and Genoa "waxed +fiercer than ever; no merchant fleet of either state could go to sea +without convoy, and wherever their ships met they fought. It was +something like the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page275" name="page275"></a>(p. 275)</span> state of things between Spain and England +in the days of Drake."<a id="footnotetag323" name="footnotetag323"></a><a href="#footnote323" title="Go to footnote 323"><span class="small">[323]</span></a> In the one case as in the other, it was a +strife for the mastery of the sea and its commerce. Genoa obtained full +control of the Euxine, took possession of the Crimea, and thus acquired +a monopoly of the trade from central Asia along the northern route. With +the fall of Acre in 1291, and the consequent expulsion of Christians +from Syria, Venice lost her hold upon the middle route. But with the +pope's leave<a id="footnotetag324" name="footnotetag324"></a><a href="#footnote324" title="Go to footnote 324"><span class="small">[324]</span></a> she succeeded in making a series of advantageous +commercial treaties with the new Mameluke sovereigns of Egypt, and the +dealings between the Red Sea and the Adriatic soon came to be +prodigious. The Venetians gained control of part of the Peloponnesus, +with many islands of the Ægean and eastern Mediterranean. During the +fourteenth and fifteenth centuries their city was the most splendid and +luxurious in all Christendom.</p> + +<p>Such a development of wealth in Venice and Genoa implies a large +producing and consuming area behind them, able to take and pay for the +costly products of India and China. +<span class="sidenote">Centres and routes of mediæval trade.</span> +Before the end of the thirteenth +century the volume of European trade had swelled to great proportions. +How full of historic and literary interest are the very names of the +centres and leading routes of this trade as it was established in those +days, with its outlook upon the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page276" name="page276"></a>(p. 276)</span> Mediterranean and the distant +East! Far up in the North we see Wisby, on the little isle of Gothland +in the Baltic, giving its name to new rules of international law; and +the merchants of the famous Hansa towns extending their operations as +far as Novgorod in one direction, and in another to the Steelyard in +London, where the pound of these honest "Easterlings" was adopted as the +"sterling" unit of sound money. Fats and tallows, furs and wax from +Russia, iron and copper from Sweden, strong hides and unrivalled wools +from England, salt cod and herring (much needed on meagre church +fast-days) from the North and Baltic seas, appropriately followed by +generous casks of beer from Hamburg, were sent southward in exchange for +fine cloths and tapestries, the products of the loom in Ghent and +Bruges, in Ulm and Augsburg, with delicious vintages of the Rhine, +supple chain armour from Milan, Austrian yew-wood for English long-bows, +ivory and spices, pearls and silks from Italy and the Orient. Along the +routes from Venice and Florence to Antwerp and Rotterdam we see the +progress in wealth and refinement, in artistic and literary +productiveness. We see the early schools of music and painting in Italy +meet with prompt response in Flanders; in the many-gabled streets of +Nuremberg we hear the voice of the Meistersinger, and under the low +oaken roof of a Canterbury inn we listen to joyous if sometimes naughty +tales erst told in pleasant groves outside of fever-stricken Florence.</p> + +<p>With this increase of wealth and culture in central Europe there came a +considerable extension of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page277" name="page277"></a>(p. 277)</span> knowledge and a powerful stimulus to +curiosity concerning the remote parts of Asia. The conquering career of +Jenghis Khan (1206-1227) had shaken the world to its foundations. In the +middle of that century, to adopt Colonel Yule's lively expression, +<span class="sidenote">Effects of the Mongol conquests.</span> +"throughout Asia and eastern Europe, scarcely a dog might bark without +Mongol leave, from the borders of Poland and the coast of Cilicia to the +Amur and the Yellow Sea." About these portentous Mongols, who had thus +in a twinkling overwhelmed China and Russia, and destroyed the Caliphate +of Bagdad, there was a refreshing touch of open-minded heathenism. They +were barbarians willing to learn. From end to end of Asia the barriers +were thrown down. It was a time when Alan chiefs from the Volga served +as police in Tunking, and Chinese physicians could be consulted at +Tabriz. For about a hundred years China was more accessible than at any +period before or since,—more even than to-day; and that country now for +the first time became really known to a few Europeans. In the northern +provinces of China, shortly before the Mongol deluge, there had reigned +a dynasty known as the <i>Khitai</i>, and hence China was (and still is) +commonly spoken of in central Asia as the country of the Khitai. When +this name reached European ears it became <span class="sidenote">Cathay.</span> +<i>Cathay</i>, the name by which +China was best known in Europe during the next four centuries.<a id="footnotetag325" name="footnotetag325"></a><a href="#footnote325" title="Go to footnote 325"><span class="small">[325]</span></a> In +1245, Friar John of Plano Carpini, a friend and disciple of St. Francis, +was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page278" name="page278"></a>(p. 278)</span> sent by Pope Innocent IV. <span class="sidenote">Carpini and Rubruquis.</span> +on a missionary errand to the +Great Khan, and visited him in his camp at Karakorum in the very depths +of Mongolia. In 1253 the king of France, St. Louis, sent another +Franciscan monk, Willem de Rubruquis, to Karakorum, on a mission of +which the purpose is now not clearly understood. Both these Franciscans +were men of shrewd and cultivated minds, especially Rubruquis, whose +narrative, "in its rich detail, its vivid pictures, its acuteness of +observation and strong good sense ... has few superiors in the whole +library of travel."<a id="footnotetag326" name="footnotetag326"></a><a href="#footnote326" title="Go to footnote 326"><span class="small">[326]</span></a> Neither Rubruquis nor Friar John visited China, +but they fell in with Chinese folk at Karakorum, and obtained +information concerning the geography of eastern Asia far more definite +than had ever before been possessed by Europeans. They both describe +<span class="sidenote">First knowledge of an eastern ocean beyond Cathay.</span> +Cathay as bordering upon an eastern ocean, and this piece of information +constituted the first important leap of geographical knowledge to the +eastward since the days of Ptolemy, who supposed that beyond the "Seres +and Sinæ" lay an unknown land of vast extent, "full of reedy and +impenetrable swamps."<a id="footnotetag327" name="footnotetag327"></a><a href="#footnote327" title="Go to footnote 327"><span class="small">[327]</span></a> The <span class="pagenum"><a id="page279" name="page279"></a>(p. 279)</span> information gathered by +Rubruquis and Friar John indicated that there was an end to the +continent of Asia; that, not as a matter of vague speculation, but of +positive knowledge, Asia was bounded on the east, just as Europe was +bounded on the west, by an ocean.</p> + +<p>Here we arrive at a notable landmark in the history of the Discovery of +America. Here from the camp of bustling heathen at Karakorum there is +brought to Europe the first announcement of a geographical fact from +which the poetic mind of <span class="sidenote">The data were thus prepared for Columbus;</span> +Christopher Columbus will hereafter reap a +wonderful harvest. This is one among many instances of the way in which, +throughout all departments of human thought and action, the glorious +thirteenth century was beginning to give shape to the problems of which +the happy solution has since made the modern world so different from the +ancient.<a id="footnotetag328" name="footnotetag328"></a><a href="#footnote328" title="Go to footnote 328"><span class="small">[328]</span></a> Since there is an ocean east of Cathay and an ocean west +of Spain, how natural the inference—and albeit quite wrong, how +amazingly fruitful—that these oceans are one and the same, so that by +sailing westward from Spain one might go straight to Cathay! +<span class="sidenote">but as yet nobody reasoned from these data to a practical +conclusion.</span> +The data +for such an inference were now all at hand, but it does not appear that +any one as yet reasoned from the data to the conclusion, although we +find Roger Bacon, in 1267, citing the opinions of Aristotle and other +ancient <span class="pagenum"><a id="page280" name="page280"></a>(p. 280)</span> writers to the effect that the distance by sea from +the western shores of Spain to the eastern shores of Asia cannot be so +very great.<a id="footnotetag329" name="footnotetag329"></a><a href="#footnote329" title="Go to footnote 329"><span class="small">[329]</span></a> In those days it took a long time for such ideas to get +from the heads of philosophers into the heads of men of action; and in +the thirteenth century, when Cathay was more accessible by land than at +any time before or since, there was no practical necessity felt for a +water route thither. Europe still turned her back upon the Atlantic and +gazed more intently than ever upon Asia. Stronger and more general grew +the interest in Cathay.</p> + +<p>In the middle of the thirteenth century, some members of the <span class="sidenote">The Polo brothers.</span> +Polo +family, one of the aristocratic families of Venice, had a commercial +house at Constantinople. Thence, in 1260, the brothers Nicolò and Maffeo +Polo started on a trading journey to the Crimea, whence one opportunity +after another for making money and gratifying their curiosity with new +sights led them northward and eastward to the Volga, thence into +Bokhara, and so on until they reached the court of the Great Khan, in +one of the northwestern provinces of Cathay. The reigning sovereign was +the famous Kublai Khan, grandson of the all-conquering Jenghis. Kublai +was an able and benevolent despot, earnest in the wish to improve the +condition of his Mongol kinsmen. He had never before met European +gentlemen, and was charmed with the cultivated and polished Venetians. +He seemed quite ready to enlist the Roman Church in aid of his +civilizing schemes, and entrusted the Polos with <span class="pagenum"><a id="page281" name="page281"></a>(p. 281)</span> a message to +the Pope, asking him for a hundred missionary teachers. The brothers +reached <span class="sidenote">Kublai Khan's message to the Pope.</span> +Venice in 1269, and found that Pope Clement IV. was dead and +there was an interregnum. After two years Gregory X. was elected and +received the Khan's message, but could furnish only a couple of +Dominican friars, and these men were seized with the dread not +uncommonly felt for "Tartareans," and at the last moment refused to go. +Nicolò and his brother then set out in the autumn of 1271 to return to +China, taking with them Nicolò's son Marco, a lad of seventeen years. +From Acre they went by way of Bagdad to Hormuz, at the mouth of the +Persian gulf, apparently with the intention of proceeding thence by sea, +but for some reason changed their course, and travelled through Kerman, +Khorassan, and Balkh, to Kashgar, and thence by way of Yarkand and +Khotan, and across the desert of Gobi into northwestern China, where +they arrived in the summer of 1275, and found the Khan at Kaipingfu, not +far from the northern end of the Great Wall.</p> + +<p>It has been said that the failure of Kublai's mission to the Pope led +him to apply to the Grand Lama, at Thibet, who responded more +efficiently and successfully than Gregory X., so that Buddhism seized +the chance which Catholicism failed to grasp. The Venetians, however, +lost nothing in the good Khan's esteem. <span class="sidenote">Marco Polo and his travels in Asia.</span> +Young Marco began to make +himself proficient in speaking and writing several Asiatic languages, +and was presently taken into the Khan's <span class="pagenum"><a id="page282" name="page282"></a>(p. 282)</span> service. His name is +mentioned in the Chinese Annals of 1277 as a newly-appointed +commissioner of the privy council.<a id="footnotetag330" name="footnotetag330"></a><a href="#footnote330" title="Go to footnote 330"><span class="small">[330]</span></a> He remained in Kublai's service +until 1292, while his father and uncle were gathering wealth in various +ways. Marco made many official journeys up and down the Khan's vast +dominions, not only in civilized China, but in regions of the heart of +Asia seldom visited by Europeans to this day,—"a vast ethnological +garden," says Colonel Yule, "of tribes of various race and in every +stage of uncivilization." In 1292 a royal bride for the Khan of Persia +was to be sent all the way from Peking to Tabriz, and as war that year +made some parts of the overland route very unsafe, it was decided to +send her by sea. The three Polos had for some time been looking for an +opportunity to return to Venice, but Kublai was unwilling to have them +go. Now, however, as every Venetian of that day was deemed to be from +his very cradle a seasoned seadog, and as the kindly old Mongol +sovereign had an inveterate land-lubber's misgivings about ocean +voyages, he consented to part with his dear friends, so that he might +entrust the precious princess to their care. <span class="sidenote">First recorded voyage of Europeans around the Indo-Chinese +peninsula, 1292-94.</span> +They sailed from the port +of Zaiton (Chinchow) early in 1292, and after long delays on the coasts +of Sumatra and Hindustan, in order to avoid unfavourable monsoons, they +reached the Persian gulf in 1294. They found that the royal bridegroom, +somewhat advanced in years, had died before they started from China; +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page283" name="page283"></a>(p. 283)</span> so the young princess became the bride of his son. After +tarrying awhile in Tabriz, the Polos returned, by way of Trebizond and +the Bosphorus, <span class="sidenote">Return of the Polos to Venice.</span> +to Venice, arriving in 1295. When they got there, says +Ramusio, after their absence of four and twenty years, "the same fate +befel them as befel Ulysses, who, when he returned to his native Ithaca, +was recognized by nobody." Their kinsfolk had long since given them up +for dead; and when the three wayworn travellers arrived at the door of +their own palace, the middle-aged men now wrinkled graybeards, the +stripling now a portly man, all three attired in rather shabby clothes +of Tartar cut, and "with a certain indescribable smack of the Tartar +about them, both in air and accent," some words of explanation were +needed to prove their identity. After a few days they invited a party of +old friends to dinner, and bringing forth three shabby coats, ripped +open the seams and welts, and began pulling out and tumbling upon the +table such treasures of diamonds and emeralds, rubies and sapphires, as +could never have been imagined, "which had all been stitched up in those +dresses in so artful a fashion that nobody could have suspected the +fact." In such wise had they brought home from Cathay their ample +earnings; and when it became known about Venice that the three long-lost +citizens had come back, "straightway the whole city, gentle and simple, +flocked to the house to embrace them, and to make much of them, with +every conceivable demonstration of affection and respect."<a id="footnotetag331" name="footnotetag331"></a><a href="#footnote331" title="Go to footnote 331"><span class="small">[331]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page284" name="page284"></a>(p. 284)</span> +<p>Three years afterward, in 1298, Marco commanded a galley in the great +naval battle with the Genoese near Curzola. The Venetians were totally +defeated, and Marco was one of the 7,000 prisoners taken to Genoa, where +he was kept in durance for about a year. <span class="sidenote">Marco Polo's book written in prison at Genoa, 1299.</span> +One of his companions in +captivity was a certain Rusticiano, of Pisa, who was glad to listen to +his descriptions of Asia, and to act as his amanuensis. French was then, +at the close of the Crusades, a language as generally understood +throughout Europe as later, in the age of Louis XIV.; and Marco's +narrative was duly taken down by the worthy Rusticiano in rather lame +and shaky French. In the summer of 1299 Marco was set free and returned +to Venice, where he seems to have led a quiet life until his death in +1324.</p> + +<p>"The Book of Ser Marco Polo concerning the Kingdoms and Marvels of the +East" is one of the most famous and important books of the Middle Ages. +<span class="sidenote">Its great contributions to geographical knowledge.</span> +It contributed more new facts toward a knowledge of the earth's surface +than any book that had ever been written before. Its author was "the +first traveller to trace a route across the whole longitude of Asia;" +the first to describe China in its vastness, with its immense cities, +its manufactures and wealth, and to tell, whether from personal +experience or direct hearsay, of Thibet and Burmah, of Siam and Cochin +China, of the Indian archipelago, with its islands of spices, of Java +and Sumatra, and of the savages of Andaman. He <span class="pagenum"><a id="page285" name="page285"></a>(p. 285)</span> knew of Japan +and the woful defeat of the Mongols there, when they tried to invade the +island kingdom in 1281. He gave a description of Hindustan far more +complete and characteristic than had ever before been published. From +Arab sailors, accustomed to the Indian ocean, he learned something about +Zanzibar and Madagascar and the semi-Christian kingdom of Abyssinia. To +the northward from Persia he described the country of the Golden Horde, +whose khans were then holding Russia in subjection; and he had gathered +some accurate information concerning Siberia as far as the country of +the Samoyeds, with their dog-sledges and polar bears.<a id="footnotetag332" name="footnotetag332"></a><a href="#footnote332" title="Go to footnote 332"><span class="small">[332]</span></a></p> + +<p>Here was altogether too much geographical knowledge for European +ignorance in those days to digest. While Marco's book attracted much +attention, its influence upon the progress of geography was slighter +than it would have been if addressed to a more enlightened public. Many +of its sober statements of fact were received with incredulity. Many of +the places described were indistinguishable, in European imagination, +from the general multitude of fictitious countries mentioned in +fairy-tales or in romances of chivalry. Perhaps no part of Marco's story +was so likely to interest his readers as his references to <span class="sidenote">Prester John.</span> +Prester John. +In the course of the twelfth century the notion had somehow gained +possession of the European mind that somewhere out in the dim vastness +of the Orient there dwelt a mighty Christian potentate, known as John +the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page286" name="page286"></a>(p. 286)</span> Presbyter or "Prester."<a id="footnotetag333" name="footnotetag333"></a><a href="#footnote333" title="Go to footnote 333"><span class="small">[333]</span></a> At different times he was +identified with various known Asiatic sovereigns. Marco Polo identified +him with one Togrul Wang, who was overcome and slain by the mighty +Jenghis; but he would not stay dead, any more than the grewsome warlock +in Russian nursery lore. The notion of Prester John and his wealthy +kingdom could no more be expelled from the European mind in the +fourteenth and fifteenth centuries than the kindred notion of El Dorado +in the sixteenth. The position of this kingdom was shifted about here +and there, as far as from Chinese Tartary to <span class="sidenote">The "Arimaspians."</span> +Abyssinia and back again, +but somewhere or other in people's vague mental picture of the East it +was sure to occur. Other remote regions in Asia were peopled with elves +and griffins and "one-eyed Arimaspians,"<a id="footnotetag334" name="footnotetag334"></a><a href="#footnote334" title="Go to footnote 334"><span class="small">[334]</span></a> and we may be sure that to +Marco's <span class="pagenum"><a id="page287" name="page287"></a>(p. 287)</span> readers these beings were quite as real as the +polished citizens of Cambaluc (Peking) or the cannibals of the Andaman +islands. From such a chaos of ideas sound geographical knowledge must +needs be a slow evolution, and Marco Polo's acquisitions were altogether +too far in advance of his age to be readily assimilated.</p> + +<a id="img013l" name="img013l"></a> +<div class="floatleft"> +<a href="images/img013lb.jpg"> +<img src="images/img013l.jpg" width="300" height="393" alt="" title=""></a> +</div> +<a id="img013r" name="img013r"></a> +<div class="floatright"> +<a href="images/img013rb.jpg"> +<img src="images/img013r.jpg" width="300" height="391" alt="" title=""></a> +</div> +<p class="nofloat center">Two sheets of the Catalan Map, 1375.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless, in the Catalan map, made in 1375, and now to be seen in +the National Library at Paris, there is a thorough-going and not +unsuccessful attempt to embody the results of <span class="sidenote">Other visits to China.</span> +Polo's travels. In the +interval of three quarters of a century since the publication of Marco's +narrative, several adventurous travellers had found their way to Cathay. +There was Friar <span class="pagenum"><a id="page290" name="page290"></a>(p. 290)</span> Odoric, of Pordenone, who, during the years +1316-30 visited Hindustan, Sumatra, Java, Cochin China, the Chinese +Empire, and Thibet.<a id="footnotetag335" name="footnotetag335"></a><a href="#footnote335" title="Go to footnote 335"><span class="small">[335]</span></a> It was from this worthy monk that the arrant +old impostor, "Sir John Mandeville," stole his descriptions of India and +Cathay, seasoning them with yarns from Pliny and Ktesias, and grotesque +conceits of his own.<a id="footnotetag336" name="footnotetag336"></a><a href="#footnote336" title="Go to footnote 336"><span class="small">[336]</span></a> Several other missionary friars visited China +between 1302 and 1330, and about ten years after the latter date the +Florentine merchant, Francesco Pegolotti, wrote a very useful handbook +for commercial travellers on the overland <span class="pagenum"><a id="page291" name="page291"></a>(p. 291)</span> route to that +country.<a id="footnotetag337" name="footnotetag337"></a><a href="#footnote337" title="Go to footnote 337"><span class="small">[337]</span></a> Between 1338 and 1353 Giovanni Marignolli spent some years +at Peking, as papal legate from Benedict XI. to the Great Khan, and also +travelled in Ceylon and Hindustan.<a id="footnotetag338" name="footnotetag338"></a><a href="#footnote338" title="Go to footnote 338"><span class="small">[338]</span></a> That seems to have been the last +of these journeys to the Far East. <span class="sidenote">Overthrow of the Mongol dynasty, and shutting up of China.</span> +In 1368, the people of China rose +against the Mongol dynasty and overthrew it. The first emperor of the +native Ming dynasty was placed upon the throne, and the Chinese retorted +upon their late conquerors by overrunning vast Mongolia and making it +Chinese Tartary. The barriers thrown down by the liberal policy of the +Mongol sovereigns were now put up again, and no more foreigners were +allowed to set foot upon the sacred soil of the Flowery Kingdom.</p> + + +<p>Thus, for just a century,—from Carpini and Rubruquis to +Marignolli,—while China was open to strangers as never before or since, +a few Europeans had availed themselves of the opportunity in such wise +as to mark the beginning of a new era <span class="pagenum"><a id="page292" name="page292"></a>(p. 292)</span> in the history of +geographical knowledge. Though the discoveries of Marco Polo were as yet +but imperfectly appreciated, one point, and that the most significant of +all, was thoroughly established. It was shown that the continent of Asia +did not extend indefinitely eastward, nor was it bounded and barricaded +on that side, as Ptolemy had imagined, by vast impenetrable swamps. On +the contrary, its eastern shores were perfectly accessible through an +open sea, and half a dozen Europeans in Chinese ships had now actually +made the voyage between the coast of China and the Persian gulf. +Moreover, some hearsay knowledge—enough to provoke curiosity and +greed—had been gained of the existence of numerous islands in that +far-off <span class="sidenote">First rumours of the Molucca islands and Japan.</span> +eastern ocean, rich in the spices which from time immemorial had +formed such an important element in Mediterranean commerce. News, also, +had been brought to Europe of the wonderful island kingdom of Japan +(Cipango or Zipangu) lying out in that ocean some hundreds of miles +beyond the coast of Cathay. These were rich countries, abounding in +objects of lucrative traffic. Under the liberal Mongol rule the Oriental +trade had increased enough for Europe to feel in many ways its +beneficial effects. Now this trade began to be suddenly and severely +checked, and while access to the interior of Asia was cut off, European +merchants might begin to reflect upon the value of what they were +losing, and to consider if there were any feasible method of recovering +it.</p> + +<p>It was not merely the shutting up of China by <span class="pagenum"><a id="page293" name="page293"></a>(p. 293)</span> the first Ming +emperor, in 1368, that checked the intercourse between Europe and Asia. +A still more baleful obstacle to all such intercourse had lately come +upon the scene. In Asia Minor the <span class="sidenote">The accustomed routes of Oriental trade cut off by the +Ottoman Turks.</span> +beastly Turk, whose career had been +for two centuries arrested by the Crusades, now reared his head again. +The Seljukian had been only scotched, not killed; and now he sprang to +life as the Ottoman, with sharper fangs than before. In 1365 the Turks +established themselves in the Balkan peninsula, with Adrianople as their +capital, and began tightening their coils about the doomed city of +Constantine. Each point that they gained meant the strangling of just so +much Oriental trade; for, as we have seen, the alliance of +Constantinople with Genoa since 1261 had secured to the latter city, and +to western Europe, the advantages of the overland routes from Asia, +whether through the Volga country or across Armenia. When at length, in +1453, the Turks took Constantinople, the splendid commercial career of +Genoa was cut with the shears of Atropos. At the same time, as their +power was rapidly extending over Syria and down toward Egypt, +threatening the overthrow of the liberal Mameluke dynasty there, the +commercial prosperity of Venice also was seriously imperilled. Moreover, +as Turkish corsairs began to swarm in the eastern waters of the +Mediterranean, the voyage became more and more unsafe for Christian +vessels. It was thus, while the volume of trade with Asia was, in the +natural course of things, swelling year by year, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page294" name="page294"></a>(p. 294)</span> that its +accustomed routes were being ruthlessly cut off. It was fast becoming +necessary to consider whether there might not be other practicable +routes to <span class="sidenote">Necessity for finding an "outside route to the Indies."</span> +"the Indies" than those which had from time immemorial been +followed. Could there be such a thing as an "outside route" to that land +of promise? A more startling question has seldom been propounded; for it +involved a radical departure from the grooves in which the human mind +had been running ever since the days of Solomon. Two generations of men +lived and died while this question was taking shape, and all that time +Cathay and India and the islands of Spices were objects of increasing +desire, clothed by eager fancy with all manner of charms and riches. The +more effectually the eastern Mediterranean was closed, the stronger grew +the impulse to venture upon unknown paths in order to realize the vague +but glorious hopes that began to cluster about these remote countries. +Such an era of romantic enterprise as was thus ushered in, the world has +never seen before or since. It was equally remarkable as an era of +discipline in scientific thinking. In the maritime ventures of +unparalleled boldness now to be described, the human mind was groping +toward the era of enormous extensions of knowledge in space and time +represented by the names of Newton and Darwin. It was learning the right +way of putting its trust in the Unseen.<a href="#toc"><span class="small">[Back to Contents]</span></a></p> + + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page295" name="page295"></a>(p. 295)</span> CHAPTER IV.<br> + +<span class="smaller">THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES.<br> + +<i>EASTWARD OR PORTUGUESE ROUTE.</i></span></h2> + + +<p>As it dawned upon men's minds that to find some oceanic route from +Europe to the remote shores of <span class="sidenote">Question as to whether Asia could be reached by sailing +around Africa.</span> +Asia was eminently desirable, the first +attempt would naturally be to see what could be done by sailing down the +western coast of Africa, and ascertaining whether that continent could +be circumnavigated. It was also quite in the natural order of things +that this first attempt should be made by the Portuguese.</p> + +<p>In the general history of the Middle Ages the Spanish peninsula had been +to some extent cut off from the main currents of thought and feeling +which actuated the rest of Europe. Its people had never joined the other +Christian nations in the Crusades, for the good reason that they always +had quite enough to occupy them in their own domestic struggle with the +Moors. From the throes of this prolonged warfare Portugal emerged +somewhat sooner than the Spanish kingdoms, and thus had somewhat earlier +a surplus of energy released for work of another sort. It was not +strange that the Portuguese should be the first people since the old +Northmen to engage in distant <span class="pagenum"><a id="page296" name="page296"></a>(p. 296)</span> maritime adventure upon a grand +scale. Nor was it strange that Portuguese seamanship should at first +have thriven upon naval warfare with Mussulmans. It was in attempting to +suppress the intolerable nuisance of Moorish piracy that Portuguese +ships became accustomed to sail a little way down the west coast of +Africa; and such voyages, begun for military purposes, were kept up in +the interests of commerce, and presently served as a mighty stimulus to +geographical curiosity. We have now to consider at some length how grave +was the problem that came up for immediate solution.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>With regard to the circumnavigability of Africa two opposite opinions +were maintained by the ancient Greek and Latin writers whose authority +the men of the Middle Ages were wont to quote as decisive of every vexed +question. The old Homeric notion of an ocean encompassing the +terrestrial world, although mentioned with doubt by <span class="sidenote">Views of Eratosthenes, <span class="smcap">B. C.</span> 276-196.</span> +Herodotus,<a id="footnotetag339" name="footnotetag339"></a><a href="#footnote339" title="Go to footnote 339"><span class="small">[339]</span></a> +continued to survive after the globular form of the earth had come to be +generally maintained by ancient geographers. The greatest of these +geographers, Eratosthenes, correctly assumed that the Indian ocean was +continuous with the Atlantic,<a id="footnotetag340" name="footnotetag340"></a><a href="#footnote340" title="Go to footnote 340"><span class="small">[340]</span></a> and that Africa could be +circumnavigated, just as he incorrectly <span class="pagenum"><a id="page297" name="page297"></a>(p. 297)</span> assumed that the +Caspian sea was a huge gulf communicating with a northern ocean, by +which it would be possible to sail around the continent of Asia as he +imagined it.<a id="footnotetag341" name="footnotetag341"></a><a href="#footnote341" title="Go to footnote 341"><span class="small">[341]</span></a> A similar opinion as to Africa was held by Posidonius +and by Strabo.<a id="footnotetag342" name="footnotetag342"></a><a href="#footnote342" title="Go to footnote 342"><span class="small">[342]</span></a> It was called in question, however, by +Polybius,<a id="footnotetag343" name="footnotetag343"></a><a href="#footnote343" title="Go to footnote 343"><span class="small">[343]</span></a> and was flatly denied by the great astronomer Hipparchus, +who thought that certain observations on the tides, reported by Seleucus +of Babylon, proved that there could be no connection between the +Atlantic and Indian oceans.<a id="footnotetag344" name="footnotetag344"></a><a href="#footnote344" title="Go to footnote 344"><span class="small">[344]</span></a> Claudius Ptolemy, writing in the second +century after Christ, <span class="sidenote">Opposing theory of Ptolemy, cir. <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 150.</span> +followed the opinion of Hipparchus, and carried to +an extreme the reaction against Eratosthenes. By Ptolemy's time the +Caspian had been proved to be an inland sea, and it was evident that +Asia extended much farther to the north and east than had once been +supposed. This seems to have discredited in his mind the whole +conception of outside oceans, and he not only gave an indefinite +northward and eastward extension to Asia and an indefinite southern +extension to Africa, but brought these two continents together far to +the southeast, thus making the Indian ocean a land-locked sea.<a id="footnotetag345" name="footnotetag345"></a><a href="#footnote345" title="Go to footnote 345"><span class="small">[345]</span></a></p> + +<p>These views of Hipparchus and Ptolemy took <span class="pagenum"><a id="page298" name="page298"></a>(p. 298)</span> no heed of the +story told to Herodotus of the circumnavigation of Africa by a +Phœnician <span class="sidenote">Story of the Phœnician voyage, in the time of Necho.</span> +squadron at some time during the reign of Necho in Egypt +(610-595 <span class="smcap">B. C.</span>).<a id="footnotetag346" name="footnotetag346"></a><a href="#footnote346" title="Go to footnote 346"><span class="small">[346]</span></a> The Phœnician ships were said to have sailed +from the Red Sea and to have returned through the Mediterranean in the +third year after starting. In each of the two autumn seasons they +stopped and sowed grain and waited for it to ripen, which in southern +Africa would require ten or twelve weeks.<a id="footnotetag347" name="footnotetag347"></a><a href="#footnote347" title="Go to footnote 347"><span class="small">[347]</span></a> On their return to Egypt +they declared ("I for my part do not believe them," says Herodotus, "but +perhaps others may") that in thus sailing from east to west around +Africa they had the sun upon their right hand. About this alleged voyage +there has been a good deal of controversy.<a id="footnotetag348" name="footnotetag348"></a><a href="#footnote348" title="Go to footnote 348"><span class="small">[348]</span></a> No other expedition in +any wise comparable <span class="pagenum"><a id="page299" name="page299"></a>(p. 299)</span> to it for length and difficulty can be +cited from ancient history, and a critical scholar is inclined to look +with suspicion upon all such accounts of unique and isolated events. As +we have not the details of the story, it is impossible to give it a +satisfactory critical examination. The circumstance most likely to +convince us of its truth is precisely that which dear old Herodotus +deemed incredible. The position of the sun, to the north of the +mariners, is something that could hardly have been imagined by people +familiar only with the northern hemisphere. It is therefore almost +certain that Necho's expedition sailed beyond the equator.<a id="footnotetag349" name="footnotetag349"></a><a href="#footnote349" title="Go to footnote 349"><span class="small">[349]</span></a> But that +is as far as inference can properly carry us; for our experience of the +uncritical temper of ancient narrators is enough to suggest that such +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page300" name="page300"></a>(p. 300)</span> an achievement might easily be magnified by rumour into the +story told, more than a century after the event, to Herodotus. The data +are too slight to justify us in any dogmatic opinion. One thing, +however, is clear. Even if the circumnavigation was effected,—which, on +the whole, seems improbable,—it remained quite barren of results. It +produced no abiding impression upon men's minds<a id="footnotetag350" name="footnotetag350"></a><a href="#footnote350" title="Go to footnote 350"><span class="small">[350]</span></a> and added nothing +to geographical knowledge. The veil of mystery was not lifted from +southern Africa. The story was doubted by Strabo and Posidonius, and +passed unheeded, as we have seen, by Hipparchus and Ptolemy.</p> + +<p>Of Phœnician and other voyages along the Atlantic coast of Africa we +have much more detailed and trustworthy information. As early as the +twelfth century before Christ traders from Tyre had founded Cadiz +(Gades),<a id="footnotetag351" name="footnotetag351"></a><a href="#footnote351" title="Go to footnote 351"><span class="small">[351]</span></a> and at a later date the same hardy people seem to have +made the beginnings of Lisbon (Olisipo). From such advanced stations +Tyrian and Carthaginian ships sometimes found their way northward as far +as Cornwall, and in the opposite direction fishing voyages were made +along the African coast. <span class="sidenote">Voyage of Hanno.</span> +The most remarkable undertaking in this quarter +was the famous voyage of the Carthaginian commander Hanno, whose own +brief but interesting account <span class="pagenum"><a id="page301" name="page301"></a>(p. 301)</span> of it has been preserved.<a id="footnotetag352" name="footnotetag352"></a><a href="#footnote352" title="Go to footnote 352"><span class="small">[352]</span></a> +This expedition consisted of sixty penteconters (fifty-oared ships), and +its chief purpose was colonization. Upon the Mauritanian coast seven +small trading stations were founded, one of which—Kerne, at the mouth +of the Rio d' Ouro<a id="footnotetag353" name="footnotetag353"></a><a href="#footnote353" title="Go to footnote 353"><span class="small">[353]</span></a>—existed for a long time. From this point Hanno +made two voyages of exploration, the second of which carried him as far +as Sierra Leone and the neighbouring Sherboro island, where he found +"wild men and women covered with hair," called by the interpreters +"gorillas."<a id="footnotetag354" name="footnotetag354"></a><a href="#footnote354" title="Go to footnote 354"><span class="small">[354]</span></a> At that point the ships turned back, apparently for +want of provisions.</p> + +<p>No other expedition in ancient times is known to have proceeded so far +south as Sierra Leone. Two other voyages upon this Atlantic coast are +mentioned, but without definite details. The one was that of Sataspes +(about 470 <span class="smcap">B. C.</span>), narrated <span class="pagenum"><a id="page302" name="page302"></a>(p. 302)</span> by Herodotus, who merely tells us +that a coast was reached where undersized men, clad in palm-leaf +garments, <span class="sidenote">Voyages of Sataspes and Eudoxus.</span> +fled to the hills at sight of the strange visitors.<a id="footnotetag355" name="footnotetag355"></a><a href="#footnote355" title="Go to footnote 355"><span class="small">[355]</span></a> The +other was that of Eudoxus (about 85 <span class="smcap">B. C.</span>), related by Posidonius, the +friend and teacher of Cicero. The story is that this Eudoxus, in a +voyage upon the east coast of Africa, having a philological turn of +mind, wrote down the words of some of the natives whom he met here and +there along the shore. He also picked up a ship's prow in the form of a +horse's head, and upon his return to Alexandria some merchants professed +to recognize it as belonging to a ship of Cadiz. Eudoxus thereupon +concluded that Africa was circumnavigable, and presently sailed through +the Mediterranean and out upon the Atlantic. Somewhere upon the coast of +Mauritania he found natives who used some words of similar sound to +those which he had written down when visiting the eastern coast, whence +he concluded that they were people of the same race. At this point he +turned back, and the sequel of the story was unknown to Posidonius.<a id="footnotetag356" name="footnotetag356"></a><a href="#footnote356" title="Go to footnote 356"><span class="small">[356]</span></a></p> + +<p>It is worthy of note that both Pliny and Pomponius Mela, quoting +Cornelius Nepos as their authority, speak of Eudoxus as having +circumnavigated Africa from the Red Sea to Cadiz; and Pliny, moreover, +tells us that Hanno sailed around that continent as far as +Arabia,<a id="footnotetag357" name="footnotetag357"></a><a href="#footnote357" title="Go to footnote 357"><span class="small">[357]</span></a>—a statement which is <span class="pagenum"><a id="page303" name="page303"></a>(p. 303)</span> clearly false. These +examples show how stories grow when carelessly and uncritically +repeated, <span class="sidenote">Wild exaggerations.</span> +and they strongly tend to confirm the doubt with which one is +inclined to regard the tale of Necho's sailors above mentioned. In +truth, the island of Gorillas, discovered by Hanno, was doubtless the +most southerly point on that coast reached by navigators in ancient +times. Of the islands in the western ocean the Carthaginians certainly +knew the Canaries (where they have left undoubted inscriptions), +probably also the Madeiras, and possibly the Cape Verde group.<a id="footnotetag358" name="footnotetag358"></a><a href="#footnote358" title="Go to footnote 358"><span class="small">[358]</span></a></p> + +<a id="img014" name="img014"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img014b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img014.jpg" width="400" height="334" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Pomponius Mela's World, cir. <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 50.</p> +</div> + +<p>The extent of the knowledge which the ancients thus had of western +Africa is well illustrated in the map representing the geographical +theories of Pomponius Mela, whose book was written about <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 50. Of +the eastern coast and the interior <span class="pagenum"><a id="page304" name="page304"></a>(p. 304)</span> Mela knew less than Ptolemy +a century later, <span class="sidenote">Views of Pomponius Mela, cir. <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 50.</span> +but of the Atlantic coast he knew more than Ptolemy. +The fact that the former geographer was a native of Spain and the latter +a native of Egypt no doubt had something to do with this. Mela had +profited by the Carthaginian discoveries. His general conception of the +earth was substantially that of Eratosthenes. It was what has been +styled the "oceanic" <span class="pagenum"><a id="page305" name="page305"></a>(p. 305)</span> theory, in contrast with the +"continental" theory of Ptolemy. In the unvisited regions on all sides +of the known world Eratosthenes imagined vast oceans, Ptolemy imagined +vast deserts or impenetrable swamps. The former doctrine was of course +much more favourable to maritime enterprise than the latter. The works +of Ptolemy exercised over the mediæval mind an almost despotic sway, +which, in spite of their many merits, was in some respects a hindrance +to progress; so that, inasmuch as the splendid work of Strabo, the most +eminent follower of Eratosthenes, was unknown to mediæval Europe until +about 1450, it was fortunate that the Latin treatise of Mela was +generally read and highly esteemed. People in those days were such +uncritical readers that very likely the antagonism between Ptolemy and +Mela may have failed to excite comment,<a id="footnotetag359" name="footnotetag359"></a><a href="#footnote359" title="Go to footnote 359"><span class="small">[359]</span></a> especially in view of the +lack of suitable maps such as emphasize that antagonism to our modern +minds. But in the fifteenth century, when men were getting their first +inklings of critical scholarship, and when the practical question of an +ocean voyage to Asia was pressing for solution, such a point could no +longer fail to attract attention; and it happened fortunately that the +wet theory, no less than the dry theory, had a popular advocate among +those classical authors to whose authority so much deference was paid.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page306" name="page306"></a>(p. 306)</span> + +<p>If the Portuguese mariners of the generation before Columbus had +acquiesced in Ptolemy's views as final, they surely would not have +devoted their energies to the task of circumnavigating Africa. But there +were yet other theoretical or fanciful obstacles in the way. When you +look at a modern map of the world, the "five zones" may seem like a mere +graphic device <span class="sidenote">Ancient theory of the five zones.</span> +for marking conveniently the relations of different +regions to the solar source of heat; but before the great Portuguese +voyages and the epoch-making third voyage of Vespucius, to be described +hereafter, a discouraging doctrine was entertained with regard to these +zones. Ancient travellers in Scythia and voyagers to "Thule"—which in +Ptolemy's scheme perhaps meant the Shetland isles<a id="footnotetag360" name="footnotetag360"></a><a href="#footnote360" title="Go to footnote 360"><span class="small">[360]</span></a>—had learned +something of Arctic phenomena. The long winter nights,<a id="footnotetag361" name="footnotetag361"></a><a href="#footnote361" title="Go to footnote 361"><span class="small">[361]</span></a> the snow and +ice, and the bitter winds, made a deep impression upon visitors from the +Mediterranean;<a id="footnotetag362" name="footnotetag362"></a><a href="#footnote362" title="Go to footnote 362"><span class="small">[362]</span></a> and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page307" name="page307"></a>(p. 307)</span> when such facts were contrasted with +the scorching blasts that came from Sahara, the resulting theory was +undeniably plausible. In the extreme north the ocean must be frozen and +the country uninhabitable by reason of the cold; contrariwise, in the +far south the ocean must be boiling hot and the country inhabitable only +by gnomes and salamanders. Applying these ideas to the conception of the +earth as a sphere, Pomponius Mela tells us that the surface of the +sphere is divided into five zones, of which only two are fit to support +human life. About each pole stretches a dead and frozen zone; the +southern and northern hemispheres have each a temperate zone, with the +same changes of seasons, but not occurring at the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page308" name="page308"></a>(p. 308)</span> same (but +opposite) times; the north temperate zone is the seat of the Œcumene +(οἰκουμένη), or Inhabited +World; the south temperate <span class="sidenote">The Inhabited World and the Antipodes.</span> +zone is also inhabited by the Antichthones or +Antipodes, but about these people we know nothing, because between us +and them there intervenes the burning zone, which it is impossible to +cross.<a id="footnotetag363" name="footnotetag363"></a><a href="#footnote363" title="Go to footnote 363"><span class="small">[363]</span></a></p> + +<p>This notion of an antipodal world in the southern hemisphere will have +especial interest for us when we come to deal with the voyages of +Vespucius. The idea seems to have originated in a guess of Hipparchus +that Taprobane—the island of Ceylon, about which the most absurd +reports were brought to Europe—might be the beginning of another world. +This is very probable, says Mela, with delightful <i>naïveté</i>, because +Taprobane is inhabited, and still we do not know of anybody who has ever +made the tour of it.<a id="footnotetag364" name="footnotetag364"></a><a href="#footnote364" title="Go to footnote 364"><span class="small">[364]</span></a> Mela's contemporary, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page309" name="page309"></a>(p. 309)</span> the elder +Pliny, declares that Taprobane <span class="sidenote">Curious notions about Ceylon.</span> +"has long been regarded" as part of +another world, the name of which is Antichthon, or Opposite-Earth;<a id="footnotetag365" name="footnotetag365"></a><a href="#footnote365" title="Go to footnote 365"><span class="small">[365]</span></a> +at the same time Pliny vouchsafes three closely-printed pages of +information about this mysterious country. Throughout the Middle Ages +the conception of some sort of an antipodal inhabited world was vaguely +entertained by writers here and there, but many of the clergy condemned +it as implying the existence of people cut off from the knowledge of the +gospel and not included in the plan of salvation.</p> + +<p>As to the possibility of crossing the torrid zone, opinion was not +unanimous. Greek explorers from Alexandria (cir. <span class="smcap">B. C.</span> 100) seem to have +gone far up the Nile toward the equator, and the astronomer Geminus +quotes their testimony in proof of his opinion that the torrid zone is +inhabitable.<a id="footnotetag366" name="footnotetag366"></a><a href="#footnote366" title="Go to footnote 366"><span class="small">[366]</span></a> Panætius, the friend of the younger Scipio Africanus, +had already expressed a similar opinion. But the flaming theory +prevailed. Macrobius, writing about six hundred years later, maintained +that the southernmost limit of the habitable earth was 850 miles south +of Syene, which lies just under the tropic of Cancer.<a id="footnotetag367" name="footnotetag367"></a><a href="#footnote367" title="Go to footnote 367"><span class="small">[367]</span></a> Beyond this +point no man could go without danger from the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page310" name="page310"></a>(p. 310)</span> fiery +atmosphere. <span class="sidenote">The fiery zone.</span> +Beyond some such latitude on the ocean no ship could venture +without risk of being engulfed in some steaming whirlpool.<a id="footnotetag368" name="footnotetag368"></a><a href="#footnote368" title="Go to footnote 368"><span class="small">[368]</span></a> Such was +the common belief before the great voyages of the Portuguese.</p> + +<p>Besides this dread of the burning zone, another fanciful obstacle beset +the mariner who proposed to undertake a long voyage upon the outer +ocean. It had been observed that a ship which disappears in the offing +seems to be going downhill; and many people feared that if they should +happen thus to descend too far away from the land they could never get +back again. <span class="sidenote">Going downhill.</span> +Men accustomed to inland sea travel did not feel this dread +within the regions of which they had experience, but it assailed them +whenever they thought of braving the mighty waters outside.<a id="footnotetag369" name="footnotetag369"></a><a href="#footnote369" title="Go to footnote 369"><span class="small">[369]</span></a> Thus +the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page311" name="page311"></a>(p. 311)</span> master mariner, in the Middle Ages, might contemplate the +possible chance of being drawn by force of gravity into the fiery gulf, +should he rashly approach too near; and in such misgivings he would be +confirmed by Virgil, who was as much read then as he is to-day and +esteemed an authority, withal, on scientific questions; for according to +Virgil the Inhabited World descends toward the equator and has its apex +in the extreme north.<a id="footnotetag370" name="footnotetag370"></a><a href="#footnote370" title="Go to footnote 370"><span class="small">[370]</span></a></p> + +<p>To such notions as these, which were supposed to have some sort of +scientific basis, we must add the wild superstitious fancies that +clustered about all remote and unvisited corners of the world. In maps +made in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in such places as we +should label "Unexplored Region," there were commonly depicted uncouth +shapes of "Gorgons and Hydras and Chimæras <span class="pagenum"><a id="page312" name="page312"></a>(p. 312)</span> dire," furnishing +eloquent testimony to the feelings with which the unknown was regarded. +<span class="sidenote">Superstitious fancies.</span> +The barren wastes of the Sea of Darkness awakened a shuddering dread +like that with which children shrink from the gloom of a cellar. When we +remember all these things, and consider how the intelligent purpose +which urged the commanders onward was scarcely within the comprehension +of their ignorant and refractory crews, we can begin to form some idea +of the difficulties that confronted the brave mariners who first sought +an ocean route to the far-off shores of Cathay.</p> + +<p>Less formidable than these obstacles based on fallacious reasoning or +superstitious whim were those that were furnished by the clumsiness of +the ships and the crudeness of the appliances for navigation. As already +observed, the Spanish and Portuguese caravels of the fifteenth century +were less <span class="sidenote">Clumsiness of the caravels.</span> +swift and manageable craft than the Norwegian "dragons" of the +tenth. Mere yachts in size we should call them, but far from yachtlike +in shape or nimbleness. With their length seldom more than thrice their +width of beam, with narrow tower-like poops, with broad-shouldered bows +and bowsprit weighed down with spritsail yards, and with no canvas +higher than a topsail, these clumsy caravels could make but little +progress against head-winds, and the amount of tacking and beating to +and fro was sometimes enough to quadruple the length of the voyage. For +want of metallic sheathing below the waterline the ship was liable to be +sunk by the terrible <span class="pagenum"><a id="page313" name="page313"></a>(p. 313)</span> worm which, in Hakluyt's phrase, "many +times pearceth and eateth through the strongest oake." For want of +vegetable food in the larder, or anything save the driest of bread and +beef stiffened with brine, the sailors were sure to be attacked by +scurvy, and in a very long voyage the crew was deemed fortunate that did +not lose half its number from that foul disease. <span class="sidenote">Famine and scurvy.</span> +Often in traversing +unknown seas the sturdy men who survived all other perils were brought +face to face with starvation when they had ventured too far without +turning back.<a id="footnotetag371" name="footnotetag371"></a><a href="#footnote371" title="Go to footnote 371"><span class="small">[371]</span></a> We need not wonder that the first steps in oceanic +discovery were slow and painful.</p> + +<p>First among the instruments without which systematic ocean navigation +would have been impossible, the magnetic compass had been introduced +into southern Europe and <span class="sidenote">The mariner's compass.</span> +was used by Biscayan and Catalan sailors before +the end of the twelfth century.<a id="footnotetag372" name="footnotetag372"></a><a href="#footnote372" title="Go to footnote 372"><span class="small">[372]</span></a> Parties of Crusaders had learned +the virtues of the suspended needle from the Arabs, who are said to have +got their knowledge indirectly from China in the course of their eastern +voyages.<a id="footnotetag373" name="footnotetag373"></a><a href="#footnote373" title="Go to footnote 373"><span class="small">[373]</span></a> It seems to have been <span class="pagenum"><a id="page314" name="page314"></a>(p. 314)</span> at Amalfi that the needle +was first enclosed in a box and connected with a graduated compass-card. +Apparently it had not come into general use in the middle of the +thirteenth century, for in 1258 the famous Brunetto Latini, afterwards +tutor of Dante, made a visit to Roger Bacon, of which he gives a +description in a letter to his friend the poet Guido Cavalcanti: "The +Parliament being summoned to assemble at Oxford, I did not fail to see +Friar Bacon as soon as I arrived, and (among other things) he showed me +a black ugly stone called a magnet, which has the surprising property of +drawing iron to it; and upon which, if a needle be rubbed, and +afterwards fastened to a straw so that it shall swim upon water, the +needle will instantly turn toward the Pole-star: therefore, be the night +ever so dark, so that neither moon nor star be visible, yet shall the +mariner be able, by the help of this needle, to steer his vessel aright. +This discovery, which appears useful in so great a degree to all who +travel by sea, must remain concealed until other times; because no +master mariner dares to use it lest he should fall under the imputation +of being a magician; nor would the sailors venture themselves out to sea +under his command, if he took with him an instrument which carries so +great an appearance of being constructed under the influence of some +infernal spirit.<a id="footnotetag374" name="footnotetag374"></a><a href="#footnote374" title="Go to footnote 374"><span class="small">[374]</span></a> A <span class="pagenum"><a id="page315" name="page315"></a>(p. 315)</span> time may arrive when these prejudices, +which are of such great hindrance to researches into the secrets of +nature, will be overcome; and it will be then that mankind shall reap +the benefit of the labours of such learned men as Friar Bacon, and do +justice to that industry and intelligence for which he and they now meet +with no other return than obloquy and reproach."<a id="footnotetag375" name="footnotetag375"></a><a href="#footnote375" title="Go to footnote 375"><span class="small">[375]</span></a></p> + + +<p>That time was after all not so long in arriving, for by the end of the +thirteenth century the compass had come to be quite generally used,<a id="footnotetag376" name="footnotetag376"></a><a href="#footnote376" title="Go to footnote 376"><span class="small">[376]</span></a> +and the direction of a ship's course could be watched continuously in +foul and fair weather alike. For taking the sun's altitude rude +astrolabes and jack-staffs were in use, very crazy affairs as compared +with the modern quadrant, but sufficiently accurate to enable a +<span class="sidenote">Latitude and longitude.</span> +well-trained observer, in calculating his latitude, to get somewhere +within two or three degrees of the truth. In calculating longitude the +error was apt to be much greater, for in the absence of chronometers +there were no accurate means for marking differences in time. It was +necessary to depend upon the dead-reckoning, and the custom was first to +sail due north or south to the parallel of the place of destination and +then to turn at right angles and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page316" name="page316"></a>(p. 316)</span> sail due east or west. Errors +of eight or even ten degrees were not uncommon. Thus at the end of a +long outward voyage the ship might find itself a hundred miles or more +to the north or south, and six or seven hundred miles to the east or +west, of the point at which it had been aimed. Under all these +difficulties, the approximations made to correct sailing by the most +skilful mariners were sometimes wonderful. Doubtless this very poverty +of resources served to sharpen their watchful sagacity.<a id="footnotetag377" name="footnotetag377"></a><a href="#footnote377" title="Go to footnote 377"><span class="small">[377]</span></a> To sail the +seas was in those days a task requiring high mental equipment; it was no +work for your commonplace skipper. Human faculty was taxed to its +utmost, and human courage has never been more grandly displayed than by +the glorious sailors of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>We are now prepared to appreciate the character of the work that was +done in the course of the first attempts to find an oceanic route from +Europe to Asia. <span class="sidenote">Prince Henry the Navigator, 1394-1463.</span> +Then, as in other great epochs of history, men of genius +arose to meet the occasion. In 1394 was born Prince Henry of Portugal, +since known as Henry the Navigator.<a id="footnotetag378" name="footnotetag378"></a><a href="#footnote378" title="Go to footnote 378"><span class="small">[378]</span></a> He was fourth son of King John +I., <span class="pagenum"><a id="page317" name="page317"></a>(p. 317)</span> the valiant and prudent king under whom began the golden +age of Portugal, which lasted until the conquest of that country in 1580 +by Philip II. of Spain. Henry's mother was Philippa, daughter of John of +Gaunt. He was therefore cousin to our own Henry V. of England, whom he +quite equalled in genius, while the laurels that he won were more +glorious than those of Agincourt. In 1415, being then in his +twenty-first year, Prince Henry played a distinguished part in the +expedition which captured Ceuta from the Moors. While in Morocco he +gathered such information as he could concerning the interior of the +continent; he learned something about the oases of Sahara, the distant +river Gambia, and the caravan trade between Tunis and Timbuctoo, whereby +gold was carried from the Guinea coast to Mussulman ports on the +Mediterranean. If this coast could be reached by sea, its gold might be +brought to Lisbon as well. To divert such treasure from the infidel and +secure it for a Christian nation was an enterprise fitted to kindle a +prince's enthusiasm. While Henry felt the full force of these +considerations, his thoughts took a wider range. The views of Pomponius +Mela had always been held in high esteem by scholars of the Spanish +peninsula,<a id="footnotetag379" name="footnotetag379"></a><a href="#footnote379" title="Go to footnote 379"><span class="small">[379]</span></a> and down past that Gold Coast Prince Henry saw <span class="pagenum"><a id="page318" name="page318"></a>(p. 318)</span> +the ocean route to the Indies, the road whereby a vast empire might be +won for <span class="sidenote">His idea of an ocean route to the Indies, and what it might +bring.</span> +Portugal and millions of wandering heathen souls might be +gathered into the fold of Christ. To doubt the sincerity of the latter +motive, or to belittle its influence, would be to do injustice to Prince +Henry,—such cynical injustice as our hard-headed age is only too apt to +mete out to that romantic time and the fresh enthusiasm which inspired +its heroic performances. Prince Henry was earnest, conscientious, +large-minded, and in the best sense devout; and there can be no question +that in his mind, as in that of Columbus, and (with somewhat more alloy) +in the minds of Cortes and others, the desire of converting the heathen +and strengthening the Church served as a most powerful incentive to the +actions which in the course of little more than a century quite changed +the face of the world.</p> + +<p>Filled with such lofty and generous thoughts, Prince Henry, on his +return from Morocco, in 1418, chose for himself a secluded place of +abode where he could devote himself to his purposes undisturbed by the +court life at Lisbon or by political solicitations of whatever sort. In +the Morocco campaign he had won such military renown that he was now +invited by Pope Martin V. to take chief command of the papal army; and +presently he received similar flattering offers from his own cousin, +Henry V. of England, from John II. of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page319" name="page319"></a>(p. 319)</span> Castile, and from the +Emperor Sigismund, who, for shamefully violating his imperial word and +permitting the burning of John Huss, was now sorely pressed by the +enraged and rebellious Bohemians. Such invitations had no charm for +Henry. Refusing them one and all, <span class="sidenote">The Sacred Promontory.</span> +he retired to the promontory of +Sagres, in the southernmost province of Portugal, the ancient kingdom of +Algarve, of which his father now appointed him governor. That lonely and +barren rock, protruding into the ocean, had long ago impressed the +imagination of Greek and Roman writers; they called it the Sacred +Promontory, and supposed it to be the westernmost limit of the habitable +earth.<a id="footnotetag380" name="footnotetag380"></a><a href="#footnote380" title="Go to footnote 380"><span class="small">[380]</span></a> There the young prince proceeded to build an astronomical +observatory, the first that his country had ever seen, and to gather +about him a school of men competent to teach and men eager to learn the +mysteries of map-making and the art of navigation. There he spent the +greater part of his life; thence he sent forth his captains to plough +the southern seas; and as year after year the weather-beaten ships +returned from their venturesome pilgrimage, the first glimpse of home +that greeted them was likely to be the beacon-light in the tower where +the master sat poring over problems of Archimedes or watching the stars. +For Henry, whose motto was "Talent de bien faire," or (in the old French +usage) "Desire<a id="footnotetag381" name="footnotetag381"></a><a href="#footnote381" title="Go to footnote 381"><span class="small">[381]</span></a> to do well," <span class="pagenum"><a id="page320" name="page320"></a>(p. 320)</span> was wont to throw himself +whole-hearted into whatever he undertook, and the study of astronomy and +mathematics he pursued so zealously as to reach a foremost place among +the experts of his time. With such tastes and such ambition, he was +singularly fortunate in wielding ample pecuniary resources; if such a +combination could be more often realized, the welfare of mankind would +be notably enhanced. Prince Henry was Grand Master of the Order of +Christ, an organization half military, half religious, and out of its +abundant revenues he made the appropriations needful for the worthy +purpose of advancing the interests of science, converting the heathen, +and winning a commercial empire for Portugal. At first he had to +encounter the usual opposition to lavish expenditure for a distant +object without hope of immediate returns; but after a while his dogged +perseverance began to be rewarded with such successes as to silence all +adverse comment.</p> + +<p>The first work in hand was the rediscovery of coasts and islands that +had ceased to be visited even before the breaking up of the Roman +Empire. <span class="sidenote">The Madeira and Canary islands.</span> +For more than a thousand years the Madeiras and Canaries had +been well-nigh forgotten, and upon the coast of the African continent no +ship ventured beyond Cape Non, the headland so named because it said +"No!" to the wistful mariner.<a id="footnotetag382" name="footnotetag382"></a><a href="#footnote382" title="Go to footnote 382"><span class="small">[382]</span></a> There <span class="pagenum"><a id="page321" name="page321"></a>(p. 321)</span> had been some +re-awakening of maritime activity in the course of the fourteenth +century, chiefly due, no doubt, to the use of the compass. Between 1317 +and 1351 certain Portuguese ships, with Genoese pilots, had visited not +only the Madeiras and Canaries, but even the Azores, a thousand miles +out in the Atlantic; and these groups of islands are duly laid down upon +the so-called Medici map of 1351, preserved in the Laurentian library at +Florence.<a id="footnotetag383" name="footnotetag383"></a><a href="#footnote383" title="Go to footnote 383"><span class="small">[383]</span></a> The voyage to the Azores was probably the greatest feat +of ocean navigation that had been performed down to that time, but it +was not followed by colonization. Again, somewhere about 1377 Madeira +seems to have been visited by Robert Machin, an Englishman, whose +adventures make a most romantic story; and in 1402 the Norman knight, +Jean de Béthencourt, had begun to found a colony in the Canaries, for +which, in return for aid and supplies, he did homage to the King of +Castile.<a id="footnotetag384" name="footnotetag384"></a><a href="#footnote384" title="Go to footnote 384"><span class="small">[384]</span></a> As for the African <span class="pagenum"><a id="page322" name="page322"></a>(p. 322)</span> coast, Cape Non had also been +passed at some time during the fourteenth century, for Cape Bojador is +laid down on the Catalan map of 1375; but beyond that point no one had +dared take the risks of the unknown sea.</p> + +<p>The first achievement under Prince Henry's guidance was the final +rediscovery and colonization of Porto Santo and Madeira in 1418-25 by +Gonsalvez Zarco, Tristam Vaz, and Bartholomew Perestrelo.<a id="footnotetag385" name="footnotetag385"></a><a href="#footnote385" title="Go to footnote 385"><span class="small">[385]</span></a> This work +occupied the prince's attention for some years, and then came up the +problem of Cape Bojador. The difficulty was twofold; <span class="pagenum"><a id="page323" name="page323"></a>(p. 323)</span> the waves +about that headland were apt to be boisterous, and wild sailor's fancies +were apt to enkindle a mutinous spirit in the crews. <span class="sidenote">Gil Eannes passes Cape Bojador.</span> +It was not until +1433-35 that Gil Eannes, a commander of unusually clear head and steady +nerves, made three attempts and fairly passed the dreaded spot. In the +first attempt he failed, as his predecessors had done, to double the +cape; in the second attempt he doubled it; in the third he sailed nearly +two hundred miles beyond.</p> + +<a id="img015" name="img015"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img015b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img015.jpg" width="300" height="394" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Portuguese voyages on the coast of Africa.</p> +</div> + +<p>This achievement of Gil Eannes (<i>anglicè</i>, plain Giles Jones) marks an +era. It was the beginning of great things. When we think of the +hesitation with which this step was taken, and the vociferous applause +that greeted the successful captain, it is strange to reflect that babes +were already born in 1435 who were to live to hear of the prodigious +voyages of Columbus and Gama, Vespucius and Magellan. After seven years +a further step was taken in advance; in 1442 Antonio Gonçalves brought +gold and <span class="sidenote">Beginning of the modern slave-trade, 1442.</span> +negro slaves from the Rio d' Ouro, or Rio del Oro, four hundred +miles beyond Cape Bojador. Of this beginning of the modern slave-trade I +shall treat in a future chapter.<a id="footnotetag386" name="footnotetag386"></a><a href="#footnote386" title="Go to footnote 386"><span class="small">[386]</span></a> Let it suffice here to observe +that Prince Henry did not discourage but sanctioned it. The first aspect +which this baleful traffic assumed in his mind was that of a means for +converting the heathen, by bringing black men and women to Portugal to +be taught the true faith and the ways of civilized people, that they +might in due season be sent back to their native <span class="pagenum"><a id="page324" name="page324"></a>(p. 324)</span> land to +instruct their heathen brethren. The kings of Portugal should have a +Christian empire in <span class="sidenote">Papal grant of heathen countries to the Portuguese crown.</span> +Africa, and in course of time the good work might be +extended to the Indies. Accordingly a special message was sent to Pope +Eugenius IV., informing him of the discovery of the country of these +barbarous <span class="pagenum"><a id="page325" name="page325"></a>(p. 325)</span> people beyond the limits of the Mussulman world, and +asking for a grant in perpetuity to Portugal of all heathen lands that +might be discovered in further voyages beyond Cape Bojador, even so far +as to include the Indies.<a id="footnotetag387" name="footnotetag387"></a><a href="#footnote387" title="Go to footnote 387"><span class="small">[387]</span></a> The request found favour in the eyes of +Eugenius, and the grant was solemnly confirmed by succeeding popes. To +these proceedings we shall again have occasion to refer. We have here to +observe that the discovery of gold and the profits of the +slave-trade—though it was as yet conducted upon a very small +scale—served to increase the interest of the Portuguese people in +Prince Henry's work and to diminish the obstacles in his way. A +succession of gallant captains, whose names make a glorious roll of +honour, carried on the work of exploration, reaching the farthest point +that had been attained by the ancients. In 1445 Dinis Fernandez passed +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page326" name="page326"></a>(p. 326)</span> Cape Verde, and two years later Lançarote found the mouth of +the Gambia. In 1456 Luigi Cadamosto—a Venetian captain in the service +of Portugal—went as far as the Rio Grande; in 1460 Diego Gomez +<span class="sidenote">Advance to Sierra Leone.</span> +discovered the Cape Verde islands; and in 1462 Piedro de Cintra reached +Sierra Leone.<a id="footnotetag388" name="footnotetag388"></a><a href="#footnote388" title="Go to footnote 388"><span class="small">[388]</span></a> At the same time, in various expeditions between 1431 +and 1466, the Azores (i. e. "Hawk" islands) were rediscovered and +colonized, and voyages out into the Sea of Darkness began to lose +something of their manifold terrors.</p> + +<p>Prince Henry did not live to see Africa circumnavigated. At the time of +his death, in 1468, his ships had not gone farther than the spot where +Hanno found his gorillas two thousand years before. But the work of this +excellent prince did not end with his death. His adventurous spirit +lived on in the school of accomplished navigators he had trained. Many +voyages were made after 1462, of which we need mention only those that +marked new stages of discovery. In 1471 two knights of the royal +household, João de Santarem and Pedro de Escobar, sailed down the Gold +Coast and crossed the equator; <span class="sidenote">Advance to the Hottentot coast.</span> +three years later the line was again +crossed by Fernando Po, discoverer of the island that bears his name. In +1484 Diego Cam went on as far as the mouth of the Congo, and entered +into <span class="pagenum"><a id="page327" name="page327"></a>(p. 327)</span> very friendly relations with the negroes there. In a +second voyage in 1485 this enterprising captain pushed on a thousand +miles farther, and set up a cross in 22° south latitude on the coast of +the Hottentot country. Brisk trading went on along the Gold Coast, and +missionaries were sent to the Congo.<a id="footnotetag389" name="footnotetag389"></a><a href="#footnote389" title="Go to footnote 389"><span class="small">[389]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page328" name="page328"></a>(p. 328)</span> + +<p>These voyages into the southern hemisphere dealt a damaging blow to the +theory of an impassable <span class="pagenum"><a id="page329" name="page329"></a>(p. 329)</span> fiery zone; but as to the +circumnavigability of the African continent, the long stretch of coast +beyond the equator seemed more in harmony with Ptolemy's views than with +those of Mela. <span class="sidenote">Effect of these discoveries upon the theories of +Ptolemy and Mela.</span> +The eastward trend of the Guinea coast was at first in +favour of the latter geographer, but when Santarem and Escobar found it +turning southward to the equator the facts began to refute him. +According to Mela <span class="pagenum"><a id="page330" name="page330"></a>(p. 330)</span> they should have found it possible at once +to sail eastward to the gulf of Aden. What if it should turn out after +all that there was no connection between the Atlantic and Indian oceans? +Every added league of voyaging toward the tropic of Capricorn must have +been fraught with added discouragement, for it went to prove that, even +if Ptolemy's theory was wrong, at any rate the ocean route to Asia was +indefinitely longer than had been supposed. But was it possible to +imagine any other route that should be more direct? To a trained mariner +of original and imaginative mind, sojourning in Portugal and keenly +watching the progress of African discovery, the years just following the +voyage of Santarem and Escobar would be a period eminently fit for +suggesting such a question. Let us not forget this date of 1471 while we +follow Prince Henry's work to its first grand climax.</p> + +<p>About the time that Diego Cam was visiting the tribes on the Congo, the +negro king of Benin, a country by the mouth of the Niger, sent an +embassy to John II. of Portugal (Prince Henry's nephew), with a request +that missionary priests might be sent to Benin. It has been thought that +the woolly-haired chieftain was really courting an alliance with the +Portuguese, or perhaps he thought their "medicine men" might have the +knack of confounding his foes. The negro envoy told King John that a +thousand miles or so east of Benin there was an august sovereign who +ruled over many subject peoples, and at whose court there was an order +of chivalry whose badge or emblem was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page331" name="page331"></a>(p. 331)</span> a brazen cross. Such, at +least, was the king's interpretation of the negro's words, and forthwith +he jumped to the conclusion that this <span class="sidenote">News of Prester John.</span> +African potentate must be Prester +John, whose name was redolent of all the marvels of the mysterious East. +To find Prester John would be a long step toward golden Cathay and the +isles of spice. So the king of Portugal rose to the occasion, and +attacked the problem on both flanks at once. He sent Pedro de Covilham +by way of Egypt to Aden, and he sent Bartholomew Dias, with three +fifty-ton caravels, to make one more attempt to find an end to the +Atlantic coast of Africa.</p> + +<p>Covilham's journey was full of interesting experiences. He sailed from +Aden to Hindustan, and on his return visited <span class="sidenote">Covilham's journey.</span> +Abyssinia, where the +semi-Christian king took such a liking to him that he would never let +him go. So Covilham spent the rest of his life, more than thirty years, +in Abyssinia, whence he was able now and then to send to Portugal items +of information concerning eastern Africa that were afterwards quite +serviceable in voyages upon the Indian ocean.<a id="footnotetag390" name="footnotetag390"></a><a href="#footnote390" title="Go to footnote 390"><span class="small">[390]</span></a></p> + +<p>The daring captain, Bartholomew Dias, started in August, 1486, and after +passing nearly four hundred miles beyond the tropic of Capricorn, was +driven due south before heavy winds for thirteen days without seeing +land. At the end of this stress of weather he turned his prows eastward, +expecting soon to reach the coast. But as he had passed the southernmost +point of Africa <span class="pagenum"><a id="page332" name="page332"></a>(p. 332)</span> and no land appeared before him, after a while +<span class="sidenote">Bartholomew Dias passes the Cape of Good Hope and enters the +Indian ocean.</span> +he steered northward and landed near the mouth of Gauritz river, more +than two hundred miles east of the Cape of Good Hope. Thence he pushed +on about four hundred miles farther eastward as far as the Great Fish +river (about 33° 30' S., 27° 10' E.), where the coast begins to have a +steady trend to the northeast. Dias was now fairly in the Indian ocean, +and could look out with wistful triumph upon that waste of waters, but +his worn-out crews refused to go any farther and he was compelled +reluctantly to turn back. On the way homeward the ships passed in full +sight of the famous headland which Dias called the Stormy Cape; but +after arriving at Lisbon, in December, 1487, when the report of this +noble voyage was laid before King John II., his majesty said, Nay, let +it rather be called the Cape of Good Hope, since there was now much +reason to believe that they had found the long-sought ocean route to the +Indies.<a id="footnotetag391" name="footnotetag391"></a><a href="#footnote391" title="Go to footnote 391"><span class="small">[391]</span></a> Though this opinion turned out to be correct, it is well +for us to remember that the proof was not yet complete. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page333" name="page333"></a>(p. 333)</span> No one +could yet say with certainty that the African coast, if followed a few +miles east of Great Fish river, would not again trend southward and run +all the way to the pole. The completed proof was not obtained until +Vasco da Gama crossed the Indian ocean ten years later.</p> + +<p>This voyage of Bartholomew Dias was longer and in many respects more +remarkable than any that is known to have been made before that time. +From Lisbon back to Lisbon, reckoning the sinuosities of the coast, but +making no allowance for tacking, the distance run by those tiny craft +was not less than thirteen thousand miles. <span class="sidenote">Some effects of the discovery.</span> +This voyage completed the +overthrow of the fiery-zone doctrine, so far as Africa was concerned; it +penetrated far into the southern temperate zone where Mela had placed +his antipodal world; it dealt a staggering blow to the continental +theory of Ptolemy; and its success made men's minds readier for yet more +daring enterprises. Among the shipmates of Dias on this ever memorable +voyage was a <span class="sidenote">Bartholomew Columbus.</span> +well-trained and enthusiastic Italian mariner, none other +than Bartholomew, the younger brother of Christopher Columbus. There was +true dramatic propriety in the presence of that man at just this time; +for not only did all these later African voyages stand in a direct +causal relation to the discovery of America, but as an immediate +consequence of the doubling of the Cape of Good Hope we shall presently +find Bartholomew Columbus in the very next year on his way to England, +to enlist the aid of King Henry VII. in behalf of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page334" name="page334"></a>(p. 334)</span> a scheme of +unprecedented boldness for which his elder brother had for some years +been seeking to obtain the needful funds. Not long after that +disappointing voyage of Santarem and Escobar in 1471, this original and +imaginative sailor, Christopher Columbus, had conceived (or adopted and +made his own) a new method of solving the problem of an ocean route to +Cathay. We have now to sketch the early career of this epoch-making man, +and to see how he came to be brought into close relations with the work +of the Portuguese explorers.<a href="#toc"><span class="small">[Back to Contents]</span></a></p> + + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page335" name="page335"></a>(p. 335)</span> CHAPTER V.<br> + +<span class="smaller">THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES.<br> + +<i>WESTWARD OR SPANISH ROUTE.</i></span></h2> + + +<p>Our information concerning the life of Columbus before 1492 is far from +being as satisfactory as one could wish. Unquestionably he is to be +deemed fortunate in having had for his biographers two such men as his +friend Las Casas, one of the noblest characters and most faithful +historians of that or any age, and his own son Ferdinand Columbus, a +most accomplished scholar and bibliographer. <span class="sidenote">Sources of information concerning the life of Columbus: Las +Casas and Ferdinand Columbus.</span> +The later years of +Ferdinand's life were devoted, with loving care, to the preparation of a +biography of his father; and his book—which unfortunately survives only +in the Italian translation of Alfonso Ulloa,<a id="footnotetag392" name="footnotetag392"></a><a href="#footnote392" title="Go to footnote 392"><span class="small">[392]</span></a> published in Venice in +1571—is of priceless value. As Washington Irving long ago wrote, it is +"an invaluable document, entitled to great faith, and is the +cornerstone <span class="pagenum"><a id="page336" name="page336"></a>(p. 336)</span> of the history of the American continent."<a id="footnotetag393" name="footnotetag393"></a><a href="#footnote393" title="Go to footnote 393"><span class="small">[393]</span></a> +After Ferdinand's death, in 1539, his papers seem to have passed into +the hands of Las Casas, who, from 1552 to 1561, in the seclusion of the +college of San Gregorio at Valladolid, was engaged in writing his great +"History of the Indies."<a id="footnotetag394" name="footnotetag394"></a><a href="#footnote394" title="Go to footnote 394"><span class="small">[394]</span></a> Ferdinand's superb library, one of the +finest in Europe, was bequeathed to the cathedral at Seville.<a id="footnotetag395" name="footnotetag395"></a><a href="#footnote395" title="Go to footnote 395"><span class="small">[395]</span></a> It +contained some twenty thousand volumes in print and manuscript, four +fifths of which, through shameful neglect or vandalism, have perished or +been scattered. Four thousand volumes, however, are still preserved, and +this library <span class="sidenote">The Biblioteca Colombina at Seville.</span> +(known as the "Biblioteca Colombina") is full of interest +for the historian. Book-buying was to Ferdinand Columbus one of the most +important occupations in life. His books were not only carefully +numbered, but on the last leaf of each one he wrote a memorandum of the +time and place of its purchase and the sum of money paid for it.<a id="footnotetag396" name="footnotetag396"></a><a href="#footnote396" title="Go to footnote 396"><span class="small">[396]</span></a> +This habit of Ferdinand's has furnished <span class="pagenum"><a id="page337" name="page337"></a>(p. 337)</span> us with clues to the +solution of some interesting questions. Besides this, he was much given +to making marginal notes and comments, which are sometimes of immense +value, and, more than all, there are still to be seen in this library a +few books that belonged to Christopher Columbus himself, with very +important notes in his own handwriting and in that of his brother +Bartholomew. Las Casas was familiar with this grand collection in the +days of its completeness, he was well acquainted with all the members of +the Columbus family, and he had evidently read the manuscript sources of +Ferdinand's book; for a comparison with Ulloa's version shows that +considerable portions of the original Spanish text—or of the documents +upon which it rested—are preserved in the work of Las Casas.<a id="footnotetag397" name="footnotetag397"></a><a href="#footnote397" title="Go to footnote 397"><span class="small">[397]</span></a> The +citation and adoption of Ferdinand's statements by the latter writer, +who was able independently to verify them, is therefore in most cases +equivalent to corroboration, and the two writers together form an +authority of the weightiest kind, and not lightly to be questioned or +set aside.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page338" name="page338"></a>(p. 338)</span> + +<p>Besides these books of most fundamental importance, we have valuable +accounts of some parts of the life of Columbus by his friend Andres +Bernaldez, <span class="sidenote">Bernaldez and Peter Martyr.</span> +the curate of Los Palacios near Seville.<a id="footnotetag398" name="footnotetag398"></a><a href="#footnote398" title="Go to footnote 398"><span class="small">[398]</span></a> Peter Martyr, +of Anghiera, by Lago Maggiore, was an intimate friend of Columbus, and +gives a good account of his voyages, besides mentioning him in sundry +epistles.<a id="footnotetag399" name="footnotetag399"></a><a href="#footnote399" title="Go to footnote 399"><span class="small">[399]</span></a> Columbus himself, moreover, was such a voluminous writer +that his contemporaries laughed about it. "God grant," says Zuñiga in a +letter to the Marquis de Pescara, "God grant that Gutierrez may never +come short for paper, for he writes more than Ptolemy, more than +Columbus, the man who discovered the Indies."<a id="footnotetag400" name="footnotetag400"></a><a href="#footnote400" title="Go to footnote 400"><span class="small">[400]</span></a> +These <span class="sidenote">Letters of Columbus.</span> +writings are in +great part lost, though doubtless a good many things will yet be brought +to light in Spain by persistent rummaging. We have, however, from sixty +to seventy letters and reports by Columbus, of which twenty-three at +least are in his own handwriting; and all these have been +published.<a id="footnotetag401" name="footnotetag401"></a><a href="#footnote401" title="Go to footnote 401"><span class="small">[401]</span></a></p> + +<p>Nevertheless, while these contemporary materials <span class="pagenum"><a id="page339" name="page339"></a>(p. 339)</span> give us +abundant information concerning the great discoverer, from the year 1492 +until his death, it is quite otherwise with his earlier years, +especially before his arrival in Spain in 1484. His own allusions to +these earlier years are sometimes hard to interpret;<a id="footnotetag402" name="footnotetag402"></a><a href="#footnote402" title="Go to footnote 402"><span class="small">[402]</span></a> and as for his +son Ferdinand, that writer confesses, with characteristic and winning +frankness, <span class="sidenote">Defects in Ferdinand's information.</span> +that his information is imperfect, inasmuch as filial respect +had deterred him from closely interrogating his father on such points, +or, to tell the plain truth, being still very young when his father +died, he had not then come to recognize their importance.<a id="footnotetag403" name="footnotetag403"></a><a href="#footnote403" title="Go to footnote 403"><span class="small">[403]</span></a> This does +not seem strange when we reflect that Ferdinand must have seen very +little of his father until in 1502, at the age of fourteen, he +accompanied him on that last difficult and disastrous voyage, in which +the sick and harassed old man could have had but little time or strength +for aught but the work in hand. It is not strange that when, a quarter +of a century later, the son set about his literary task, he should now +and then have got a date wrong, or have narrated some incidents +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page340" name="page340"></a>(p. 340)</span> in a confused manner, or have admitted some gossiping stories, +the falsehood of which can now plainly be detected. Such blemishes, +which occur chiefly in the earlier part of Ferdinand's book, do not +essentially detract from its high authority.<a id="footnotetag404" name="footnotetag404"></a><a href="#footnote404" title="Go to footnote 404"><span class="small">[404]</span></a> The limits which +bounded the son's <span class="pagenum"><a id="page341" name="page341"></a>(p. 341)</span> accurate knowledge seem also to have bounded +that of such friends as Bernaldez, who did not become acquainted with +Columbus until after his arrival in Spain.</p> + +<p>In recent years elaborate researches have been made, by Henry Harrisse +and others, in the archives of Genoa, Savona, Seville, and other places +with <span class="sidenote">Researches of Henry Harrisse.</span> +which Columbus was connected, in the hope of supplementing this +imperfect information concerning his earlier years.<a id="footnotetag405" name="footnotetag405"></a><a href="#footnote405" title="Go to footnote 405"><span class="small">[405]</span></a> A number of +data have thus been obtained, which, while clearing up the subject most +remarkably in some directions, have been made to mystify and embroil it +in others. There is scarcely a date or a fact relating to Columbus +before 1492 but has been made the subject of hot dispute; and some +pretty wholesale reconstructions of his biography have been +attempted.<a id="footnotetag406" name="footnotetag406"></a><a href="#footnote406" title="Go to footnote 406"><span class="small">[406]</span></a> The general impression, however, which the discussions +of the past twenty years have left upon my mind, is that the more +violent hypotheses are not likely <span class="pagenum"><a id="page342" name="page342"></a>(p. 342)</span> to be sustained, and that +the newly-ascertained facts do not call for any very radical +interference with the traditional lines upon which the life of Columbus +has heretofore been written.<a id="footnotetag407" name="footnotetag407"></a><a href="#footnote407" title="Go to footnote 407"><span class="small">[407]</span></a> At any rate there seems to be no +likelihood of such interference as to modify our views of the causal +sequence of events that led to the westward search for the Indies; and +it is this relation of cause and effect that chiefly concerns us in a +history of the Discovery of America.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>The date of the birth of Columbus is easy to determine approximately, +but hard to determine with precision. In the voluminous discussion upon +this subject the extreme limits assigned have been 1430 and 1456, but +neither of these extremes is admissible, and our choice really lies +somewhere between <span class="sidenote">Date of the birth of Columbus: archives of Savona.</span> +1436 and 1446. Among the town archives of Savona is a +deed of sale executed August 7, 1473, by the father of Christopher +Columbus, and ratified by Christopher and his next brother +Giovanni.<a id="footnotetag408" name="footnotetag408"></a><a href="#footnote408" title="Go to footnote 408"><span class="small">[408]</span></a> Both brothers must then have attained <span class="pagenum"><a id="page343" name="page343"></a>(p. 343)</span> their +majority, which in the republic of Genoa was fixed at the age of +twenty-five. Christopher, therefore, can hardly have been less than +seven and twenty, so that the latest probable date for his birth is +1446, and this is the date accepted by Muñoz, Major, Harrisse, and +Avezac. There is no documentary proof, however, to prevent our taking an +earlier date; and the curate of Los Palacios—strong authority on such a +point—says <span class="sidenote">Statement of Bernaldez.</span> +expressly that at the time of his death, in 1506, Columbus +was "in a good old age, seventy years a little more or less."<a id="footnotetag409" name="footnotetag409"></a><a href="#footnote409" title="Go to footnote 409"><span class="small">[409]</span></a> Upon +this statement Navarrete and Humboldt have accepted 1436 as the probable +date of birth.<a id="footnotetag410" name="footnotetag410"></a><a href="#footnote410" title="Go to footnote 410"><span class="small">[410]</span></a> The most plausible objection to this is a statement +made by Columbus himself in a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, written +in 1501. In this letter, as first given in the biography by his son, +Columbus says that he was of "very tender age" when he began to sail the +seas, an occupation which he has kept up until the present moment; and +in the next sentence but one he adds that "now for forty years I have +been <span class="pagenum"><a id="page344" name="page344"></a>(p. 344)</span> in this business and have gone to every place where there +is any navigation up to the present time."<a id="footnotetag411" name="footnotetag411"></a><a href="#footnote411" title="Go to footnote 411"><span class="small">[411]</span></a> +<span class="sidenote">Columbus's letter of September, 1501.</span> +The expression "very +tender age" agrees with Ferdinand's statement that his father was +fourteen years old when he first took to the sea.<a id="footnotetag412" name="footnotetag412"></a><a href="#footnote412" title="Go to footnote 412"><span class="small">[412]</span></a> Since 1446 + +14-40 = 1500, it is argued that Columbus was probably born about 1446; +some sticklers for extreme precision say 1447. But now there were eight +years spent by Columbus in Spain, from 1484 to 1492, without any voyages +at all; they were years, as he forcibly says, "dragged out in +disputations."<a id="footnotetag413" name="footnotetag413"></a><a href="#footnote413" title="Go to footnote 413"><span class="small">[413]</span></a> Did he mean to include those eight years in his +forty spent upon the sea? Navarrete thinks he did not. When he wrote +under excitement, as in this letter, his language was apt to be loose, +and it is fair to construe it according to the general probabilities of +the case. This addition of eight years brings his statement +substantially into harmony with that of Bernaldez, which it really will +not do to set aside lightly. Moreover, in the original text of the +letter, since published by Navarrete, Columbus appears to say, "now for +<i>more than</i> forty years," so that the agreement with Bernaldez becomes +practically complete.<a id="footnotetag414" name="footnotetag414"></a><a href="#footnote414" title="Go to footnote 414"><span class="small">[414]</span></a> The good curate <span class="pagenum"><a id="page345" name="page345"></a>(p. 345)</span> spoke from direct +personal acquaintance, and his phrases "seventy years" and "a good old +age" <span class="sidenote">The balance of probability is in favour of 1436.</span> +are borne out by the royal decree of February 23, 1505, permitting +Columbus to ride on a mule, instead of a horse, by reason of his old age +(<i>ancianidad</i>) and infirmities.<a id="footnotetag415" name="footnotetag415"></a><a href="#footnote415" title="Go to footnote 415"><span class="small">[415]</span></a> Such a phrase applies much better +to a man of sixty-nine than to a man of fifty-nine. On the whole, I +think that Washington Irving showed <span class="pagenum"><a id="page346" name="page346"></a>(p. 346)</span> good sense in accepting +the statement of the curate of Los Palacios as decisive, dating as it +does the birth of Columbus at 1436, "a little more or less."</p> + +<p>With regard to the place where the great discoverer was born there ought +to be no dispute, since we have his own most explicit and unmistakable +word for it, as I shall presently show. Nevertheless there has been no +end of dispute. He has been claimed by as many places as Homer,<a id="footnotetag416" name="footnotetag416"></a><a href="#footnote416" title="Go to footnote 416"><span class="small">[416]</span></a> but +the only real question is whether he was born in the city of Genoa or in +some neighbouring village within the boundaries of the Genoese republic. +It is easy to understand how doubt has arisen on this point, if we trace +the changes of residence of his family. The grandfather of Columbus +seems to have been Giovanni Colombo, of Terrarossa, an inland hamlet +some twenty miles east by north from <span class="pagenum"><a id="page347" name="page347"></a>(p. 347)</span> Genoa. Giovanni's son, +Domenico Colombo, was probably born at Terrarossa, and moved thence with +his father, somewhere between <span class="sidenote">The family of Domenico Colombo, and its changes of +residence.</span> +1430 and 1445, to Quinto al Mare, four +miles east of Genoa on the coast. All the family seem to have been +weavers. Before 1445, but how many years before is not known, Domenico +married Susanna Fontanarossa, who belonged to a family of weavers, +probably of Quezzi, four miles northeast of Genoa. Between 1448 and 1451 +Domenico, with his wife and three children, moved into the city of +Genoa, where he became the owner of a house and was duly qualified as a +citizen. In 1471 Domenico moved to Savona, thirty miles west on the +Corniche road, where he set up a weaving establishment and also kept a +tavern. He had then five children, Cristoforo, Giovanni, Bartolommeo, +Giacomo, and a daughter. Domenico lived in Savona till 1484. At that +time his wife and his son Giovanni were dead, Giacomo was an apprentice, +learning the weaver's trade, Christopher and Bartholomew had long been +domiciled in Portugal, the daughter had married a cheese merchant in +Genoa, and to that city Domenico returned in the autumn of 1484, and +lived there until his death, at a great age, in 1499 or 1500. He was +always in pecuniary difficulties, and died poor and in debt, though his +sons seem to have sent him from Portugal and Spain such money as they +could spare.<a id="footnotetag417" name="footnotetag417"></a><a href="#footnote417" title="Go to footnote 417"><span class="small">[417]</span></a></p> + +<p>The reader will observe that Christopher and his two next brothers were +born before the family <span class="pagenum"><a id="page348" name="page348"></a>(p. 348)</span> went to live in the city of Genoa. It +has hence been plausibly inferred that they were born either in Quinto +or in Terrarossa; more likely the latter, since both Christopher and +Bartholomew, as well as their father, were called, and sometimes signed +themselves, Columbus of Terrarossa.<a id="footnotetag418" name="footnotetag418"></a><a href="#footnote418" title="Go to footnote 418"><span class="small">[418]</span></a> In this opinion the most +indefatigable modern investigator, Harrisse, agrees with Las Casas.<a id="footnotetag419" name="footnotetag419"></a><a href="#footnote419" title="Go to footnote 419"><span class="small">[419]</span></a> +Nevertheless, in a solemn legal instrument executed February 22, 1498, +establishing a <i>mayorazgo</i>, or right of succession to his estates and +emoluments in the Indies, <span class="sidenote">Christopher tells us that he was born in the city of Genoa.</span> +Columbus expressly declares that he was born +in the city of Genoa: "I enjoin it upon my son, the said Don Diego, or +whoever may inherit the said <i>mayorazgo</i>, always to keep and maintain in +the City of Genoa one person of our lineage, because from thence I came +and in it I was born."<a id="footnotetag420" name="footnotetag420"></a><a href="#footnote420" title="Go to footnote 420"><span class="small">[420]</span></a> I do not see how such a definite and +positive statement, occurring in such a document, can be doubted or +explained away. It seems clear that the son was born while the parents +were dwelling either at <span class="pagenum"><a id="page349" name="page349"></a>(p. 349)</span> Terrarossa or at Quinto, but what is +to hinder our supposing that the event might have happened when the +mother was in the city on some errand or visit? The fact that +Christopher and his brother were often styled "of Terrarossa" does not +prove that they were born in that hamlet. A family moving thence to +Quinto and to Genoa would stand in much need of some such distinctive +epithet, because the name Colombo was extremely common in that part of +Italy; insomuch that the modern historian, who prowls among the archives +of those towns, must have a care lest he get hold of the wrong person, +and thus open a fresh and prolific source of confusion. This has +happened more than once.</p> + +<p>On the whole, then, it seems most probable that the Discoverer of +America was born in the city of Genoa in 1436, or not much later. Of his +childhood we know next to nothing. Las Casas tells us that he studied at +the University of Pavia and acquired a good knowledge of Latin.<a id="footnotetag421" name="footnotetag421"></a><a href="#footnote421" title="Go to footnote 421"><span class="small">[421]</span></a> +This has been doubted, as incompatible with the statement of Columbus +that he began a seafaring life at the age of fourteen. <span class="sidenote">Christopher's early years.</span> +It is clear, +however, that the earlier years of Columbus, before his departure for +Portugal, were not all spent in seafaring. Somewhere, if not at Pavia, +he not only learned Latin, but found time to study geography, with a +little astronomy and mathematics, and to become an expert draughtsman. +He seems to have gone to and fro upon the Mediterranean in merchant +voyages, now and then <span class="pagenum"><a id="page350" name="page350"></a>(p. 350)</span> taking a hand in sharp scrimmages with +Mussulman pirates.<a id="footnotetag422" name="footnotetag422"></a><a href="#footnote422" title="Go to footnote 422"><span class="small">[422]</span></a> In the intervals of this adventurous life he was +probably to be found in Genoa, earning his bread by making maps and +charts, for which there was a great and growing demand. About 1470, +having become noted for his skill in such work, he followed his younger +brother Bartholomew to Lisbon,<a id="footnotetag423" name="footnotetag423"></a><a href="#footnote423" title="Go to footnote 423"><span class="small">[423]</span></a> whither Prince Henry's <span class="pagenum"><a id="page351" name="page351"></a>(p. 351)</span> +undertakings had attracted able navigators and learned geographers until +that city had come to be the chief centre of nautical science in Europe. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page352" name="page352"></a>(p. 352)</span> Las Casas assures us that Bartholomew was quite equal to +<span class="sidenote">Christopher and Bartholomew at Lisbon.</span> +Christopher as a sailor, and surpassed him in the art of making maps and +globes, as well as in the beauty of his handwriting.<a id="footnotetag424" name="footnotetag424"></a><a href="#footnote424" title="Go to footnote 424"><span class="small">[424]</span></a> In Portugal, +as before in Italy, the work of the brothers Columbus was an alternation +of map-making on land and adventure on the sea. We have Christopher's +own word for it that he sailed with more than one of those Portuguese +expeditions down the African coast;<a id="footnotetag425" name="footnotetag425"></a><a href="#footnote425" title="Go to footnote 425"><span class="small">[425]</span></a> and I think it not altogether +unlikely that he may have been with Santarem and Escobar in their famous +voyage of 1471.</p> + +<p>He had not been long in Portugal before he found a wife. We have already +met the able Italian navigator, Bartholomew Perestrelo, who was sent by +Prince Henry to the island of Porto Santo with Zarco and Vaz, about +1425. In recognition of eminent services Prince Henry afterwards, in +1446, <span class="sidenote">Philippa Moñiz de Perestrelo.</span> +appointed him governor of Porto Santo. Perestrelo died in 1457, +leaving a widow (his second wife, Isabella Moñiz) and a charming +daughter Philippa,<a id="footnotetag426" name="footnotetag426"></a><a href="#footnote426" title="Go to footnote 426"><span class="small">[426]</span></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page353" name="page353"></a>(p. 353)</span> whom Columbus is said to have first +met at a religious service in the chapel of the convent of All Saints at +Lisbon. From the accounts of his personal appearance, given by Las Casas +and others who knew him, we can well understand how Columbus should have +won the heart of this lady, so far above him at that time in social +position. He was a man of noble and commanding presence, tall and +powerfully built, <span class="sidenote">Personal appearance of Columbus.</span> +with fair ruddy complexion and keen blue-gray eyes +that easily kindled; while his waving white hair must have been quite +picturesque. His manner was at once courteous and cordial and his +conversation charming, so that strangers were quickly won, and in +friends who knew him well he inspired strong affection and respect.<a id="footnotetag427" name="footnotetag427"></a><a href="#footnote427" title="Go to footnote 427"><span class="small">[427]</span></a> +There was an indefinable air of authority about him, as befitted a man +of great heart and lofty thoughts.<a id="footnotetag428" name="footnotetag428"></a><a href="#footnote428" title="Go to footnote 428"><span class="small">[428]</span></a> Out of those kindling eyes +looked a grand and poetic soul, touched with that divine spark of +religious enthusiasm which makes true genius.</p> + +<p>The acquaintance between Columbus and Philippa Moñiz de Perestrelo was +not long in ripening into affection, for they were married in 1473. As +there was a small estate at <span class="sidenote">His marriage, and life upon the island of Porto Santo.</span> +Porto Santo, Columbus went home thither with +his bride to live for a while in quiet and seclusion. Such repose we may +believe to have been <span class="pagenum"><a id="page354" name="page354"></a>(p. 354)</span> favourable to meditation, and on that +little island, three hundred miles out on the mysterious ocean, we are +told that the great scheme of sailing westward to the Indies first took +shape in the mind of Columbus.<a id="footnotetag429" name="footnotetag429"></a><a href="#footnote429" title="Go to footnote 429"><span class="small">[429]</span></a> His father-in-law Perestrelo had +left a quantity of sailing charts and nautical notes, and these Columbus +diligently studied, while ships on their way to and from Guinea every +now and then stopped at the island, and one can easily imagine the eager +discussions that must have been held over the great commercial problem +of the age,—how far south that African coast extended and whether there +was any likelihood of ever finding an end to it.</p> + +<p>How long Columbus lived upon Porto Santo is not known, but he seems to +have gone from time to time back to Lisbon, and at length to have made +his home—or in the case of such a rover we might better say his +headquarters—in that city. We come now to a document of supreme +importance for our narrative. Paolo del Pozzo dei Toscanelli, born at +Florence in 1397, was one of the most famous astronomers and +cosmographers of his time, a man to whom it was natural that questions +involving the size and shape of the earth <span class="pagenum"><a id="page355" name="page355"></a>(p. 355)</span> should be referred. +To him Alfonso V. of Portugal made application, through a gentleman of +the royal household, <span class="sidenote">Alfonso V. asks advice of the great astronomer Toscanelli.</span> +Fernando Martinez, who happened to be an old friend +of Toscanelli. What Alfonso wanted to know was whether there could be a +shorter oceanic route to the Indies than that which his captains were +seeking by following the African coast; if so, he begged that Toscanelli +would explain the nature and direction of such a route. The Florentine +astronomer replied with the letter presently to be quoted in full, dated +June 25, 1474; and along with the letter he sent to the king a sailing +chart, exhibiting his conception of the Atlantic ocean, with Europe on +the east and Cathay on the west. The date of this letter is eloquent. It +was early in 1472 that Santarem and Escobar brought back to Lisbon the +news that beyond the Gold Coast the African shore turned southwards and +stretched away in that direction beyond the equator. As I have already +observed, this was the moment when the question as to the possibility of +a shorter route was likely to arise;<a id="footnotetag430" name="footnotetag430"></a><a href="#footnote430" title="Go to footnote 430"><span class="small">[430]</span></a> and this is precisely the +question we find the king of Portugal putting to Toscanelli some time +before the middle of 1474. Now about this same time, or not long +afterwards, we find Columbus himself appealing to Toscanelli. An aged +Florentine merchant, Lorenzo Giraldi, then settled in Lisbon, was going +back to his native city for a visit, and to him Columbus entrusted a +letter for the eminent astronomer. He received the following answer:</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page356" name="page356"></a>(p. 356)</span> +<p>"Paul, the physicist, to Christopher Columbus greeting.<a id="footnotetag431" name="footnotetag431"></a><a href="#footnote431" title="Go to footnote 431"><span class="small">[431]</span></a> I perceive +your great and noble desire to go to the place where the spices grow; +<span class="sidenote">Toscanelli's first letter to Columbus.</span> +wherefore in reply to a letter of yours, I send you a copy of another +letter, which I wrote a few days ago [or some time ago] to a friend of +mine, a gentleman of the household of the most gracious king of Portugal +before the wars of Castile,<a id="footnotetag432" name="footnotetag432"></a><a href="#footnote432" title="Go to footnote 432"><span class="small">[432]</span></a> in reply to another, which by command +of His Highness he wrote me concerning that matter: and I send you +another sailing chart, similar to the one I sent him, by which your +demands will be satisfied. The copy of that letter of mine is as +follows:—</p> + +<p>"'Paul, the physicist, to Fernando Martinez, canon, at Lisbon, +greeting.<a id="footnotetag433" name="footnotetag433"></a><a href="#footnote433" title="Go to footnote 433"><span class="small">[433]</span></a> I was glad to hear <span class="pagenum"><a id="page357" name="page357"></a>(p. 357)</span> of your intimacy and favour +with your most noble and illustrious king. +<span class="sidenote">Toscanelli's copy of his former letter to Martinez—enclosed +in his first letter to Columbus.</span> +I have formerly spoken with +you about a shorter route to the places of Spices by ocean navigation +than that which you are pursuing by Guinea. The most gracious king now +desires from me some statement, or rather an exhibition to the eye, so +that even slightly educated persons can grasp and comprehend that route. +Although I am well aware that this can be proved from the spherical +shape of the earth, nevertheless, in order to make the point clearer and +to facilitate the enterprise, I have decided to exhibit that route by +means of a sailing chart. I therefore send to his majesty a chart made +by my own hands,<a id="footnotetag434" name="footnotetag434"></a><a href="#footnote434" title="Go to footnote 434"><span class="small">[434]</span></a> upon which are laid down your coasts, and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page358" name="page358"></a>(p. 358)</span> the islands from which you must begin to shape your course +steadily westward, and the places at which you are bound to arrive, and +how far from the pole or from the equator you ought to keep away, and +through how much space or through how many miles you are to arrive at +places most fertile in all sorts of spices and gems; and do not wonder +at my calling <i>west</i> the parts where the spices are, whereas they are +commonly called <i>east</i>, because to persons sailing persistently westward +those parts will be found by courses on the under side of the earth. For +if [you go] by land and by routes on this upper side, they will always +be found in the east. The straight lines drawn lengthwise upon the map +indicate distance from east to west, while the transverse lines show +distances from south to north. I have drawn upon the map various places +upon which you may come, for the better information of the navigators in +case of their arriving, whether through accident of wind or what not, at +some different place from what they had expected; but partly in order +that they may show the inhabitants that they have some knowledge of +their country, which is sure to be a pleasant thing. It is said that +none but merchants dwell in the islands.<a id="footnotetag435" name="footnotetag435"></a><a href="#footnote435" title="Go to footnote 435"><span class="small">[435]</span></a> For so great there is the +number of navigators with their merchandise that in all the rest of the +world there are not so many as in one very splendid port called +Zaiton.<a id="footnotetag436" name="footnotetag436"></a><a href="#footnote436" title="Go to footnote 436"><span class="small">[436]</span></a> For they say that a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page359" name="page359"></a>(p. 359)</span> hundred great ships of pepper +unload in that port every year, besides other ships bringing other +spices. That country is very populous and very rich, with a multitude of +provinces and kingdoms and cities without number, under one sovereign +who is called the Great Khan, which name signifies King of Kings, whose +residence is for the most part in the province of Cathay. His +predecessors two hundred years ago desired an alliance with Christendom; +they sent to the pope and asked for a number of persons learned in the +faith, that they might be enlightened; but those who were sent, having +encountered obstacles on the way, returned.<a id="footnotetag437" name="footnotetag437"></a><a href="#footnote437" title="Go to footnote 437"><span class="small">[437]</span></a> Even in the time of +Eugenius<a id="footnotetag438" name="footnotetag438"></a><a href="#footnote438" title="Go to footnote 438"><span class="small">[438]</span></a> there came one to Eugenius and made a declaration +concerning their great goodwill toward Christians, and I had a long talk +with him about many things, about the great size of their royal palaces +and the remarkable length and breadth of their rivers, and the multitude +of cities on the banks of the rivers, such that on one river there are +about two hundred cities, with marble bridges very long and wide and +everywhere adorned with columns. This country is worth seeking by the +Latins, not only because great treasures may be obtained from it,—gold, +silver, and all sorts of jewels and spices,—but on account of its +learned men, philosophers, and skilled astrologers, and [in order that +we may see] with what arts and devices so powerful and splendid a +province is governed, and also [how] they conduct their wars. This for +some sort of answer <span class="pagenum"><a id="page360" name="page360"></a>(p. 360)</span> to his request, so far as haste and my +occupations have allowed, ready in future to make further response to +his royal majesty as much as he may wish. Given at Florence 25th June, +1474.'</p> + +<p>"From<a id="footnotetag439" name="footnotetag439"></a><a href="#footnote439" title="Go to footnote 439"><span class="small">[439]</span></a> +the city of Lisbon due west there are 26 spaces marked on the +map, <span class="sidenote">Conclusion of Toscanelli's first letter to Columbus.</span> +each of which contains 250 miles, as far as the very great and +splendid city of Quinsay.<a id="footnotetag440" name="footnotetag440"></a><a href="#footnote440" title="Go to footnote 440"><span class="small">[440]</span></a> For it is a hundred miles in +circumference and has ten bridges, and its name means City of Heaven, +and many wonderful things are told about it and about the multitude of +its arts and revenues. This space is almost a third part of the whole +sphere. That city is in the province of Mangi, or near the province of +Cathay in which land is the royal residence. But from the island of +Antilia, which you know, to the very splendid island of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page361" name="page361"></a>(p. 361)</span> +Cipango<a id="footnotetag441" name="footnotetag441"></a><a href="#footnote441" title="Go to footnote 441"><span class="small">[441]</span></a> there are ten spaces. For that island abounds in gold, +pearls, and precious stones, and they cover the temples and palaces with +solid gold. So through the unknown parts of the route the stretches of +sea to be traversed are not great. Many things might perhaps have been +stated more clearly, but one who duly considers what I have said will be +able to work out the rest for himself. Farewell, most esteemed one."</p> + +<p>Some time after the receipt of this letter Columbus wrote again to +Toscanelli, apparently sending him either some charts of his own, or +some notes, or something bearing upon the subject in hand. No such +letter is preserved, but Toscanelli replied as follows:—</p> + +<p>"Paul, the physicist, to Christopher Columbus greeting.<a id="footnotetag442" name="footnotetag442"></a><a href="#footnote442" title="Go to footnote 442"><span class="small">[442]</span></a> I have +received your letters, with the things which you sent me, for which I +thank you very much. <span class="sidenote">Toscanelli's second letter to Columbus.</span> +I regard as noble and grand your project of sailing +from east to west according to the indications furnished by the map +which I sent you, and which would appear still more plainly upon a +sphere. I am much pleased to see that I have been well understood, and +that the voyage has become not only possible <span class="pagenum"><a id="page362" name="page362"></a>(p. 362)</span> but certain,<a id="footnotetag443" name="footnotetag443"></a><a href="#footnote443" title="Go to footnote 443"><span class="small">[443]</span></a> +fraught with honour as it must be, and inestimable gain, and most lofty +fame among all Christian people. You cannot take in all that it means +except by actual experience, or without such copious and accurate +information as I have had from eminent and learned men who have come +from those places to the Roman court, and from merchants who have traded +a long time in those parts, persons whose word is to be believed +(<i>persone di grande autorità</i>). When that voyage shall be accomplished, +it will be a voyage to powerful kingdoms, and to cities and provinces +most wealthy and noble, abounding in all sorts of things most desired by +us; I mean, with all kinds of spices and jewels in great abundance. It +will also be advantageous for those kings and princes who are eager to +have dealings and make alliances with the Christians of our countries, +and to learn from the erudite men of these parts,<a id="footnotetag444" name="footnotetag444"></a><a href="#footnote444" title="Go to footnote 444"><span class="small">[444]</span></a> as well in +religion as in all other branches of knowledge. For these reasons, and +many others that might be mentioned, I do not wonder that you, who are +of great courage, and the whole Portuguese nation, which has always had +men distinguished in all such enterprises, are now inflamed with +desire<a id="footnotetag445" name="footnotetag445"></a><a href="#footnote445" title="Go to footnote 445"><span class="small">[445]</span></a> to execute the said voyage."</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page363" name="page363"></a>(p. 363)</span> + +<p>These letters are intensely interesting, especially the one to Martinez, +which reveals the fact that as early as 1474 the notion that a westward +route to the Indies would be shorter than the southward route had +somehow been suggested to Alfonso V.; <span class="sidenote">Who first suggested the feasibleness of a westward +route? Was it Columbus?</span> +and had, moreover, sufficiently +arrested his attention to lead him to make inquiries of the most eminent +astronomer within reach. Who could have suggested this notion to the +king of Portugal? Was it Columbus, the trained mariner and map-maker, +who might lately have been pondering the theories of Ptolemy and Mela as +affected by the voyage of Santarem and Escobar, and whose connection +with the Moñiz and Perestrelo families would now doubtless facilitate +his access to the court? On some accounts this may seem probable, +especially if we bear in mind Columbus's own statement implying that his +appeals to the crown dated almost from the beginning of his fourteen +years in Portugal.</p> + +<p>All the circumstances, however, seem to be equally consistent with the +hypothesis that the first suggestion of the <span class="sidenote">Perhaps it was Toscanelli.</span> +westward route may have come +from Toscanelli himself, through the medium of the canon Martinez, who +had for so many years been a member of King Alfonso's household. The +words at the beginning of the letter lend some probability to this view: +"I have formerly spoken with you about a shorter route to the places of +Spices by <span class="pagenum"><a id="page364" name="page364"></a>(p. 364)</span> ocean navigation than that which you are pursuing by +Guinea." It was accordingly earlier than 1474—how much earlier does not +appear—that such discussions between Toscanelli and Martinez must +probably have come to the ears of King Alfonso; and now, very likely +owing to the voyage of Santarem and Escobar, that monarch began to think +it worth while to seek for further information, "an exhibition to the +eye," so that mariners not learned in astronomy like Toscanelli might +"grasp and comprehend" the shorter route suggested. It is altogether +probable that the Florentine astronomer, who was seventy-seven years old +when he wrote this letter, had already for a long time entertained the +idea of a westward route; and a man in whom the subject aroused so much +enthusiasm could hardly have been reticent about it. It is not likely +that Martinez was the only person to whom he descanted<a id="footnotetag446" name="footnotetag446"></a><a href="#footnote446" title="Go to footnote 446"><span class="small">[446]</span></a> upon the +glory <span class="pagenum"><a id="page365" name="page365"></a>(p. 365)</span> and riches to be found by sailing "straight to Cathay," +and there were many channels through which Columbus might have got some +inkling of his views, even before going to Portugal.</p> + +<p>However this may have been, the letter clearly proves that at that most +interesting period, in or about 1474, Columbus was already meditating +upon the westward route.<a id="footnotetag447" name="footnotetag447"></a><a href="#footnote447" title="Go to footnote 447"><span class="small">[447]</span></a> Whether he owed the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page366" name="page366"></a>(p. 366)</span> idea to +Toscanelli, or not, is a question of no great <span class="sidenote">The idea was suggested by the globular form of the earth;</span> +importance so far as +concerns his own originality; for the idea was already in the air. The +originality of Columbus did not consist in his conceiving the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page367" name="page367"></a>(p. 367)</span> +possibility of reaching the shores of Cathay by sailing west, but in his +conceiving it in such distinct <span class="pagenum"><a id="page368" name="page368"></a>(p. 368)</span> and practical shape as to be +ready to make the adventure in his own person. As a matter of theory the +possibility of such a voyage could not fail to be suggested by the +globular form of the earth; and ever since the days of Aristotle that +had been generally admitted by men learned in physical science. +Aristotle proved, from the different altitudes of the pole-star in +different places, that the earth must necessarily be a globe. Moreover, +says Aristotle, "some stars are seen in Egypt or at Cyprus, but are not +seen in the countries to the north of these; and the stars that in the +north are visible while they make a complete circuit, there undergo a +setting. So that from this it is manifest, not only that the form of the +earth is round, but also that it is part of not a very large sphere; for +otherwise the difference would not be so obvious to persons making so +small a change of place. Wherefore we may judge that <i>those persons who +connect the region in the neighbourhood of the Pillars of Hercules with +that towards India, and who assert that in this way the sea is</i> <span class="smcap">ONE</span>, do +not assert things very improbable."<a id="footnotetag448" name="footnotetag448"></a><a href="#footnote448" title="Go to footnote 448"><span class="small">[448]</span></a> It <span class="pagenum"><a id="page369" name="page369"></a>(p. 369)</span> thus appears that +more than eighteen centuries before <span class="sidenote">and was as old as Aristotle.</span> +Columbus took counsel of Toscanelli, +"those persons" to whom Aristotle alludes were discussing, as a matter +of theory, this same subject. Eratosthenes held that it would be easy +enough to sail from Spain to India on the same parallel were it not for +the vast extent of the Atlantic ocean.<a id="footnotetag449" name="footnotetag449"></a><a href="#footnote449" title="Go to footnote 449"><span class="small">[449]</span></a> On the other hand, Seneca +maintained that the distance was probably not so very great, and that +with favouring winds a ship might make the voyage in a few days.<a id="footnotetag450" name="footnotetag450"></a><a href="#footnote450" title="Go to footnote 450"><span class="small">[450]</span></a> In +one of his tragedies Seneca has a striking passage<a id="footnotetag451" name="footnotetag451"></a><a href="#footnote451" title="Go to footnote 451"><span class="small">[451]</span></a> which has been +repeatedly quoted as referring to the discovery of America, and is +certainly one of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page370" name="page370"></a>(p. 370)</span> the most notable instances of prophecy on +record. There will come a time, he says, in the later years, when Ocean +shall loosen the bonds by which we have been confined, when an immense +land shall lie revealed, and <span class="sidenote">Opinions of ancient writers.</span> +Tethys shall disclose new worlds, and Thule +will no longer be the most remote of countries. In Strabo there is a +passage, less commonly noticed, which hits the truth—as we know it +to-day—even more closely. Having argued that the total length of the +Inhabited World is only about a third part of the circumference of the +earth in the temperate zone, he suggests it as possible, or even +probable, that within this space there may be another Inhabited World, +or even more than one; but such places would be inhabited by different +races of men, with whom the geographer, whose task it is to describe the +<i>known</i> world, has no concern.<a id="footnotetag452" name="footnotetag452"></a><a href="#footnote452" title="Go to footnote 452"><span class="small">[452]</span></a> Nothing could better illustrate the +philosophical character of Strabo's mind. In such speculations, so far +as his means of verification went, he was situated somewhat as we are +to-day with regard to the probable inhabitants of Venus or Mars.</p> + +<p>Early in the Christian era we are told by an <span class="pagenum"><a id="page371" name="page371"></a>(p. 371)</span> eminent Greek +astronomer that the doctrine of the earth's sphericity was accepted by +all competent persons except the Epicureans.<a id="footnotetag453" name="footnotetag453"></a><a href="#footnote453" title="Go to footnote 453"><span class="small">[453]</span></a> Among the Fathers of +the Church there was some difference of opinion; while in general they +<span class="sidenote">Opinions of Christian writers.</span> +denied the existence of human beings beyond the limits of their +Œcumene, or Inhabited World, this denial did not necessarily involve +disbelief in the globular figure of the earth.<a id="footnotetag454" name="footnotetag454"></a><a href="#footnote454" title="Go to footnote 454"><span class="small">[454]</span></a> The views of the +great mass of people, and of the more ignorant of the clergy, down to +the time of Columbus, were probably well represented in the book of +Cosmas Indicopleustes already cited.<a id="footnotetag455" name="footnotetag455"></a><a href="#footnote455" title="Go to footnote 455"><span class="small">[455]</span></a> Nevertheless among the more +enlightened clergy the views of the ancient astronomers were never quite +forgotten, and in the great revival of intellectual life in the +thirteenth century the doctrine of the earth's sphericity was again +brought prominently into the foreground. We find Dante basing upon it +the cosmical theory elaborated in his immortal poem.<a id="footnotetag456" name="footnotetag456"></a><a href="#footnote456" title="Go to footnote 456"><span class="small">[456]</span></a> +In 1267 <span class="sidenote">Roger Bacon.</span> +Roger +Bacon—stimulated, no doubt, by the reports of the ocean east of +Cathay—collected passages from ancient writers <span class="pagenum"><a id="page372" name="page372"></a>(p. 372)</span> to prove that +the distance from Spain to the eastern shores of Asia could not be very +great. Bacon's argument and citations were copied in an extremely +curious book, the "Imago Mundi," published in 1410 by the Cardinal +Pierre d'Ailly, Bishop of Cambrai, better known by the Latinized form of +his name as <span class="sidenote">The "Imago Mundi" of Petrus Alliacus.</span> +Petrus Alliacus. This treatise, which throughout the +fifteenth century enjoyed a great reputation, was a favourite book with +Columbus, and his copy of it, covered with marginal annotations in his +own handwriting, is still preserved among the priceless treasures of the +Biblioteca Colombina.<a id="footnotetag457" name="footnotetag457"></a><a href="#footnote457" title="Go to footnote 457"><span class="small">[457]</span></a> He found in it strong confirmation of his +views, and it is not impossible that the reading of it may have first +put such ideas into his head. Such a point, however, can hardly be +determined. As I have already observed, these ideas were in the air. +What Columbus did was not to originate them, but to incarnate them in +facts and breathe into them the breath of life. It was one thing to +suggest, as a theoretical <span class="pagenum"><a id="page374" name="page374"></a>(p. 374)</span> possibility, that Cathay might be +reached by sailing westward; and it was quite another thing to prove +that the enterprise was feasible with the ships and instruments then at +command.</p> + +<a id="img016" name="img016"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img016b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img016.jpg" width="400" height="653" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Annotations by Columbus.</p> +</div> + +<p>The principal consideration, of course, was the distance to be +traversed; and here Columbus was helped by an error which he shared with +many geographers of his day. He somewhat underestimated the size of the +earth, and at the same time greatly overestimated the length of Asia. +The first astronomer to calculate, by scientific methods, the +circumference of our planet at the equator was <span class="sidenote">Ancient estimates of the size of the globe and the length of +the Œcumene.</span> +Eratosthenes (<span class="smcap">B. C.</span> +276-196), and he came—all things considered—fairly near the truth; he +made it 25,200 geographical miles (of ten stadia), or about one seventh +too great. The true figure is 21,600 geographical miles, equivalent to +24,899 English statute miles.<a id="footnotetag458" name="footnotetag458"></a><a href="#footnote458" title="Go to footnote 458"><span class="small">[458]</span></a> Curiously enough, Posidonius, in +revising this calculation a century later, reduced the figure to 18,000 +miles, or about one seventh too small. The circumference in the latitude +of Gibraltar he estimated at 14,000 miles; the length of the Œcumene, +or Inhabited World, he called 7,000; the distance across the Atlantic +from the Spanish strand to the eastern shores of Asia was the other +7,000. The error of Posidonius was partially rectified by Ptolemy, who +made the equatorial circumference 20,400 geographical miles, and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page375" name="page375"></a>(p. 375)</span> the length of a degree 56.6 miles.<a id="footnotetag459" name="footnotetag459"></a><a href="#footnote459" title="Go to footnote 459"><span class="small">[459]</span></a> This estimate, in +which the error was less than one sixteenth, prevailed until modern +times. Ptolemy also supposed the Inhabited World to extend over about +half the circumference of the temperate zone, but the other half he +imagined as consisting largely of bad lands, quagmires, and land-locked +seas, instead of a vast and open ocean.<a id="footnotetag460" name="footnotetag460"></a><a href="#footnote460" title="Go to footnote 460"><span class="small">[460]</span></a></p> + +<p>Ptolemy's opinion as to the length of the Inhabited World was +considerably modified in the minds of those writers who toward the end +of the Middle Ages had been strongly impressed by the book of Marco +Polo. Among these persons was Toscanelli. <span class="sidenote">Toscanelli's calculation of the size of the earth,</span> +This excellent astronomer +calculated the earth's equatorial circumference at almost exactly the +true figure; his error was less than 124 English miles in excess. The +circumference in the latitude of Lisbon he made 26 × 250 × 3 = 19,500 +miles.<a id="footnotetag461" name="footnotetag461"></a><a href="#footnote461" title="Go to footnote 461"><span class="small">[461]</span></a> Two thirds of this figure, or 13,000 miles, he allowed +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page376" name="page376"></a>(p. 376)</span> for the length of the Œcumene, from Lisbon eastward to +Quinsay (i. e. Hang-chow), leaving 6,500 for the westward voyage from +Lisbon to Quinsay. Thus Toscanelli elongated Asia by nearly the whole +width of the Pacific ocean. His Quinsay would come about 130° W., a few +hundred miles west of the mouth of the Columbia river. Zaiton (i. e. +Chang-chow), the easternmost city in Toscanelli's China, would come not +far from the tip end of Lower California. Thus the eastern coast of +<span class="sidenote">and of the position of Cipango.</span> +Cipango, about a thousand miles east from Zaiton, would fall in the Gulf +of Mexico somewhere near the ninety-third meridian, and that island, +being over a thousand miles in length north and south, would fill up the +space between the parallel of New Orleans and that of the city of +Guatemala. The westward voyage from the Canaries to Cipango, according +to Toscanelli, would be rather more than 3,250 miles, but at a third of +the distance out he placed the imaginary island of "Antilia," with which +he seems to have supposed Portuguese sailors to be familiar.<a id="footnotetag462" name="footnotetag462"></a><a href="#footnote462" title="Go to footnote 462"><span class="small">[462]</span></a> "So +through the unknown parts of the route," said the venerable astronomer, +"the stretches of sea to be traversed are not great,"—not <span class="pagenum"><a id="page377" name="page377"></a>(p. 377)</span> +much more than 2,000 English miles, not so long as the voyage from +Lisbon to the Guinea coast.</p> + +<p>While Columbus attached great importance to these calculations and +carried Toscanelli's map with him upon his first voyage, he improved +somewhat upon the estimates of distance, and thus made his case still +more hopeful. <span class="sidenote">Columbus's opinion of the size of the globe, the length of +the Œcumene, and the width of the Atlantic ocean.</span> +Columbus was not enough of an astronomer to adopt +Toscanelli's improved measurement of the size of the earth. He accepted +Ptolemy's figure of 20,400 geographical miles for the equatorial +girth,<a id="footnotetag463" name="footnotetag463"></a><a href="#footnote463" title="Go to footnote 463"><span class="small">[463]</span></a> which would make the circumference in the latitude of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page378" name="page378"></a>(p. 378)</span> the Canaries about 18,000; and Columbus, on the strength of +sundry passages from ancient authors which he found in Alliacus (cribbed +from Roger Bacon), concluded that six sevenths of this circumference +must be occupied by the Œcumene, including Cipango, so that in order +to reach that wonderful island he would only have to sail over one +seventh, or not much more than 2,500 miles from the Canaries.<a id="footnotetag464" name="footnotetag464"></a><a href="#footnote464" title="Go to footnote 464"><span class="small">[464]</span></a> An +authority upon which he <span class="pagenum"><a id="page379" name="page379"></a>(p. 379)</span> placed great reliance in this +connection was the fourth book of <span class="sidenote">The fourth book of Esdras.</span> +Esdras, which although not a canonical +part of the Bible was approved by holy men, and which expressly +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page380" name="page380"></a>(p. 380)</span> asserted that six parts of the earth (i. e. of the length of +the Œcumene, or north temperate zone) are inhabited and only the +seventh part covered with water. From the general habit of Columbus's +mind it may be inferred that it was chiefly upon this scriptural +authority that he based his confident expectation of finding land soon +after accomplishing seven hundred leagues from the Canaries. Was it not +as good as written in the Bible that land was to be found there?</p> + +<p>Thus did Columbus arrive at his decisive conclusion, estimating the +distance across the Sea of Darkness to Japan at something less than the +figure which actually expresses the distance to the West Indies. Many a +hopeful enterprise has been ruined by errors in figuring, but this wrong +calculation <span class="pagenum"><a id="page381" name="page381"></a>(p. 381)</span> was certainly a great help to Columbus. +<span class="sidenote">Fortunate mixture of truth and error.</span> +When we +consider how difficult he found it to obtain men and ships for a voyage +supposed to be not more than 2,500 miles in this new and untried +direction, we must admit that his chances would have been poor indeed if +he had proposed to sail westward on the Sea of Darkness for nearly +12,000 miles, the real distance from the Canaries to Japan. It was a +case where the littleness of the knowledge was not a dangerous but a +helpful thing. If instead of the somewhat faulty astronomy of Ptolemy +and the very hazy notions prevalent about "the Indies," the correct +astronomy of Toscanelli had prevailed and had been joined to an accurate +knowledge of eastern Asia, Columbus would surely never have conceived +his great scheme, and the discovery of America would probably have +waited to be made by accident.<a id="footnotetag465" name="footnotetag465"></a><a href="#footnote465" title="Go to footnote 465"><span class="small">[465]</span></a> +<span class="sidenote">The whole point and purport of Columbus's scheme.</span> +The whole point of his scheme lay in +its promise of a shorter route to the Indies than that which the +Portuguese were seeking by way of Guinea. Unless it was probable that it +could furnish such a shorter route, there was no reason for such an +extraordinary enterprise.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>The years between 1474 and 1480 were not favourable for new maritime +ventures on the part of the Portuguese government. The war with Castile +absorbed the energies of Alfonso V. as well as his money, and he was +badly beaten into the bargain. About this time Columbus was writing a +treatise <span class="pagenum"><a id="page382" name="page382"></a>(p. 382)</span> on "the five habitable zones," intended to refute the +<span class="sidenote">Columbus's speculations on climate.</span> +old notions about regions so fiery or so frozen as to be inaccessible to +man. As this book is lost we know little or nothing of its views and +speculations, but it appears that in writing it Columbus utilized sundry +observations made by himself in long voyages into the torrid and arctic +zones. <span class="sidenote">His voyage to Guinea.</span> +He spent some time at the fortress of San Jorge de la Mina, on +the Gold Coast, and made a study of that equinoctial climate.<a id="footnotetag466" name="footnotetag466"></a><a href="#footnote466" title="Go to footnote 466"><span class="small">[466]</span></a> This +could not have been earlier than 1482, the year in which the fortress +was built. Five years before this he seems to have gone far in the +opposite direction. In a fragment of a letter or diary, preserved by his +son and by Las Casas, <span class="sidenote">His voyage into the Arctic ocean, 1477.</span> +he says:—"In the month of February, 1477, I +sailed a hundred leagues beyond the island of Thule, [to?] an island of +which the south part is in latitude 73°, not 63°, as some say; and it +[i. e. Thule] does not lie within Ptolemy's western boundary, but much +farther west. And to this island, which is as big as England, the +English go with their wares, especially from Bristol. When I was there +the sea was not frozen. In some places the tide rose and fell twenty-six +fathoms. It is true that the Thule mentioned by Ptolemy lies where he +says it does, and this by the moderns is called Frislanda."<a id="footnotetag467" name="footnotetag467"></a><a href="#footnote467" title="Go to footnote 467"><span class="small">[467]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page383" name="page383"></a>(p. 383)</span> + +<p>Taken as it stands this passage is so bewildering that we can hardly +suppose it to have come in just this shape from the pen of Columbus. It +looks as if it had been abridged from some diary of his by some person +unfamiliar with the Arctic seas; and I have ventured to insert in +brackets a little preposition which may perhaps help to straighten out +the meaning. By Thule Columbus doubtless means Iceland, which lies +between latitudes 64° and 67°, and it looks as if he meant to say that +he ran beyond it as far as the little island, just a hundred leagues +from Iceland and in <span class="sidenote">He may have reached Jan Mayen island,</span> +latitude 71°, since discovered by Jan Mayen in 1611. +The rest of the paragraph is more intelligible. It is true that Iceland +lies thirty degrees farther west than Ptolemy placed Thule; and that for +a century before the discovery of the Newfoundland fisheries the English +did much fishing in the waters about Iceland, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page384" name="page384"></a>(p. 384)</span> and carried +wares thither, especially from Bristol.<a id="footnotetag468" name="footnotetag468"></a><a href="#footnote468" title="Go to footnote 468"><span class="small">[468]</span></a> There can be no doubt that +by Frislanda Columbus means the Færoe <span class="sidenote">and stopped at Iceland.</span> +islands,<a id="footnotetag469" name="footnotetag469"></a><a href="#footnote469" title="Go to footnote 469"><span class="small">[469]</span></a> which do lie in the +latitude though not in the longitude mentioned by Ptolemy. As for the +voyage into the Jan Mayen waters in February, it would be dangerous but +by no means impossible.<a id="footnotetag470" name="footnotetag470"></a><a href="#footnote470" title="Go to footnote 470"><span class="small">[470]</span></a> In another letter Columbus mentions +visiting England, apparently in connection with this voyage,<a id="footnotetag471" name="footnotetag471"></a><a href="#footnote471" title="Go to footnote 471"><span class="small">[471]</span></a> and it +is highly probable that he went in an English ship from Bristol.</p> + +<p>The object of Columbus in making these long voyages to the equator and +into the polar circle was, as he tells us, to gather observations upon +climate. From the circumstance of his having made a stop at some point +in Iceland, it was conjectured by Finn Magnusson +<span class="sidenote">The hypothesis that Columbus "must have" heard and understood +the story of the Vinland voyages.</span> +that Columbus might +have learned something about Vinland which served to guide him to his +own enterprise or to encourage him in it. Starting from this suggestion, +it has been argued<a id="footnotetag472" name="footnotetag472"></a><a href="#footnote472" title="Go to footnote 472"><span class="small">[472]</span></a> that Columbus must have read the geographical +appendix to Adam of Bremen's "Ecclesiastical History;" that he must +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page385" name="page385"></a>(p. 385)</span> have understood, as we now do, the reference therein made to +Vinland; that he made his voyage to Iceland in order to obtain further +information; that he there not only heard about Vinland and other +localities mentioned in the sagas, but also mentally placed them about +where they were placed in 1837 by Professor Rafn; that, among other +things, he thus obtained a correct knowledge of the width of the +Atlantic ocean in latitude 28° N.; and that during fifteen subsequent +years of weary endeavour to obtain ships and men for his westward +voyage, he sedulously refrained from using the most convincing argument +at his command,—namely that land of continental dimensions had actually +been found (though by a very different route) in the direction which he +indicated.</p> + +<p>I have already given an explanation of the process by which Columbus +arrived at the firm belief that by sailing not more than about 2,500 +geographical miles due west from the Canaries he should reach the coast +of Japan. Every step of that explanation is sustained by documentary +evidence, and as his belief is thus completely accounted for, the +hypothesis that he may have based it upon information obtained in +Iceland is, to say the least, superfluous. We do not need it in order to +explain his actions, and accordingly his actions do not afford a +presumption in favour of it. <span class="sidenote">That hypothesis has no evidence in its favour.</span> +There is otherwise no reason, of course, +for refusing to admit that he might have obtained information in +Iceland, were there any evidence that he did. But not a scrap <span class="pagenum"><a id="page386" name="page386"></a>(p. 386)</span> +of such evidence has ever been produced. Every step in the Scandinavian +hypothesis is a pure assumption.</p> + +<p>First it is assumed that Columbus <i>must</i> have read the appendix to Adam +of Bremen's history. But really, while it is not impossible that he +should have read that <span class="sidenote">It is not probable that Columbus knew of Adam of Bremen's +allusion to Vinland,</span> +document, it is, on the whole, improbable. The +appendix was first printed in Lindenbrog's edition, published at Leyden, +in 1595. The eminent Norwegian historian, Gustav Storm, finds that in +the sixteenth century just six MSS. of Adam's works can now be traced. +Of these, two were preserved in Denmark, two in Hamburg, one had +<i>perhaps</i> already wandered southward to Leyden, and one as far as +<span class="sidenote">or that he would have understood it if he had read it.</span> +Vienna. Dr. Storm, therefore, feels sure that Columbus never saw Adam's +mention of Vinland, and pithily adds that "had Columbus known it, it +would not have been able to show him the way to the West Indies, but +perhaps to the North Pole."<a id="footnotetag473" name="footnotetag473"></a><a href="#footnote473" title="Go to footnote 473"><span class="small">[473]</span></a> From the account of this mention and +its context, which I have already given,<a id="footnotetag474" name="footnotetag474"></a><a href="#footnote474" title="Go to footnote 474"><span class="small">[474]</span></a> it is in the highest +degree improbable that if Columbus had read the passage he could have +understood it as bearing upon his own problem. There is, therefore, no +ground for the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page387" name="page387"></a>(p. 387)</span> assumption that Columbus went to Iceland in +order to make inquiries about Vinland.</p> + +<p>It may be argued that even if he did not go for such a purpose, +nevertheless when once there he could hardly have failed incidentally to +get the information. This, however, is not at all clear. Observe that +our sole authority for the journey to Iceland is the passage above +quoted at second-hand from Columbus himself; and there is nothing in it +to show whether he staid a <span class="sidenote">It is doubtful if Columbus would have stumbled upon the story +in Iceland.</span> +few hours or several weeks ashore, or met +with any one likely to be possessed of the knowledge in question. The +absence of any reference to Vinland in the Zeno narrative is an +indication that the memory of it had faded away before 1400, and it was +not distinctly and generally revived until the time of Torfæus in +1705.<a id="footnotetag475" name="footnotetag475"></a><a href="#footnote475" title="Go to footnote 475"><span class="small">[475]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page388" name="page388"></a>(p. 388)</span> + +<p>But to hear about Vinland was one thing, to be guided by it to Japan was +quite another affair. It was not the mention of timber and peltries and +Skrælings that would fire the imagination of Columbus; his dreams were +of stately cities with busy wharves where ships were laden with silks +and jewels, and of <span class="sidenote">If he had heard it, he would probably have classed +it with such tales as that of St. Brandan's isle.</span> +Oriental magnates decked out with "barbaric pearl and +gold," dwelling in pavilions of marble and jasper amid flowery gardens +in "a summer fanned with spice." The mention of Vinland was no more +likely to excite Columbus's attention than that of St. Brandan's isle or +other places supposed to lie in the western ocean. He was after higher +game.</p> + +<p>To suppose that Columbus, even had he got hold of the Saga of Eric the +Red and conned it from beginning to end, with a learned interpreter at +his elbow, could have gained from it a knowledge of the width of the +<span class="sidenote">He could not have obtained from such a source his opinion of +the width of the ocean.</span> +Atlantic ocean, is simply preposterous. It would be impossible to +extract any such knowledge from that document to-day without the aid of +our modern maps. The most diligent critical study of all the Icelandic +sources of information, with all the resources of modern scholarship, +enables us with some confidence to place Vinland somewhere between Cape +Breton and Point Judith, that is to say, somewhere between two points +distant from each other more than four degrees in latitude and more than +eleven degrees in longitude! When we have got thus far, knowing as we do +that the coast in question belongs <span class="pagenum"><a id="page389" name="page389"></a>(p. 389)</span> to the same continental +system as the West Indies, we can look at our map and pick up our pair +of compasses and measure the width of the ocean at the twenty-eighth +parallel. But it is not the mediæval document, but our modern map that +guides us to this knowledge. And yet it is innocently assumed that +Columbus, without any knowledge or suspicion of the existence of +America, and from such vague data concerning voyages made five hundred +years before his time, by men who had no means of reckoning latitude and +longitude, could have obtained his figure of 2,500 miles for the voyage +from the Canaries to Japan!<a id="footnotetag476" name="footnotetag476"></a><a href="#footnote476" title="Go to footnote 476"><span class="small">[476]</span></a> The fallacy here is that which +underlies the whole Scandinavian hypothesis and many other fanciful +geographical <span class="pagenum"><a id="page390" name="page390"></a>(p. 390)</span> speculations. It is the fallacy of projecting our +present knowledge into the past.</p> + +<p>We have next to inquire, if Columbus had heard of Vinland and +comprehended its relation to his own theory about land at the west, why +in the world should he have <span class="sidenote">If he had known and understood the Vinland story, he had the +strongest motives for proclaiming it and no motive for concealing it.</span> +concealed this valuable knowledge? The +notion seems to be that he must have kept it secret through an unworthy +desire to claim a priority in discovery to which he knew that he was not +entitled.<a id="footnotetag477" name="footnotetag477"></a><a href="#footnote477" title="Go to footnote 477"><span class="small">[477]</span></a> This is projecting our present knowledge into the past +with a vengeance. Columbus never professed to have discovered America; +he died in the belief that what he had done was to reach the eastern +shores of Asia by a shorter route than the Portuguese. If he had reason +to suppose that the Northmen had once come down from the Arctic seas to +some unknown part of the Asiatic coast, he had no motive for concealing +such a fact, but the strongest of motives for proclaiming it, inasmuch +as it would have given him the kind of inductive argument which he +sorely needed. The chief obstacle for Columbus was that for want of +tangible evidence he was obliged to appeal to men's reason with +scientific arguments. When you show things to young children they are +not content with looking; they crave a more intimate acquaintance than +the eyes alone can give, and so they reach out and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page391" name="page391"></a>(p. 391)</span> handle the +things. So when ideas are presented to grown-up men, they are apt to be +unwilling to trust to the eye of reason until it has been supplemented +by the eye of sense; and indeed in most affairs of life such caution is +wholesome. The difference between Columbus and many of the "practical" +men whom he sought to convince was that he could see with his mind's eye +solid land beyond the Sea of Darkness while they could not. To them the +ocean, like the sky, had nothing beyond, unless it might be the +supernatural world.<a id="footnotetag478" name="footnotetag478"></a><a href="#footnote478" title="Go to footnote 478"><span class="small">[478]</span></a> For while the argument from the earth's +rotundity was intelligible enough, there were few to whom, as to +Toscanelli, it was a living truth. Even of those who admitted, in +theory, that Cathay lay to the west of Europe, most deemed the distance +untraversable. Inductive proof of the existence of accessible land to +the west was thus what Columbus chiefly needed, and what he sought every +opportunity to find and produce; but it was not easy to find anything +more substantial than sailors' vague mention of driftwood of foreign +aspect or other outlandish jetsam washed up on the Portuguese +strand.<a id="footnotetag479" name="footnotetag479"></a><a href="#footnote479" title="Go to footnote 479"><span class="small">[479]</span></a> What a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page392" name="page392"></a>(p. 392)</span> godsend it would have been for Columbus if +he could have had the Vinland business to hurl at the heads of his +adversaries! If he could have said, "Five hundred years ago some +Icelanders coasted westward in the polar regions, and then coasted +southward until they reached a country beyond the ocean and about +opposite to France or Portugal; therefore that country must be Asia, and +I can reach it by striking boldly across the ocean, which will obviously +be shorter than going down by Guinea,"—if he could have said this, he +would have had precisely the unanswerable argument for lack of which his +case was waiting and suffering. In persuading men to furnish hard cash, +for his commercial enterprise, as Colonel Higginson so neatly says, "an +ounce of Vinland would have been worth a pound of cosmography."<a id="footnotetag480" name="footnotetag480"></a><a href="#footnote480" title="Go to footnote 480"><span class="small">[480]</span></a> We +may be sure that the silence of Columbus about the Norse voyages proves +that he knew nothing about them or quite failed to see their bearings +upon his own undertaking. It seems to me absolutely decisive.</p> + +<p>Furthermore, this silence is in harmony with the fact that in none of +his four voyages across the Atlantic did Columbus betray any +consciousness that there was anything for him to gain by steering toward +the northwest. If he could correctly have conceived the position of +Vinland he surely would not have conceived it as south of the fortieth +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page393" name="page393"></a>(p. 393)</span> parallel. On his first voyage he steered due west in latitude +<span class="sidenote">No trace of a thought of Vinland appears in the voyages of +Columbus.</span> +28° because Toscanelli placed Japan opposite the Canaries. When at +length some doubts began to arise and he altered his course, as we shall +hereafter see, the change was toward the southwest. His first two +voyages did not reveal to him the golden cities for which he was +looking, and when on his third and fourth voyages he tried a different +course it was farther toward the equator, not farther away from it, that +he turned his prows. Not the slightest trace of a thought of Vinland +appears in anything that he did.</p> + +<p>Finally it may be asked, if the memory of Vinland was such a living +thing in Iceland in 1477 that a visitor would be likely to be told about +it, why was it not sufficiently alive in +<span class="sidenote">Why did not Norway or Iceland utter a protest in 1493?</span> +1493 to call forth a protest +from the North? When the pope, as we shall presently see, was +proclaiming to the world that the Spanish crown was entitled to all +heathen lands and islands already discovered or to be discovered in the +ocean west of the Azores, why did not some zealous Scandinavian at once +jump up and cry out, "Look here, old Columbus, <i>we</i> discovered that +western route, you know! Stop thief!" Why was it necessary to wait more +than a hundred years longer before the affair of Vinland was mentioned +in this connection?</p> + +<p>Simply because it was not until the seventeenth century that the +knowledge of North American geography had reached such a stage of +completeness as to suggest to anybody the true significance <span class="pagenum"><a id="page394" name="page394"></a>(p. 394)</span> of +the old voyages from Greenland. That significance could not have been +understood by Leif and Thorfinn themselves, or by the compilers of +Hauks-bók and Flateyar-bók, or by any human being, until about the time +of <span class="sidenote">The idea of Vinland was not associated with the idea of +America until the seventeenth century.</span> +Henry Hudson. Not earlier than that time should we expect to find it +mentioned, and it is just then, in 1610, that we do find it mentioned by +Arngrim Jonsson, who calls Vinland "an island of <i>America</i>, in the +region of Greenland, perhaps the modern Estotilandia."<a id="footnotetag481" name="footnotetag481"></a><a href="#footnote481" title="Go to footnote 481"><span class="small">[481]</span></a> This is the +earliest glimmering of an association of the idea of Vinland with that +of America.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page395" name="page395"></a>(p. 395)</span> + +<p>The genesis of the grand scheme of Columbus has now been set forth, I +believe, with sufficient fulness. The cardinal facts are 1, that the +need for some such scheme was suggested in <span class="sidenote">Résumé of the genesis of Columbus's scheme.</span> +1471, by the discovery that +the Guinea coast extended south of the equator; 2, that by 1474 advice +had been sought from Toscanelli by the king of Portugal, and not very +long after 1474 by Columbus; 3, that upon Toscanelli's letters and map, +amended by the Ptolemaic estimate of the earth's size and by the +authority of passages quoted in the book of Alliacus (one of which was a +verse from the Apocrypha), Columbus based his firm conviction of the +feasibleness of the western route. How or by whom the suggestion of that +route was first made—whether by Columbus himself or by Toscanelli or by +Fernando Martinez or, as Antonio Gallo declares, by Bartholomew +Columbus,<a id="footnotetag482" name="footnotetag482"></a><a href="#footnote482" title="Go to footnote 482"><span class="small">[482]</span></a> or by some person in Portugal whose name we know not—it +would be difficult to decide. Neither can we fix the date when Columbus +first sought aid for his scheme from the Portuguese government. There +seems to be no good reason why he should not have been talking about it +before 1474; but the affair did not come to any kind of a climax until +after his return from Guinea, some time after <span class="sidenote">Martin Behaim's improved astrolabe.</span> +1482 and certainly not +later than 1484. It was on some accounts a favourable time. The war with +Castile was out of the way, and Martin Behaim had just invented an +improved astrolabe which <span class="pagenum"><a id="page396" name="page396"></a>(p. 396)</span> made it ever so much easier to find +and keep one's latitude at sea. It was in 1484 that Portuguese +discoveries took a fresh start after a ten years' lull, and Diego Cam, +with the learned Behaim and his bran-new astrolabe on board, was about +to sail a thousand miles farther south than white men had ever gone +before. About this time the scheme of Columbus was formally referred by +King John II. to the junto of learned cosmographers from whom the crown +had been wont to seek advice. The project was condemned as +"visionary,"<a id="footnotetag483" name="footnotetag483"></a><a href="#footnote483" title="Go to footnote 483"><span class="small">[483]</span></a> as indeed it was,—the outcome of vision that saw +farther than those men could see. But the king, who had some of his +uncle Prince Henry's love for bold enterprises, was more hospitably +inclined toward the ideas of <span class="sidenote">Negotiations of Columbus with John II. of Portugal.</span> +Columbus, and he summoned a council of the +most learned men in the kingdom to discuss the question.<a id="footnotetag484" name="footnotetag484"></a><a href="#footnote484" title="Go to footnote 484"><span class="small">[484]</span></a> In this +council the new scheme found some defenders, while others correctly +urged that Columbus must be wrong in supposing Asia to extend so far to +the east, and it must be a much longer voyage than he supposed to +Cipango and Cathay,<a id="footnotetag485" name="footnotetag485"></a><a href="#footnote485" title="Go to footnote 485"><span class="small">[485]</span></a> Others <span class="pagenum"><a id="page397" name="page397"></a>(p. 397)</span> argued that the late war had +impoverished the country, and that the enterprises on the African coast +were all that the treasury could afford. Here the demands of Columbus +were of themselves an obstacle to his success. He never at any time held +himself cheap,<a id="footnotetag486" name="footnotetag486"></a><a href="#footnote486" title="Go to footnote 486"><span class="small">[486]</span></a> and the rewards and honours for which he insisted on +stipulating were greater than the king of Portugal felt inclined to +bestow upon a plain Genoese mariner. It was felt that if the enterprise +should prove a failure, as very likely it would, the less heartily the +government should have committed itself to it beforehand, the less it +would expose itself to ridicule. King John was not in general disposed +toward unfair and dishonest dealings, but on this occasion, after much +parley, he was persuaded to sanction a proceeding <span class="pagenum"><a id="page398" name="page398"></a>(p. 398)</span> quite +unworthy of him. Having obtained <span class="sidenote">A shabby trick.</span> +Columbus's sailing plans, he sent out a +ship secretly, to carry some goods to the Cape Verde islands, and then +to try the experiment of the westward voyage. If there should turn out +to be anything profitable in the scheme, this would be safer and more +frugal than to meet the exorbitant demands of this ambitious foreigner. +So it was done; but the pilots, having no grand idea to urge them +forward, lost heart before the stupendous expanse of waters that +confronted them, and beat an ignominious retreat to Lisbon; <span class="sidenote">Columbus leaves Portugal,</span> +whereupon +Columbus, having been informed of the trick,<a id="footnotetag487" name="footnotetag487"></a><a href="#footnote487" title="Go to footnote 487"><span class="small">[487]</span></a> departed in high +dudgeon, to lay his proposals before the crown of Castile. He seems to +have gone rather suddenly, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page399" name="page399"></a>(p. 399)</span> leaving his wife, who died shortly +after, and one or two children who must also have died, for he tells us +that he never saw them again. But his son Diego, aged perhaps four or +five years, he took with him as far as the town of Huelva, near the +little port of Palos in Andalusia, where he left him with one of his +wife's sisters, who had married a man of that town named Muliar.<a id="footnotetag488" name="footnotetag488"></a><a href="#footnote488" title="Go to footnote 488"><span class="small">[488]</span></a> +This arrival in Spain was probably late in the autumn of 1484, and +Columbus seems to have entered into the service of <span class="sidenote">and enters the service of the Spanish sovereigns, 1486.</span> +Ferdinand and +Isabella January 20, 1486. What he was doing in the interval of rather +more than a year is not known. There is a very doubtful tradition +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page400" name="page400"></a>(p. 400)</span> that he tried to interest the republic of Genoa in his +enterprise,<a id="footnotetag489" name="footnotetag489"></a><a href="#footnote489" title="Go to footnote 489"><span class="small">[489]</span></a> and a still more doubtful rumour that he afterwards +made proposals to the Venetian senate.<a id="footnotetag490" name="footnotetag490"></a><a href="#footnote490" title="Go to footnote 490"><span class="small">[490]</span></a> If these things ever +happened, there was time enough for them in this year, and they can +hardly be assigned to any later period. In 1486 we find Columbus at +Cordova, where the sovereigns were holding court. He was unable to +effect anything until he had gained the ear of Isabella's finance +minister Alonso de Quintanilla, who had a mind hospitable to large +ideas. The two sovereigns had scarcely time to attend to such things, +for there was a third king in Spain, the Moor at Granada, whom there now +seemed a fair prospect of driving to Africa, and thus ending the +struggle that had lasted with few intermissions for nearly eight +centuries. The final war with Granada had been going on since the end of +1481, and considering how it weighed upon the minds of Ferdinand and +Isabella it is rather remarkable that cosmography got any hearing at +all. The affair was referred to the queen's confessor Fernando de +Talavera, whose first impression was that if what Columbus said was +true, it was very strange that other geographers should have failed to +know all about it long ago. Ideas of evolution had not yet begun to +exist in those days, and it was thought that what the ancients did not +know was not worth <span class="pagenum"><a id="page401" name="page401"></a>(p. 401)</span> knowing. Toward the end of 1486 the Spanish +sovereigns were at Salamanca, and <span class="sidenote">The junto at Salamanca.</span> +Talavera referred the question to a +junto of learned men, including professors of the famous +university.<a id="footnotetag491" name="footnotetag491"></a><a href="#footnote491" title="Go to footnote 491"><span class="small">[491]</span></a> There was no lack of taunt and ridicule, and a whole +arsenal of texts from Scripture and the Fathers were discharged at +Columbus, but it is noticeable that quite a number were inclined to +think that his scheme might be worth trying, and that some of his most +firmly convinced supporters were priests. No decision had been reached +when the sovereigns started on the Malaga campaign in the spring of +1487.</p> + +<p>After the surrender of Malaga in August, 1487, Columbus visited the +court in that city. For a year or more after that time silken chains +seem to have bound him to Cordova. He had formed a connection with a +lady of noble family, <span class="sidenote">Birth of Ferdinand Columbus, Aug. 15, 1488.</span> +Beatriz Enriquez de Arana, who gave birth to his +son Ferdinand on the 15th of August, 1488.<a id="footnotetag492" name="footnotetag492"></a><a href="#footnote492" title="Go to footnote 492"><span class="small">[492]</span></a> Shortly after this +event, Columbus made a visit to Lisbon, in all probability for <span class="pagenum"><a id="page402" name="page402"></a>(p. 402)</span> +the purpose of meeting his brother <span class="sidenote">Bartholomew Columbus returns from the Cape of Good Hope, Dec, +1487.</span> +Bartholomew, who had returned in the +last week of December, 1487, in the Dias expedition, with the proud news +of the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope,<a id="footnotetag493" name="footnotetag493"></a><a href="#footnote493" title="Go to footnote 493"><span class="small">[493]</span></a> which was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page403" name="page403"></a>(p. 403)</span> +rightly believed to be the extremity of Africa; and we can well +understand how Christopher, on seeing the success of Prince Henry's +method of reaching the Indies so nearly vindicated, must have become +more impatient than ever to prove the superiority of his own method. It +was probably not long <span class="pagenum"><a id="page404" name="page404"></a>(p. 404)</span> after Bartholomew's return that +Christopher determined to go and see him, for he applied to King John +II. for a kind of safe-conduct, which was duly granted March 20, 1488. +This document<a id="footnotetag494" name="footnotetag494"></a><a href="#footnote494" title="Go to footnote 494"><span class="small">[494]</span></a> guarantees Christopher against arrest or arraignment +or detention on any charge civil or criminal whatever, during his stay +in Portugal, and commands all magistrates in that kingdom to respect it. +From this it would seem probable that in the eagerness of his +geographical speculations he had neglected his business affairs and left +debts behind him in Portugal for which he was liable to be arrested. +<span class="sidenote">Christopher visits Bartholomew at Lisbon, cir. Sept., 1488;</span> +The +king's readiness to grant the desired privilege seems to indicate that +he may have cherished a hope of regaining the services of this +accomplished chart-maker and mariner. Christopher did not avail himself +of the privilege until late in the summer,<a id="footnotetag495" name="footnotetag495"></a><a href="#footnote495" title="Go to footnote 495"><span class="small">[495]</span></a> and it is only fair to +suppose that he waited for the birth of his child and some assurance of +its mother's safety. On meeting Bartholomew he evidently set him to work +forthwith in <span class="sidenote">and sends him to England.</span> +making overtures to the courts of England and France. It +was natural enough that Bartholomew should first set out for Bristol, +where old shipmates and acquaintances were sure to be found. It appears +that on the way he was captured by pirates, and thus some delay was +occasioned before he arrived in London <span class="pagenum"><a id="page405" name="page405"></a>(p. 405)</span> and showed the king a +map, probably similar to Toscanelli's and embellished with quaint Latin +verses. <span class="sidenote">Bartholomew, after mishaps, reaches England cir. Feb., 1490;</span> +An entry on this map informs us that it was made by Bartholomew +Columbus in London, February 10, 1488, which I think should be read 1489 +or even 1490, so we may suppose it to have been about that time or +perhaps later that he approached the throne.<a id="footnotetag496" name="footnotetag496"></a><a href="#footnote496" title="Go to footnote 496"><span class="small">[496]</span></a> Henry VII. was +intelligent enough <span class="pagenum"><a id="page406" name="page406"></a>(p. 406)</span> to see the bearings of Bartholomew's +arguments, and at the same time, as a good man of business, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page407" name="page407"></a>(p. 407)</span> he +was likely to be cautious about investing money in remote or doubtful +enterprises. What arguments were used we do not know, but the spring of +1492 had arrived before any decisive answer had been given. <span class="sidenote">and goes thence to France before 1492.</span> +Meanwhile +Bartholomew had made his way to France, and found a powerful protector +in a certain Madame de Bourbon,<a id="footnotetag497" name="footnotetag497"></a><a href="#footnote497" title="Go to footnote 497"><span class="small">[497]</span></a> while he made maps for <span class="pagenum"><a id="page408" name="page408"></a>(p. 408)</span> +people at the court and waited to see if there were any chances of +getting help from Charles VIII.</p> + +<p>As for Christopher Columbus, we find him back in Spain again, in May, +1489, attending court at Cordova. In the following autumn there was much +suffering in Spain from floods and famine,<a id="footnotetag498" name="footnotetag498"></a><a href="#footnote498" title="Go to footnote 498"><span class="small">[498]</span></a> and the sovereigns were +too busy with the Moorish war to give ear to Columbus. It was no time +for new undertakings, and the weary suitor began to think seriously of +going in person to the French court. First, however, he thought it worth +while to make an attempt to get private capital enlisted in his +enterprise, and in the Spain of that day such private capital meant a +largess from some wealthy grandee. Accordingly about Christmas of 1489, +after the Beza campaign in which Columbus is said to have fought with +distinguished valour,<a id="footnotetag499" name="footnotetag499"></a><a href="#footnote499" title="Go to footnote 499"><span class="small">[499]</span></a> he seems to have applied to the most powerful +nobleman in Spain, the Duke of Medina-Sidonia, but without success. But +at the hands of <span class="sidenote">The Duke of Medina-Celi proposes to furnish the ships for +Columbus,</span> +Luis de la Cerda, Duke of Medina-Celi, he met with more +encouragement than he had as yet found in any quarter. That nobleman +entertained Columbus most hospitably at his castle at Puerto de Santa +Maria for nearly two years, until the autumn of 1491. He became +convinced that the scheme of Columbus was feasible, and decided to fit +up two or three caravels at his own expense, if necessary, but first he +thought it proper to ask the queen's consent, and to offer her another +chance to take part in the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page409" name="page409"></a>(p. 409)</span> enterprise.<a id="footnotetag500" name="footnotetag500"></a><a href="#footnote500" title="Go to footnote 500"><span class="small">[500]</span></a> Isabella was +probably unwilling to have the duke come in for a large share of the +profits in case the venture should prove successful. <span class="sidenote">but Isabella withholds her consent.</span> +She refused the +royal license, saying that she had not quite made up her mind whether to +take up the affair or not, but if she should decide to do so she would +be glad to have the duke take part in it.<a id="footnotetag501" name="footnotetag501"></a><a href="#footnote501" title="Go to footnote 501"><span class="small">[501]</span></a> Meanwhile she referred +the question to Alonso de Quintanilla, comptroller of the treasury of +Castile. This was in the spring of 1491, when the whole country was in a +buzz of excitement with the preparations for the siege of Granada. The +baffled Columbus visited the sovereigns in camp, but could not get them +to attend to him, and early in the autumn, thoroughly disgusted and sick +at heart, <span class="sidenote">Columbus makes up his mind to get his family together and go +to France, Oct., 1491.</span> +he made up his mind to shake the dust of Castile from his feet +and see what could be done in France. In October or November he went to +Huelva, apparently to get his son Diego, who had been left there, in +charge of his aunt. It was probably his intention to take all the family +he had—Beatriz <span class="pagenum"><a id="page410" name="page410"></a>(p. 410)</span> and her infant son Ferdinand, of whom he was +extremely fond, as well as Diego—and find a new home in either France +or England, besides ascertaining what had become of his brother +Bartholomew, from whom he had not heard a word since the latter left +Portugal for England.<a id="footnotetag502" name="footnotetag502"></a><a href="#footnote502" title="Go to footnote 502"><span class="small">[502]</span></a></p> + +<p>But now at length events took a favourable turn. Fate had grown tired of +fighting against such indomitable perseverance. For some years now the +stately figure of Columbus had been a familiar sight in the streets of +Seville and Cordova, and as he passed along, with his white hair +streaming in the breeze, and countenance aglow with intensity of purpose +or haggard with disappointment at some fresh rebuff, the ragged urchins +of the pavement tapped their foreheads and smiled with mingled wonder +and amusement at this madman. Seventeen years had elapsed since the +letter from Toscanelli to Martinez, and all that was mortal of the +Florentine astronomer had long since been laid in the grave. For +Columbus himself old age was not far away, yet he seemed no nearer the +fulfilment of his grand purpose than when he had first set it forth to +the king of Portugal. We can well imagine that when he started from +Huelva, with his little son Diego, now some eleven or twelve years old, +again to begin renewing his suit in a strange country, his thoughts must +have been sombre enough. For some reason or other—tradition says to ask +for some bread and water for his boy—he stopped at the Franciscan +monastery <span class="pagenum"><a id="page411" name="page411"></a>(p. 411)</span> of La Rábida, about half a league from Palos. The +prior, <span class="sidenote">He stops at La Rábida, and meets the prior Juan Perez.</span> +Juan Perez, who had never seen Columbus before, became greatly +interested in him and listened with earnest attention to his story. This +worthy monk, who before 1478 had been Isabella's father-confessor, had a +mind hospitable to new ideas. He sent for Garcia Fernandez, a physician +of Palos, who was somewhat versed in cosmography, and for Martin Alonso +Pinzon, a well-to-do ship-owner and trained mariner of that town, and in +the quiet of the monastery a conference was held in which Columbus +carried conviction to the minds of these new friends. Pinzon declared +himself ready to embark in the enterprise in person. <span class="sidenote">Perez writes to the queen,</span> +The venerable prior +forthwith sent a letter to the queen, and received a very prompt reply +summoning him to attend her in the camp before Granada. The result of +the interview was that within a few days Perez returned to the convent +with a purse of 20,000 maravedis (equivalent to about 1,180 dollars of +the present day), out of which Columbus bought a new suit of clothes and +a mule; <span class="sidenote">and Columbus is summoned back to court.</span> +and about the first of December he set out for the camp in +company with Juan Perez, leaving the boy Diego in charge of the priest +Martin Sanchez and a certain Rodriguez Cabejudo, upon whose sworn +testimony, together with that of the physician Garcia Fernandez, some +years afterward, several of these facts are related.<a id="footnotetag503" name="footnotetag503"></a><a href="#footnote503" title="Go to footnote 503"><span class="small">[503]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page412" name="page412"></a>(p. 412)</span> + +<p>At once upon the arrival of Columbus in the camp before Granada, his +case was argued then <span class="pagenum"><a id="page413" name="page413"></a>(p. 413)</span> and there before an assembly of learned +men and was received more hospitably than formerly, at Salamanca. +<span class="sidenote">The junto before Granada, Dec, 1491.</span> +Several eminent prelates had come to think favourably of his project or +to deem it at least worth a trial. Among these were the royal +confessors, Deza and Talavera, the latter having changed his mind, and +especially Mendoza, archbishop of Toledo, who now threw his vast +influence decisively in favour of Columbus.<a id="footnotetag504" name="footnotetag504"></a><a href="#footnote504" title="Go to footnote 504"><span class="small">[504]</span></a> The treasurers of the +two kingdoms, moreover, Quintanilla for Castile and Luis de Santangel +for Aragon, were among his most enthusiastic supporters; and the result +of the conference was the queen's promise to take up the matter in +earnest as soon as the Moor should have surrendered Granada.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page414" name="page414"></a>(p. 414)</span> + +<p>Columbus had not long to wait for that great event, which came on the 2d +of January, 1492, <span class="sidenote">Surrender of Granada, Jan. 2, 1492.</span> +and was hailed with rejoicings throughout Europe as in +some sort a compensation for the loss of Constantinople. It must have +been with a manifold sense of triumph that Columbus saw the banner of +Spain unfurled to the breeze from the highest tower of the Alhambra. But +at this critical moment in his fortunes the same obstacle was +encountered that long before had broken off his negotiations with the +king of Portugal. With pride and self-confidence not an inch abated by +all these years of trial, he demanded such honours and substantial +rewards as seemed extravagant to the queen, and Talavera advised her not +to grant them. Columbus insisted upon being appointed admiral of the +ocean and viceroy of such heathen countries as he might discover, +<span class="sidenote">Columbus negotiates with the queen.</span> +besides having for his own use and behoof one eighth part of such +revenues and profits as might accrue from the expedition. In principle +this sort of remuneration did not differ from that which the crown of +Portugal had been wont to award to its eminent discoverers;<a id="footnotetag505" name="footnotetag505"></a><a href="#footnote505" title="Go to footnote 505"><span class="small">[505]</span></a> but in +amount it was liable to prove <span class="pagenum"><a id="page415" name="page415"></a>(p. 415)</span> indefinitely great, enough +perhaps to raise to princely power and rank this foreign adventurer. +Could he not be satisfied with something less? But Columbus was as +inexorable as the Sibyl with her books, and would hear of no abatement +in his price. For this "great constancy and loftiness of soul,"<a id="footnotetag506" name="footnotetag506"></a><a href="#footnote506" title="Go to footnote 506"><span class="small">[506]</span></a> Las +Casas warmly commends his friend Columbus. A querulous critic might call +it unreasonable obstinacy. But in truth the good man seems to have +entertained another grand scheme of his own, to which he wished to make +his maritime venture contribute. It was natural that his feelings toward +Turks should have been no more amiable than those of Hannibal toward the +Romans. It was the Turks who had ruined the commerce of his native +Genoa, in his youth he had more than once crossed swords with their +corsairs, and now he looked forward to the time when he might play the +part of a second Godfrey de Bouillon and deliver Jerusalem from the +miscreant followers of Mahound.<a id="footnotetag507" name="footnotetag507"></a><a href="#footnote507" title="Go to footnote 507"><span class="small">[507]</span></a> Vast resources would be needed for +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page416" name="page416"></a>(p. 416)</span> such work, and from Cipango with its gold-roofed temples, and +the nameless and numberless isles of spices that crowded the Cathayan +seas, he hoped to obtain them. Long brooding over his cherished +projects, in which chimeras were thus mixed with anticipations of +scientific truth, had imparted to his character a tinge of religious +fanaticism. He had come to regard himself as a man with a mission to +fulfil, <span class="sidenote">His terms are considered exorbitant.</span> +as God's chosen instrument for enlarging the bounds of +Christendom and achieving triumphs of untold magnificence for its +banners. In this mood he was apt to address kings with an air of +equality that ill comported with his humble origin and slender means; +and on the present occasion, if Talavera felt his old doubts and +suspicions reviving, and was more than half inclined to set Columbus +down as a mere vendor of crotchets, one can hardly wonder.</p> + +<p>The negotiations were broken off, and the indomitable enthusiast once +more prepared to go to France. He had actually started on his mule one +fine winter day, when <span class="sidenote">Interposition of Luis de Santangel.</span> +Luis de Santangel rushed into the queen's room and +spoke to her with all the passionate and somewhat reproachful energy of +one who felt that a golden opportunity was slipping away forever. His +arguments were warmly seconded by Quintanilla, who had followed him into +the room, as well as by the queen's bosom friend Beatriz de Bobadilla, +Marchioness of Moya, who happened to be sitting on the sofa and was a +devoted admirer of Columbus. An impulse seized Isabella. A courier was +sent on a fleet horse, and overtook Columbus <span class="pagenum"><a id="page417" name="page417"></a>(p. 417)</span> as he was jogging +quietly over the bridge of Pinos, about six miles out from Granada. The +matter was reconsidered and an arrangement was soon made. It was +agreed:—</p> + +<p>"1. That Columbus should have, for himself, during his life, and for his +heirs and successors forever, the <span class="sidenote">Agreement between Columbus and the sovereigns.</span> +office of admiral in all the islands +and continents which he might discover or acquire in the ocean, with +similar honours and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high admiral of +Castile in his district.</p> + +<p>"2. That he should be viceroy and governor-general over all the said +lands and continents; with the privilege of nominating three candidates +for the government of each island or province, one of whom should be +selected by the sovereigns.</p> + +<p>"3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one tenth of all +pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles +and merchandises, in whatever manner found, bought, bartered, or gained +within his admiralty, the costs being first deducted.</p> + +<p>"4. That he, or his lieutenant, should be the sole judge in all causes +and disputes arising out of traffic between those countries and Spain, +provided the high admiral of Castile had similar jurisdiction in his +district.</p> + +<p>"5. That he might then, and at all after times, contribute an eighth +part of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this enterprise, +and receive an eighth part of the profits."<a id="footnotetag508" name="footnotetag508"></a><a href="#footnote508" title="Go to footnote 508"><span class="small">[508]</span></a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page418" name="page418"></a>(p. 418)</span> Columbus was not long in finding friends to advance or promise +on his account an eighth part of the sum immediately required. A +considerable amount was assessed upon the town of Palos in punishment +for certain misdeeds or delinquencies on the part of its people or some +of them. Castile assumed the rest of the burden, though Santangel may +have advanced a million maravedis out of the treasury of Aragon, or out +of the funds of the <i>Hermandad</i>,<a id="footnotetag509" name="footnotetag509"></a><a href="#footnote509" title="Go to footnote 509"><span class="small">[509]</span></a> or perhaps more likely on his own +account.<a id="footnotetag510" name="footnotetag510"></a><a href="#footnote510" title="Go to footnote 510"><span class="small">[510]</span></a> In any case it was a loan to the treasury of Castile +simply. It was always distinctly understood <span class="pagenum"><a id="page419" name="page419"></a>(p. 419)</span> that Ferdinand as +king of Aragon had no share in the enterprise, and that the Spanish +Indies were an appurtenance to the crown of Castile. The agreement was +signed April 17, 1492, and with tears of joy Columbus vowed to devote +every maravedi that should come to him to the rescue of the Holy +Sepulchre.</p> + +<p>When he reached Palos in May, with royal orders for ships and men, there +had like to have been a riot. <span class="sidenote">Dismay at Palos.</span> +Terrible dismay was felt at the prospect +of launching out for such a voyage <span class="pagenum"><a id="page420" name="page420"></a>(p. 420)</span> upon the Sea of Darkness. +Groans and curses greeted the announcement of the forced contribution. +But Martin Pinzon and his brothers were active in supporting the crown +officials, and the work went on. To induce men to enlist, debts were +forgiven and civil actions suspended. Criminals were released from jail +on condition of serving. Three caravels were impressed into the service +of the crown for a time unlimited; and <span class="sidenote">The three famous caravels; the Santa Maria.</span> +the rent and maintenance of two +of these vessels for two months was to be paid by the town. The largest +caravel, called the Santa Maria or Capitana, belonged to Juan de La +Cosa, a Biscayan mariner whose name was soon to become famous.<a id="footnotetag511" name="footnotetag511"></a><a href="#footnote511" title="Go to footnote 511"><span class="small">[511]</span></a> He +now commanded her, with another consummate sailor, Sancho Ruiz, for his +pilot. This single-decked craft, about ninety feet in length by twenty +feet breadth of beam, was the Admiral's flag-ship. The second caravel, +called the <span class="sidenote">The Pinta.</span> +Pinta, a much swifter vessel, was commanded by Martin Pinzon. +She belonged to two citizens of Palos, Gomez Rascon and Cristobal +Quintero, who were now in her crew, sulky and ready for mischief. The +third and smallest caravel, the <span class="sidenote">The Niña.</span> +Niña ("Baby"), had for her commander +Vicente Yañez Pinzon, the youngest of the brothers, now about thirty +years of age. Neither the Pinta nor the Niña were decked amidships. On +board the three caravels were just ninety persons.<a id="footnotetag512" name="footnotetag512"></a><a href="#footnote512" title="Go to footnote 512"><span class="small">[512]</span></a> And so they +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page421" name="page421"></a>(p. 421)</span> set sail from Palos on Friday, August 3, 1492, half an hour +before sunrise, and by sunset had run due south five and forty +geographical miles, when they shifted their course a couple of points to +starboard and stood for the Canaries.</p> + +<p>No thought of Vinland is betrayed in these proceedings. Columbus was +aiming at the northern end of Cipango (Japan). Upon Toscanelli's map, +which he carried with him, the great island of Cipango extends from 5° +to about 28° north latitude. He evidently aimed at the northern end of +Cipango as being directly on the route to Zaiton (Chang-chow) and other +Chinese cities mentioned by Marco Polo. Accordingly he began by running +down to the Canaries, in order that he might sail thence due west on the +<span class="sidenote">They go to the Canaries and are delayed there.</span> +28th parallel without shifting his course by a single point until he +should see the coast of Japan looming up before him.<a id="footnotetag513" name="footnotetag513"></a><a href="#footnote513" title="Go to footnote 513"><span class="small">[513]</span></a> On this +preliminary run signs of mischief began already to show themselves. The +Pinta's rudder was broken and unshipped, and Columbus suspected her two +angry and chafing owners of having done it on purpose, in order that +they and their vessel might be left behind. The Canaries at this +juncture merited the name of Fortunate Islands; fortunately they, alone +among African islands, were Spanish, so that Columbus could stop there +and make repairs. While this was going on the sailors <span class="pagenum"><a id="page424" name="page424"></a>(p. 424)</span> were +scared out of their wits by an eruption of Teneriffe, which they deemed +an omen of evil, and it was also reported that some Portuguese caravels +were hovering in those waters, with intent to capture Columbus and carry +him off to Lisbon.</p> + +<a id="img017" name="img017"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img017b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img017.jpg" width="500" height="363" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492, Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492, +reduced to Mercator's projection.<a id="footnotetag514" name="footnotetag514"></a><a href="#footnote514" title="Go to footnote 514"><span class="small">[514]</span></a></p> +</div> + +<p>At length, on the 6th of September, they set sail from <span class="sidenote">Columbus starts for Japan, Sept. 6, 1492.</span> +Gomera, but were +becalmed and had made only thirty miles by the night of the 8th. The +breeze then freshened, and when next day the shores of Ferro, the last +of the Canaries, sank from sight on the eastern horizon, many of the +sailors loudly lamented their unseemly fate, and cried and sobbed like +children. Columbus well understood the difficulty of dealing with these +men. He provided against one chief source of discontent by keeping two +different reckonings, a true one for himself <span class="pagenum"><a id="page425" name="page425"></a>(p. 425)</span> and a false one +for his officers and crews. He was shrewd enough not to overdo it and +awaken distrust. Thus after a twenty-four hours' run of 180 miles on +September 10, he reported it as 144 miles; next day the run was 120 +miles and he announced it as 108, and so on. But for this prudent if +somewhat questionable device, it is not unlikely that the first week of +October would have witnessed a mutiny in which Columbus would have been +either thrown overboard or forced to turn back.</p> + +<p>The weather was delicious, and but for the bug-a-boos that worried those +poor sailors it would have been a most pleasant voyage. Chief among the +imaginary terrors were three which deserve especial mention. At +nightfall on September 13 the ships had crossed the magnetic line of no +variation, and Columbus was astonished to see that the compass-needle, +instead of <span class="sidenote">Deflection of the needle.</span> +pointing a little to the right of the pole-star, began to +sway toward the left, and next day this deviation increased. It was +impossible to hide such a fact from the sharp eyes of the pilots, and +all were seized with alarm at the suspicion that this witch instrument +was beginning to play them some foul trick in punishment of their +temerity; but Columbus was ready with an ingenious astronomical +explanation, and their faith in the profundity of his knowledge +prevailed over their terrors.</p> + +<p>The second alarm came on September 16, when they struck into vast +meadows of floating seaweeds and grasses, abounding in tunny fish and +crabs. They had now come more than 800 miles from <span class="pagenum"><a id="page426" name="page426"></a>(p. 426)</span> Ferro and +were entering the wonderful <span class="sidenote">The Sargasso Sea.</span> +Sargasso Sea, that region of the Atlantic +six times as large as France, where vast tangles of vegetation grow upon +the surface of water that is more than 2,000 fathoms deep, and furnish +sustenance for an untold wealth of fishy life.<a id="footnotetag515" name="footnotetag515"></a><a href="#footnote515" title="Go to footnote 515"><span class="small">[515]</span></a> To <span class="pagenum"><a id="page427" name="page427"></a>(p. 427)</span> the eye +of the mariner the Sargasso Sea presents somewhat the appearance of an +endless green prairie, but modern ships plough through it with ease and +so did the caravels of Columbus at first. After two or three days, +however, the wind being light, their progress was somewhat impeded. It +was not strange that the crews were frightened at such a sight. It +seemed uncanny and weird, and revived ancient fancies about mysterious +impassable seas and overbold mariners whose ships had been stuck fast in +them. The more practical spirits were afraid of running aground upon +submerged shoals, but all were somewhat reassured on this point when it +was found that their longest plummet-lines failed to find bottom.</p> + +<p>On September 22 the journal reports "no more grass." They were in clear +water again, and more than 1,400 geographical miles from the Canaries. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page428" name="page428"></a>(p. 428)</span> A third source of alarm had already begun to disturb the +sailors. They were discovering much more than they had bargained for. +<span class="sidenote">The trade wind.</span> +They were in the belt of the trade winds, and as the gentle but +unfailing breeze wafted them steadily westward, doubts began to arise as +to whether it would ever be possible to return. Fortunately soon after +this question began to be discussed, the wind, jealous of its character +for capriciousness even there, veered into the southwest.</p> + +<p>By September 25 the Admiral's chief difficulty had come to be the +impatience of his crews at not finding land. <span class="sidenote">Impatience of the crews.</span> +On that day there was a +mirage, or some such illusion, which Columbus and all hands supposed to +be a coast in front of them, and hymns of praise were sung, but at dawn +next day they were cruelly undeceived. Flights of strange birds and +other signs of land kept raising hopes which were presently dashed +again, and the men passed through alternately hot and cold fits of +exultation and dejection. Such mockery seemed to show that they were +entering a realm of enchantment. Somebody, perhaps one of the released +jail-birds, hinted that if a stealthy thrust should happen some night to +push the Admiral overboard, it could be plausibly said that he had +slipped and fallen while star-gazing. His situation grew daily more +perilous, and the fact that he was an Italian commanding Spaniards did +not help him. Perhaps what saved him was their vague belief in his +superior knowledge; they may have felt that they should need him in +going back.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page429" name="page429"></a>(p. 429)</span> + +<a id="img018" name="img018"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img018b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img018.jpg" width="400" height="352" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Martin Behaim's Atlantic Ocean (with outline of +American continent superimposed).</p> +</div> + +<p>By October 4 there were ominous symptoms of mutiny, and the anxiety of +Columbus was evinced in the extent of his bold understatement of that +day's run,—138 miles instead of the true figure 189. For some days his +pilots had been begging him to change his course; perhaps they had +passed between islands. Anything for a change! On the 7th at sunrise, +they had come <span class="sidenote">Change of course from W. to W. S. W.</span> +2,724 geographical miles from the Canaries, which was +farther than the Admiral's estimate of the distance to Cipango; but +according to his false statement of the runs, it appeared that they had +come scarcely 2,200 miles. This leads one to suspect that in stating the +length of the voyage, as he had so often done, at 700 leagues, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page430" name="page430"></a>(p. 430)</span> +he may have purposely made it out somewhat shorter than he really +believed it to be. But now after coming more than 2,500 miles he began +to fear that he might be sailing past Cipango on the north, and so he +shifted his course two points to larboard, or west-southwest. If a +secret knowledge of Vinland had been his guiding-star he surely would +not have turned his helm that way; but a glance at the Toscanelli map +shows what was in his mind. Numerous flights of small birds confirmed +his belief that land at the southwest was not far off. The change of +direction was probably fortunate. If he had persisted in keeping on the +parallel, 720 miles would have brought him to the coast of Florida, a +little south of Cape Malabar. After the change he had but 505 miles of +water before him, and the temper of the sailors was growing more +dangerous with every mile,<a id="footnotetag516" name="footnotetag516"></a><a href="#footnote516" title="Go to footnote 516"><span class="small">[516]</span></a>—until October 11, when the signs of +land became unmistakable, and the wildest excitement prevailed. A reward +of 10,000 maravedis had been promised to the person who should first +discover land, and ninety pair of eyes were strained that night with +looking. About ten o'clock the Admiral, standing on the tower-like poop +of his vessel, saw a distant light moving as if somebody were running +along <span class="pagenum"><a id="page431" name="page431"></a>(p. 431)</span> the shore with a torch. This interpretation was doubted, +but a few hours later a sailor on the Pinta saw land distinctly, and +soon it was visible to all, <span class="sidenote">Land ahead! Oct. 12 (N. S. 21), 1492.</span> +a long low coast about five miles distant. +This was at two in the morning of Friday, October 12,<a id="footnotetag517" name="footnotetag517"></a><a href="#footnote517" title="Go to footnote 517"><span class="small">[517]</span></a>—just ten +weeks since they had sailed from Palos, just thirty-three days since +they had lost sight of the coast of Ferro. The sails were now taken in, +and the ships lay to, awaiting the dawn.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>At daybreak the boats were lowered and Columbus, with a large part of +his company, went ashore. Upon every side were trees of unknown kinds, +and the landscape seemed exceedingly beautiful. <span class="sidenote">The crews go ashore.</span> +Confident that they must +have attained the object for which they had set sail, the crews were +wild with exultation. Their heads were dazed with fancies of princely +fortunes close at hand. The officers embraced Columbus or kissed his +hands, while the sailors threw themselves at his feet, craving pardon +and favour.</p> + +<p>These proceedings were watched with unutterable amazement and awe by a +multitude of men, women, and <span class="sidenote">The astonished natives.</span> +children of cinnamon hue, different from +any kind of people the Spaniards had ever seen. All were stark naked and +most of them were more or less greased and painted. They thought that +the ships were sea-monsters and the white men supernatural creatures +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page432" name="page432"></a>(p. 432)</span> descended from the sky.<a id="footnotetag518" name="footnotetag518"></a><a href="#footnote518" title="Go to footnote 518"><span class="small">[518]</span></a> At first they fled in terror as +these formidable beings came ashore, but presently, as they found +themselves unmolested, curiosity began to overcome fear, and they slowly +approached the Spaniards, stopping at every few paces to prostrate +themselves in adoration. After a time, as the Spaniards received them +with encouraging nods and smiles, they waxed bold enough to come close +to the visitors and pass their hands over them, doubtless to make sure +that all this marvel was a reality and not a mere vision. Experiences in +Africa had revealed the eagerness of barbarians to trade off their +possessions for trinkets, and now the Spaniards began exchanging glass +beads and hawks' bells for cotton yarn, tame parrots, and small gold +ornaments. Some sort of conversation in dumb show went on, and Columbus +naturally interpreted everything in such wise as to fit his theories. +Whether the natives understood him or not when he asked them where they +got their gold, at any rate they pointed to the south, and thus +confirmed Columbus in his suspicion that he had come to some island a +little to the north of the opulent Cipango. <span class="sidenote">Guanahani: where was it?</span> +He soon found that it was a +small island, and he understood the name of it to be Guanahani. He took +formal possession of it for Castile, just as the discoverers of the Cape +Verde islands and the Guinea coasts had taken possession of those places +for <span class="pagenum"><a id="page433" name="page433"></a>(p. 433)</span> Portugal; and he gave it a Christian name, San Salvador. +That name has since the seventeenth century been given to Cat island, +but perhaps in pursuance of a false theory of map-makers; it is not +proved that Cat island is the Guanahani of Columbus. All that can +positively be asserted of Guanahani is that it was one of the Bahamas: +there has been endless discussion as to which one, and the question is +not easy to settle. Perhaps the theory of Captain Gustavus Fox, of the +United States navy, is on the whole best supported. Captain Fox +maintains that the true Guanahani was the little island now known as +Samana or Atwood's Cay.<a id="footnotetag519" name="footnotetag519"></a><a href="#footnote519" title="Go to footnote 519"><span class="small">[519]</span></a> The problem well illustrates the difficulty +in identifying any route from even a good description of landmarks, +without the help of persistent proper names, especially after the lapse +of time has somewhat altered the landmarks. From this point of view it +is a very interesting problem and has its lessons for us; otherwise it +is of no importance.</p> + +<p>A cruise of ten days among the Bahamas, with visits to four of the +islands, satisfied Columbus that he was in the ocean just east of +Cathay, for <span class="sidenote">Groping for Cipango and the route to Quinsay.</span> +Marco Polo had described it as studded with thousands of +spice-bearing islands, and the Catalan map shows that some of these were +supposed to be inhabited by naked savages. To be sure, he could not find +any spices or <span class="pagenum"><a id="page434" name="page434"></a>(p. 434)</span> valuable drugs, but the air was full of +fragrance and the trees and herbs were strange in aspect and might mean +anything; so for a while he was ready to take the spices on trust. Upon +inquiries about gold the natives always pointed to the south, apparently +meaning Cipango; and in that direction Columbus steered on the 25th of +October, intending to stay in that wealthy island long enough to obtain +all needful information concerning its arts and commerce. Thence a sail +of less than ten days would bring him to the Chinese coast, along which +he might comfortably cruise northwesterly as far as Quinsay and deliver +to the Great Khan a friendly letter with which Ferdinand and Isabella +had provided him. Alas, poor Columbus—unconscious prince of +discoverers—groping here in Cuban waters for the way to a city on the +other side of the globe and to a sovereign whose race had more than a +century since been driven from the throne and expelled from the very +soil of Cathay! Could anything be more pathetic, or better illustrate +the profound irony with which our universe seems to be governed?</p> + +<p>On reaching Cuba the Admiral was charmed with the marvellous beauty of +the landscape,—a point in which he seems to have been unusually +sensitive. <span class="sidenote">Columbus reaches Cuba, and sends envoys to find a certain +Asiatic prince.</span> +He found pearl oysters along the shore, and although no +splendid cities as yet appeared, he did not doubt that he had reached +Cipango. But his attempts at talking with the amazed natives only served +to darken counsel. He understood them to say that Cuba was part of the +Asiatic continent, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page435" name="page435"></a>(p. 435)</span> and that there was a king in the +neighbourhood who was at war with the Great Khan! So he sent two +messengers to seek this refractory potentate,—one of them a converted +Jew acquainted with Arabic, a language sometimes heard far eastward in +Asia, as Columbus must have known. These envoys found pleasant villages, +with large houses, surrounded with fields of such unknown vegetables as +maize, potatoes, and tobacco; they saw men and women smoking +cigars,<a id="footnotetag520" name="footnotetag520"></a><a href="#footnote520" title="Go to footnote 520"><span class="small">[520]</span></a> and little dreamed that in that fragrant and soothing herb +there was a richer source of revenue than the spices of the East. They +passed acres of growing cotton and saw in the houses piles of yarn +waiting to be woven into rude cloth or twisted into nets for hammocks. +But they found neither cities nor kings, neither gold nor spices, and +after a tedious quest returned, somewhat disappointed, to the coast.</p> + +<p>Columbus seems now to have become perplexed, and to have vacillated +somewhat in his purposes. If this was the continent of <span class="sidenote">Columbus turns eastward; Pinzon deserts him.</span> +Asia it was +nearer than he had supposed, and how far mistaken he had been in his +calculations no one could tell. But where was Cipango? He gathered from +the natives that there was a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page436" name="page436"></a>(p. 436)</span> great island to the southeast, +abounding in gold, and so he turned his prows in that direction. On the +20th of November he was deserted by Martin Pinzon, whose ship could +always outsail the others. It seems to have been Pinzon's design to get +home in advance with such a story as would enable him to claim for +himself an undue share of credit for the discovery of the Indies. This +was the earliest instance of a kind of treachery such as too often +marred the story of Spanish exploration and conquest in the New World.</p> + + +<p>For a fortnight after Pinzon's desertion Columbus crept slowly eastward +along the coast of Cuba, now and then landing to examine the country and +its products; and it seemed to him that besides pearls and mastic and +aloes he found in the rivers indications of gold. When he reached the +cape at the end of the island he named it Alpha and Omega, as being the +extremity of Asia,—Omega from the Portuguese point of view, Alpha from +his own. On the 6th of December he landed upon the northwestern coast of +the island of Hayti, which he called <span class="sidenote">Columbus arrives at Hayti and thinks it must be Japan.</span> +Española, Hispaniola, or "Spanish +land."<a id="footnotetag521" name="footnotetag521"></a><a href="#footnote521" title="Go to footnote 521"><span class="small">[521]</span></a> Here, as the natives seemed to tell him of a region to the +southward and quite inland which abounded in gold, and which they called +Cibao, the Admiral at once caught upon the apparent similarity of sounds +and fancied that Cibao must be Cipango, and that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page437" name="page437"></a>(p. 437)</span> at length he +had arrived upon that island of marvels. It was much nearer the Asiatic +mainland (i. e. Cuba) than he had supposed, but then, it was beginning +to appear that in any case somebody's geography must be wrong. Columbus +was enchanted with the scenery. "The land is elevated," he says, "with +many mountains and peaks ... most beautiful, of a thousand varied forms, +accessible, and full of trees of endless varieties, so tall that they +seem to touch the sky; and I have been told that they never lose their +foliage. The nightingale [i. e. some kind of thrush] and other small +birds of a thousand kinds were singing in the month of November +[December] when I was there."<a id="footnotetag522" name="footnotetag522"></a><a href="#footnote522" title="Go to footnote 522"><span class="small">[522]</span></a> Before he had done much toward +exploring this paradise, a sudden and grave mishap quite altered his +plans. <span class="sidenote">Wreck of the Santa Maria, Dec. 25, 1492.</span> +On Christmas morning, between midnight and dawn, owing to +careless disobedience of orders on the part of the helmsman, the +flag-ship struck upon a sand-bank near the present site of Port au Paix. +All attempts to get her afloat were unavailing, and the waves soon beat +her to pieces.</p> + +<p>This catastrophe brought home, with startling force, to the mind of +Columbus, the fact that the news of his discovery of land was not yet +known in Europe. As for the Pinta and her insubordinate commander, none +could say <span class="sidenote">Columbus decides to go back to Spain.</span> +whether they would ever be seen again or whether their speedy +arrival in Spain might not portend more harm than good to Columbus. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page438" name="page438"></a>(p. 438)</span> His armament was now reduced to the little undecked Niña +alone, such a craft as we should deem about fit for a summer excursion +on Long Island Sound. What if his party should all perish, or be +stranded helpless on these strange coasts, before any news of their +success should reach the ears of friends in Europe! Then the name of +Columbus would serve as a by-word for foolhardiness, and his mysterious +fate would simply deter other expeditions from following in the same +course. Obviously the first necessity of the situation was to return to +Spain immediately and report what had already been done. Then it would +be easy enough to get ships and men for a second voyage.</p> + +<p>This decision led to the founding of an embryo colony upon Hispaniola. +There was not room enough for all the party to go in the Nina, and quite +a number begged to be left behind, because they found life upon the +island lazy and the natives, especially the women, seemed well-disposed +toward them. So a blockhouse was built out of the <span class="sidenote">Building of the blockhouse, La Navidad.</span> +wrecked ship's timbers +and armed with her guns, and in commemoration of that eventful Christmas +it was called Fort Nativity (<i>La Navidad</i>). Here forty men were left +behind, with provisions enough for a whole year, and on January 4, 1493, +the rest of the party went on board the Niña and set sail for Spain. Two +days later in following the northern coast of Hispaniola they +encountered the Pinta, whose <span class="sidenote">Meeting with Pinzon.</span> +commander had been delayed by trading with +the natives and by finding some gold. Pinzon tried to explain his sudden +disappearance by alleging that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page439" name="page439"></a>(p. 439)</span> stress of weather had parted +him from his comrades, but his excuses were felt to be lame and +improbable. However it may have been with his excuses, there was no +doubt as to the lameness of his foremast; it had been too badly sprung +to carry much sail, so that the Pinta could not again run away from her +consort.</p> + +<p>On this return voyage the Admiral, finding the trade winds dead against +him, took a northeasterly course until he had passed the thirty-seventh +parallel and then headed straight toward Spain. On the <span class="sidenote">Terrible storm in mid-ocean, Feb., 1493.</span> +12th of February +a storm was brewing, and during the next four days it raged with such +terrific violence that it is a wonder how those two frail caravels ever +came out of it. They were separated this time not to meet again upon the +sea. Expecting in all likelihood to be engulfed in the waves with his +tiny craft, Columbus sealed and directed to Ferdinand and Isabella two +brief reports of his discovery, written upon parchment. Each of these he +wrapped in a cloth and inclosed in the middle of a large cake of wax, +which was then securely shut up in a barrel. One of the barrels was +flung into the sea, the other remained standing on the little +quarter-deck to await the fate of the caravel. The anxiety was not +lessened by the sight of land on the 15th, for it was impossible to +approach it so as to go ashore, and there was much danger of being +dashed to pieces.</p> + +<p>At length on the 18th, the storm having abated, the ship's boat went +ashore and found that it was the island of St. Mary, one of the Azores. +It is <span class="pagenum"><a id="page440" name="page440"></a>(p. 440)</span> worthy of note that such skilful sailors as the Nina's +captain, Vicente Yañez Pinzon, and the pilot Ruiz were so confused in +their <span class="sidenote">Cold reception at the Azores.</span> +reckoning as to suppose themselves near the Madeiras, whereas +Columbus had correctly maintained that they were approaching the +Azores,—a good instance of his consummate judgment in nautical +questions.<a id="footnotetag523" name="footnotetag523"></a><a href="#footnote523" title="Go to footnote 523"><span class="small">[523]</span></a> From the Portuguese governor of the island this Spanish +company met with a very ungracious reception. A party of sailors whom +Columbus sent ashore to a small chapel of the Virgin, to give thanks for +their deliverance from shipwreck, were seized and held as prisoners for +five days. It afterwards appeared that this was done in pursuance of +general instructions from the king of Portugal to the governors of his +various islands. If Columbus had gone ashore he would probably have been +arrested himself. As it was, he took such a high tone and threatened to +such good purpose that the governor of St. Mary was fain to give up his +prisoners for fear of bringing on another war between Portugal and +Castile.</p> + +<p>Having at length got away from this unfriendly island, as the Niña was +making her way toward Cape St. Vincent and within 400 miles of it, she +was seized by another fierce tempest and driven upon the coast of +Portugal, <span class="sidenote">Columbus is driven ashore in Portugal, where the king is +advised to have him assassinated;</span> +where Columbus and his crew were glad of a chance to run into +the river Tagus for shelter. The news of his voyage and his discoveries +aroused intense excitement in Lisbon. Astonishment was mingled with +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page441" name="page441"></a>(p. 441)</span> chagrin at the thought that the opportunity for all this glory +and profit had first been offered to Portugal and foolishly lost. The +king even now tried to persuade himself that Columbus had somehow or +other been trespassing upon the vast and vague undiscovered dominions +granted to the Crown of Portugal by Pope Eugenius IV. Some of the king's +counsellors are said to have urged him to have Columbus assassinated; it +would be easy enough to provoke such a high-spirited man into a quarrel +and then run him through the body.<a id="footnotetag524" name="footnotetag524"></a><a href="#footnote524" title="Go to footnote 524"><span class="small">[524]</span></a> To clearer heads, however, the +imprudence of such a course was manifest. It was already impossible to +keep the news of the discovery from reaching <span class="sidenote">but to offend Spain so grossly would be dangerous.</span> +Spain, and Portugal could +not afford to go to war with her stronger neighbour. In fact even had +John II. been base enough to resort to assassination, which seems quite +incompatible with the general character of Lope de Vega's "perfect +prince," Columbus was now too important a personage to be safely +interfered with. So he was invited to court and made much of. On the +13th of March he set sail again and arrived in the harbour of Palos at +noon of the 15th. His little caravel was promptly recognized by the +people, and as her story flew from mouth to mouth all the business of +the town was at an end for that day.<a id="footnotetag525" name="footnotetag525"></a><a href="#footnote525" title="Go to footnote 525"><span class="small">[525]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page442" name="page442"></a>(p. 442)</span> +<p>Towards evening, while the bells were ringing and the streets brilliant +with torches, another vessel entered the harbour and dropped anchor. She +was none other than the <span class="sidenote">Columbus and Pinzon at Palos; death of Pinzon.</span> +Pinta! The storm had driven her to Bayonne, +whence Martin Pinzon instantly despatched a message to Ferdinand and +Isabella, making great claims for himself and asking permission to wait +upon them with a full account of the discovery. As soon as practicable +he made his way to Palos, but when on arriving he saw the Niña already +anchored in the harbour his guilty heart failed him. He took advantage +of the general hub-bub to slink ashore as quickly and quietly as +possible, and did not dare to show himself until after the Admiral had +left for Seville. The news from Columbus reached the sovereigns before +they had time to reply to the message of Pinzon; so when their answer +came to him it was cold and stern and forbade him to appear in their +presence. Pinzon was worn out with the hardships of the homeward voyage, +and this crushing reproof was more than he could bear. His sudden death, +a few days afterward, was generally attributed to chagrin.<a id="footnotetag526" name="footnotetag526"></a><a href="#footnote526" title="Go to footnote 526"><span class="small">[526]</span></a></p> + +<p>From Seville the Admiral was summoned to attend court at Barcelona, +where he was received with triumphal honours. He was directed to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page443" name="page443"></a>(p. 443)</span> seat himself in the presence of the sovereigns, a courtesy +usually reserved for royal personages.<a id="footnotetag527" name="footnotetag527"></a><a href="#footnote527" title="Go to footnote 527"><span class="small">[527]</span></a> +<span class="sidenote">Columbus is received by the sovereigns at Barcelona, April, +1493.</span> +Intense interest was felt in +his specimens of stuffed birds and small mammals, his live parrots, his +collection of herbs which he supposed to have medicinal virtues, his few +pearls and trinkets of gold, and especially his six painted and +bedizened barbarians, the survivors of ten with whom he had started from +Hispaniola. Since in the vague terminology of that time the remote and +scarcely known parts of Asia were called the Indies, and since the +islands and coasts just discovered were Indies, of course these red men +must be Indians. So Columbus had already named them in his first letter +written from the Niña, off the Azores, sent by special messenger from +Palos, and now in April, 1493, printed at Barcelona, containing the +particulars of his discovery,—a letter appropriately addressed to the +worthy Santangel but for whose timely intervention he might have ridden +many a weary league on <span class="pagenum"><a id="page444" name="page444"></a>(p. 444)</span> that mule of his to no good +purpose.<a id="footnotetag528" name="footnotetag528"></a><a href="#footnote528" title="Go to footnote 528"><span class="small">[528]</span></a> It was generally assumed without question that the +Admiral's theory of his discovery must be correct, that the coast of +Cuba must be the eastern extremity of China, that the coast of +Hispaniola must be the northern extremity of Cipango, and that a direct +route—much shorter than that which Portugal had so long been +seeking—had now been found to those lands of illimitable wealth +described by Marco Polo.<a id="footnotetag529" name="footnotetag529"></a><a href="#footnote529" title="Go to footnote 529"><span class="small">[529]</span></a> To be sure Columbus had not <span class="pagenum"><a id="page445" name="page445"></a>(p. 445)</span> as +yet seen the evidences of this Oriental splendour, and had been puzzled +at not finding them, but he felt confident that he had come very near +them and would come full upon them in a second voyage. There was nobody +who knew enough to refute these opinions,<a id="footnotetag530" name="footnotetag530"></a><a href="#footnote530" title="Go to footnote 530"><span class="small">[530]</span></a> and really why should not +this great geographer, <span class="sidenote">General excitement at the news that a way to the Indies had +been found.</span> +who had accomplished so much already which people +had scouted as impossible,—why should he not know what he was about? It +was easy enough now to get men and money for the second voyage. When the +Admiral sailed from Cadiz on September 25, 1493, it was with seventeen +ships carrying 1,500 men. Their dreams were of the marble palaces of +Quinsay, of isles of spices, and the treasures of Prester John. The +sovereigns wept for joy as they thought that such untold riches were +vouchsafed them by the special decree of Heaven, as a reward for having +overcome the Moor at Granada and banished the Jews from Spain.<a id="footnotetag531" name="footnotetag531"></a><a href="#footnote531" title="Go to footnote 531"><span class="small">[531]</span></a> +Columbus shared these views and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page446" name="page446"></a>(p. 446)</span> regarded himself as a special +instrument for executing the divine decrees. He renewed his vow to +rescue the Holy Sepulchre, promising within the next seven years to +equip at his own expense a crusading army of 50,000 foot and 4,000 +horse; within five years thereafter he would follow this with a second +army of like dimensions.</p> + +<p>Thus nobody had the faintest suspicion of what had been done. In the +famous letter to Santangel there is of course not a word about a New +World. The grandeur of the achievement was quite beyond the ken of the +generation that witnessed it. <span class="sidenote">This voyage was an event without any parallel in history.</span> +For we have since come to learn that in +1492 the contact between the eastern and the western halves of our +planet was first really begun, and the two streams of human life which +had flowed on for countless ages apart were thenceforth to mingle +together. The first voyage of Columbus is thus a unique event in the +history of mankind. Nothing like it was ever done before, and nothing +like it can ever be done again. No worlds are left for a future Columbus +to conquer. The era of which this great Italian mariner was the most +illustrious representative has closed forever.<a href="#toc"><span class="small">[Back to Contents]</span></a></p> + + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page447" name="page447"></a>(p. 447)</span> CHAPTER VI.<br> + +<span class="smaller">THE FINDING OF STRANGE COASTS.</span></h2> + + +<p>But that era did not close with Columbus, nor did he live long enough to +complete the Discovery of America. Our practice of affixing specific +dates to great events is on many accounts indispensable, but it is +sometimes <span class="sidenote">The Discovery of America was a gradual process.</span> +misleading. Such an event as the discovery of a pair of vast +continents does not take place within a single year. When we speak of +America as discovered in 1492, we do not mean that the moment Columbus +landed on two or three islands of the West Indies, a full outline map of +the western hemisphere from Labrador and Alaska to Cape Horn suddenly +sprang into existence—like Pallas from the forehead of Zeus—in the +minds of European men. Yet people are perpetually using arguments which +have neither force nor meaning save upon the tacit assumption that +somehow or other some such sort of thing must have happened. This +grotesque fallacy lies at the bottom of the tradition which has caused +so many foolish things to be said about that gallant mariner, Americus +Vespucius. In geographical discussions the tendency to overlook the fact +that Columbus and his immediate successors did not sail with the latest +edition of Black's General Atlas in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page448" name="page448"></a>(p. 448)</span> their cabins is almost +inveterate; it keeps revealing itself in all sorts of queer statements, +and probably there is no cure for it except in familiarity with the long +series of perplexed and struggling maps made in the sixteenth century. +Properly regarded, the Discovery of America was not a single event, but +a very gradual process. It was not like a case of special creation, for +it was a case of evolution, and the voyage of 1492 was simply the most +decisive and epoch-marking incident in that evolution. Columbus himself, +after all his four eventful voyages across the Sea of Darkness, died in +the belief that he had simply discovered the best and straightest route +to the eastern shores of Asia. Yet from his first experiences in Cuba +down to his latest voyage upon the coasts of Honduras and Veragua, he +was more or less puzzled at finding things so different from what he had +anticipated. If he had really known anything with accuracy about the +eastern coast of Asia, he would doubtless soon have detected his +fundamental error, but no European in his day had any such knowledge. In +his four voyages Columbus was finding what he supposed to be parts of +Asia, what we now know to have been parts of America, but what were +really to him and his contemporaries neither more nor less than Strange +Coasts. We have now to consider briefly his further experiences upon +these strange coasts.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>The second voyage of Columbus was begun in a very different mood and +under very different auspices from either his former or his two +subsequent <span class="pagenum"><a id="page449" name="page449"></a>(p. 449)</span> voyages. On his first departure from Palos, in +1492, all save a few devoted friends regarded him as a madman rushing +upon his doom; and outside the Spanish peninsula the expedition seems to +have attracted no notice. But on the second start, in 1493, all hands +supposed that they were going straight to golden Cathay and to boundless +riches. It was not now with groans but with pæans that they flocked on +board the ships; and the occasion was observed, with more or less +interest, by some people in other countries of Europe,—as in Italy, and +for the moment in France and England.</p> + +<p>At the same time with his letter to Santangel, the Admiral had +despatched another account, substantially the same,<a id="footnotetag532" name="footnotetag532"></a><a href="#footnote532" title="Go to footnote 532"><span class="small">[532]</span></a> to Gabriel +<span class="sidenote">The letter to Sanchez.</span> +Sanchez,<a id="footnotetag533" name="footnotetag533"></a><a href="#footnote533" title="Go to footnote 533"><span class="small">[533]</span></a> another officer of the royal treasury. Several copies of a +Latin translation of this letter were published at Rome, at Paris, and +elsewhere, in the course of the year 1493.<a id="footnotetag534" name="footnotetag534"></a><a href="#footnote534" title="Go to footnote 534"><span class="small">[534]</span></a> The story which +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page450" name="page450"></a>(p. 450)</span> it contained was at once paraphrased in Italian verse by +Giuliano Dati, one of the most popular poets of the age, and perhaps in +the autumn of 1493 the amazing news that the Indies had been found by +sailing west<a id="footnotetag535" name="footnotetag535"></a><a href="#footnote535" title="Go to footnote 535"><span class="small">[535]</span></a> was sung by street <span class="pagenum"><a id="page451" name="page451"></a>(p. 451)</span> urchins in Florence. We +are also informed, in an ill-vouched but not improbable clause in +Ramusio, that not far from that same time the news was heard with +admiration in London, where it was pronounced "a thing more divine than +human to sail by the West unto the East, where spices grow, by a way +that was never known before;"<a id="footnotetag536" name="footnotetag536"></a><a href="#footnote536" title="Go to footnote 536"><span class="small">[536]</span></a> and it seems altogether likely that +it was this news that prompted the expedition of John Cabot hereafter to +be mentioned.<a id="footnotetag537" name="footnotetag537"></a><a href="#footnote537" title="Go to footnote 537"><span class="small">[537]</span></a></p> + +<p>The references to the discovery are very scanty, however, until after +the year 1500, and extremely vague withal. For example, Bernardino de +Carvajal, the Spanish ambassador at the papal court, delivered an +oration in Rome on June 19, 1493, in which he said: "And Christ placed +under their <span class="sidenote">Earliest references to the discovery.</span> +[Ferdinand and Isabella's] rule the Fortunate [Canary] +islands, the fertility of which has been ascertained to be wonderful. +And he has lately disclosed some other unknown ones towards the Indies +which may be considered among the most precious things on earth; and it +is believed that they will be gained <span class="pagenum"><a id="page452" name="page452"></a>(p. 452)</span> over to Christ by the +emissaries of the king."<a id="footnotetag538" name="footnotetag538"></a><a href="#footnote538" title="Go to footnote 538"><span class="small">[538]</span></a> Outside of the Romance countries we find +one German version of the first letter of Columbus, published at +Strasburg, in 1497,<a id="footnotetag539" name="footnotetag539"></a><a href="#footnote539" title="Go to footnote 539"><span class="small">[539]</span></a> and a brief allusion to the discovery in +Sebastian Brandt's famous allegorical poem, "Das Narrenschiff," the +first edition of which appeared in 1494.<a id="footnotetag540" name="footnotetag540"></a><a href="#footnote540" title="Go to footnote 540"><span class="small">[540]</span></a> The earliest distinct +reference to Columbus in the English language is to be found in a +translation of this poem, "The Shyppe of Fooles," by Henry Watson, +published in London by Wynkyn de Worde in 1509. <span class="sidenote">Earliest reference in English.</span> +The purpose of Brandt's +allegory was to satirize the follies committed by all sorts and +conditions of men. In the chapter, "Of hym that wyll wryte and enquere +of all regyons," it is said: "There was one that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page453" name="page453"></a>(p. 453)</span> knewe that in +y<sup>e</sup> ysles of Spayne was enhabitantes. Wherefore he asked men of Kynge +Ferdynandus & wente & founde them, the whiche lyved as beestes."<a id="footnotetag541" name="footnotetag541"></a><a href="#footnote541" title="Go to footnote 541"><span class="small">[541]</span></a> +Until after the middle of the sixteenth century no English chronicler +mentions either Columbus or the Cabots, nor is there anywhere an +indication that the significance of the discoveries in the western ocean +was at all understood.<a id="footnotetag542" name="footnotetag542"></a><a href="#footnote542" title="Go to footnote 542"><span class="small">[542]</span></a></p> + +<p>North of the Alps and Pyrenees the interest in what was going on at the +Spanish court in 1493 was probably confined to very few people. As for +Venice and Genoa we have no adequate means of knowing how they felt +about the matter,—a fact which in itself is significant. The interest +was centred in Spain and Portugal. There it was intense and awakened +fierce heart-burnings. Though John II. had not given his consent to the +proposal for murdering Columbus, he appears to have seriously +entertained the thought of <span class="sidenote">Portuguese claim to the Indies.</span> +sending a small fleet across the Atlantic as +soon as possible, to take possession of some point in Cathay or Cipango +and then dispute the claims of the Spaniards.<a id="footnotetag543" name="footnotetag543"></a><a href="#footnote543" title="Go to footnote 543"><span class="small">[543]</span></a> Such a summary +proceeding might perhaps be defended on the ground that the grant from +Pope Eugenius V. to the crown of Portugal expressly included "the +Indies." In the treaty of 1479, moreover, Spain had promised not to +interfere with the discoveries and possessions of the Portuguese.</p> + +<p>But whatever King John may have intended, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page454" name="page454"></a>(p. 454)</span> Ferdinand and +Isabella were too quick for him. No sooner had Columbus arrived at +Barcelona than an embassy was despatched to Rome, asking for a grant of +the Indies just discovered by that navigator in the service of Castile. +The notorious Rodrigo Borgia, who had lately been placed in the +apostolic chair as Alexander VI., was a native of Valencia in the +kingdom of Aragon, and would not be likely to refuse such a request +through any excess of regard for Portugal. <span class="sidenote">Bulls of Pope Alexander VI.</span> +As between the two rival +powers the pontiff's arrangement was made in a spirit of even-handed +justice. On the 3d of May, 1493, he issued a bull conferring upon the +Spanish sovereigns all lands already discovered or thereafter to be +discovered in the western ocean, with jurisdiction and privileges in all +respects similar to those formerly bestowed upon the crown of Portugal. +This grant was made by the pope "out of our pure liberality, certain +knowledge, and plenitude of apostolic power," and by virtue of "the +authority of omnipotent God granted to us in St. Peter, and of the +Vicarship of Jesus Christ which we administer upon the earth."<a id="footnotetag544" name="footnotetag544"></a><a href="#footnote544" title="Go to footnote 544"><span class="small">[544]</span></a> It +was a substantial reward for the monarchs who had completed the +overthrow of Mahometan rule in Spain, and it afforded them <span class="pagenum"><a id="page455" name="page455"></a>(p. 455)</span> +opportunities for further good work in converting the heathen +inhabitants of the islands and mainland of Asia.<a id="footnotetag545" name="footnotetag545"></a><a href="#footnote545" title="Go to footnote 545"><span class="small">[545]</span></a></p> + +<p>On the following day Alexander issued a second bull in order to prevent +any occasion for quarrel between Spain and Portugal.<a id="footnotetag546" name="footnotetag546"></a><a href="#footnote546" title="Go to footnote 546"><span class="small">[546]</span></a> He decreed +that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page456" name="page456"></a>(p. 456)</span> all lands discovered or to be discovered to the west of a +meridian one hundred leagues west of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page457" name="page457"></a>(p. 457)</span> the Azores and Cape Verde +islands should belong to the Spaniards. Inasmuch as between the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page458" name="page458"></a>(p. 458)</span> westernmost of the Azores and the easternmost of the Cape +Verde group the difference in longitude is not far from ten degrees, +this description must be allowed to be somewhat vague, especially in a +document emanating from "certain knowledge;"<a id="footnotetag547" name="footnotetag547"></a><a href="#footnote547" title="Go to footnote 547"><span class="small">[547]</span></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page459" name="page459"></a>(p. 459)</span> and it left +open a source of future disputes which one would suppose the "plenitude +of apostolic power" might have been worthily employed in closing. The +meridian 25° W., however, would have satisfied the conditions, and the +equitable intent of the arrangement is manifest. The Portuguese were +left free to pursue their course of discovery and conquest along the +routes which they had always preferred. King John, however, was not +satisfied. He entertained vague hopes of finding spice islands, or +something worth having, in the western waters; and he wished to have the +Line of Demarcation carried farther to the west. After a year of +diplomatic wrangling a treaty was signed at <span class="sidenote">Treaty of Tordesillas.</span> +Tordesillas, June 7, 1494, +in which Spain consented to the moving of the line to a distance of 370 +leagues west from the Cape Verde islands.<a id="footnotetag548" name="footnotetag548"></a><a href="#footnote548" title="Go to footnote 548"><span class="small">[548]</span></a> It would thus on a modern +map fall somewhere between the 41st and 44th meridians west of +Greenwich. This amendment had important and curious consequences. It +presently gave the Brazilian coast to the Portuguese, and thereupon +played a leading part in the singular and complicated series of events +that ended in giving the name of Americus Vespucius to that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page460" name="page460"></a>(p. 460)</span> +region, whence it was afterwards gradually extended to the whole western +hemisphere.<a id="footnotetag549" name="footnotetag549"></a><a href="#footnote549" title="Go to footnote 549"><span class="small">[549]</span></a></p> + +<hr> + +<p>Already in April, 1493, without waiting for the papal sanction, +Ferdinand and Isabella bent all their energies to the work of fitting +out an expedition for taking possession of "the Indies." First, a +department of Indian affairs was created, <span class="sidenote">Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca.</span> +and at its head was placed +Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville: in Spain a man in high +office was apt to be a clergyman. This Fonseca was all-powerful in +Indian affairs for the next thirty years. He won and retained the +confidence of the sovereigns by virtue of his executive ability. He was +a man of coarse fibre, ambitious and domineering, cold-hearted and +perfidious, with a cynical contempt—such as low-minded people are apt +to call "smart"—for the higher human feelings. He was one of those ugly +customers who crush, without a twinge of compunction, whatever comes in +their way. The slightest opposition made him furious, and his +vindictiveness was insatiable. This dexterous and pushing Fonseca held +one after another the bishoprics of Badajoz, Cordova, Palencia, and +Conde, the archbishopric of Rosano in Italy, together with the bishopric +of Burgos, and he was also principal chaplain to Isabella and afterwards +to Ferdinand. As Sir Arthur Helps observes, "the student of early +American history will have a bad opinion of many Spanish bishops, if he +does not discover that it is Bishop Fonseca who reappears <span class="pagenum"><a id="page461" name="page461"></a>(p. 461)</span> +under various designations."<a id="footnotetag550" name="footnotetag550"></a><a href="#footnote550" title="Go to footnote 550"><span class="small">[550]</span></a> Sir Arthur fitly calls him "the +ungodly bishop."</p> + +<p>The headquarters of Fonseca and of the Indian department were +established at Seville, and a special Indian custom-house was set up at +Cadiz. There was to be another custom-house upon the island of +Hispaniola (supposed to be Japan), and a minute registry was to be kept +of all ships and their crews and cargoes, going out or coming in. Nobody +was to be allowed to go to the Indies for any purpose whatever without a +license formally obtained. Careful regulations were made for hampering +trade and making everything as vexatious as possible for traders, +according to the ordinary wisdom of governments in such matters. All +expenses were to be borne and all profits received by the crown of +Castile, saving the rights formerly guaranteed to Columbus. The cost of +the present expedition was partly defrayed with stolen money, the +plunder wrung from the worthy and industrious Jews who had been driven +from their homes by the infernal edict of the year before. Extensive +"requisitions" were also made; in other words, when the sovereigns +wanted a ship or a barrel of gunpowder they seized it, and impressed it +into the good work of converting the heathen. To superintend this +missionary work, a Franciscan monk<a id="footnotetag551" name="footnotetag551"></a><a href="#footnote551" title="Go to footnote 551"><span class="small">[551]</span></a> was selected who had lately +distinguished <span class="pagenum"><a id="page462" name="page462"></a>(p. 462)</span> himself as a diplomatist in the dispute with +France over the border province of <span class="sidenote">Friar Boyle.</span> +Rousillon. This person was a native +of Catalonia, and his name was Bernardo Boyle, which strongly suggests +an Irish origin. Alexander VI. appointed him his apostolic vicar for the +Indies,<a id="footnotetag552" name="footnotetag552"></a><a href="#footnote552" title="Go to footnote 552"><span class="small">[552]</span></a> and he seems to have been the first clergyman to perform +mass on the western shores of the Atlantic. To assist the vicar, the six +Indians brought over by Columbus were baptized at Barcelona, with the +king and queen for their godfather and godmother. It was hoped that they +would prove useful as missionaries, and when one of them presently died +he was said to be the first Indian ever admitted to heaven.<a id="footnotetag553" name="footnotetag553"></a><a href="#footnote553" title="Go to footnote 553"><span class="small">[553]</span></a></p> + +<p>The three summer months were occupied in fitting out the little fleet. +There were fourteen caravels, and three larger store-ships known as +carracks. Horses, mules, and other cattle were put on board,<a id="footnotetag554" name="footnotetag554"></a><a href="#footnote554" title="Go to footnote 554"><span class="small">[554]</span></a> as +well as vines and sugar-canes, and the seeds of several European +cereals, for it was intended to establish a permanent colony upon +Hispaniola. In the course of this work some slight matters of +disagreement came up between Columbus and Fonseca, and the question +having been referred to the sovereigns, Fonseca was mildly snubbed and +told that he must in all respects be guided by the Admiral's wishes. +From that time forth this ungodly prelate nourished a deadly hatred +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page463" name="page463"></a>(p. 463)</span> toward Columbus, and never lost an opportunity for whispering +evil things about him. The worst of the grievous afflictions that +afterward beset the great discoverer must be ascribed to the secret +machinations of this wretch.</p> + +<p>At last the armament was ready. People were so eager to embark that it +was felt necessary to restrain them. It was not intended to have more +than 1,200, but about 1,500 in all contrived to go, so that some of the +caravels must have been overcrowded. The character of the company was +very different from that of the year before. Those who went in the first +voyage were chiefly common sailors. Now there were many aristocratic +young men, hot-blooded and feather-headed hidalgos whom the surrender of +Granada had left without an occupation. Most distinguished among these +was <span class="sidenote">Notable persons who embarked on the second voyage.</span> +Alonso de Ojeda, a dare-devil of unrivalled muscular strength, full +of energy and fanfaronade, and not without generous qualities, but with +very little soundness of judgment or character. Other notable personages +in this expedition were Columbus's youngest brother Giacomo (henceforth +called Diego), who had come from Genoa at the first news of the +Admiral's triumphant return; the monk Antonio de Marchena,<a id="footnotetag555" name="footnotetag555"></a><a href="#footnote555" title="Go to footnote 555"><span class="small">[555]</span></a> whom +historians have so long confounded with the prior Juan Perez; an +Aragonese gentleman named Pedro Margarite, a favourite of the king and +destined to work sad mischief; Juan <span class="pagenum"><a id="page464" name="page464"></a>(p. 464)</span> Ponce de Leon, who +afterwards gave its name to Florida; Francisco de Las Casas, father of +the great apostle and historian of the Indies; and, last but not least, +the pilot Juan de La Cosa, now charged with the work of chart-making, in +which he was an acknowledged master.<a id="footnotetag556" name="footnotetag556"></a><a href="#footnote556" title="Go to footnote 556"><span class="small">[556]</span></a></p> + +<p>The pomp and bustle of the departure from Cadiz, September 25, 1493, at +which the Admiral's two sons, Diego and Ferdinand, were present, must +have been one of the earliest recollections of the younger boy, then +just five years of age.<a id="footnotetag557" name="footnotetag557"></a><a href="#footnote557" title="Go to footnote 557"><span class="small">[557]</span></a> Again Columbus stopped at the Canary +islands, this time to take on board goats and sheep, pigs and fowls, for +he had been struck by the absence of all such animals on the coasts +which he had visited.<a id="footnotetag558" name="footnotetag558"></a><a href="#footnote558" title="Go to footnote 558"><span class="small">[558]</span></a> Seeds of melons, oranges, and lemons were +also taken. On the 7th of October the ships weighed anchor, heading a +trifle to the south of west, and after a pleasant and uneventful voyage +they sighted land on the 3d of November.<a id="footnotetag559" name="footnotetag559"></a><a href="#footnote559" title="Go to footnote 559"><span class="small">[559]</span></a> It <span class="pagenum"><a id="page465" name="page465"></a>(p. 465)</span> turned out to +be a small mountainous island, and as it was discovered on Sunday they +called it Dominica. In a fortnight's cruise in these Caribbean waters +they discovered and named several islands, such as Marigalante, +Guadaloupe, Antigua, and others, and at length reached Porto +Rico. <span class="sidenote">Cruise among the cannibal islands.</span> +The +inhabitants of these islands were ferocious cannibals, very different +from the natives encountered on the former voyage. There were skirmishes +in which a few Spaniards were killed with poisoned arrows. On Guadaloupe +the natives lived in square houses made of saplings intertwined with +reeds, and on the rude porticoes attached to these houses some of the +wooden pieces were carved so as to look like serpents. In some of these +houses human limbs were hanging from the roof, cured with smoke, like +ham; and fresh pieces of human flesh were found stewing in earthen +kettles, along with the flesh of parrots. Now at length, said Peter +Martyr, was proved the truth of the stories of Polyphemus and the +Læstrygonians, and the reader must look out lest his hair stand on +end.<a id="footnotetag560" name="footnotetag560"></a><a href="#footnote560" title="Go to footnote 560"><span class="small">[560]</span></a> These western Læstrygonians were known as Caribbees, +Caribales, or Canibales, and have thus furnished an epithet which we +have since learned to apply to man-eaters the world over.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page466" name="page466"></a>(p. 466)</span> + +<p>It was late at night on the 27th of November that Columbus arrived in +the harbour of La Navidad and fired a salute to arouse the attention of +the party that had been left there the year before. There was no reply +and the silence seemed fraught with evil omen. On going ashore next +morning and exploring the neighbourhood, the Spaniards came upon sights +of dismal significance. <span class="sidenote">Fate of the colony at La Navidad.</span> +The fortress was pulled to pieces and partly +burnt, the chests of provisions were broken open and emptied, tools and +fragments of European clothing were found in the houses of the natives, +and finally eleven corpses, identifiable as those of white men, were +found buried near the fort. Not one of the forty men who had been left +behind in that place ever turned up to tell the tale. The little colony +of La Navidad had been wiped out of existence. From the Indians, +however, Columbus gathered bits of information that made a sufficiently +probable story. It was a typical instance of the beginnings of +colonization in wild countries. In such instances human nature has shown +considerable uniformity. Insubordination and deadly feuds among +themselves had combined with reckless outrages upon the natives to +imperil the existence of this little party of rough sailors. The cause +to which Horace ascribes so many direful wars, both before and since the +days of fairest Helen, seems to have been the principal cause on this +occasion. At length a fierce chieftain named Caonabo, from the region of +Xaragua, had attacked the Spaniards in overwhelming force, knocked their +blockhouse about <span class="pagenum"><a id="page467" name="page467"></a>(p. 467)</span> their heads, and butchered all that were left +of them.</p> + +<p>This was a gloomy welcome to the land of promise. There was nothing to +be done but to build new fortifications and found a town. The site +chosen for this new settlement, which was named <span class="sidenote">Building of Isabella.</span> +Isabella, was at a good +harbour about thirty miles east of Monte Christi. It was chosen because +Columbus understood from the natives that it was not far from there to +the gold-bearing mountains of Cibao, a name which still seemed to +signify Cipango. Quite a neat little town was presently built, with +church, marketplace, public granary, and dwelling-houses, the whole +encompassed with a stone wall. An exploring party led by Ojeda into the +mountains of Cibao found gold dust and pieces of gold ore in the beds of +the brooks, and returned elated with this discovery. Twelve of the ships +were now sent back to Spain for further supplies and reinforcements, and +<span class="sidenote">Exploration of Cibao.</span> +specimens of the gold were sent as an earnest of what was likely to be +found. At length, in March, 1494, Columbus set forth, with 400 armed +men, to explore the Cibao country. The march was full of interest. It is +upon this occasion that we first find mention of the frantic terror +manifested by Indians at the sight of horses. At first they supposed the +horse and his rider to be a kind of centaur, and when the rider +dismounted this separation of one creature into two overwhelmed them +with supernatural terror. Even when they had begun to get over this +notion they <span class="pagenum"><a id="page468" name="page468"></a>(p. 468)</span> were in dread of being eaten by the horses.<a id="footnotetag561" name="footnotetag561"></a><a href="#footnote561" title="Go to footnote 561"><span class="small">[561]</span></a> +These natives lived in houses grouped into villages, and had carved +wooden idols and rude estufas for their tutelar divinities. It was +ascertained that different tribes tried to steal each other's idols and +even fought for the possession of valuable objects of "medicine."<a id="footnotetag562" name="footnotetag562"></a><a href="#footnote562" title="Go to footnote 562"><span class="small">[562]</span></a> +Columbus observed and reported the customs of these people with some +minuteness. There was nothing that agreed with Marco Polo's descriptions +of Cipango, but so far as concerned the discovery of gold mines, the +indications were such as to leave little doubt of the success of this +reconnaissance. The Admiral now arranged his forces so as to hold the +inland regions just visited and gave the general command to Margarite, +who was to continue the work of exploration. He left his brother, Diego +Columbus, in charge of the colony, and taking three caravels set sail +from Isabella on the 24th of April, on a cruise of discovery in these +Asiatic waters.</p> + +<a id="img019" name="img019"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img019b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img019.jpg" width="500" height="248" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Discoveries made by Columbus in his first and second +voyages.</p> +</div> + +<p>A brief westward sail brought the little squadron into the Windward +Passage and in sight of Cape Mayzi, which Columbus on his first voyage +had named <span class="sidenote">Cape Alpha and Omega.</span> +Cape Alpha and Omega as being the easternmost point on the +Chinese coast. He believed that if he were to sail to the right of this +cape he should have the continent on his port side for a thousand miles +and more, as far as Quinsay and Cambaluc (Peking). If he had <span class="pagenum"><a id="page470" name="page470"></a>(p. 470)</span> +sailed in this direction and had succeeded in keeping to the east of +Florida, he would have kept a continent on his port side, and a thousand +miles would have taken him a long way toward that Vinland which our +Scandinavian friends would fondly have us believe was his secret +guiding-star, and the geographical position of which they suppose him to +have known with such astounding accuracy. But on this as on other +occasions, if the Admiral had ever received any information about +Vinland, it must be owned that he treated it very cavalierly, for he +chose the course to the left of Cape Mayzi. His decision is intelligible +if we bear in mind that he had not yet circumnavigated Hayti and was not +yet cured of his belief that its northern shore was the shore of the +great Cipango. At the same time he had seen enough on his first voyage +to convince him that the relative positions of Cipango and the mainland +of Cathay were not correctly laid down upon the Toscanelli map. He had +already inspected two or three hundred miles of the coast to the right +of Cape Mayzi without finding traces of civilization; and whenever +inquiries were made about gold or powerful kingdoms the natives +invariably pointed to the south or southwest. Columbus, therefore, +decided to try his luck in this direction. He passed to the left of Cape +Mayzi and followed the southern coast of Cuba.</p> + +<p>By the 3d of May the natives were pointing so persistently to the south +and off to sea that he <span class="sidenote">Discovery of Jamaica.</span> +changed his course in that direction and soon +came upon the northern coast of the island which we still know by its +native name <span class="pagenum"><a id="page471" name="page471"></a>(p. 471)</span> Jamaica. Here he found Indians more intelligent +and more warlike than any he had as yet seen. He was especially struck +with the elegance of their canoes, some of them nearly a hundred feet in +length, carved and hollowed from the trunks of tall trees. We may +already observe that different tribes of Indians comported themselves +very differently at the first sight of white men. While the natives of +some of the islands prostrated themselves in adoration of these +sky-creatures, or behaved with a timorous politeness which the Spaniards +mistook for gentleness of disposition, in other places the red men +showed fight at once, acting upon the brute impulse to drive away +strangers. In both cases, of course, dread of the unknown was the +prompting impulse, though so differently manifested. As the Spaniards +went ashore upon Jamaica, the Indians greeted them with a shower of +javelins and for a few moments stood up against the deadly fire of the +cross-bows, but when they turned to flee, a single bloodhound, let loose +upon them, scattered them in wildest panic.<a id="footnotetag563" name="footnotetag563"></a><a href="#footnote563" title="Go to footnote 563"><span class="small">[563]</span></a></p> + +<p>Finding no evidences of civilization upon this beautiful island, +Columbus turned northward and struck the Cuban coast again at the point +which still bears the name he gave it, Cape Cruz. Between the general +contour of this <span class="sidenote">Coasting the south side of Cuba.</span> +end of Cuba and that of the eastern extremity of Cathay +upon the Toscanelli map there is a curious resemblance, save that the +direction <span class="pagenum"><a id="page472" name="page472"></a>(p. 472)</span> is in the one case more east and west and in the +other more north and south. Columbus passed no cities like Zaiton, nor +cities of any sort, but when he struck into the smiling archipelago +which he called the Queen's Gardens, now known as Cayos de las Doce +Leguas, he felt sure that he was among Marco Polo's seven thousand spice +islands. On the 3d of June, at some point on the Cuban coast, probably +near Trinidad, the crops of several doves were opened and spices found +in them. None of the natives here had ever heard of an end to Cuba, and +they believed it was endless.<a id="footnotetag564" name="footnotetag564"></a><a href="#footnote564" title="Go to footnote 564"><span class="small">[564]</span></a> The next country to the west of +themselves was named Mangon, and it was inhabited by people with tails +which they carefully hid by wearing loose robes of cloth. This +information seemed decisive to Columbus. Evidently this Mangon was +Mangi, the province in which was the city of Zaiton, the province just +south of Cathay. And as for the tailed men, the book of Mandeville had a +story of some naked savages in eastern Asia who spoke of their more +civilized neighbours as wearing clothes in order to cover up some bodily +peculiarity or defect. Could there be any doubt that the Spanish +caravels had come at length to the coast of opulent Mangi?<a id="footnotetag565" name="footnotetag565"></a><a href="#footnote565" title="Go to footnote 565"><span class="small">[565]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page473" name="page473"></a>(p. 473)</span> + +<p>Under the influence of this belief, when a few days later they landed in +search of fresh water, and a certain archer, on the lookout for game, +caught distant glimpses of a flock of tall white cranes feeding in an +everglade, he fled to his comrades with the story that he had seen a +party of men clad in long white tunics, and all agreed <span class="sidenote">The "people of Mangon."</span> +that these must +be the people of Mangon.<a id="footnotetag566" name="footnotetag566"></a><a href="#footnote566" title="Go to footnote 566"><span class="small">[566]</span></a> Columbus sent a small company ashore to +find them. It is needless to add that the search was fruitless, but +footprints of alligators, interpreted as footprints of griffins guarding +hoarded gold,<a id="footnotetag567" name="footnotetag567"></a><a href="#footnote567" title="Go to footnote 567"><span class="small">[567]</span></a> frightened the men back to their ships. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page474" name="page474"></a>(p. 474)</span> +From the natives, with whom the Spaniards could converse only by signs, +they seemed to learn that they were going toward the realm of Prester +John;<a id="footnotetag568" name="footnotetag568"></a><a href="#footnote568" title="Go to footnote 568"><span class="small">[568]</span></a> and in such wise did they creep along the coast to the point, +some fifty miles west of Broa Bay, where it begins to trend decidedly to +the southwest. Before they had reached Point Mangles, a hundred miles +farther on, inasmuch as they found this southwesterly trend persistent, +the proof that they were upon the coast of the Asiatic continent began +to seem complete. Columbus thought that they had passed the point (lat. +23°, long. 145° on Toscanelli's map) where the coast of Asia began to +trend steadily toward the southwest.<a id="footnotetag569" name="footnotetag569"></a><a href="#footnote569" title="Go to footnote 569"><span class="small">[569]</span></a> By pursuing this coast he felt +sure that he would eventually reach the peninsula (Malacca) which +Ptolemy, who knew of it only by vague hearsay, called the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page475" name="page475"></a>(p. 475)</span> +Golden Chersonese.<a id="footnotetag570" name="footnotetag570"></a><a href="#footnote570" title="Go to footnote 570"><span class="small">[570]</span></a> An immense idea now flitted through the mind of +Columbus. <span class="sidenote">The Golden Chersonese.</span> +If he could reach and double that peninsula he could then find +his way to the mouth of the Ganges river; thence he might cross the +Indian ocean, pass the Cape of Good Hope (for Dias had surely shown that +the way was open), and return that way to Spain after circumnavigating +the globe! But fate had reserved this achievement for another man of +great heart and lofty thoughts, a quarter of a century later, who should +indeed accomplish what Columbus dreamed, but only after crossing another +Sea of Darkness, the most stupendous body of water on our globe, the +mere existence of which until after Columbus had died no European ever +suspected.<a id="footnotetag571" name="footnotetag571"></a><a href="#footnote571" title="Go to footnote 571"><span class="small">[571]</span></a> If Columbus had now sailed about a hundred miles +farther, he would have found the end of Cuba, and might perhaps have +skirted the northern shore of Yucatan and come upon the barbaric +splendours of Uxmal and Campeche. The excitement which such news would +have caused in Spain might perhaps have changed all the rest of his life +and saved him from the worst of his troubles. But the crews were now +unwilling to go farther, and the Admiral realized that it would be +impossible to undertake such a voyage as he had in mind with no more +than their present outfit. So it was decided to return to Hispaniola.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page476" name="page476"></a>(p. 476)</span> Upon consultation with La Cosa and others, it was unanimously +agreed that they were upon the coast of the continent of Asia. The +evidence seemed conclusive. From Cape Mayzi (Alpha and Omega) they had +observed, upon their own reckoning, 335 leagues, or about 1,000 +geographical miles, of continuous coast running steadily in nearly the +same direction.<a id="footnotetag572" name="footnotetag572"></a><a href="#footnote572" title="Go to footnote 572"><span class="small">[572]</span></a> Clearly it was too long for the coast of an island; +and then there was the name Mangon = Mangi. The only puzzling +circumstance was that they did not find any of Marco Polo's cities. They +kept getting scraps of information which seemed to refer to gorgeous +kingdoms, but these were always in the dim distance. Still there was no +doubt that they had discovered the coast of a continent, and of course +such a continent could be nothing else but Asia!</p> + +<p>Such unanimity of opinion might seem to leave nothing to be desired. But +Columbus had already met with cavillers. Before he started on this +cruise from Isabella, some impatient hidalgos, disgusted at finding much +to do and little to get, had begun to hint that the Admiral was a +humbug, and that his "Indies" were no such great affair after all. In +order to silence these ill-natured critics, he sent his notary, +accompanied by four witnesses, to every person in those three caravels, +to get a sworn statement. If anybody had a grain of doubt about this +coast being the coast of Asia, so that you could <span class="pagenum"><a id="page477" name="page477"></a>(p. 477)</span> go ashore +there and walk on dry land all the way to Spain if so disposed, let him +declare his doubts once for all, so that they might now be duly +considered. <span class="sidenote">A solemn expression of opinion.</span> +No one expressed any doubts. All declared, under oath, their +firm belief. It was then agreed that if any of the number should +thereafter deny or contradict this sworn statement, he should have his +tongue slit;<a id="footnotetag573" name="footnotetag573"></a><a href="#footnote573" title="Go to footnote 573"><span class="small">[573]</span></a> and if an officer, he should be further punished with +a fine of 10,000 maravedis, or if a sailor, with a hundred lashes. These +proceedings were embodied in a formal document, dated June 12, 1494, +which is still to be seen in the Archives of the Indies at Seville.<a id="footnotetag574" name="footnotetag574"></a><a href="#footnote574" title="Go to footnote 574"><span class="small">[574]</span></a></p> + +<p>Having disposed of this solemn matter, the three caravels turned +eastward, touching at the Isle of Pines and coasting back along the +south side of Cuba. The headland where the Admiral first became +convinced of the significance of the curvature of the coast, he named +Cape of Good Hope,<a id="footnotetag575" name="footnotetag575"></a><a href="#footnote575" title="Go to footnote 575"><span class="small">[575]</span></a> believing it to be much nearer the goal which +all were seeking than the other cape of that name, discovered by Dias +seven years before.</p> + +<p>It will be remembered that the Admiral, upon his first voyage, +<span class="sidenote">Vicissitudes of theory.</span> +had +carried home with him two theories,—first, that in the Cuban coast he +had already discovered that of the continent <span class="pagenum"><a id="page478" name="page478"></a>(p. 478)</span> of Asia, secondly +that Hispaniola was Cipango. The first theory seemed to be confirmed by +further experience; the second was now to receive a serious shock. +Leaving Cape Cruz the caravels stood over to Jamaica, leisurely explored +the southern side of that island, and as soon as adverse winds would let +them, kept on eastward till land appeared on the port bow. Nobody +recognized it until an Indian chief who had learned some Spanish hailed +them from the shore and told them it was Hispaniola. They then followed +that southern coast its whole length, discovering the tiny islands, +Beata, Saona, and Mona. Here Columbus, overcome by long-sustained +fatigue and excitement, suddenly fell into a death-like lethargy, and in +this sad condition was carried all the way to Isabella, and to his own +house, where he was put to bed. Hispaniola had thus been +circumnavigated, and either it was not Cipango or else that wonderland +must be a much smaller affair than Toscanelli and Martin Behaim had +depicted it.<a id="footnotetag576" name="footnotetag576"></a><a href="#footnote576" title="Go to footnote 576"><span class="small">[576]</span></a> There was something truly mysterious about these +Strange Coasts!</p> + +<p>When Columbus, after many days, recovered consciousness, he found his +<span class="sidenote">Arrival of Bartholomew Columbus.</span> +brother Bartholomew standing by his bedside. It was six years since they +had last parted company at Lisbon, whence the younger brother started +for England, while the elder returned to Spain. The news of +Christopher's return from his <span class="pagenum"><a id="page479" name="page479"></a>(p. 479)</span> first voyage found Bartholomew +in Paris, whence he started as soon as he could for Seville, but did not +arrive there until just after the second expedition had started. +Presently the sovereigns sent him with three ships to Hispaniola, to +carry supplies to the colony; and there he arrived while the Admiral was +exploring the coast of Cuba. The meeting of the two brothers was a great +relief to both. The affection between them was very strong, and each was +a support for the other. The Admiral at once proceeded to appoint +Bartholomew to the office of Adelantado, which in this instance was +equivalent to making him governor of Hispaniola under himself, the +Viceroy of the Indies. In making this appointment Columbus seems to have +exceeded the authority granted him by the second article of his +agreement of April, 1492, with the sovereigns;<a id="footnotetag577" name="footnotetag577"></a><a href="#footnote577" title="Go to footnote 577"><span class="small">[577]</span></a> but they mended the +matter in 1497 by themselves investing Bartholomew with the office and +dignity of Adelantado.<a id="footnotetag578" name="footnotetag578"></a><a href="#footnote578" title="Go to footnote 578"><span class="small">[578]</span></a></p> + +<p>Columbus was in need of all the aid he could summon, for, during his +absence, the island had become a pandemonium. +<span class="sidenote">Mutiny in Hispaniola; desertion of Boyle and Margarite.</span> +His brother Diego, a man +of refined and studious habits, who afterwards became a priest, was too +mild in disposition to govern the hot-heads who had come to Hispaniola +to get rich without labour. They would not submit to the rule of this +foreigner. Instead of doing honest work they roamed about the island, +abusing the Indians and slaying one another in silly quarrels. Chief +among <span class="pagenum"><a id="page480" name="page480"></a>(p. 480)</span> the offenders was King Ferdinand's favourite, the +commander Margarite; and he was aided and abetted by Friar Boyle. Some +time after Bartholomew's arrival, these two men of Aragon gathered about +them a party of malcontents and, seizing the ships which had brought +that mariner, sailed away to Spain. Making their way to court, they +sought pardon for thus deserting the colony, saying that duty to their +sovereigns demanded that they should bring home a report of what was +going on in the Indies. They decried the value of Columbus's +discoveries, and reminded the king that Hispaniola was taking money out +of the treasury much faster than it was putting it in; an argument well +calculated to influence Ferdinand that summer, for he was getting ready +to go to war with France over the Naples affair. Then the two recreants +poured forth a stream of accusations against the brothers Columbus, the +general purport of which was that they were gross tyrants not fit to be +trusted with the command of Spaniards.</p> + +<p>No marked effect seems to have been produced by these first complaints, +but when Margarite and Boyle were once within reach of Fonseca, we need +not wonder that mischief was soon brewing. It was unfortunate for +Columbus that his work of exploration was hampered by the necessity of +founding a colony and governing a parcel of unruly men let loose in the +wilderness, far away from the powerful restraints of civilized society. +Such work required undivided attention and extraordinary talent for +command. It does not appear that Columbus was lacking in such talent. On +the contrary <span class="pagenum"><a id="page481" name="page481"></a>(p. 481)</span> both he and his brother Bartholomew seem to have +possessed it in a high degree. But the situation was desperately bad +when the spirit of mutiny was fomented by deadly enemies at court. +<span class="sidenote">The government of Columbus was not tyrannical.</span> +I do +not find adequate justification for the charges of tyranny brought +against Columbus. The veracity and fairness of the history of Las Casas +are beyond question; in his divinely beautiful spirit one sees now and +then a trace of tenderness even for Fonseca, whose conduct toward him +was always as mean and malignant as toward Columbus. One gets from Las +Casas the impression that the Admiral's high temper was usually kept +under firm control, and that he showed far less severity than most men +would have done under similar provocation. Bartholomew was made of +sterner stuff, but his whole career presents no instance of wanton +cruelty; toward both white men and Indians his conduct was distinguished +by clemency and moderation. Under the government of these brothers a few +scoundrels were hanged in Hispaniola. Many more ought to have been.</p> + +<p>Of the attempt of Columbus to collect tribute from the native +population, and its <span class="sidenote">Troubles with the Indians.</span> +consequences in developing the system of +<i>repartimientos</i> out of which grew Indian slavery, I shall treat in a +future chapter.<a id="footnotetag579" name="footnotetag579"></a><a href="#footnote579" title="Go to footnote 579"><span class="small">[579]</span></a> That attempt, which was ill-advised and +ill-managed, was part of a plan for checking wanton depredations and +regulating the relations between the Spaniards and the Indians. The +colonists behaved so badly toward <span class="pagenum"><a id="page482" name="page482"></a>(p. 482)</span> the red men that the +chieftain Caonabo, who had destroyed La Navidad the year before, now +formed a scheme<a id="footnotetag580" name="footnotetag580"></a><a href="#footnote580" title="Go to footnote 580"><span class="small">[580]</span></a> for a general alliance among the native tribes, +hoping with sufficient numbers to overwhelm and exterminate the +strangers, in spite of their solid-hoofed monsters and death-dealing +thunderbolts. This scheme was revealed to Columbus, soon after his +return from the coast of Cuba, by the chieftain Guacanagari, who was an +enemy to Caonabo and courted the friendship of the Spaniards. Alonso de +Ojeda, by a daring stratagem, captured Caonabo and brought him to +Columbus, who treated him kindly but kept him a prisoner until it should +be convenient to send him to Spain. But this chieftain's scheme was +nevertheless put in operation through the influence of his principal +wife Anacaona. An Indian war broke out; roaming bands of Spaniards were +ambushed and massacred; and there was fighting in the field, where the +natives—assailed by firearms and cross-bows, horses and +bloodhounds—were wofully defeated.</p> + +<p>Thus in the difficult task of controlling mutinous white men and +<span class="sidenote">Mission of Aguado.</span> +defending the colony against infuriated red men Columbus spent the first +twelvemonth after his return from Cuba. In October, 1495, there arrived +in the harbour of Isabella four caravels laden with welcome supplies. In +one of these ships came Juan Aguado, sent by the sovereigns to gather +information respecting the troubles of the colony. This <span class="pagenum"><a id="page483" name="page483"></a>(p. 483)</span> +appointment was doubtless made in a friendly spirit, for Columbus had +formerly recommended Aguado to favour. But the arrival of such a person +created a hope, which quickly grew into a belief, that the sovereigns +were preparing to deprive Columbus of the government of the island; and, +as Irving neatly says, "it was a time of jubilee for offenders; every +culprit started up into an accuser." All the ills of the colony, many of +them inevitable in such an enterprise, many of them due to the +shiftlessness and folly, the cruelty and lust of idle swash-bucklers, +were now laid at the door of Columbus. <span class="sidenote">Discovery of gold mines.</span> +Aguado was presently won over by +the malcontents, so that by the time he was ready to return to Spain, +early in 1496, Columbus felt it desirable to go along with him and make +his own explanations to the sovereigns. Fortunately for his purposes, +just before he started, some rich gold mines were discovered on the +south side of the island, in the neighbourhood of the Hayna and Ozema +rivers. Moreover there were sundry pits in these mines, which looked +like excavations and seemed to indicate that in former times there had +been digging done.<a id="footnotetag581" name="footnotetag581"></a><a href="#footnote581" title="Go to footnote 581"><span class="small">[581]</span></a> This discovery confirmed the Admiral in a new +theory, which he was beginning to form. If it should turn out that +Hispaniola was not Cipango, as the last voyage seemed to suggest, +perhaps it might prove to be Ophir!<a id="footnotetag582" name="footnotetag582"></a><a href="#footnote582" title="Go to footnote 582"><span class="small">[582]</span></a> Probably these ancient +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page484" name="page484"></a>(p. 484)</span> excavations were made by King Solomon's men when they came +here to get gold for the temple at Jerusalem! <span class="sidenote">Speculations about Ophir.</span> +If so, one might expect to +find silver, ivory, red sandal-wood, apes, and peacocks at no great +distance. Just where Ophir was situated no one could exactly tell,<a id="footnotetag583" name="footnotetag583"></a><a href="#footnote583" title="Go to footnote 583"><span class="small">[583]</span></a> +but the things that were carried thence to Jerusalem certainly came from +"the Indies." Columbus conceived it as probably lying northeastward of +the Golden Chersonese (Malacca) and as identical with the island of +Hispaniola.</p> + +<p>The discovery of these mines led to the transfer of the headquarters of +the colony to the mouth of the <span class="sidenote">Founding of San Domingo, 1496.</span> +Ozema river, where, in the summer of +1496, Bartholomew Columbus made a settlement which became the city of +San Domingo.<a id="footnotetag584" name="footnotetag584"></a><a href="#footnote584" title="Go to footnote 584"><span class="small">[584]</span></a> Meanwhile Aguado and the Admiral sailed for Spain +early in March, in two caravels overloaded with more than two hundred +homesick passengers. In choosing his course Columbus did not show so +much sagacity as on his <span class="pagenum"><a id="page485" name="page485"></a>(p. 485)</span> first return voyage. Instead of +working northward till clear of the <span class="sidenote">The return voyage.</span> +belt of trade-winds, he kept +straight to the east, and so spent a month in beating and tacking before +getting out of the Caribbean Sea. Scarcity of food was imminent, and it +became necessary to stop at Guadaloupe and make a quantity of cassava +bread.<a id="footnotetag585" name="footnotetag585"></a><a href="#footnote585" title="Go to footnote 585"><span class="small">[585]</span></a> It was well that this was done, for as the ships worked +slowly across the Atlantic, struggling against perpetual head-winds, the +provisions were at length exhausted, and by the first week in June the +famine was such that Columbus had some difficulty in preventing the +crews from eating their Indian captives, of whom there were thirty or +more on board.<a id="footnotetag586" name="footnotetag586"></a><a href="#footnote586" title="Go to footnote 586"><span class="small">[586]</span></a></p> + +<p>At length, on the 11th of June, the haggard and starving company arrived +at Cadiz, and Columbus, while awaiting orders from the sovereigns, +stayed at the house of his good friend Bernaldez, the curate of Los +Palacios.<a id="footnotetag587" name="footnotetag587"></a><a href="#footnote587" title="Go to footnote 587"><span class="small">[587]</span></a> After a month he attended court at Burgos, and was kindly +received. No allusion was made to the complaints against him, and the +sovereigns promised to furnish ships for a third voyage of discovery. +For the moment, however, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page486" name="page486"></a>(p. 486)</span> other things interfered with this +enterprise. One was the marriage of the son and daughter of Ferdinand +and Isabella to the daughter and son of the Emperor Maximilian. The war +with France was at the same time fast draining the treasury. Indeed, for +more than twenty years, Castile had been at war nearly all the time, +first with Portugal, next with Granada, then with France; and the crown +never found it easy to provide money for maritime enterprises. +Accordingly, at the earnest solicitation of Vicente Yañez Pinzon and +other enterprising mariners, the sovereigns had issued a proclamation, +<span class="sidenote">Edicts of 1495 and 1497.</span> +April 10, 1495, granting to all native Spaniards the privilege of +making, at their own risk and expense, voyages of discovery or traffic +to the newly found coasts. As the crown was to take a pretty heavy +tariff out of the profits of these expeditions, while all losses were to +be borne by the adventurers, a fairly certain source of revenue, be it +great or small, seemed likely to be opened.<a id="footnotetag588" name="footnotetag588"></a><a href="#footnote588" title="Go to footnote 588"><span class="small">[588]</span></a> Columbus protested +against <span class="pagenum"><a id="page487" name="page487"></a>(p. 487)</span> this edict, inasmuch as he deemed himself entitled to +a patent or monopoly in the work of conducting expeditions to Cathay. +The sovereigns evaded the difficulty by an edict of June 2, 1497, +declaring that it was never their intention "in any way to affect the +rights of the said Don Christopher Columbus." This declaration was, +doubtless, intended simply to pacify the Admiral. It did not prevent the +authorization of voyages conducted by other persons a couple of years +later; and, as I shall show in the next chapter, there are strong +reasons for believing that on May 10, 1497, three weeks before this +edict, an expedition sailed from Cadiz under the especial auspices of +King Ferdinand, with Vicente Yañez Pinzon for its chief commander and +Americus Vespucius for one of its pilots.</p> + +<p>It was not until late in the spring of 1498 that the ships were ready +for Columbus. Everything that <span class="sidenote">Columbus loses his temper.</span> +Fonseca could do to vex and delay him was +done. One of the bishop's minions, a converted Moor or Jew named Ximeno +Breviesca, behaved with such outrageous insolence that on the day of +sailing the Admiral's indignation, so long restrained, at last broke +out, and he drove away the fellow with kicks and cuffs.<a id="footnotetag589" name="footnotetag589"></a><a href="#footnote589" title="Go to footnote 589"><span class="small">[589]</span></a> This +imprudent act gave Fonseca the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page488" name="page488"></a>(p. 488)</span> opportunity to maintain that +what the Admiral's accusers said about his tyrannical disposition must +be true.</p> + +<hr> + +<p>The expedition started on May 30, 1498, from the little port of San +Lucar de Barrameda. <span class="sidenote">The third voyage.</span> +There were six ships, carrying about 200 men besides +the sailors. On June 21, at the Isle of Ferro, the Admiral divided his +fleet, sending three ships directly to Hispaniola, while with the other +three he kept on to the Cape Verde islands, whence he steered southwest +on the 4th of July. A week later, after a run of about 900 miles, his +astrolabe seemed to show that he was within five degrees of the +equator.<a id="footnotetag590" name="footnotetag590"></a><a href="#footnote590" title="Go to footnote 590"><span class="small">[590]</span></a> There were three reasons for going so far to the +south:—1, the natives of the islands already visited always <span class="pagenum"><a id="page489" name="page489"></a>(p. 489)</span> +pointed in that direction when gold was mentioned; 2, a learned +jeweller, who had travelled in the East, had assured Columbus that gold +and gems, as well as spices and rare drugs, were to be found for the +most part among black people near the equator; 3, if he should not find +any rich islands on the way, a sufficiently long voyage would bring him +to the coast of Champa (Cochin China) at a lower point than he had +reached on the preceding voyage, and nearer to the Golden Chersonese +(Malacca), by doubling which he could enter the Indian ocean. It will be +remembered that he supposed the southwesterly curve in the Cuban coast, +the farthest point reached in his second voyage, to be the beginning of +the coast of Cochin China according to Marco Polo.</p> + +<p>Once more through ignorance of the atmospheric conditions of the regions +within the tropics Columbus encountered needless perils and hardships. +If he had steered from Ferro straight across the ocean a trifle south of +west-southwest, he might have made a quick and comfortable voyage, with +the trade-wind filling his sails, to the spot where he actually struck +land.<a id="footnotetag591" name="footnotetag591"></a><a href="#footnote591" title="Go to footnote 591"><span class="small">[591]</span></a> +As it was, however, he naturally followed the custom then so +common, <span class="sidenote">The belt of calms.</span> +of first running to the parallel upon which he intended to sail. +This long southerly run brought him into the belt of calms or neutral +zone between the northern and southern trade-winds, a little north of +the equator.<a id="footnotetag592" name="footnotetag592"></a><a href="#footnote592" title="Go to footnote 592"><span class="small">[592]</span></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page490" name="page490"></a>(p. 490)</span> No words can describe what followed so well +as those of Irving: "The wind suddenly fell, and a dead sultry calm +commenced, which lasted for eight days. The air was like a furnace; the +tar melted, the seams of the ship yawned; the salt meat became putrid; +the wheat was parched as if with fire; the hoops shrank from the wine +and water casks, some of which leaked and others burst, while the heat +in the holds of the vessels was so suffocating that no one could remain +below a sufficient time to prevent the damage that was taking place. The +mariners lost all strength and spirits, and sank under the oppressive +heat. It seemed as if the old fable of the torrid zone was about to be +realized; and that they were approaching a fiery region where it would +be impossible to exist."<a id="footnotetag593" name="footnotetag593"></a><a href="#footnote593" title="Go to footnote 593"><span class="small">[593]</span></a></p> + +<p>Fortunately, they were in a region where the ocean is comparatively +narrow. The longitude reached by Columbus on July 13, when the wind died +away, must have been about 36° or 37° W., <span class="pagenum"><a id="page491" name="page491"></a>(p. 491)</span> and a run of only +800 miles west from that point would have brought him to Cayenne. His +course between the 13th and 21st of July must have intersected the +thermal equator, or line of greatest mean annual heat on the globe,—an +irregular curve which is here deflected as much as five degrees north of +the equinoctial line. But although there was not a breath of wind, the +powerful equatorial current was quietly driving the ships, much faster +than the Admiral could have suspected, to the northwest and toward land. +By the end of that stifling week they were in latitude 7° N., and caught +the trade-wind on the starboard quarter. Thence after a brisk run of ten +days, in sorry plight, with ugly leaks and scarcely a cask of fresh +water left, they arrived within sight of land. Three mountain peaks +loomed up in the offing before them, and as they drew nearer it appeared +that those peaks belonged to one great mountain; wherefore the pious +Admiral named the island Trinidad.</p> + +<p>Here some surprises were in store for Columbus. Instead of finding black +and woolly-haired natives, he found men of cinnamon hue, like those in +Hispaniola, <span class="sidenote">Trinidad and the Orinoco.</span> +only—strange to say—lighter in colour. Then in coasting +Trinidad he caught a glimpse of land at the delta of the Orinoco, and +called it Isla Santa, or Holy Island.<a id="footnotetag594" name="footnotetag594"></a><a href="#footnote594" title="Go to footnote 594"><span class="small">[594]</span></a> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page492" name="page492"></a>(p. 492)</span> But, on passing +into the gulf of Paria, through the strait which he named Serpent's +Mouth, his ships were in sore danger of being swamped by the raging +surge that poured from three or four of the lesser mouths of that +stupendous river. Presently, finding that the water in the gulf was +fresh to the taste, he gradually reasoned his way to the correct +conclusion, that the billows which had so nearly overwhelmed him must +have come out from a river greater than any he had ever known or dreamed +of, and that so vast a stream of running water could be produced only +upon land of continental dimensions.<a id="footnotetag595" name="footnotetag595"></a><a href="#footnote595" title="Go to footnote 595"><span class="small">[595]</span></a> This coast to the south of him +was, therefore, the coast of a continent, with indefinite extension +toward the south, a land not laid down upon Toscanelli's or any other +map, and of which no one had until that time known anything.<a id="footnotetag596" name="footnotetag596"></a><a href="#footnote596" title="Go to footnote 596"><span class="small">[596]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page493" name="page493"></a>(p. 493)</span> + +<a id="img020" name="img020"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img020b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img020.jpg" width="500" height="270" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Discoveries made by Columbus in his third and +fourth voyages.</p> +</div> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page494" name="page494"></a>(p. 494)</span> + +<p>In spite of the correctness of this surmise, Columbus was still as far +from a true interpretation of the whole situation as when he supposed +Hispaniola to be Ophir. He entered upon a series of speculations which +forcibly remind us how empirical was the notion of the earth's rotundity +before the inauguration of physical astronomy by <span class="sidenote">Speculations as to the earth's shape.</span> +Galileo, Kepler, and +Newton. We now know that our planet has the only shape possible for such +a rotating mass that once was fluid or nebulous, the shape of a spheroid +slightly protuberant at the equator and flattened at the poles; but this +knowledge is the outcome of mechanical principles utterly unknown and +unsuspected in the days of Columbus. He understood that the earth is a +round body, but saw no necessity for its being strictly spherical or +spheroidal. He now suggested that it was probably shaped like a pear, +rather a blunt and corpulent pear, nearly spherical in its lower part, +but with a short, stubby apex in the equatorial region somewhere beyond +the point which he had just reached. He fancied he had been sailing up a +gentle slope from the burning glassy sea where his ships had been +becalmed to this strange and beautiful coast where <span class="sidenote">The mountain of Paradise.</span> +he found the climate +enchanting. If he were to follow up the mighty river just now revealed, +it might lead him to the summit of this apex of the world, the place +where the terrestrial paradise, the Garden which the Lord <span class="pagenum"><a id="page495" name="page495"></a>(p. 495)</span> +planted eastward in Eden, was in all probability situated!<a id="footnotetag597" name="footnotetag597"></a><a href="#footnote597" title="Go to footnote 597"><span class="small">[597]</span></a></p> + +<p>As Columbus still held to the opinion that by keeping to the west from +that point he should soon reach the coast of <span class="sidenote">Relation of the "Eden continent" to "Cochin China."</span> +Cochin China, his +conception of the position of Eden is thus pretty clearly indicated. He +imagined it as situated about on the equator, upon a continental mass +till then unknown, but evidently closely connected with the continent of +Asia if not a part of it. If he had lived long enough to hear of Quito +and its immense elevation, I should suppose that might very well have +suited his idea of the position of Eden. The coast of this continent, +upon which he had now arrived, was either continuous with the coast of +Cochin China (Cuba) and Malacca, or would be found to be divided from it +by a strait through which one might pass directly into the Indian ocean.</p> + + +<p>It took some little time for this theory to come to maturity in the mind +of Columbus. Not expecting to find any mainland in that <span class="sidenote">The Pearl Coast.</span> +quarter, he +began by calling different points of the coast different islands. Coming +out through the passage which he named Dragon's Mouth, he caught distant +glimpses of Tobago and Grenada to starboard, and turning westward +followed the Pearl Coast as far as the islands of Margarita and Cubagua. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page496" name="page496"></a>(p. 496)</span> The fine pearls which he found there in abundance confirmed +him in the good opinion he had formed of that country. By this time, the +15th of August, he had so far put facts together as to become convinced +of the continental character of that coast, and would have been glad to +pursue it westward. But now his strength gave out. During most of the +voyage he had suffered acute torments with gout, his temperature had +been very feverish, and his eyes were at length so exhausted with +perpetual watching that he could no longer make observations. So he left +the coast a little beyond Cubagua, and steered straight for Hispaniola, +aiming at <span class="sidenote">Arrival at San Domingo.</span> +San Domingo, but hitting the island of Beata because he did +not make allowance for the westerly flow of the currents. He arrived at +San Domingo on the 30th of August, and found his brother Bartholomew, +whom he intended to send at once on a further cruise along the Pearl +Coast, while he himself should be resting and recovering strength.</p> + +<p>But alas! there was to be no cruising now for the younger brother nor +rest for the elder. It was a sad story that <span class="sidenote">Roldan's rebellion.</span> +Bartholomew had to tell. War +with the Indians had broken out afresh, and while the Adelantado was +engaged in this business a scoundrel named Roldan had taken advantage of +his absence to stir up civil strife. Roldan's rebellion was a result of +the ill-advised mission of Aguado. The malcontents in the colony +interpreted the Admiral's long stay in Spain as an indication that he +had lost favour with the sovereigns and was not coming back to the +island. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page497" name="page497"></a>(p. 497)</span> Gathering together a strong body of rebels, Roldan +retired to Xaragua and formed an alliance with the brother of the late +chieftain Caonabo. By the time the Admiral arrived the combination of +mutiny with barbaric warfare had brought about a frightful state of +things. A party of soldiers, sent by him to suppress Roldan, straightway +deserted and joined that rebel. It thus became necessary to come to +terms with Roldan, and this revelation of the weakness of the government +only made matters worse. Two wretched years were passed in attempts to +restore order in Hispaniola, while the work of discovery and exploration +was postponed. Meanwhile the items of information that found their way +to Spain were skilfully employed by <span class="sidenote">Fonseca's machinations.</span> +Fonseca in poisoning the minds of +the sovereigns, until at last they decided to send out a judge to the +island, armed with plenary authority to make investigations and settle +disputes. The glory which Columbus had won by the first news of the +discovery of the Indies had now to some extent faded away. The +enterprise yielded as yet no revenue and entailed great expense; and +whenever some reprobate found his way back to Spain, the malicious +Fonseca prompted him to go to the treasury with a claim for pay alleged +to have been wrongfully withheld by the Admiral. Ferdinand Columbus +tells how some fifty such scamps were gathered one day in the courtyard +of the Alhambra, cursing his father and catching hold of the king's +robe, crying, "Pay us! pay us!" and as he and his brother Diego, who +were pages in the queen's service, happened <span class="pagenum"><a id="page498" name="page498"></a>(p. 498)</span> to pass by, they +were greeted with hoots:—"There go the sons of the Admiral of +Mosquito-land, the man who has discovered a land of vanity and deceit, +the grave of Spanish gentlemen!"<a id="footnotetag598" name="footnotetag598"></a><a href="#footnote598" title="Go to footnote 598"><span class="small">[598]</span></a></p> + +<p>An added sting was given to such taunts by a great event that happened +about this time. In the summer of <span class="sidenote">Gama's voyage to Hindustan, 1497.</span> +1497, Vasco da Gama started from +Lisbon for the Cape of Good Hope, and in the summer of 1499 he returned, +after having doubled the cape and crossed the Indian ocean to Calicut on +the Malabar coast of Hindustan. His voyage was the next Portuguese step +sequent upon that of Bartholomew Dias. There was nothing questionable or +dubious about Gama's triumph. He had seen splendid cities, talked with a +powerful Rajah, and met with Arab vessels, their crews madly jealous at +the unprecedented sight of Christian ships in those waters; and he +brought back with him to Lisbon nutmegs and cloves, pepper and ginger, +rubies and emeralds, damask robes with satin linings, bronze chairs with +cushions, trumpets of carved ivory, a sunshade of crimson satin, a sword +in a silver scabbard, and no end of such gear.<a id="footnotetag599" name="footnotetag599"></a><a href="#footnote599" title="Go to footnote 599"><span class="small">[599]</span></a> An old civilization +had been found and a route of commerce discovered, and a factory was to +be set up at once on that Indian coast. What a contrast to the miserable +performance of Columbus, who had started with the flower of Spain's +chivalry for rich Cipango, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page499" name="page499"></a>(p. 499)</span> and had only led them to a land +where they must either starve or do work fit for peasants, while he +spent his time in cruising among wild islands! The king of Portugal +could now snap his fingers at Ferdinand and Isabella, and if a doubt +should have sometimes crossed the minds of those chagrined sovereigns, +as to whether this plausible Genoese mariner might not, after all, be a +humbug or a crazy enthusiast, we can hardly wonder at it.</p> + +<p>The person sent to investigate the affairs of Hispaniola was Francisco +de Bobadilla, a knight commander of the order of Calatrava. He carried +several <span class="sidenote">Fonseca's creature, Bobadilla.</span> +documents, one of them directing him to make inquiries and +punish offenders, another containing his appointment as governor, a +third commanding Columbus and his brothers to surrender to him all +fortresses and other public property.<a id="footnotetag600" name="footnotetag600"></a><a href="#footnote600" title="Go to footnote 600"><span class="small">[600]</span></a> The two latter papers were to +be used only in case of such grave misconduct proved against Columbus as +to justify his removal from the government. These papers were made out +in the spring of 1499, but Bobadilla was not sent out until July, 1500. +When he arrived at San Domingo on the 23d of August, the insurrection +had been suppressed; the Admiral and Bartholomew were bringing things +into order in distant parts of the island, while Diego was left in +command at San Domingo. Seven ringleaders had just been hanged, and five +more were in prison under sentence of death. If Bobadilla had not +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page500" name="page500"></a>(p. 500)</span> come upon the scene this wholesome lesson might have worked +some improvement in affairs.<a id="footnotetag601" name="footnotetag601"></a><a href="#footnote601" title="Go to footnote 601"><span class="small">[601]</span></a> He destroyed its moral in a twinkling. +The first day after landing, he read aloud, at the church door, the +paper directing him to make inquiries and punish offenders; and +forthwith demanded of Diego Columbus that the condemned prisoners should +be delivered up to him. Diego declined to take so important a step until +he could get orders from the Admiral. Next day Bobadilla read his second +and third papers, proclaimed himself governor, called on Diego to +surrender the fortress and public buildings, and renewed his demand for +the prisoners. As Diego still hesitated to act before news of these +proceedings could be sent to his brother, Bobadilla broke into the +fortress, took the prisoners out, and presently set them free. All the +rebellious spirits in the colony were thus drawn to the side of +Bobadilla, whose royal commission, under such circumstances, gave him +irresistible power. He threw Diego into prison and loaded him with +fetters. He seized the Admiral's house, and confiscated all his personal +property, even including his business papers and private letters. When +the Admiral arrived in San Domingo, Bobadilla, <span class="sidenote">Columbus in chains.</span> +without even waiting to +see him, sent an officer to put him in irons and take him to prison. +When Bartholomew arrived, he received the same treatment. The three +brothers were <span class="pagenum"><a id="page501" name="page501"></a>(p. 501)</span> confined in different places, nobody was allowed +to visit them, and they were not informed of the offences with which +they were charged. While they lay in prison, Bobadilla busied himself +with inventing an excuse for this violent behaviour. Finally he hit upon +one at which Satan from the depths of his bottomless pit must have +grimly smiled. He said that he had arrested and imprisoned the brothers +only because he had reason to believe they were inciting the Indians to +aid them in resisting the commands of Ferdinand and Isabella!! In short, +from the day of his landing Bobadilla made common cause with the +insurgent rabble, and when they had furnished him with a ream or so of +charges against the Admiral and his brothers, it seemed safe to send +these gentlemen to Spain. They were put on board ship, with their +fetters upon them, and the officer in charge was instructed by Bobadilla +to deliver them into the hands of Bishop Fonseca, who was thus to have +the privilege of glutting to the full his revengeful spite.</p> + +<p>The master of the ship, shocked at the sight of fetters upon such a man +as the Admiral, would have taken them off, but <span class="sidenote">Return to Spain.</span> +Columbus would not let it +be done. No, indeed! they should never come off except by order of the +sovereigns, and then he would keep them for the rest of his life, to +show how his labours had been rewarded.<a id="footnotetag602" name="footnotetag602"></a><a href="#footnote602" title="Go to footnote 602"><span class="small">[602]</span></a> The event—which always +justifies true manliness—proved the sagacity of this proud <span class="pagenum"><a id="page502" name="page502"></a>(p. 502)</span> +demeanour. Fonseca was baulked of his gratification. The clumsy +Bobadilla had overdone the business. The sight of the Admiral's stately +and venerable figure in chains, as he passed through the streets of +Cadiz, on a December day of that year 1500, awakened a popular outburst +of sympathy for him and indignation at his persecutors. While on the +ship he had written or dictated a beautiful and touching letter<a id="footnotetag603" name="footnotetag603"></a><a href="#footnote603" title="Go to footnote 603"><span class="small">[603]</span></a> to +a lady of whom the queen was fond, the former nurse of the Infante, +whose untimely death, three years since, his mother was still mourning. +This letter reached the court at Granada, and was read to the queen +before she had heard of Bobadilla's performances from any other quarter. +A courier was sent in all haste to Cadiz, with orders that the brothers +should at once be released, and with a letter to the Admiral, inviting +him to court and enclosing an order for money to cover his expenses. +<span class="sidenote">Release of Columbus.</span> +The +scene in the Alhambra, when Columbus arrived, is one of the most +touching in history. Isabella received him with tears in her eyes, and +then this much-enduring old man, whose proud and masterful spirit had so +long been proof against all wrongs and insults, broke down. He threw +himself at the feet of the sovereigns in an agony of tears and +sobs.<a id="footnotetag604" name="footnotetag604"></a><a href="#footnote604" title="Go to footnote 604"><span class="small">[604]</span></a></p> + +<p>How far the sovereigns should be held responsible for the behaviour of +their agent is not altogether easy to determine. The appointment of such +a creature as Bobadilla was a sad blunder, but one <span class="pagenum"><a id="page503" name="page503"></a>(p. 503)</span> such as is +liable to be made under any government. +<span class="sidenote">How far were the sovereigns responsible for Bobadilla?</span> +Fonseca was very powerful at +court, and Bobadilla never would have dared to proceed as he did if he +had not known that the bishop would support him. Indeed, from the +indecent haste with which he went about his work, without even the +pretence of a judicial inquiry, it is probable that he started with +private instructions from that quarter. But, while Fonseca had some of +the wisdom along with the venom of the serpent, Bobadilla was simply a +jackass, and behaved so that in common decency the sovereigns were +obliged to disown him. They took no formal or public notice of his +written charges against the Admiral, and they assured the latter that he +should be reimbursed for his losses and restored to his viceroyalty and +other dignities.</p> + +<p>This last promise, however, was not fulfilled; partly, perhaps, because +Fonseca's influence was still strong enough to prevent it, partly +because the sovereigns may have come to the sound and reasonable +conclusion that for the present there was no use in committing the +government of that disorderly rabble in Hispaniola to a foreigner. What +was wanted was a Spanish priest, and a military priest withal, of the +sort that Spain then had in plenty. Obedience to priests came natural to +Spaniards. <span class="sidenote">Ovando, another creature of Fonseca, appointed governor of +Hispaniola.</span> +The man now selected was Nicolas de Ovando, a knight +commander of the order of Alcántara, of whom we shall have more to say +hereafter.<a id="footnotetag605" name="footnotetag605"></a><a href="#footnote605" title="Go to footnote 605"><span class="small">[605]</span></a> Suffice it now to observe that he proved himself a +famous <span class="pagenum"><a id="page504" name="page504"></a>(p. 504)</span> disciplinarian, and that he was a great favourite with +Fonseca, to whom he seems to have owed his appointment. He went out in +February, 1502, with a fleet of thirty ships carrying 2,500 persons, for +the pendulum of public opinion had taken another swing, and faith in the +Indies was renewed. Some great discoveries, to be related in the next +chapter, had been made since 1498; and, moreover, the gold mines of +Hispaniola were beginning to yield rich treasures.</p> + +<p>But, while the sovereigns were not disposed to restore Columbus to his +viceroyalty, they were quite ready to send him on <span class="sidenote">Purpose of Columbus's fourth voyage.</span> +another voyage of +discovery which was directly suggested by the recent Portuguese voyage +of Gama. Since nothing was yet known about the discovery of a New World, +the achievement of Gama seemed to have eclipsed that of Columbus. Spain +must make a response to Portugal. As already observed, the Admiral +supposed the coast of his "Eden continent" (South America) either to be +continuous with the coast of Cochin China (Cuba) and Malacca, or else to +be divided from that coast by a strait. The latter opinion was the more +probable, since Marco Polo and a few other Europeans had sailed from +China into the Indian ocean without encountering any great continent +that had to be circumnavigated. The recent expedition of Vespucius and +Ojeda (1499-1500) had followed the northern coast of South America for a +long distance to the west of Cubagua, as far as the gulf of Maracaibo. +Columbus now decided to return to the coast of Cochin China (Cuba) and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page505" name="page505"></a>(p. 505)</span> follow the coast southwestward until he should find the +passage between his Eden continent and the Golden Chersonese (Malacca) +into the Indian ocean. He would thus be able to reach by this western +route the same shores of Hindustan which Gama had lately reached by +sailing eastward. So confident did he feel of the success of this +enterprise, that he wrote a letter to Pope Alexander VI., renewing his +vow to furnish troops for the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre.<a id="footnotetag606" name="footnotetag606"></a><a href="#footnote606" title="Go to footnote 606"><span class="small">[606]</span></a> It was +no doubt the symptom of a reaction against his misfortunes that he grew +more and more mystical in these days, consoling himself with the belief +that he was a chosen instrument in the hands of Providence for enlarging +the bounds of Christendom. In this mood he made some studies on the +prophecies, after the fantastic fashion of his time,<a id="footnotetag607" name="footnotetag607"></a><a href="#footnote607" title="Go to footnote 607"><span class="small">[607]</span></a> and a habit +grew upon him of attributing his discoveries to miraculous inspiration +rather than to the good use to which his poetical and scientific mind +had put the data furnished by Marco Polo and the ancient geographers.</p> + +<p>The armament for the Admiral's fourth and last voyage consisted of four +small caravels, of from fifty to seventy tons burthen, with crews +numbering, all told, 150 men. <span class="sidenote">Crossing the Atlantic.</span> +His brother Bartholomew, and his younger +son Ferdinand, then a boy of fourteen, accompanied him. They sailed from +Cadiz on the 11th of May, 1502, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page506" name="page506"></a>(p. 506)</span> and finally left the Canaries +behind on the 26th of the same month. The course chosen was the same as +on the second voyage, and the unfailing trade-winds brought the ships on +the 15th of June to an island called Mantinino, probably Martinique, not +more than ten leagues distant from Dominica. The Admiral had been +instructed not to touch at Hispaniola upon his way out, probably for +fear of further commotions there until Ovando should have succeeded in +bringing order out of the confusion ten times worse confounded into +which Bobadilla's misgovernment had thrown that island. Columbus might +stop there on his return, but not on his outward voyage. His intention +had, therefore, been, on reaching the cannibal islands, to steer for +Jamaica, thence make the short run to "Cochin China," and then turn +southwards. But as one of his caravels threatened soon to become +unmanageable, he thought himself justified in touching at San Domingo +long enough to hire a sound vessel in place of her. Ovando had assumed +the government there in April, and a squadron of 26 or 28 ships, +containing Roldan and Bobadilla, with huge quantities of gold wrung from +the enslaved Indians, was ready to start for Spain about the end of +June. In one of these ships were 4,000 pieces of gold destined for +Columbus, probably a part of the reimbursement that had been promised +him. On the 29th of June the Admiral arrived in the harbour and stated +the nature of his errand. At the same time, as his practised eye had +detected the symptoms of an approaching hurricane, he requested +permission to stay in the harbour until it should <span class="pagenum"><a id="page507" name="page507"></a>(p. 507)</span> be over, and +he furthermore sent to the commander of the fleet a friendly warning not +to venture out to sea at present. His requests and his warnings were +alike treated with contumely. <span class="sidenote">Columbus not allowed to stop at San Domingo.</span> +He was ordered to leave the harbour, and +did so in great indignation. As his first care was for the approaching +tempest, he did not go far but found safe anchorage in a sheltered and +secluded cove, where his vessels rode the storm with difficulty but +without serious damage. Meanwhile the governor's great fleet had rashly +put out to sea, and was struck with fatal fury by wind and wave. Twenty +or more ships went to the bottom, with Bobadilla, Roldan, and most of +the Admiral's principal enemies, besides all the ill-gotten treasure; +five or six shattered caravels, unable to proceed, found their way back +to San Domingo; of all the fleet, only one ship arrived safe and sound +in Spain, and that, says Ferdinand, was the one that had on board his +father's gold. Truly it was such an instance of poetical justice as one +does not often witness in this world. "We will not inquire now," says +Las Casas, who witnessed the affair, "into this remarkable divine +judgment, for at the last day of the world it will be made quite clear +to us."<a id="footnotetag608" name="footnotetag608"></a><a href="#footnote608" title="Go to footnote 608"><span class="small">[608]</span></a> If such judgments were more often visited upon the right +persons, perhaps the ways of Providence would not have so generally come +to be regarded as inscrutable.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page508" name="page508"></a>(p. 508)</span> + +<p>The hurricane was followed by a dead calm, during which the Admiral's +ships were carried by the currents into the <span class="sidenote">Arrival at Cape Honduras.</span> +group of tiny islands called +the Queen's Gardens, on the south side of Cuba. With the first +favourable breeze he took a southwesterly course, in order to strike +that Cochin-Chinese coast farther down toward the Malay peninsula. This +brought him directly to the island of Guanaja and to Cape Honduras, +which he thus reached without approaching the Yucatan channel.<a id="footnotetag609" name="footnotetag609"></a><a href="#footnote609" title="Go to footnote 609"><span class="small">[609]</span></a></p> + +<p>Upon the Honduras coast the Admiral found evidences of semi-civilization +with which he was much elated,—such as copper knives and hatchets, +pottery of skilled and artistic workmanship, and cotton garments finely +woven and beautifully dyed. Here the Spaniards first tasted the +<i>chicha</i>, or maize beer, and marvelled at the heavy clubs, armed with +sharp blades of obsidian, with which the soldiers of Cortes were by and +by to become unpleasantly acquainted. The people here wore cotton +clothes, and, according to Ferdinand, the women covered themselves as +carefully as the Moorish women of Granada.<a id="footnotetag610" name="footnotetag610"></a><a href="#footnote610" title="Go to footnote 610"><span class="small">[610]</span></a> On inquiring as to the +sources of gold and other wealth, the Admiral was now referred to the +west, evidently to Yucatan and Guatemala, or, as he supposed, to the +neighbourhood of the Ganges. Evidently the way to reach these countries +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page509" name="page509"></a>(p. 509)</span> was to keep the land on the starboard and search for the +passage between the Eden continent and the Malay peninsula.<a id="footnotetag611" name="footnotetag611"></a><a href="#footnote611" title="Go to footnote 611"><span class="small">[611]</span></a> This +course at first led Columbus eastward for a greater number of leagues +than he could have relished. Wind and current were dead against him, +too; and when, after forty days of wretched weather, +<span class="sidenote">Cape Gracias a Dios.</span> +he succeeded in +doubling the cape which marks on that coast the end of Honduras and the +beginning of Nicaragua, and found it turning square to the south, it was +doubtless joy at this auspicious change of direction, as well as the +sudden relief from head-winds, that prompted him to name that bold +prominence Cape Gracias a Dios, or Thanks to God.</p> + +<span class="sidenote">Columbus shipwrecked.</span> + +<p>As the ships proceeded southward in the direction of Veragua, evidences +of the kind of semi-civilization which we recognize as characteristic of +that part of aboriginal America grew more and more numerous. Great +houses were seen, built of "stone and lime," or perhaps of rubble stone +with adobe mortar. Walls were adorned with carvings and pictographs. +<span class="sidenote">The coast of Veragua.</span> +Mummies were found in a good state of preservation. There were signs of +abundant gold; the natives wore plates <span class="pagenum"><a id="page510" name="page510"></a>(p. 510)</span> of it hung by cotton +cords about their necks, and were ready to exchange pieces worth a +hundred ducats for tawdry European trinkets. From these people Columbus +heard what we should call the first "news of the Pacific Ocean," though +it had no such meaning to his mind. From what he heard he understood +that he was on the east side of a peninsula, and that there was another +sea on the other side, by gaining which he might in ten days reach the +mouth of the Ganges.<a id="footnotetag612" name="footnotetag612"></a><a href="#footnote612" title="Go to footnote 612"><span class="small">[612]</span></a> By proceeding on his present course he would +soon come to a "narrow place" between the two seas. There was a curious +equivocation here. No doubt the Indians were honest and correct in what +they tried to tell Columbus. But by the "narrow place" they meant narrow +land, not narrow water; <span class="sidenote">Fruitless search for the Strait of Malacca.</span> +not a strait which connected but an isthmus +which divided the two seas, not the Strait of Malacca, but the Isthmus +of Darien!<a id="footnotetag613" name="footnotetag613"></a><a href="#footnote613" title="Go to footnote 613"><span class="small">[613]</span></a> Columbus, of course, understood them to mean the strait +for which he was looking, and in his excitement at approaching the +long-expected goal he pressed on without waiting to verify the reports +of gold mines in the neighbourhood, a thing that could be done at any +time.<a id="footnotetag614" name="footnotetag614"></a><a href="#footnote614" title="Go to footnote 614"><span class="small">[614]</span></a> By the 5th of December, however, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page511" name="page511"></a>(p. 511)</span> having reached a +point on the isthmus, a few leagues east of Puerto Bello, without +finding the strait, he yielded to the remonstrances of the crews, and +retraced his course to Veragua. If the strait could not be found, the +next best tidings to carry home to Spain would be the certain +information of the discovery of gold mines, and it was decided to make a +<span class="sidenote">Futile attempt to make a settlement.</span> +settlement here which might serve as a base for future operations. Three +months of misery followed. Many of the party were massacred by the +Indians, the stock of food was nearly exhausted, and the ships were +pierced by worms until it was feared there would be no means left for +going home. Accordingly, it was decided to abandon the enterprise and +return to Hispaniola.<a id="footnotetag615" name="footnotetag615"></a><a href="#footnote615" title="Go to footnote 615"><span class="small">[615]</span></a> In order to allow for the strong westerly +currents in the Caribbean sea, the Admiral first sailed eastward almost +to the gulf of Darien, and then turned to the north. The allowance was +not enough, however. The ships were again carried into the Queen's +Gardens, where they were caught in a storm and nearly beaten to pieces. +At length, on St. John's eve, June 23, 1503, the crazy wrecks—now full +of water and unable to sail another league—were beached on <span class="pagenum"><a id="page512" name="page512"></a>(p. 512)</span> +the coast of Jamaica and converted into a sort of rude fortress; and +while two trusty men were sent over to San Domingo in a canoe, to obtain +relief, Columbus and his party remained shipwrecked in Jamaica. They +waited there a whole year before it proved possible to get any relief +from Ovando. He was a slippery knave, who knew how to deal out promises +without taking the first step toward fulfilment.</p> + +<p>It was a terrible year that Columbus spent upon the wild coast of +Jamaica. <span class="sidenote">A year of misery.</span> +To all the horrors inseparable from such a situation there was +added the horror of mutiny. The year did not end until there had been a +pitched battle, in which the doughty Bartholomew was, as usual, +victorious. The ringleader was captured, and of the other mutineers such +as were not slain in the fight were humbled and pardoned. At length +Ovando's conduct began to arouse indignation in San Domingo, and was +openly condemned from the pulpit; so that, late in June, 1504, he sent +over to Jamaica a couple of ships which brought away the Admiral and his +starving party. Ovando greeted the brothers Columbus with his customary +hypocritical courtesy, which they well understood. During the past year +the island of Hispaniola had been the scene of atrocities such as have +scarcely been surpassed in history. I shall give a brief account of them +in a future chapter. Columbus was not cheered by what he saw and heard, +and lost no time in starting for Spain. On the 7th of November, 1504, +after a tempestuous voyage and narrow escape from shipwreck, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page513" name="page513"></a>(p. 513)</span> +he landed at San Lucar de Barrameda and made his way to Seville. +<span class="sidenote">Last return to Spain.</span> +Queen +Isabella was then on her death-bed, and breathed her last just nineteen +days later.</p> + +<p>The death of the queen deprived Columbus of the only protector who could +stand between him and Fonseca. The reimbursement for the wrongs which he +had suffered at that man's hands was never made. The last eighteen +months of the Admiral's life were spent in sickness and poverty. +Accumulated hardship and disappointment had broken him down, and he died +on <span class="sidenote">Death of Columbus.</span> +Ascension day, May 20, 1506, at Valladolid. So little heed was taken +of his passing away that the local annals of that city, "which give +almost every insignificant event from 1333 to 1539, day by day, do not +mention it."<a id="footnotetag616" name="footnotetag616"></a><a href="#footnote616" title="Go to footnote 616"><span class="small">[616]</span></a> His remains were buried in the Franciscan monastery at +Valladolid, whence they were removed in 1513 to the monastery of Las +Cuevas, at Seville, where the body of his son Diego, second Admiral and +Viceroy of the Indies, was buried in 1526. Ten years after this date, +the bones of father and son were removed to Hispaniola, to the cathedral +of San Domingo; whence they have since been transferred to Havana. The +result of so many removals has been to raise doubts as to whether the +ashes now reposing at Havana are really those of Columbus and his son; +and over this question there has been much critical discussion, of a +sort that we may cheerfully leave to those who like to spend their time +over such trivialities.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page514" name="page514"></a>(p. 514)</span> + +<p>There is a tradition that Ferdinand and Isabella, at some date +unspecified, had granted to Columbus, as a legend for his coat-of-arms, +the noble motto:—</p> + +<p class="left30">Á Castilla y á Leon<br> +Nuevo mundo dió Colon,</p> + +<p class="noindent"><i>i. e.</i> "To Castile-and-Leon Columbus gave a New World;" and we are +further told that, when the <span class="sidenote">"Nuevo Mundo."</span> +Admiral's bones were removed to Seville, +this motto was, by order of King Ferdinand, inscribed upon his +tomb.<a id="footnotetag617" name="footnotetag617"></a><a href="#footnote617" title="Go to footnote 617"><span class="small">[617]</span></a> This tradition crumbles under the touch of historical +criticism. The Admiral's coat-of-arms, as finally emblazoned under his +own inspection at Seville in 1502, quarters the royal Castle-and-Lion of +the kingdom of Castile with his own devices of five anchors, and a group +of golden islands with a bit of Terra Firma, upon a blue sea. But there +is no legend of any sort, nor is anything of the kind mentioned by Las +Casas or Bernaldez or Peter Martyr. The first allusion to such a motto +is by Oviedo, in 1535, who gives it a somewhat different turn:— + +<p class="left30">Por Castilla y por Leon<br> +Nuevo mundo halló Colon,</p> + +<p class="noident"><i>i. e.</i> "For Castile-and-Leon Columbus found a New World." But the other +form is no doubt the better, for Ferdinand Columbus, at some time not +later than 1537, had adopted it, and it may be read to-day upon his tomb +in the cathedral at Seville. The time-honoured tradition has evidently +transferred <span class="pagenum"><a id="page515" name="page515"></a>(p. 515)</span> to the father the legend adopted, if not +originally devised, by his son.</p> + +<a id="img021" name="img021"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img021.jpg" width="400" height="306" alt="Arms." title=""> +</div> + +<p>But why is this mere question of heraldry a matter of importance for the +historian? Simply because it furnishes one of the most striking among +many illustrations of the fact that at no time during the life of +Columbus, nor for some years after his death, did anybody use the phrase +"New World" with conscious reference to <i>his</i> discoveries. At the time +of his death their true significance had not yet begun to dawn upon the +mind of any voyager or any writer. It was supposed that he had found a +new route to the Indies by sailing west, and that in the course of this +achievement he had discovered some new islands and a bit or bits of +Terra Firma of more or less doubtful commercial value. To group these +items of discovery into an organic whole, and to ascertain that they +belonged to a whole quite distinct from the Old World, required the work +of many other discoverers, companions and successors to Columbus. In the +following chapter I shall <span class="pagenum"><a id="page516" name="page516"></a>(p. 516)</span> endeavour to show how the conception +of the New World was thus originated and at length became developed into +the form with which we are now familiar.<a href="#toc"><span class="small">[Back to Contents]</span></a></p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page517" name="page517"></a>(p. 517)</span> + +<a id="img022" name="img022"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img022b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img022.jpg" width="400" height="254" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Sketch of Toscanelli's map, sent to Portugal in +1474, and used by Columbus in his first voyage across the Atlantic.</p> +</div> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page518" name="page518"></a>(p. 518)</span> + +<a id="img023" name="img023"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/img023b.jpg"> +<img src="images/img023.jpg" width="400" height="226" alt="" title=""></a> +<p> Claudius Ptolemy's world, cir. <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 150.</p> +</div> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page519" name="page519"></a>(p. 519)</span> + +<p class="p4"><a id="footnote1" name="footnote1"></a> +<strong>Footnote 1:</strong> See my <i>Excursions of an Evolutionist</i>, p. 148. A good +succinct account of these various theories, monuments of wasted +ingenuity, is given in Short's <i>North Americans of Antiquity</i>, chap. +iii. The most elaborate statement of the theory of an Israelite +colonization of America is to be found in the ponderous tomes of Lord +Kingsborough, <i>Mexican Antiquities</i>, London, 1831-48, 9 vols. +elephant-folio. Such a theory was entertained by the author of that +curious piece of literary imposture, <i>The Book of Mormon</i>. In this book +we are told that, when the tongues were confounded at Babel, the Lord +selected a certain Jared, with his family and friends, and instructed +them to build eight ships, in which, after a voyage of 344 days, they +were brought to America, where they "did build many mighty cities," and +"prosper exceedingly." But after some centuries they perished because of +their iniquities. In the reign of Zedekiah, when calamity was impending +over Judah, two brothers, Nephi and Laman, under divine guidance led a +colony to America. There, says the veracious chronicler, their +descendants became great nations, and worked in <i>iron</i>, and had stuffs +of <i>silk</i>, besides keeping plenty of <i>oxen</i> and <i>sheep</i>. (<i>Ether</i>, ix. +18, 19; x. 23, 24.) Christ appeared and wrought many wonderful works; +people spake with tongues, and the dead were raised. (3 <i>Nephi</i>, xxvi. +14, 15.) But about the close of the fourth century of our era, a +terrible war between Lamanites and Nephites ended in the destruction of +the latter. Some two million warriors, with their wives and children, +having been slaughtered, the prophet Mormon escaped, with his son +Moroni, to the "hill Cumorah," hard by the "waters of Ripliancum," or +Lake Ontario. (<i>Ether</i>, xv. 2, 8, 11.) There they hid the sacred +tablets, which remained concealed until they were miraculously +discovered and translated by Joseph Smith in 1827. There is, of course, +no element of tradition in this story. It is all pure fiction, and of a +very clumsy sort, such as might easily be devised by an ignorant man +accustomed to the language of the Bible; and of course it was suggested +by the old notion of the Israelitish origin of the red men. The +references are to <i>The Book of Mormon</i>, Salt Lake City: Deseret News +Co., 1885.<a href="#footnotetag1"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote2" name="footnote2"></a> +<strong>Footnote 2:</strong> <i>Second Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of American +Archæology</i>, etc., p. 18.<a href="#footnotetag2"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote3" name="footnote3"></a> +<strong>Footnote 3:</strong> Visited in 1866-74 by Professor Jeffries Wyman, and +described in his <i>Fresh-Water Shell Mounds of the St. John's River</i>, +Cambridge, 1875.<a href="#footnotetag3"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote4" name="footnote4"></a> +<strong>Footnote 4:</strong> <i>Excursions of an Evolutionist</i>, +p. 39.<a href="#footnotetag4"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote5" name="footnote5"></a> +<strong>Footnote 5:</strong> Croll, <i>Climate and Time in their Geological Relations</i>, +New York, 1875; <i>Discussions on Climate and Cosmology</i>, New York, 1886; +Archibald Geikie, <i>Text Book of Geology</i>, pp. 23-29, 883-909, London, +1882; James Geikie, <i>The Great Ice Age</i>, pp. 94-136, New York, 1874; +<i>Prehistoric Europe</i>, pp. 558-562, London, 1881; Wallace, <i>Island Life</i>, +pp. 101-225, New York, 1881. Some objections to Croll's theory may be +found in Wright's <i>Ice Age in North America</i>, pp. 405-505, 585-595, New +York, 1889. I have given a brief account of the theory in my <i>Excursions +of an Evolutionist</i>, pp. 57-76.<a href="#footnotetag5"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote6" name="footnote6"></a> +<strong>Footnote 6:</strong> See Miss F. E. Babbitt, "Vestiges of Glacial Man in +Minnesota," in <i>Proceedings of the American Association</i>, vol. xxxii., +1883.<a href="#footnotetag6"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote7" name="footnote7"></a> +<strong>Footnote 7:</strong> See N. H. Winchell, <i>Annual Report of the State Geologist +of Minnesota</i>, 1877, p. 60.<a href="#footnotetag7"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote8" name="footnote8"></a> +<strong>Footnote 8:</strong> Wright's <i>Ice Age in North America</i>, +p. 516.<a href="#footnotetag8"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote9" name="footnote9"></a> +<strong>Footnote 9:</strong> The chipped implements discovered by Messrs. Abbott, Metz, +and Cresson, and by Miss Babbitt, are all on exhibition at the Peabody +Museum in Cambridge, whither it is necessary to go if one would get a +comprehensive view of the relics of interglacial man in North America. +The collection of implements made by Dr. Abbott includes much more than +the palæoliths already referred to. It is one of the most important +collections in the world, and is worth a long journey to see. Containing +more than 20,000 implements, all found within a very limited area in New +Jersey, "as now arranged, the collection exhibits at one and the same +time the sequence of peoples and phases of development in the valley of +the Delaware, from palæolithic man, through the intermediate period, to +the recent Indians, and the relative numerical proportion of the many +forms of their implements, each in its time.... It is doubtful whether +any similar collection exists from which a student can gather so much +information at sight as in this, where the natural pebbles from the +gravel begin the series, and the beautifully chipped points of chert, +jasper, and quartz terminate it in one direction, and the polished celts +and grooved stone axes in the other." There are three principal +groups,—first, the interglacial palæoliths, secondly, the argillite +points and flakes, and thirdly, the arrow-heads, knives, mortars and +pestles, axes and hoes, ornamental stones, etc., of Indians of the +recent period. Dr. Abbott's <i>Primitive Industry</i>, published in 1881, is +a useful manual for studying this collection; and an account of his +discoveries in the glacial gravels is given in <i>Reports of the Peabody +Museum</i>, vol. ii. pp. 30-48, 225-258; see also vol. iii. p. 492. A +succinct and judicious account of the whole subject is given by H. W. +Haynes, "The Prehistoric Archæology of North America," in Winsor's +<i>Narrative and Critical History</i>, vol. i. pp. 329-368.<a href="#footnotetag9"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote10" name="footnote10"></a> +<strong>Footnote 10:</strong> J. D. Whitney, "The Auriferous Gravels of the Sierra +Nevada", <i>Memoirs of the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy at Harvard +College</i>, Cambridge, 1880, vol. vi.<a href="#footnotetag10"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote11" name="footnote11"></a> +<strong>Footnote 11:</strong> In an essay published in 1882 on "Europe before the +Arrival of Man" (<i>Excursions of an Evolutionist</i>, pp. 1-40), I argued +that if we are to find traces of the "missing link," or primordial stock +of primates from which man has been derived, we must undoubtedly look +for it in the Miocene (p. <a href="#page036">36</a>). I am pleased at finding the same opinion +lately expressed by one of the highest living authorities. The case is +thus stated by Alfred Russel Wallace: "The evidence we now possess of +the exact nature of the resemblance of man to the various species of +anthropoid apes, shows us that he has little special affinity for any +one rather than another species, while he differs from them all in +several important characters in which they agree with each other. The +conclusion to be drawn from these facts is, that his points of affinity +connect him with the whole group, while his special peculiarities +equally separate him from the whole group, and that he must, therefore, +have diverged from the common ancestral form before the existing types +of anthropoid apes had diverged from each other. Now this divergence +almost certainly took place as early as the Miocene period, because in +the Upper Miocene deposits of western Europe remains of two species of +ape have been found allied to the gibbons, one of them, dryopithecus, +nearly as large as a man, and believed by M. Lartet to have approached +man in its dentition more than the existing apes. We seem hardly, +therefore, to have reached in the Upper Miocene the epoch of the common +ancestor of man and the anthropoids." (<i>Darwinism</i>, p. 455, London, +1889.) Mr. Wallace goes on to answer the objection of Professor Boyd +Dawkins, "that man did not probably exist in Pliocene times, because +almost all the known mammalia of that epoch are distinct species from +those now living on the earth, and that the same changes of the +environment which led to the modification of other mammalian species +would also have led to a change in man." This argument, at first sight +apparently formidable, quite overlooks the fact that in the evolution of +man there came a point after which variations in his intelligence were +seized upon more and more exclusively by natural selection, to the +comparative neglect of physical variations. After that point man changed +but little in physical characteristics, except in size and complexity of +brain. This is the theorem first propounded by Mr. Wallace in the +<i>Anthropological Review</i>, May, 1864; restated in his <i>Contributions to +Natural Selection</i>, chap. ix., in 1870; and further extended and +developed by me in connection with the theory of man's origin first +suggested in my lectures at Harvard in 1871, and worked out in <i>Cosmic +Philosophy</i>, part ii., chapters xvi., xxi., xxii.<a href="#footnotetag11"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote12" name="footnote12"></a> +<strong>Footnote 12:</strong> See, for example, the map of Europe in early post-glacial +times, in James Geikie's <i>Prehistoric Europe</i>.<a href="#footnotetag12"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote13" name="footnote13"></a> +<strong>Footnote 13:</strong> "There are three human crania in the Museum, which were +found in the gravel at Trenton, one several feet below the surface, the +others near the surface. These skulls, which are of remarkable +uniformity, are of small size and of oval shape, differing from all +other skulls in the Museum. In fact they are of a distinct type, and +hence of the greatest importance. So far as they go they indicate that +palæolithic man was exterminated, or has become lost by admixture with +others during the many thousand years which have passed since he +inhabited the Delaware valley." F. W. Putnam, "The Peabody Museum," +<i>Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society</i>, 1889, New Series, +vol. vi. p. 189.<a href="#footnotetag13"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote14" name="footnote14"></a> +<strong>Footnote 14:</strong> An excellent example of this is the expansion and +modification undergone during the past twenty years by our theories of +the Aryan settlement of Europe. See Benfey's preface to Fick's +<i>Woerterbuch der Indogermanischen Grundsprache</i>, 1868; Geiger, <i>Zur +Entwickelungsgeschichte der Menschheit</i>, 1871; Cuno, <i>Forschungen im +Gebiete der alten Voelkerkunde</i>, 1871; Schmidt, <i>Die +Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse der Indogermanischen Sprachen</i>, 1872; +Poesche, <i>Die Arier</i>, 1878; Lindenschmit, <i>Handbuch der deutschen +Alterthumskunde</i>, 1880; Penka, <i>Origines Ariacæ</i>, 1883, and <i>Die +Herkunft der Arier</i>, 1886; Spiegel, <i>Die arische Periode und ihre +Zustande</i>, 1887; Rendal, <i>Cradle of the Aryans</i>, 1889; Schrader, +<i>Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte</i>, 1883, and second edition +translated into English, with the title <i>Prehistoric Antiquities of the +Aryan Peoples</i>, 1890. Schrader's is an epoch-making book. An attempt to +defend the older and simpler views is made by Max Müller, <i>Biographies +of Words and the Home of the Aryas</i>, 1888; see also Van den Gheyn, +<i>L'origine européenne des Aryas</i>, 1889. The whole case is well summed up +by Isaac Taylor, <i>Origin of the Aryans</i>, 1889.<a href="#footnotetag14"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote15" name="footnote15"></a> +<strong>Footnote 15:</strong> See Dawkins, <i>Early Man in Britain</i>, +pp. 233-245.<a href="#footnotetag15"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote16" name="footnote16"></a> +<strong>Footnote 16:</strong> According to Dr. Rink the Eskimos formerly inhabited the +central portions of North America, and have retreated or been driven +northward; he would make the Eskimos of Siberia an offshoot from those +of America, though he freely admits that there are grounds for +entertaining the opposite view. Dr. Abbott is inclined to attribute an +Eskimo origin to some of the palæoliths of the Trenton gravel. On the +other hand, Mr. Clements Markham derives the American Eskimos from those +of Siberia. It seems to me that these views may be comprehended and +reconciled in a wider one. I would suggest that during the Glacial +period the ancestral Eskimos may have gradually become adapted to arctic +conditions of life; that in the mild interglacial intervals they +migrated northward along with the musk-sheep; and that upon the return +of the cold they migrated southward again, keeping always near the edge +of the ice-sheet. Such a southward migration would naturally enough +bring them in one continent down to the Pyrenees, in the other down to +the Alleghanies; and naturally enough the modern inquirer has his +attention first directed to the indications of their final retreat, +<i>both</i> northward in America and northeastward from Europe through +Siberia. This is like what happened with so many plants and animals. +Compare Darwin's remarks on "Dispersal in the Glacial Period," <i>Origin +of Species</i>, chap. xii.</p> + +<p>The best books on the Eskimos are those of Dr. Rink, <i>Tales and +Traditions of the Eskimo</i>, Edinburgh, 1875; <i>Danish Greenland</i>, London, +1877; <i>The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and Characteristics, +especially in regard to Language</i>, Copenhagen, 1887. See also Franz +Boas, "The Central Eskimo," <i>Sixth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology</i>, +Washington, 1888, pp. 399-669; W. H. Dall. <i>Alaska and its Resources</i>, +1870; Markham, "Origin and Migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux," +<i>Journal of the Royal Geographical Society</i>, 1865; Cranz, <i>Historie von +Groenland</i>, Leipsic, 1765; Petitot, <i>Traditions indiennes du Canada +nord-ouest</i>, Paris, 1886; Pilling's <i>Bibliography of the Eskimo +Language</i>, Washington, 1887; Wells and Kelly, <i>English-Eskimo and +Eskimo-English Vocabularies, with Ethnographical Memoranda concerning +the Arctic Eskimos in Alaska and Siberia</i>, Washington, 1890; +Carstensen's <i>Two Summers in Greenland</i>, London, 1890.<a href="#footnotetag16"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote17" name="footnote17"></a> +<strong>Footnote 17:</strong> Wallace, <i>Geographical Distribution of Animals</i>, vol. ii. +p. 155.<a href="#footnotetag17"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote18" name="footnote18"></a> +<strong>Footnote 18:</strong> Asa Gray, "Sequoia and its History," in his <i>Darwiniana</i>, +pp. 205-235.<a href="#footnotetag18"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote19" name="footnote19"></a> +<strong>Footnote 19:</strong> Illustrations may be found in plenty in the learned works +of Brasseur de Bourbourg:—<i>Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique +et de l'Amérique centrale</i>, 4 vols., Paris, 1857-58; <i>Popol Vuh</i>, Paris, +1861; <i>Quatre lettres sur le Mexique</i>, Paris, 1868; <i>Le manuscrit +Troano</i>, Paris, 1870, etc.<a href="#footnotetag19"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote20" name="footnote20"></a> +<strong>Footnote 20:</strong> See Werner, "The African Pygmies," <i>Popular Science +Monthly</i>, September, 1890,—a thoughtful and interesting +article.<a href="#footnotetag20"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote21" name="footnote21"></a> +<strong>Footnote 21:</strong> This sort of illustration requires continual limitation +and qualification. The case in ancient America was not <i>quite</i> as it +would have been in Europe if there had been only Aryans there. The +semi-civilized people of the Cordilleras were relatively brachycephalous +as compared with the more barbarous Indians north and east of New +Mexico. It is correct to call this a distinction of race if we mean +thereby a distinction developed upon American soil, a differentiation +within the limits of the red race, and not an intrusion from without. In +this sense the Caribs also may be regarded as a distinct sub-race; and, +in the same sense, we may call the Kafirs a distinct sub-race of African +blacks. See, as to the latter, Tylor, <i>Anthropology</i>, +p. 39.<a href="#footnotetag21"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote22" name="footnote22"></a> +<strong>Footnote 22:</strong> As Sir John Lubbock well says, "Different races in similar +stages of development often present more features of resemblance to one +another than the same race does to itself in different stages of its +history." (<i>Origin of Civilization</i>, p. 11.) If every student of history +and ethnology would begin by learning this lesson, the world would be +spared a vast amount of unprofitable theorizing.<a href="#footnotetag22"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote23" name="footnote23"></a> +<strong>Footnote 23:</strong> See his great work on <i>Ancient Society</i>, +New York, 1877.<a href="#footnotetag23"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote24" name="footnote24"></a> +<strong>Footnote 24:</strong> See the evidence in Tylor, <i>Researches into the Early +History of Mankind</i>, pp. 269-272; cf. Lubbock, <i>Prehistoric Times</i>, p. +573; and see Cushing's masterly "Study of Pueblo Pottery," etc., +<i>Reports of Bureau of Ethnology</i>, iv., 473-521.<a href="#footnotetag24"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote25" name="footnote25"></a> +<strong>Footnote 25:</strong> Lumholtz, <i>Among Cannibals</i>, London, 1889, gives a vivid +picture of aboriginal life in Australia.<a href="#footnotetag25"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote26" name="footnote26"></a> +<strong>Footnote 26:</strong> The case of Peru, which forms an apparent but not real +exception to this general statement, will be considered below in chap. +ix.<a href="#footnotetag26"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote27" name="footnote27"></a> +<strong>Footnote 27:</strong> See Shaler, "Physiography of North America," in Winsor's +<i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i> vol. iv. p. xiii.<a href="#footnotetag27"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote28" name="footnote28"></a> +<strong>Footnote 28:</strong> "No manure was used," says Mr. Parkman, speaking of the +Hurons, "but at intervals of from ten to twenty years, when the soil was +exhausted and firewood distant, the village was abandoned and a new one +built." <i>Jesuits in North America</i>, +p. xxx.<a href="#footnotetag28"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote29" name="footnote29"></a> +<strong>Footnote 29:</strong> In the interesting architectural remains unearthed by Dr. +Schliemann at Mycenæ and Tiryns, there have been found at the former +place a few iron keys and knives, at the latter one iron lance-head; but +the form and workmanship of these objects mark them as not older than +the beginning of the fifth century <span class="smcap">B. C.</span>, or the time of the Persian +wars. With these exceptions the weapons and tools found in these cities, +as also in Troy, were of bronze and stone. Bronze was in common use, but +obsidian knives and arrow-heads of fine workmanship abound in the ruins. +According to Professor Sayce, these ruins must date from 2000 to 1700 <span class="smcap">B. +C.</span> The Greeks of that time would accordingly be placed in the middle +status of barbarism. (See Schliemann's <i>Mycenæ</i>, pp. 75, 364; <i>Tiryns</i>, +p. 171.) In the state of society described in the Homeric poems the +smelting of iron was well known, but the process seems to have been +costly, so that bronze weapons were still commonly used. (Tylor, +<i>Anthropology</i>, p. 279.) The Romans of the regal period were ignorant of +iron. (Lanciani, <i>Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries</i>, +Boston, 1888, pp. 39-48.) The upper period of barbarism was shortened +for Greece and Rome through the circumstance that they learned the +working of iron from Egypt and the use of the alphabet from Phœnicia. +Such copying, of course, affects the symmetry of such schemes as Mr. +Morgan's, and allowances have to be made for it. It is curious that both +Greeks and Romans seem to have preserved some tradition of the Bronze +Age:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +τοῖς +δ' +ἦν +χαλκεα +μεν +τευχεα, +χαλκεοι +δε +τε +οἶκοι,<br> + +χαλκῷ +δ' +ειργαζοντο· +μελας +δ' +οὐκ +ἔσκε +σιδηρος.<br> + +<span class="left50">Hesiod, <i>Opp. Di.</i> 134.</span></p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Arma antiqua manus ungues dentesque fuerunt<br> +Et lapides et item silvarum fragmina rami,<br> +Et flamma atque ignes, postquam sunt cognita primum.<br> +Posterius ferri vis est, ærisque reperta.<br> +Et prior æris erat, quam ferri cognitus usus, etc.<br> +<span class="left50">Lucretius, v. 1283.</span></p> + +<p>Perhaps, as Munro suggests, Lucretius was thinking of Hesiod; but it +does not seem improbable that in both cases there may have been a +genuine tradition that their ancestors used bronze tools and weapons +before iron, since the change was comparatively recent, and sundry +religious observances tended to perpetuate the memory of it.<a href="#footnotetag29"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote30" name="footnote30"></a> +<strong>Footnote 30:</strong> See his <i>Intellectual Development of Europe</i>, New York, +1863, pp. 448, 464.<a href="#footnotetag30"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote31" name="footnote31"></a> +<strong>Footnote 31:</strong> Now and then, perhaps, but very rarely, it just touches +the close of the middle period, as, e. g., in the lines from Hesiod and +Lucretius above quoted.<a href="#footnotetag31"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote32" name="footnote32"></a> +<strong>Footnote 32:</strong> Winsor, "Bibliographical Notes on American Linguistics," +in his <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, vol. i. pp. 420-428, gives an admirable +survey of the subject. See also Pilling's bibliographical bulletins of +Iroquoian, Siouan, and Muskhogean languages, published by the Bureau of +Ethnology.<a href="#footnotetag32"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote33" name="footnote33"></a> +<strong>Footnote 33:</strong> <i>Excursions of an Evolutionist</i>, +pp. 147-174.<a href="#footnotetag33"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote34" name="footnote34"></a> +<strong>Footnote 34:</strong> For a good account of Indians in the upper status of +savagery until modified by contact with civilization, see Myron Eells, +"The Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of Washington Territory," +<i>Smithsonian Report</i>, 1887, pp. 605-681.<a href="#footnotetag34"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote35" name="footnote35"></a> +<strong>Footnote 35:</strong> An excellent description of them, profusely illustrated +with coloured pictures, may be found in Catlin's <i>North American +Indians</i>, vol. i. pp. 66-207, 7th ed., London, 1848; the author was an +accurate and trustworthy observer. Some writers have placed these tribes +in the Dakota group because of the large number of Dakota words in their +language; but these are probably borrowed words, like the numerous +French words in English.<a href="#footnotetag35"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote36" name="footnote36"></a> +<strong>Footnote 36:</strong> See Francis Parkman's paper, "The Discovery of the Rocky +Mountains," <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, June, 1888. I hope the appearance of +this article, two years ago, indicates that we have not much longer to +wait for the next of that magnificent series of volumes on the history +of the French in North America.<a href="#footnotetag36"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote37" name="footnote37"></a> +<strong>Footnote 37:</strong> <i>North American Indians</i>, vol. ii., +Appendix A.<a href="#footnotetag37"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote38" name="footnote38"></a> +<strong>Footnote 38:</strong> Smith's <i>Generall Historie of Virginia, New England and +the Summer Isles</i>, p. 1, London, 1626.<a href="#footnotetag38"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote39" name="footnote39"></a> +<strong>Footnote 39:</strong> For the history and ethnology of these interesting tribes, +see three learned papers by J. B. Dunbar, in <i>Magazine of American +History</i>, vol. iv. pp. 241-281; vol. v. pp. 321-342; vol. viii. pp. +734-756; also Grinnell's <i>Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-Tales</i>, New York, +1889.<a href="#footnotetag39"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote40" name="footnote40"></a> +<strong>Footnote 40:</strong> These tribes of the Gulf region were formerly grouped, +along with others not akin to them, as "Mobilians." The Cherokees were +supposed to belong to the Maskoki family, but they have lately been +declared an intrusive offshoot from the Iroquois stock. The remnants of +another alien tribe, the once famous Natchez, were adopted into the +Creek confederacy. For a full account of these tribes, see Gatschet, <i>A +Migration Legend of the Creek Indians</i>, vol. i., Philadelphia, +1884.<a href="#footnotetag40"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote41" name="footnote41"></a> +<strong>Footnote 41:</strong> Howse, <i>Grammar of the Cree Language</i>, London, 1865, p. +vii.<a href="#footnotetag41"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote42" name="footnote42"></a> +<strong>Footnote 42:</strong> Except in so far as the Cherokees and Tuscaroras, +presently to be mentioned, were interposed.<a href="#footnotetag42"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote43" name="footnote43"></a> +<strong>Footnote 43:</strong> Brinton, <i>The Lenape and their Legends</i>, +p. 30.<a href="#footnotetag43"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote44" name="footnote44"></a> +<strong>Footnote 44:</strong> Because they refused to take part in the strife between +the Hurons and the Five Nations. Their Indian name was Attiwandarons. +They were unsurpassed for ferocity. See Parkman, <i>Jesuits in North +America</i>, p. xliv.<a href="#footnotetag44"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote45" name="footnote45"></a> +<strong>Footnote 45:</strong> Morgan, <i>Ancient Society</i>, +p. 125.<a href="#footnotetag45"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote46" name="footnote46"></a> +<strong>Footnote 46:</strong> Whether there was ever such a person as Hiawatha is, to +say the least, doubtful. As a traditional culture-hero his attributes +are those of Ioskeha, Michabo, Quetzalcoatl, Viracocha, and all that +class of sky-gods to which I shall again have occasion to refer. See +Brinton's <i>Myths of the New World</i>, p. 172. When the Indian speaks of +Hiawatha whispering advice to Daganoweda, his meaning is probably the +same as that of the ancient Greek when he attributed the wisdom of some +mortal hero to whispered advice from Zeus or his messenger Hermes. +Longfellow's famous poem is based upon Schoolcraft's book entitled <i>The +Hiawatha Legends</i>, which is really a misnomer, for the book consists +chiefly of Ojibwa stories about Manabozho, son of the West Wind. There +was really no such legend of Hiawatha as that which the poet has +immortalized. See Hale, <i>The Iroquois Book of Rites</i>, pp. 36, +180-183.<a href="#footnotetag46"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote47" name="footnote47"></a> +<strong>Footnote 47:</strong> Cadwallader Colden, <i>History of the Five Nations</i>, New +York, 1727.<a href="#footnotetag47"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote48" name="footnote48"></a> +<strong>Footnote 48:</strong> Morgan, <i>League of the Iroquois</i>, +p. 12.<a href="#footnotetag48"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote49" name="footnote49"></a> +<strong>Footnote 49:</strong> All except the distant Tuscaroras, who in 1715 migrated +from North Carolina to New York, and joining the Iroquois league made it +the Six Nations. All the rest of the outlying Huron-Iroquois stock was +wiped out of existence before the end of the seventeenth century, except +the remnant of Hurons since known as Wyandots.<a href="#footnotetag49"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote50" name="footnote50"></a> +<strong>Footnote 50:</strong> See my <i>Beginnings of New England</i>, +chap. i.<a href="#footnotetag50"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote51" name="footnote51"></a> +<strong>Footnote 51:</strong> F. A. Walker, "The Indian Question," <i>North American +Review</i>, April, 1873, p. 370.<a href="#footnotetag51"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote52" name="footnote52"></a> +<strong>Footnote 52:</strong> See Humboldt, <i>Ansichten der Natur</i>, 3d ed., Stuttgart, +1849, vol. i. p. 203.<a href="#footnotetag52"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote53" name="footnote53"></a> +<strong>Footnote 53:</strong> "Women and children joined in these fiendish atrocities, +and when at length the victim yielded up his life, his heart, if he were +brave, was ripped from his body, cut in pieces, broiled, and given to +the young men, under the belief that it would increase their courage; +they drank his blood, thinking it would make them more wary; and finally +his body was divided limb from limb, roasted or thrown into the seething +pot, and hands and feet, arms and legs, head and trunk, were all stewed +into a horrid mess and eaten amidst yells, songs, and dances." Jeffries +Wyman, in <i>Seventh Report of Peabody Museum</i>, p. 37. For details of the +most appalling character, see Butterfield's <i>History of the Girtys</i>, pp. +176-182; Stone's <i>Life of Joseph Brant</i>, vol. ii. pp. 31, 32; Dodge's +<i>Plains of the Great West</i>, p. 418, and <i>Our Wild Indians</i>, pp. 525-529; +Parkman's <i>Jesuits in North America</i>, pp. 387-391; and many other places +in Parkman's writings.<a href="#footnotetag53"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote54" name="footnote54"></a> +<strong>Footnote 54:</strong> One often hears it said that the cruelty of the Indians +was not greater than that of mediæval Europeans, as exemplified in +judicial torture and in the horrors of the Inquisition. But in such a +judgment there is lack of due discrimination. In the practice of torture +by civil and ecclesiastical tribunals in the Middle Ages, there was a +definite moral purpose which, however lamentably mistaken or perverted, +gave it a very different character from torture wantonly inflicted for +amusement. The atrocities formerly attendant upon the sack of towns, as +e. g. Beziers, Magdeburg, etc., might more properly be regarded as an +illustration of the survival of a spirit fit only for the lowest +barbarism: and the Spanish conquerors of the New World themselves often +exhibited cruelty such as even Indians seldom surpass. See below, vol. +ii. p. 444. In spite of such cases, however, it must be held that for +artistic skill in inflicting the greatest possible intensity of +excruciating pain upon every nerve in the body, the Spaniard was a +bungler and a novice as compared with the Indian. See Dodge's <i>Our Wild +Indians</i>, pp. 536-538. Colonel Dodge was in familiar contact with +Indians for more than thirty years, and writes with fairness and +discrimination.</p> + +<p>In truth the question as to comparative cruelty is not so much one of +race as of occupation, except in so far as race is moulded by long +occupation. The "old Adam," i. e. the inheritance from our brute +ancestors, is very strong in the human race. Callousness to the +suffering of others than self is part of this brute-inheritance, and +under the influence of certain habits and occupations this germ of +callousness may be developed to almost any height of devilish cruelty. +In the lower stages of culture the lack of political aggregation on a +large scale is attended with incessant warfare in the shape in which it +comes home to everybody's door. This state of things keeps alive the +passion of revenge and stimulates cruelty to the highest degree. As long +as such a state of things endures, as it did in Europe to a limited +extent throughout the Middle Ages, there is sure to be a dreadful amount +of cruelty. The change in the conditions of modern warfare has been a +very important factor in the rapidly increasing mildness and humanity of +modern times. See my <i>Beginnings of New England</i>, pp. 226-229. Something +more will be said hereafter with reference to the special causes +concerned in the cruelty and brutality of the Spaniards in America. +Meanwhile it may be observed in the present connection, that the Spanish +taskmasters who mutilated and burned their slaves were not +representative types of their own race to anything like the same extent +as the Indians who tortured Brébeuf or Crawford. If the fiendish +Pedrarias was a Spaniard, so too was the saintly Las Casas. The latter +type would be as impossible among barbarians as an Aristotle or a +Beethoven. Indeed, though there are writers who would like to prove the +contrary, it may be doubted whether that type has ever attained to +perfection except under the influence of Christianity.<a href="#footnotetag54"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote55" name="footnote55"></a> +<strong>Footnote 55:</strong> See the evidence collected by Jeffries Wyman, in <i>Seventh +Report of Peabody Museum</i>, pp. 27-37; cf. Wake, <i>Evolution of Morality</i>, +vol. i. p. 243. Many illustrations are given by Mr. Parkman. In this +connection it may be observed that the name "Mohawk" means "Cannibal." +It is an Algonquin word, applied to this Iroquois tribe by their enemies +in the Connecticut valley and about the lower Hudson. The name by which +the Mohawks called themselves was "Caniengas," or "People-at-the-Flint." +See Hale, <i>The Iroquois Book of Rites</i>, p. 173.<a href="#footnotetag55"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote56" name="footnote56"></a> +<strong>Footnote 56:</strong> For accounts and explanations of animism see Tylor's +<i>Primitive Culture</i>, London, 1871, 2 vols.; Caspari, <i>Urgeschichte der +Menschheit</i>, Leipsic, 1877, 2 vols.; Spencer's <i>Principles of +Sociology</i>, part i.; and my <i>Myths and Mythmakers</i>, +chap. vii.<a href="#footnotetag56"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote57" name="footnote57"></a> +<strong>Footnote 57:</strong> No time should be lost in gathering and recording every +scrap of this folk-lore that can be found. The American Folk-Lore +Society, founded chiefly through the exertions of my friend Mr. W. W. +Newell, and organized January 4, 1888, is already doing excellent work +and promises to become a valuable aid, within its field, to the work of +the Bureau of Ethnology. Of the <i>Journal of American Folk-Lore</i>, +published for the society by Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., nine +numbers have appeared, and the reader will find them full of valuable +information. One may also profitably consult Knortz's <i>Märchen und Sagen +der nordamerikanischen Indianer</i>, Jena, 1871; Brinton's <i>Myths of the +New World</i>, N. Y., 1868, and his <i>American Hero-Myths</i>, Phila., 1882; +Leland's <i>Algonquin Legends of New England</i>, Boston, 1884; Mrs. +Emerson's <i>Indian Myths</i>, Boston, 1884. Some brief reflections and +criticisms of much value, in relation to aboriginal American folk-lore, +may be found in Curtin's <i>Myths and Folk-Lore of Ireland</i>, +pp. 12-27.<a href="#footnotetag57"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote58" name="footnote58"></a> +<strong>Footnote 58:</strong> Until lately our acquaintance with human history was +derived almost exclusively from literary memorials, among which the +Bible, the Homeric poems, and the Vedas, carried us back about as far as +literature could take us. It was natural, therefore, to suppose that the +society of the times of Abraham or Agamemnon was "primitive," and the +wisest scholars reasoned upon such an assumption. With vision thus +restricted to civilized man and his ideas and works, people felt free to +speculate about uncivilized races (generally grouped together +indiscriminately as "savages") according to any <i>à priori</i> whim that +might happen to captivate their fancy. But the discoveries of the last +half-century have opened such stupendous vistas of the past that the age +of Abraham seems but as yesterday. The state of society described in the +book of Genesis had five entire ethnical periods, and the greater part +of a sixth, behind it; and its institutions were, comparatively +speaking, modern.<a href="#footnotetag58"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote59" name="footnote59"></a> +<strong>Footnote 59:</strong> McLennan's <i>Studies in Ancient History, comprising a +reprint of Primitive Marriage</i>, etc. London, 1876, p. 421.<a href="#footnotetag59"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote60" name="footnote60"></a> +<strong>Footnote 60:</strong> There is much that is unsound in it, however, as is often +inevitably the case with books that strike boldly into a new field of +inquiry.<a href="#footnotetag60"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote61" name="footnote61"></a> +<strong>Footnote 61:</strong> A general view of the subject may be obtained from the +following works: Bachofen, <i>Das Mutterrecht</i>, Stuttgart, 1871, and <i>Die +Sage von Tanaquil</i>, Heidelberg, 1870; McLennan's <i>Studies in Ancient +History</i>, London, 1876, and <i>The Patriarchal Theory</i>, London, 1884; +Morgan's <i>Systems of Consanguinity</i> (Smithsonian Contributions to +Knowledge, vol. xvii.), Washington, 1871, and <i>Ancient Society</i>, New +York, 1877; Robertson Smith, <i>Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia</i>, +Cambridge, Eng., 1885; Lubbock, <i>Origin of Civilization</i>, 5th ed., +London, 1889; Giraud-Teulon, <i>La Mère chez certains peuples de +l'antiquité</i>, Paris, 1867, and <i>Les Origines de la Famille</i>, Geneva, +1874; Starcke (of Copenhagen), <i>The Primitive Family</i>, London, 1889. +Some criticisms upon McLennan and Morgan may be found in Maine's later +works, <i>Early History of Institutions</i>, London, 1875, and <i>Early Law and +Custom</i>, London, 1883. By far the ablest critical survey of the whole +field is that in Spencer's <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, vol. i. pp. +621-797.<a href="#footnotetag61"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote62" name="footnote62"></a> +<strong>Footnote 62:</strong></p> + +<div class="poem10"> +<p>Ἀλλ' ἄγε μοι +τόδε εἰπὲ καὶ +ἀτρεκέως +κατάλεξον,<br> + +εἰ δὴ ἐξ +αὐτοῖο τόσος +παῖς εἶς +Ὀδυσῆος.<br> + +αἰνῶς γὰρ +κεφαλήν τε +καὶ ὄμματα +καλὰ ἔοικας<br> + +κείνῳ, ἐπεὶ +θαμὰ τοῖον +ἐμισγόμεθ' +ἀλλήλοισιν,<br> + +πρίν γε τὸν ἐς +Τροίην +ἀναβήμεναι, +ἔνθα περ +ἄλλοι<br> + +Ἀργείων οἱ +ἄριστοι ἔβαν +κοίλῃς ἐπὶ +νηυσίν·<br> + +ἐκ τοῦ δ' οὔτ' +Ὀδυσῆα ἐγὼν +ἴδον οὔτ' ἐμὲ +κεῖνος.</p> + +<p>Τὴν δ' αὖ +Τηλέμαχος +πεπνυμένος +ἀντίον ηὔδα<br> + +τοιγὰρ ἐγώ +τοι, ξεῖνε, +μάλ' ἀτρεκέως +ἀγορεύσω.<br> + +μήτηρ μέν τ' +ἐμέ φησι τοῦ +ἔμμεναι, +αὐτὰρ ἔγωγε<br> + +οὐκ οἶδ'· οὐ +γάρ πώ τις +ἑὸν γόνον +αὐτὸς ἀνέγνω.<br> + +<span class="left30"><i>Odyssey</i>, i. 206.</span><a href="#footnotetag62"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> +</div> + +<p><a id="footnote63" name="footnote63"></a> +<strong>Footnote 63:</strong> Lumholtz, <i>Among Cannibals</i>, p. 213; Lubbock, <i>Origin of +Civilization</i>, p. 107; Morgan, <i>Ancient Society</i>, part iii., chap. iii. +"After battle it frequently happens among the native tribes of Australia +that the wives of the conquered, of their own free-will, go over to the +victors; reminding us of the lioness which, quietly watching the fight +between two lions, goes off with the conqueror." Spencer, <i>Principles of +Sociology</i>, vol. i. p. 632.<a href="#footnotetag63"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote64" name="footnote64"></a> +<strong>Footnote 64:</strong> The notion of the descent of the human race from a single +"pair," or of different races from different "pairs," is a curious +instance of transferring modern institutions into times primeval. Of +course the idea is absurd. When the elder Agassiz so emphatically +declared that "pines have originated in forests, heaths in heaths, +grasses in prairies, bees in hives, herrings in shoals, buffaloes in +herds, men in nations" (<i>Essay on Classification</i>, London, 1859, p. 58), +he made, indeed, a mistake of the same sort, so far as concerns the +origin of Man, for the nation is a still more modern institution than +the family; but in the other items of his statement he was right, and as +regards the human race he was thinking in the right direction when he +placed <i>multitude</i> instead of <i>duality</i> at the beginning. If instead of +that extremely complex and highly organized multitude called "nation" +(in the plural), he had started with the extremely simple and almost +unorganized multitude called "horde" (in the singular), the statement +for Man would have been correct. Such views were hardly within the reach +of science thirty years ago.<a href="#footnotetag64"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote65" name="footnote65"></a> +<strong>Footnote 65:</strong> <i>Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy</i>, part ii., chaps. xvi., +xxi., xxii.; <i>Excursions of an Evolutionist</i>, pp. 306-319; <i>Darwinism, +and other Essays</i>, pp. 40-49; <i>The Destiny of Man</i>, +§§ iii.-ix.<a href="#footnotetag65"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote66" name="footnote66"></a> +<strong>Footnote 66:</strong> The slowness of the development has apparently been such +as befits the transcendent value of the result. Though the question is +confessedly beyond the reach of science, may we not hold that civilized +man, the creature of an infinite past, is the child of eternity, +maturing for an inheritance of immortal life?<a href="#footnotetag66"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote67" name="footnote67"></a> +<strong>Footnote 67:</strong> The Teutonic <i>hundred</i> and Roman <i>curia</i> answered to the +Greek <i>phratry</i>.<a href="#footnotetag67"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote68" name="footnote68"></a> +<strong>Footnote 68:</strong> Fenton's <i>Early Hebrew Life</i>, London, 1880, is an +interesting study of the upper period of barbarism; see also Spencer, +<i>Princip. of Sociol.</i>, i. 724-737.<a href="#footnotetag68"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote69" name="footnote69"></a> +<strong>Footnote 69:</strong> See below, p. <a href="#page122">122</a>.<a href="#footnotetag69"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote70" name="footnote70"></a> +<strong>Footnote 70:</strong> As among the Hervey Islanders; Gill, <i>Myths and Songs of +the South Pacific</i>, p. 36. Sir John Lubbock would account for the +curious and widely spread custom of the <i>Couvade</i> as a feature of this +change. <i>Origin of Civilization</i>, pp. 14-17, 159; cf. Tylor, <i>Early +Hist. of Mankind</i>, pp. 288, 297.<a href="#footnotetag70"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote71" name="footnote71"></a> +<strong>Footnote 71:</strong> "There is no embarrassment growing out of problems +respecting the woman's future support, the division of property, or the +adjustment of claims for the possession of the children. The independent +self-support of every adult healthy Indian, male or female, and the +gentile relationship, which is more wide-reaching and authoritative than +that of marriage, have already disposed of these questions, which are +usually so perplexing for the white man. So far as personal maintenance +is concerned, a woman is, as a rule, just as well off without a husband +as with one. What is hers, in the shape of property, remains her own +whether she is married or not. In fact, marriage among these Indians +seems to be but the natural mating of the sexes, to cease at the option +of either of the interested parties." Clay MacCauley, "The Seminole +Indians of Florida", in <i>Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology</i>, Washington, 1887, p. 497. For a graphic account of the state +of things among the Cheyennes and Arrapahos, see Dodge, <i>Our Wild +Indians</i>, pp. 204-220.<a href="#footnotetag71"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote72" name="footnote72"></a> +<strong>Footnote 72:</strong> See Morgan's <i>Houses and House-Life of the American +Aborigines</i>, Washington, 1881, an epoch-making book of rare and +absorbing interest.<a href="#footnotetag72"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote73" name="footnote73"></a> +<strong>Footnote 73:</strong> This verb of Mr. Morgan's at first struck me as odd, but +though rarely used, it is supported by good authority; see <i>Century +Dictionary</i>, s. v.<a href="#footnotetag73"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote74" name="footnote74"></a> +<strong>Footnote 74:</strong> The Iroquois ceased to build such houses before the +beginning of the present century. I quote Mr. Morgan's description at +length, because his book is out of print and hard to obtain. It ought to +be republished, and in octavo, like his <i>Ancient Society</i>, of which it +is a continuation.<a href="#footnotetag74"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote75" name="footnote75"></a> +<strong>Footnote 75:</strong> Lucien Carr, "On the Social and Political Position of +Woman among the Huron-Iroquois Tribes," <i>Reports of Peabody Museum</i>, +vol. iii. p. 215.<a href="#footnotetag75"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote76" name="footnote76"></a> +<strong>Footnote 76:</strong> This was not incompatible with the subjection of women to +extreme drudgery and ill-treatment. For an instructive comparison with +the case among the tribes of the Far West, see Dodge, <i>Our Wild +Indians</i>, chap. xvi.<a href="#footnotetag76"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote77" name="footnote77"></a> +<strong>Footnote 77:</strong> Among the Wyandots there is in each clan a council +composed of four squaws, and this council elects the male sachem who is +its head. Therefore the tribal council, which is the aggregate of the +clan-councils, consists one fifth of men and four fifths of women. See +Powell, "Wyandot Government: a Short Study of Tribal Society," in <i>First +Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology</i>, Washington, 1881, pp. 59-69; +and also Mr. Carr's interesting essay above cited.<a href="#footnotetag77"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote78" name="footnote78"></a> +<strong>Footnote 78:</strong> H. H. Bancroft, <i>Native Races of the Pacific States</i>, vol. +i. p. 109.<a href="#footnotetag78"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote79" name="footnote79"></a> +<strong>Footnote 79:</strong> Morgan, <i>Houses and House-Life</i>, +p. 16.<a href="#footnotetag79"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote80" name="footnote80"></a> +<strong>Footnote 80:</strong> See Freeman, <i>Comparative Politics</i>, p. 117; Stubbs, +<i>Const. Hist.</i>, vol. i. pp. 98-104; Grote, <i>History of Greece</i>, vol. +iii. pp. 74, 88. It is interesting to compare Grote's description with +Morgan's (<i>Anc. Soc.</i>, pp. 71, 94) and note both the closeness of the +general parallelism and the character of the specific variations.<a href="#footnotetag80"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote81" name="footnote81"></a> +<strong>Footnote 81:</strong> In his <i>League of the Iroquois</i>, Rochester, 1851, a book +now out of print and excessively rare. A brief summary is given in his +<i>Ancient Society</i>, chap. v., and in his <i>Houses and House-Life</i>, pp. +23-41. Mr. Morgan was adopted into the Seneca tribe, and his life work +was begun by a profound and exhaustive study of this interesting +people.<a href="#footnotetag81"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote82" name="footnote82"></a> +<strong>Footnote 82:</strong> <i>Houses and House-Life</i>, p. 33. At the period of its +greatest power, about 1675, the people of the confederacy were about +25,000 in number. In 1875, according to official statistics (see table +appended to Dodge's <i>Plains of the Great West</i>, pp. 441-448), there were +in the state of New York 198 Oneidas, 203 Onondagas, 165 Cayugas, 3,043 +Senecas, and 448 Tuscaroras,—in all 4,057. Besides these there were +1,279 Oneidas on a reservation in Wisconsin, and 207 Senecas in the +Indian Territory. The Mohawks are not mentioned in the list. During the +Revolutionary War, and just afterward, the Mohawks migrated into Upper +Canada (Ontario), for an account of which the reader may consult the +second volume of Stone's <i>Life of Brant</i>. Portions of the other tribes +also went to Canada. In New York the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were +converted to Christianity by Samuel Kirkland and withheld from alliance +with the British during the Revolution; the others still retain their +ancient religion. They are for the most part farmers and are now +increasing in numbers. Their treatment by the state of New York has been +honourably distinguished for justice and humanity.<a href="#footnotetag82"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote83" name="footnote83"></a> +<strong>Footnote 83:</strong> Somewhat on the same principle that in mediæval Europe led +an earl or count, commanding an exposed border district or <i>march</i> to +rise in power and importance and become a "margrave" [<i>mark</i> + <i>graf</i> = +march-count] or "marquis." Compare the increase of sovereignty accorded +to the earls of Chester and bishops of Durham as rulers of the two +principal march counties of England.<a href="#footnotetag83"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote84" name="footnote84"></a> +<strong>Footnote 84:</strong> For instance, the whole discussion in Gomme's <i>Village +Community</i>, London, 1890, an excellent book, abounds with instances of +this crumpling.<a href="#footnotetag84"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote85" name="footnote85"></a> +<strong>Footnote 85:</strong> Morgan, <i>Houses and House-life</i>, pp. 126-129; Catlin's +<i>North Amer. Indians</i>, i. 81 <i>ff.</i><a href="#footnotetag85"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote86" name="footnote86"></a> +<strong>Footnote 86:</strong> Catlin, i. 83.<a href="#footnotetag86"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote87" name="footnote87"></a> +<strong>Footnote 87:</strong> Catlin, i. 90.<a href="#footnotetag87"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote88" name="footnote88"></a> +<strong>Footnote 88:</strong> See above, p. <a href="#page025">25</a>.<a href="#footnotetag88"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote89" name="footnote89"></a> +<strong>Footnote 89:</strong> See his articles in the <i>Century Magazine</i>, Dec., 1882, +Feb., 1883, May, 1883; and his papers on "Zuñi Fetiches," <i>Reports of +the Bureau of Ethnology</i>, ii. 9-45; "A Study of Pueblo Pottery as +Illustrative of Zuñi Culture Growth," id. iv. 473-521; see also Mrs. +Stevenson's paper, "Religious Life of a Zuñi Child," id. v. 539-555; +Sylvester Baxter, "An Aboriginal Pilgrimage," <i>Century Magazine</i>, Aug., +1882.<a href="#footnotetag89"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote90" name="footnote90"></a> +<strong>Footnote 90:</strong> Cf. Greek οἶκος, +"house," with Latin <i>vicus</i>, "street" or "village," Sanskrit <i>vesa</i>, +"dwelling-place," English <i>wick</i>, "mansion" or "village."<a href="#footnotetag90"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote91" name="footnote91"></a> +<strong>Footnote 91:</strong> "With the woman rests the security of the marriage ties; +and it must be said, in her high honour, that she rarely abuses the +privilege; that is, never sends her husband 'to the home of his +fathers,' unless he richly deserves it." But should not Mr. Cushing have +said "home of his mothers," or perhaps, of "his sisters and his cousins +and his aunts?" For a moment afterward he tells us, "To her belong all +the children; and descent, including inheritance, is on her side." +<i>Century Magazine</i>, May, 1883, p. 35.<a href="#footnotetag91"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote92" name="footnote92"></a> +<strong>Footnote 92:</strong> For example, since the arrival of the Spaniards some or +perhaps all of the pueblos have introduced chimneys into their +apartments; but when they were first visited by Coronado, he found the +people wearing cotton garments, and Franciscan friars in 1581 remarked +upon the superior quality of their shoes. In spinning and weaving, as +well as in the grinding of meal, a notable advance had been made.<a href="#footnotetag92"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote93" name="footnote93"></a> +<strong>Footnote 93:</strong> At least a better one than Mr. Prescott had when he +naively reckoned five persons to a household, <i>Conquest of Mexico</i>, ii. +97.<a href="#footnotetag93"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote94" name="footnote94"></a> +<strong>Footnote 94:</strong> Morgan, <i>Houses and House-Life</i>, +chap. vii.<a href="#footnotetag94"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote95" name="footnote95"></a> +<strong>Footnote 95:</strong> For careful descriptions of the ruined pueblos and +cliff-houses, see Nadaillac's <i>Prehistoric America</i>, chap. v., and +Short's <i>North Americans of Antiquity</i>, chap. vii. The latter sees in +them the melancholy vestiges of a people gradually "succumbing to their +unpropitious surroundings—a land which is fast becoming a howling +wilderness, with its scourging sands and roaming savage Bedouin—the +Apaches."<a href="#footnotetag95"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote96" name="footnote96"></a> +<strong>Footnote 96:</strong> "La qual ciudad ... es muy mayor que Granada, y muy mas +fuerte, y de tan buenos edificios, y de mucha mas gente, que Granada +tenia al tiempo que se gaño." Cortes, <i>Relacion segunda al Emperador</i>, +ap. Lorenzana, p. 58, cited in Prescott's <i>Conquest of Mexico</i>, vol. i. +p. 401 (7th ed., London, 1855).<a href="#footnotetag96"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote97" name="footnote97"></a> +<strong>Footnote 97:</strong> See Bandelier's <i>Archæological Tour in Mexico</i>, Boston, +1885, pp. 160-164. Torquemada's words, cited by Bandelier, are "Quando +entraron los Españoles, dicen que tenia mas de quarenta mil vecinos esta +ciudad." <i>Monarquía Indiana</i>, lib. iii. cap. xix. p. 281. A prolific +source of error is the ambiguity in the word <i>vecinos</i>, which may mean +either "inhabitants" or "householders." Where Torquemada meant 40,000 +inhabitants, uncritical writers fond of the marvellous have understood +him to mean 40,000 houses, and multiplying this figure by 5, the average +number of persons <i>in a modern family</i>, have obtained the figure +200,000. But 40,000 houses peopled after the old Mexican fashion, with +at least 200 persons in a house (to put it as low as possible), would +make a city of 8,000,000 inhabitants! Las Casas, in his <i>Destruycion de +las Indias</i>, vii., puts the population of Cholula at about 30,000. I +observe that Llorente (in his <i>Œuvres de Las Casas</i>, tom. i. p. 38) +translates the statement correctly. I shall recur to this point below, +vol. ii. p. 264.<a href="#footnotetag97"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote98" name="footnote98"></a> +<strong>Footnote 98:</strong> Mariana, <i>Historia de España</i>, Valencia, 1795, tom. viii. +p. 317.<a href="#footnotetag98"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote99" name="footnote99"></a> +<strong>Footnote 99:</strong> "Et io entrai piu di quattro volte in una casa del gran +Signor non por altro effetto che per vederla, et ogni volta vi camminauo +tanto che mi stancauo, et mai la fini di vedere tutta." <i>Relatione fatta +per un gentil' huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese</i>, apud Ramusio, +<i>Navigationi et Viaggi</i>, Venice, 1556, tom. iii. +fol. 309.<a href="#footnotetag99"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote100" name="footnote100"></a> +<strong>Footnote 100:</strong> When Pocahontas visited London in 1616 she was received +at court as befitted a "king's daughter," and the old Virginia +historian, William Stith (born in 1689), says it was a "constant +tradition" in his day that James I. "became jealous, and was highly +offended at Mr. Rolfe for marrying a princess." The notion was that "if +Virginia descended to Pocahontas, as it might do at Powhatan's death, at +her own death the kingdom would be vested in Mr. Rolfe's posterity." +Esten Cooke's <i>Virginia</i>, p. 100. Powhatan (i. e. Wahunsunakok, chief of +the Powhatan tribe) was often called "emperor" by the English settlers. +To their intense bewilderment he told one of them that his office would +descend to his [maternal] brothers, even though he had sons living. It +was thought that this could not be true.<a href="#footnotetag100"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote101" name="footnote101"></a> +<strong>Footnote 101:</strong> The small states into which tribes were at first +transformed have in many cases survived to the present time as portions +of great states or nations. The shires or counties of England, which +have been reproduced in the United States, originated in this way, as I +have briefly explained in my little book on <i>Civil Government in the +United States</i>, p. 49. When you look on the map of England, and see the +town of <i>Icklingham</i> in the county of <i>Suffolk</i>, it means that this +place was once the "home" of the "Icklings" or "children of Ickel," a +clan which formed part of the tribe of Angles known as "South folk." So +the names of Gaulish tribes survived as names of French provinces, e. g. +<i>Auvergne</i> from the <i>Arverni</i>, <i>Poitou</i> from the <i>Pictavi</i>, <i>Anjou</i> from +the <i>Andecavi</i>, <i>Béarn</i> from the <i>Bigerrones</i>, +etc.<a href="#footnotetag101"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote102" name="footnote102"></a> +<strong>Footnote 102:</strong> "It was no easy task to accomplish such a fundamental +change, however simple and obvious it may now seem.... Anterior to +experience, a township, as the unit of a political system, was abstruse +enough to tax the Greeks and Romans to the depths of their capacities +before the conception was formed and set in practical operation." +Morgan, <i>Ancient Society</i>, p. 218.<a href="#footnotetag102"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote103" name="footnote103"></a> +<strong>Footnote 103:</strong> Robertson's <i>History of America</i>, 9th ed. vol. iii. pp. +274, 281.<a href="#footnotetag103"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote104" name="footnote104"></a> +<strong>Footnote 104:</strong> "Notes on the Semi-civilized Nations of Mexico, Yucatan, +and Central America," <i>American Ethnological Society's Transactions</i>, +vol. i., New York, 1852. There is a brief account of Mr. Gallatin's +pioneer work in American philology and ethnology in Stevens's <i>Albert +Gallatin</i>, pp. 386-396.<a href="#footnotetag104"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote105" name="footnote105"></a> +<strong>Footnote 105:</strong> Cass, "Aboriginal Structures," <i>North Amer. Review</i>, +Oct., 1840.<a href="#footnotetag105"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote106" name="footnote106"></a> +<strong>Footnote 106:</strong> Mr. R. A. Wilson's <i>New History of the Conquest of +Mexico</i>, Philadelphia, 1859, denounced the Spanish conquerors as +wholesale liars, but as his book was ignorant, uncritical, and full of +wild fancies, it produced little effect. It was demolished, with +neatness and despatch, in two articles in the <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, April +and May, 1859, by the eminent historian John Foster Kirk, whose <i>History +of Charles the Bold</i> is in many respects a worthy companion to the works +of Prescott and Motley. Mr. Kirk had been Mr. Prescott's +secretary.<a href="#footnotetag106"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote107" name="footnote107"></a> +<strong>Footnote 107:</strong> A summary of Mr. Bandelier's principal results, with +copious citation and discussion of original Spanish and Nahuatl sources, +is contained in his three papers, "On the art of war and mode of warfare +of the ancient Mexicans,"—"On the distribution and tenure of land, and +the customs with respect to inheritance, among the ancient +Mexicans,"—"On the social organization and mode of government of the +ancient Mexicans," <i>Peabody Museum Reports</i>, vol. ii., 1876-79, pp. +95-161, 385-448, 557-699.<a href="#footnotetag107"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote108" name="footnote108"></a> +<strong>Footnote 108:</strong> In the Iroquois confederacy the Mohawks enjoyed a certain +precedence or seniority, the Onondagas had the central council-fire, and +the Senecas, who had the two head war-chiefs, were much the most +numerous. In the Mexican confederacy the various points of superiority +seem to have been more concentrated in the Aztecs; but spoils and +tribute were divided into five portions, of which Mexico and Tezcuco +each took two, and Tlacopan one.<a href="#footnotetag108"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote109" name="footnote109"></a> +<strong>Footnote 109:</strong> The wretched prisoners were ordinarily compelled to carry +the booty.<a href="#footnotetag109"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote110" name="footnote110"></a> +<strong>Footnote 110:</strong> Bandelier, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 563.<a href="#footnotetag110"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote111" name="footnote111"></a> +<strong>Footnote 111:</strong> The notion of an immense population groaning under the +lash of taskmasters, and building huge palaces for idle despots must be +dismissed. The statements which refer to such a vast population are apt +to be accompanied by incompatible statements. Mr. Morgan is right in +throwing the burden of proof upon those who maintain that a people +without domestic animals or field agriculture could have been so +numerous (<i>Anc. Soc.</i>, p. 195). On the other hand, I believe Mr. Morgan +makes a grave mistake in the opposite direction, in underestimating the +numbers that could be supported upon Indian corn even under a system of +horticulture without the use of the plough. Some pertinent remarks on +the extraordinary reproductive power of maize in Mexico may be found in +Humboldt, <i>Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne</i>, Paris, 1811, tom. +iii. pp. 51-60; the great naturalist is of course speaking of the yield +of maize in ploughed lands, but, after making due allowances, the yield +under the ancient system must have been well-nigh unexampled in barbaric +agriculture.<a href="#footnotetag111"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote112" name="footnote112"></a> +<strong>Footnote 112:</strong> Compare this description with that of the institutions of +Indians in the lower status, above, p. <a href="#page069">69</a>.<a href="#footnotetag112"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote113" name="footnote113"></a> +<strong>Footnote 113:</strong> In this respect it seems to have had some resemblance to +the Roman <i>centuria</i> and Teutonic <i>hundred</i>. So in prehistoric Greece we +may perhaps infer from Nestor's advice to Agamemnon that a similar +organization existed:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +κρῖν' +ἄνδρας +κατὰ +φῦλα, +κατὰ +φρήτρας, +Ἀγάμεμνον,<br> + +ὡς +φρήτρη +φρήτρηφιν +ἀρήγῃ, +φῦλα +δὲ +φῦλοις.<br> + +<span class="left50"><i>Iliad</i>, ii. 362.</span></p> + +<p>But the phratry seems never to have reached so high a development among +the Greeks as among the Romans and the early English.<a href="#footnotetag113"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote114" name="footnote114"></a> +<strong>Footnote 114:</strong> Compare <i>parliament</i> from <i>parler</i>. These twenty were the +"grandees," "counsellors," and "captains" mentioned by Bernal Diaz as +always in Montezuma's company; "y siempre á la contina estaban en su +compañía veinte grandes señores y consejeros y capitanes," etc. +<i>Historia verdadera</i>, ii. 95. See Bandelier, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 646.<a href="#footnotetag114"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote115" name="footnote115"></a> +<strong>Footnote 115:</strong> Mr. Bandelier's note on this point gives an especially +apt illustration of the confusion of ideas and inconsistencies of +statement amid which the early Spanish writers struggled to understand +and describe this strange society: <i>op. cit.</i> p. 651.<a href="#footnotetag115"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote116" name="footnote116"></a> +<strong>Footnote 116:</strong> In Aztec mythology Cihuacoatl was wife of the supreme +night deity, Tezcatlipoca. Squier, <i>Serpent Symbol in America</i>, pp. +159-166, 174-183. On the connection between serpent worship and human +sacrifices, see Fergusson's <i>Tree and Serpent Worship</i>, pp. 3-5, 38-41. +Much evidence as to American serpent worship is collected in J. G. +Müller's <i>Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen</i>, Basel, 1855. The +hieroglyphic emblem of the Aztec tribal sachem was a female head +surmounted by a snake.<a href="#footnotetag116"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote117" name="footnote117"></a> +<strong>Footnote 117:</strong> Other tribes besides the Aztec had the "snake-woman." In +the city of Mexico the Spaniards mistook him for a "second-king," or +"royal lieutenant." In other towns they regarded him, somewhat more +correctly, as "governor," and called him <i>gobernador</i>,—a title still +applied to the tribal sachem of the pueblo Indians, as e. g. in Zuñi +heretofore mentioned; see above p. <a href="#page089">89</a>.<a href="#footnotetag117"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote118" name="footnote118"></a> +<strong>Footnote 118:</strong> This title seems precisely equivalent to +ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν, +commonly applied to Agamemnon, +and sometimes to other chieftains, in the Iliad.<a href="#footnotetag118"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote119" name="footnote119"></a> +<strong>Footnote 119:</strong> Ramsay's <i>Roman Antiquities</i>, p. 64; Hermann's <i>Political +Antiquities of Greece</i>, p. 105; Morgan, <i>Anc. Soc.</i>, +p. 248.<a href="#footnotetag119"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote120" name="footnote120"></a> +<strong>Footnote 120:</strong> Such would naturally result from the desirableness of +securing unity of command. If Demosthenes had been in sole command of +the Athenian armament in the harbour of Syracuse, and had been a +<i>basileus</i>, with priestly authority, who can doubt that some such theory +of the eclipse as that suggested by Philochorus would have been adopted, +and thus one of the world's great tragedies averted? See Grote, <i>Hist. +Greece</i>, vol. vii. chap. lx. M. Fustel de Coulanges, in his admirable +book <i>La Cité antique</i>, pp. 205-210, makes the priestly function of the +king primitive, and the military function secondary; which is entirely +inconsistent with what we know of barbarous races.<a href="#footnotetag120"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote121" name="footnote121"></a> +<strong>Footnote 121:</strong> It is worthy of note that the archon who retained the +priestly function was called <i>basileus</i>, showing perhaps that at that +time this had come to be most prominent among the royal functions, or +more likely that it was the one with which reformers had some religious +scruples about interfering. The Romans, too, retained part of the king's +priestly function in an officer called <i>rex sacrorum</i>, whose duty was at +times to offer a sacrifice in the forum, and then run away as fast as +legs could carry him,—ἣν θύσας ὁ +βασιλεὺς, +κατὰ τάχος +ἄπεισι +φεύγων ἐξ +ἀγορᾶς (!) Plutarch, <i>Quæst. Rom.</i> +63.<a href="#footnotetag121"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote122" name="footnote122"></a> +<strong>Footnote 122:</strong> Something of the priestly quality of "sanctity," however, +surrounded the king's person; and the ceremony of anointing the king at +his coronation was a survival of the ancient rite which invested the +head war-chief with priestly attributes.<a href="#footnotetag122"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote123" name="footnote123"></a> +<strong>Footnote 123:</strong> They can be most conveniently stated in connection with +the story of the conquest of Mexico; see below, vol. ii. p. 278. When +Mr. Bandelier completes his long-promised paper on the ancient Mexican +religion, perhaps it will appear that he has taken these facts into the +account.<a href="#footnotetag123"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote124" name="footnote124"></a> +<strong>Footnote 124:</strong> I cannot follow Mr. Bandelier in discrediting Clavigero's +statement that the office of <i>tlacatecuhtli</i> "should always remain in +the house of Acamapitzin," inasmuch as the eleven who were actually +elected were all closely akin to one another. In point of fact it <i>did</i> +remain "in the house of Acamapitzin."<a href="#footnotetag124"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote125" name="footnote125"></a> +<strong>Footnote 125:</strong> H. H. Bancroft, <i>Native Races of the Pacific States</i>, +vol. ii. p. 145. Hence the accounts of the reverent demeanour of the +people toward Montezuma, though perhaps overcoloured, are not so absurd +as Mr. Morgan deemed them. Mr. Morgan was sometimes too anxious to +reduce Montezuma to the level of an Iroquois +war-chief.<a href="#footnotetag125"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote126" name="footnote126"></a> +<strong>Footnote 126:</strong> As I have elsewhere observed in a similar case:—"Each +summer there came two Mohawk elders, secure in the dread that Iroquois +prowess had everywhere inspired; and up and down the Connecticut valley +they seized the tribute of weapons and wampum, and proclaimed the last +harsh edict issued from the savage council at Onondaga." <i>Beginnings of +New England</i>, p. 121.<a href="#footnotetag126"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote127" name="footnote127"></a> +<strong>Footnote 127:</strong> See Salmeron's letter of August 13, 1531, to the Council +of the Indies, cited in Bandelier, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 696. The letter +recommends that to increase the security of the Spanish hold upon the +country the roads should be made practicable for beasts and wagons. They +were narrow paths running straight ahead up hill and down dale, +sometimes crossing narrow ravines upon heavy stone culverts.<a href="#footnotetag127"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote128" name="footnote128"></a> +<strong>Footnote 128:</strong> The priesthood was not hereditary, nor did it form a +caste. There was no hereditary nobility in ancient Mexico, nor were +there any hereditary vocations, as "artisans," "merchants," etc. See +Bandelier, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 599.<a href="#footnotetag128"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote129" name="footnote129"></a> +<strong>Footnote 129:</strong> See the copious references in Tylor's <i>Primitive +Culture</i>, ii. 340-371; Mackay, <i>Religious Development of the Greeks and +Hebrews</i>, ii. 406-434; Oort and Hooykaas, <i>The Bible for Young People</i>, +i. 30, 189-193; ii. 102, 220; iii. 21, 170, 316, 393, 395; iv. 85, 226. +Ghillany, <i>Die Menschenopfer der alten Hebräer</i>, Nuremberg, 1842, treats +the subject with much learning.<a href="#footnotetag129"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote130" name="footnote130"></a> +<strong>Footnote 130:</strong> Spencer, <i>Princip. Sociol.</i>, i. 287; Tylor, <i>op. cit.</i> +ii. 345.<a href="#footnotetag130"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote131" name="footnote131"></a> +<strong>Footnote 131:</strong> Mr. Prescott, to avoid shocking the reader with details, +refers him to the twenty-first canto of Dante's Inferno, <i>Conquest of +Mexico</i>, vol. i. p. 64.<a href="#footnotetag131"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote132" name="footnote132"></a> +<strong>Footnote 132:</strong> See below, vol. ii. p. 283.<a href="#footnotetag132"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote133" name="footnote133"></a> +<strong>Footnote 133:</strong> The victim, by the offer of which the wrath of the god +was appeased or his favour solicited, must always be some valued +possession of the sacrificer. Hence, e. g., among the Hebrews "wild +animals, as not being property, were generally considered unfit for +sacrifice." (Mackay, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 398.) Among the Aztecs (Prescott, +<i>loc. cit.</i>) on certain occasions of peculiar solemnity the clan offered +some of its own members, usually children. In the lack of prisoners such +offerings would more often be necessary, hence one powerful incentive to +war. The use of prisoners to buy the god's favour was to some extent a +substitute for the use of the clan's own members, and at a later stage +the use of domestic animals was a further substitution. The legend of +Abraham and Isaac (<i>Genesis</i>, xxii. 1-14) preserves the tradition of +this latter substitution among the ancient Hebrews. Compare the +Bœotian legend of the temple of Dionysos +Aigobolos:—θύοντες γὰρ +τῷ θεῷ +προήχθησάν +ποτε ὑπὸ +μέθης ἐς +ὕβριν, ὥστε +καὶ τοῦ +Διονύσου τὸν +ἱερέα +ἀποκτείνουσιν· + +ἀποκτείναντας +δὲ αὐτίκα +ἐπέλαβε +νόσος +λοιμώδης· +καί σφισιν +ἀφίκετο ἅμα +ἐκ Δελφῶν, τῷ +Διονύσῳ +θύειν παῖδα +ὡραῖον· + +ἔτεσι δὲ οὐ +πολλοῖς +ὕστερον τὸν +θεόν φασιν +αἶγα ἱερεῖον +ὑπαλλάξαι +σφίσιν ἀντὶ +τοῦ παιδός. +Pausanias, ix. 8. A further stage of progress was the substitution of a +mere inanimate symbol for a living victim, whether human or brute, as +shown in the old Roman custom of appeasing "Father Tiber" once a year by +the ceremony of drowning a lot of dolls in that river. Of this +significant rite Mommsen aptly observes, "Die Ideen göttlicher Gnade und +Versöhnbarkeit sind hier ununterscheidbar gemischt mit der frommen +Schlauigkeit, welche es versucht den gefährlichen Herrn durch +scheinhafte Befriedigung zu berücken und abzufinden." <i>Römische +Geschichte</i>, 4<sup>e</sup> Aufl., 1865, Bd. i. p. 176. After reading such a remark +it may seem odd to find the writer, in a footnote, refusing to accept +the true explanation of the custom; but that was a quarter of a century +ago, when much less was known about ancient society than now.<a href="#footnotetag133"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote134" name="footnote134"></a> +<strong>Footnote 134:</strong> Bandelier, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 611.<a href="#footnotetag134"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote135" name="footnote135"></a> +<strong>Footnote 135:</strong> There was, however, in this extreme case, a right of +sanctuary. If the doomed slave could flee and hide himself in the +<i>tecpan</i> before the master or one of his sons could catch him, he became +free and recovered his clan-rights; and no third person was allowed to +interfere in aid of the pursuer. Torquemada, <i>Monarquía indiana</i>, ii. +564-566.<a href="#footnotetag135"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote136" name="footnote136"></a> +<strong>Footnote 136:</strong> Bancroft, <i>Native Races of the Pacific States</i>, vol. ii. +p. 251.<a href="#footnotetag136"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote137" name="footnote137"></a> +<strong>Footnote 137:</strong> Bandelier, <i>op. cit.</i> +pp. 429, 570, 620.<a href="#footnotetag137"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote138" name="footnote138"></a> +<strong>Footnote 138:</strong> I here use these world-famous names without any +implication as to their historical character, or their precise date, +which are in themselves interesting subjects for discussion. I use them +as best symbolizing the state of society which existed about the +northern and eastern shores of the eastern Mediterranean, several +centuries before the Olympiads.<a href="#footnotetag138"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote139" name="footnote139"></a> +<strong>Footnote 139:</strong> Morgan, <i>Ancient Society</i>, p. 186, +note.<a href="#footnotetag139"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote140" name="footnote140"></a> +<strong>Footnote 140:</strong> <i>North Amer. Review</i>, April, 1876. The substance of it +was reproduced in his <i>Houses and House-Life</i>, +chap. x.<a href="#footnotetag140"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote141" name="footnote141"></a> +<strong>Footnote 141:</strong> <i>Houses and House-Life</i>, +p. 241.<a href="#footnotetag141"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote142" name="footnote142"></a> +<strong>Footnote 142:</strong> Mr. Andrew Lang asks some similar questions in his <i>Myth, +Ritual, and Religion</i>, vol. ii. p. 349, but in a tone of impatient +contempt which, as applied to a man of Mr. Morgan's calibre, is hardly +becoming.<a href="#footnotetag142"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote143" name="footnote143"></a> +<strong>Footnote 143:</strong> For an excellent account of ancient Mexican knives and +chisels, see Dr. Valentini's paper on "Semi-Lunar and Crescent-Shaped +Tools," in <i>Proceedings of Amer. Antiq. Soc.</i>, New Series, vol. iii. pp. +449-474. Compare the very interesting Spanish observations on copper +hatchets and flint chisels in Clavigero, <i>Historia antigua</i>, tom. i. p. +242; Mendieta, <i>Historia ecclesiastica indiana</i>, +tom. iv. cap. xii.<a href="#footnotetag143"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote144" name="footnote144"></a> +<strong>Footnote 144:</strong> It often happens that the followers of a great man are +more likely to run to extremes than their master, as, for example, when +we see the queen of pueblos rashly described as "a collection of mud +huts, such as Cortes found and dignified with the name of a city." +<i>Smithsonian Report</i>, 1887, part i. p. 691. This is quite +inadmissible.<a href="#footnotetag144"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote145" name="footnote145"></a> +<strong>Footnote 145:</strong> This writing was at once recognized by learned Spaniards, +like Las Casas, as entirely different from anything found elsewhere in +America. He found in Yucatan "letreros de ciertos caracteres que en otra +ninguna parte," Las Casas, <i>Historia apologética</i>, cap. cxxiii. For an +account of the hieroglyphics, see the learned essays of Dr. Cyrus +Thomas, <i>A Study of the Manuscript Troano</i>, Washington, 1882; "Notes on +certain Maya and Mexican MSS.," <i>Third Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology</i>, pp. 7-153; "Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices," <i>Sixth +Report</i>, pp. 259-371. (The paper last mentioned ends with the weighty +words, "The more I study these characters the stronger becomes the +conviction that they have grown out of a pictographic system similar to +that common among the Indians of North America." Exactly so; and this is +typical of every aspect and every detail of ancient American culture. It +is becoming daily more evident that the old notion of an influence from +Asia has not a leg to stand on.) See also a suggestive paper by the +astronomer, E. S. Holden, "Studies in Central American Picture-Writing," +<i>First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology</i>, pp. 205-245; Brinton, +<i>Ancient Phonetic Alphabet of Yucatan</i>, New York, 1870; <i>Essays of an +Americanist</i>, Philadelphia, 1890, pp. 193-304; Léon de Rosny, <i>Les +écritures figuratives</i>, Paris, 1870; <i>L'interprétation des anciens +textes Mayas</i>, Paris, 1875; <i>Essai sur le déchiffrement de l'écriture +hiératique de l'Amérique Centrale</i>, Paris, 1876; Förstemann, +<i>Erläuterungen der Maya Handschrift</i>, Dresden, 1886. The decipherment is +as yet but partially accomplished. The Mexican system of writing is +clearly developed from the ordinary Indian pictographs; it could not +have arisen from the Maya system, but the latter might well have been a +further development of the Mexican system; the Maya system had probably +developed some characters with a phonetic value, i. e. was groping +toward the alphabetical stage; but how far this groping had gone must +remain very doubtful until the decipherment has proceeded further. Dr. +Isaac Taylor is too hasty in saying that "the Mayas employed +twenty-seven characters which must be admitted to be alphabetic" +(Taylor, <i>The Alphabet</i>, vol. i. p. 24); this statement is followed by +the conclusion that the Maya system of writing was "superior in +simplicity and convenience to that employed ... by the great Assyrian +nation at the epoch of its greatest power and glory." Dr. Taylor has +been misled by Diego de Landa, whose work (<i>Relation des choses de +l'Yucatan</i>, ed. Brasseur, Paris, 1864) has in it some pitfalls for the +unwary.<a href="#footnotetag145"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote146" name="footnote146"></a> +<strong>Footnote 146:</strong> Stephens, <i>Incidents of Travel in Central America, +Chiapas, and Yucatan</i>, 2 vols., New York, +1841.<a href="#footnotetag146"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote147" name="footnote147"></a> +<strong>Footnote 147:</strong> It occurred in the drawings of the artist Fréderic de +Waldeck, who visited Palenque before Stephens, but whose researches were +published later. "His drawings," says Mr. Winsor, "are exquisite; but he +was not free from a tendency to improve and restore, where the +conditions gave a hint, and so as we have them in the final publication +they have not been accepted as wholly trustworthy." <i>Narr. and Crit. +Hist.</i>, i. 194. M. de Charnay puts it more strongly. Upon his drawing of +a certain panel at Palenque, M. de Waldeck "has seen fit to place three +or four elephants. What end did he propose to himself in giving this +fictitious representation? Presumably to give a prehistoric origin to +these ruins, since it is an ascertained fact that elephants in a fossil +state only have been found on the American continent. It is needless to +add that neither Catherwood, who drew these inscriptions most minutely, +nor myself who brought impressions of them away, nor living man, ever +saw these elephants and their fine trunks. But such is the mischief +engendered by preconceived opinions. With some writers it would seem +that to give a recent date to these monuments would deprive them of all +interest. It would have been fortunate had explorers been imbued with +fewer prejudices and gifted with a little more common sense, for then we +should have known the truth with regard to these ruins long since." +Charnay, <i>The Ancient Cities of the New World</i>, London, 1887, p. 248. +The gallant explorer's indignation is certainly quite +pardonable.<a href="#footnotetag147"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote148" name="footnote148"></a> +<strong>Footnote 148:</strong> Some of his remarks are worth quoting in detail, +especially in view of the time when they were written: "I repeat my +opinion that we are not warranted in going back to any ancient nation of +the Old World for the builders of these cities; that they are not the +work of people who have passed away and whose history is lost, but that +there are strong reasons to believe them the creations of the same races +who inhabited the country at the time of the Spanish conquest, or some +not very distant progenitors. And I would remark that we began our +exploration without any theory to support.... Some are beyond doubt +older than others; some are known to have been inhabited at the time of +the Spanish conquest, and others, perhaps, were really in ruins before; +... but in regard to Uxmal, at least, we believe that it was an existing +and inhabited city at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards." +Stephens, <i>Central America</i>, etc., vol. ii. p. 455.<a href="#footnotetag148"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote149" name="footnote149"></a> +<strong>Footnote 149:</strong> Charnay, <i>The Ancient Cities of the New World</i>, +p. 260.<a href="#footnotetag149"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote150" name="footnote150"></a> +<strong>Footnote 150:</strong> Lang, <i>Myth, Ritual, and Religion</i>, +vol. ii. p. 348.<a href="#footnotetag150"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote151" name="footnote151"></a> +<strong>Footnote 151:</strong> Charnay, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 209. "I may remark that [the] +virgin forests [here] have no very old trees, being destroyed by +insects, moisture, lianas, etc.; and old monteros tell me that mahogany +and cedar trees, which are most durable, do not live above 200 years," +id. p. 447.<a href="#footnotetag151"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote152" name="footnote152"></a> +<strong>Footnote 152:</strong> The reader will find it suggestive to compare portions of +Schliemann's <i>Mycenæ</i> and M. de Charnay's book, just cited, with +Morgan's <i>Houses and House-Life</i>, chap. xi.<a href="#footnotetag152"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote153" name="footnote153"></a> +<strong>Footnote 153:</strong> Charnay, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 411. Copan and Palenque may be two +or three centuries older, and had probably fallen into ruins before the +arrival of the Spaniards.<a href="#footnotetag153"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote154" name="footnote154"></a> +<strong>Footnote 154:</strong> Brinton, <i>The Maya Chronicles</i>, Philadelphia, 1882, +"Chronicle of Chicxulub," pp. 187-259. This book is of great importance, +and for the ancient history of Guatemala Brinton's <i>Annals of the +Cakchiquels</i>, Philadelphia, 1885, is of like value and interest.</p> + +<p>Half a century ago Mr. Stephens wrote in truly prophetic vein, "the +convents are rich in manuscripts and documents written by the early +fathers, caciques, and Indians, who very soon acquired the knowledge of +Spanish and the art of writing. These have never been examined with the +slightest reference to this subject; <i>and I cannot help thinking that +some precious memorial is now mouldering in the library of a +neighbouring convent, which would determine the history of some one of +these ruined cities</i>." Vol. ii. p. 456. The italicizing, of course, is +mine.<a href="#footnotetag154"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote155" name="footnote155"></a> +<strong>Footnote 155:</strong> For original researches in the mounds one cannot do +better than consult the following papers in the <i>Reports of the Bureau +of Ethnology</i>:—1. by W. H. Holmes, "Art in Shell of the Ancient +Americans," ii. 181-305; "The Ancient Pottery of the Mississippi +Valley," iv. 365-436; "Prehistoric Textile Fabrics of the United +States," iii. 397-431; followed by an illustrated catalogue of objects +collected chiefly from mounds, iii. 433-515;—2. H. W. Henshaw, "Animal +Carvings from the Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," ii. 121-166;—3. +Cyrus Thomas, "Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the United +States," v. 7-119; also three of the Bureau's "Bulletins" by Dr. Thomas, +"The Problem of the Ohio Mounds," "The Circular, Square, and Octagonal +Earthworks of Ohio," and "Work in Mound Exploration of the Bureau of +Ethnology;" also two articles by Dr. Thomas in the <i>Magazine of American +History</i>:—"The Houses of the Mound-Builders," xi. 110-115; "Indian +Tribes in Prehistoric Times," xx. 193-201. See also Horatio Hale, +"Indian Migrations," in <i>American Antiquarian</i>, v. 18-28, 108-124; M. F. +Force, <i>To What Race did the Mound-Builders belong?</i> Cincinnati, 1875; +Lucien Carr, <i>Mounds of the Mississippi Valley historically considered</i>, +1883; Nadaillac's <i>Prehistoric America</i>, ed. W. H. Dall, chaps. iii., +iv. The earliest work of fundamental importance on the subject was +Squier's <i>Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley</i>, Philadelphia, +1848, being the first volume of the Smithsonian Contributions to +Knowledge.—For statements of the theory which presumes either a race +connection or a similarity in culture between the mound-builders and the +pueblo Indians, see Dawson, <i>Fossil Men</i>, p. 55; Foster, <i>Prehistoric +Races of the United States</i>, Chicago, 1873, chaps. iii., v.-x.; Sir +Daniel Wilson, <i>Prehistoric Man</i>, chap. x. The annual <i>Smithsonian +Reports</i> for thirty years past illustrate the growth of knowledge and +progressive changes of opinion on the subject. The bibliographical +account in Winsor's <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, i. 397-412, is full of +minute information.<a href="#footnotetag155"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote156" name="footnote156"></a> +<strong>Footnote 156:</strong> <i>Houses and House-Life</i>, +chap. ix.<a href="#footnotetag156"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote157" name="footnote157"></a> +<strong>Footnote 157:</strong> <i>Work in Mound Exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology</i>, +Washington, 1887. For a sight of the thousands of objects gathered from +the mounds, one should visit the Peabody Museum at Cambridge and the +Smithsonian Institution at Washington.<a href="#footnotetag157"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote158" name="footnote158"></a> +<strong>Footnote 158:</strong> Heckewelder, <i>History of the Indian Nations of +Pennsylvania</i>, etc., Philadelphia, 1818; cf. Squier, <i>Historical and +Mythological Traditions of the Algonquins</i>, a paper read before the New +York Historical Society in June, 1848; also Brinton, <i>The Lenape and +their Legends</i>, Philadelphia, 1885.<a href="#footnotetag158"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote159" name="footnote159"></a> +<strong>Footnote 159:</strong> For a detailed account of their later history, see C. C. +Royce, "The Cherokee Nation," <i>Reports of Bureau of Ethnology</i>, v. +121-378.<a href="#footnotetag159"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote160" name="footnote160"></a> +<strong>Footnote 160:</strong> This notion of the Chinese visiting Mexico was set forth +by the celebrated Deguignes in 1761, in the <i>Mémoires de l'Académie des +Inscriptions</i>, tom. xxviii. pp. 506-525. Its absurdity was shown by +Klaproth, "Recherches sur le pays de Fou Sang," <i>Nouvelles annales des +voyages</i>, Paris, 1831, 2e série, tom. xxi. pp. 58-68; see also +Klaproth's introduction to <i>Annales des empereurs du Japon</i>, Paris, +1834, pp. iv.-ix.; Humboldt, <i>Examen critique de l'histoire de la +géographie du nouveau continent</i>, Paris, 1837, tom. ii. pp. 62-84. The +fancy was revived by C. G. Leland ("Hans Breitmann"), in his <i>Fusang</i>, +London, 1875, and was again demolished by the missionary, S. W. +Williams, in the <i>Journal of the American Oriental Society</i>, vol. xi., +New Haven, 1881.<a href="#footnotetag160"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote161" name="footnote161"></a> +<strong>Footnote 161:</strong> On the noble work of the Irish church and its +missionaries in the sixth and seventh centuries, see Montalembert, <i>Les +moines d'Occident</i>, tom. ii. pp. 465-661; tom. iii. pp. 79-332; Burton's +<i>History of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 234-277; and the instructive map in +Miss Sophie Bryant's <i>Celtic Ireland</i>, London, 1889, p. 60. The notice +of the subject in Milman's <i>Latin Christianity</i>, vol. ii. pp. 236-247, +is entirely inadequate.<a href="#footnotetag161"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote162" name="footnote162"></a> +<strong>Footnote 162:</strong> The passion for solitude led some of the disciples of St. +Columba to make their way from Iona to the Hebrides, and thence to the +Orkneys, Shetlands, Færoes, and Iceland, where a colony of them remained +until the arrival of the Northmen in 874. See Dicuil, <i>Liber de mensura +Orbis Terræ</i> (<span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 825), Paris, 1807; Innes, <i>Scotland in the Middle +Ages</i>, p. 101; Lanigan, <i>Ecclesiastical History of Ireland</i>, chap. iii.; +Maurer, <i>Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte des Germanischen Nordens</i>, i. 35. +For the legend of St. Brandan, see Gaffarel, <i>Les voyages de St. +Brandan</i>, Paris, 1881.<a href="#footnotetag162"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote163" name="footnote163"></a> +<strong>Footnote 163:</strong> C. W. Brooks, of San Francisco, cited in Higginson, +<i>Larger History of the United States</i>, +p. 24.<a href="#footnotetag163"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote164" name="footnote164"></a> +<strong>Footnote 164:</strong> Desmarquets, <i>Mémoires chronologiques pour servir à +l'histoire de Dieppe</i>, Paris, 1785, tom. i. pp. 91-98; Estancelin, +<i>Recherches sur les voyages et découvertes des navigateurs normands</i>, +etc., Paris, 1832, pp. 332-361.<a href="#footnotetag164"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote165" name="footnote165"></a> +<strong>Footnote 165:</strong> See below, vol. ii. +p. 96.<a href="#footnotetag165"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote166" name="footnote166"></a> +<strong>Footnote 166:</strong> As Harrisse says, concerning the alleged voyages of +Cousin and others, "Quant aux voyages du Dieppois Jean Cousin en 1488, +de João Ramalho en 1490, et de João Vaz Cortereal en 1464 ou 1474, le +lecteur nous pardonnera de les passer sous silence." <i>Christophe +Colomb</i>, Paris, 1884, tom. i. p. 307.<a href="#footnotetag166"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote167" name="footnote167"></a> +<strong>Footnote 167:</strong> Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, +i. 59.<a href="#footnotetag167"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote168" name="footnote168"></a> +<strong>Footnote 168:</strong> Sufficiently full references may be found in Watson's +<i>Bibliography of the Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America</i>, appended to +Anderson's <i>America not discovered by Columbus</i>, 3d ed., Chicago, 1883, +pp. 121-164; and see the learned chapters by W. H. Tillinghast on "The +Geographical Knowledge of the Ancients considered in relation to the +Discovery of America," and by Justin Winsor on "Pre-Columbian +Explorations," in <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, vol. i.<a href="#footnotetag168"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote169" name="footnote169"></a> +<strong>Footnote 169:</strong> The proper division of this Old Norse word is not into +<i>vī-king</i>, but into <i>vĭk-ing</i>. The first syllable means a +"bay" or "fiord," the second is a patronymic termination, so that +"vikings" are "sons of the fiord,"—an eminently appropriate and +descriptive name.<a href="#footnotetag169"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote170" name="footnote170"></a> +<strong>Footnote 170:</strong> Curtius (<i>Griechische Etymologie</i>, p. 237) connects +πόντος with πάτος; +compare the Homeric +expressions +ὑγρὰ κέλευθα, +ἰχθυόεντα +κέλευθα, etc.<a href="#footnotetag170"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote171" name="footnote171"></a> +<strong>Footnote 171:</strong> The descendants of these Northmen formed a very large +proportion of the population of the East Anglian counties, and +consequently of the men who founded New England. The East Anglian +counties have been conspicuous for resistance to tyranny and for freedom +of thought. See my <i>Beginnings of New England</i>, p. 62.<a href="#footnotetag171"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote172" name="footnote172"></a> +<strong>Footnote 172:</strong> They were the Varangian guard at Constantinople, +described by Sir Walter Scott in <i>Count Robert of Paris</i>. About this +same time their kinsmen, the Russ, moving eastward from Sweden, were +subjecting Slavic tribes as far as Novgorod and Kief, and laying the +foundations of the power that has since, through many and strange +vicissitudes, developed into Russia. See Thomsen, <i>The Relations between +Ancient Russia and Scandinavia</i>, Oxford, 1877.<a href="#footnotetag172"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote173" name="footnote173"></a> +<strong>Footnote 173:</strong> Fealty to Norway was not formally declared until 1262.<a href="#footnotetag173"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote174" name="footnote174"></a> +<strong>Footnote 174:</strong> The settlement of Iceland is celebrated by Robert Lowe in +verses which show that, whatever his opinion may have been in later +years as to the use of a classical education, his own early studies must +always have been a source of comfort to him:—</p> + +<div class="poem10"> +<p>Χαῖρε καὶ ἐν +νεφέλαισι +καὶ ἐν +νιφάδεσσι +βαρείαις<br> + +<span class="add1em">Καὶ πυρὶ καὶ +σεισμοῖς +νῆσε +σαλευομένη·</span><br> + +Ἐνθάδε γὰρ +βασιλῆος +ὑπέρβιον +ὕβριν ἀλύξας<br> + +<span class="add1em">Δῆμος +Ὑπερβορέων, +κόσμου ἐπ' +ἐσχατιῇ,</span><br> + +Αὐτάρκη +βίοτον θείων +τ' ἐρεθίσματα +Μουσῶν<br> + +<span class="add1em">Καὶ θεσμοὺς +ἁγνῆς εὗρεν +ἐλευθερίας.</span></p> +</div> + +<p>These verses are thus rendered by Sir Edmund Head (<i>Viga Glums Saga</i>, p. +v.):—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +"Hail, Isle! with mist and snowstorms girt around,<br> +Where fire and earthquake rend the shattered ground,—<br> +Here once o'er furthest ocean's icy path<br> +The Northmen fled a tyrant monarch's wrath:<br> +Here, cheered by song and story, dwelt they free,<br> +And held unscathed their laws and liberty."</p> + +<p>Laing (<i>Heimskringla</i>, vol. i. p. 57) couples Iceland and New England as +the two modern colonies most distinctly "founded on principle and +peopled at first from higher motives than want or gain."<a href="#footnotetag174"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote175" name="footnote175"></a> +<strong>Footnote 175:</strong> Just what was then considered wealth, for an individual, +may best be understood by a concrete instance. The historian Snorro +Sturleson, born in 1178, was called a rich man. "In one year, in which +fodder was scarce, he lost 120 head of oxen without being seriously +affected by it." The fortune which he got with his first wife Herdisa, +in 1199, was equivalent nominally to $4,000, or, according to the +standard of to-day, about $80,000. Laing, <i>Heimskringla</i>, vol. i. pp. +191, 193.<a href="#footnotetag175"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote176" name="footnote176"></a> +<strong>Footnote 176:</strong> Laing's excellent English translation of it was published +in London in 1844. The preliminary dissertation, in five chapters, is of +great value. A new edition, revised by Prof. Rasmus Anderson, was +published in London in 1889. Another charming book is Sir George +Dasent's <i>Story of Burnt Njal</i>, Edinburgh, 1861, 2 vols., translated +from the <i>Njals Saga</i>. Both the saga itself and the translator's learned +introduction give an admirable description of life in Iceland at the end +of the tenth century, the time when the voyages to America were made. It +is a very instructive chapter in history.</p> + +<p>The Icelanders of the present day retain the Old Norse language, while +on the Continent it has been modified into Swedish and Norwegian-Danish. +They are a well-educated people, and, in proportion to their numbers, +publish many books.<a href="#footnotetag176"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote177" name="footnote177"></a> +<strong>Footnote 177:</strong> A full collection of these chronicles is given in Rafn's +<i>Antiquitates Americanæ</i>, Copenhagen, 1837, in the original Icelandic, +with Danish and Latin translations. This book is of great value for its +full and careful reproduction of original texts; although the rash +speculations and the want of critical discernment shown in the editor's +efforts to determine the precise situation of Vinland have done much to +discredit the whole subject in the eyes of many scholars. That is, +however, very apt to be the case with first attempts, like Rafn's, and +the obvious defects of his work should not be allowed to blind us to its +merits. In the footnotes to the present chapter I shall cite it simply +as "Rafn;" as the exact phraseology is often important, I shall usually +cite the original Icelandic, and (for the benefit of readers unfamiliar +with that language) shall also give the Latin version, which has been +well made, and quite happily reflects the fresh and pithy vigour of the +original. An English translation of all the essential parts may be found +in De Costa, <i>Pre-Columbian Discovery of America by the Northmen</i>, 2d +ed., Albany, 1890; see also Slafter, <i>Voyages of the Northmen to +America</i>, Boston, 1877 (Prince Society). An Icelandic version, +interpolated in Peringskiold's edition of the <i>Heimskringla</i>, 1697, is +translated in Laing, vol. iii. pp. 344-361.</p> + +<p>The first modern writer to call attention to the Icelandic voyages to +Greenland and Vinland was Arngrim Jónsson, in his <i>Crymogœa</i>, +Hamburg, 1610, and more explicitly in his <i>Specimen Islandiæ +historicum</i>, Amsterdam, 1643. The voyages are also mentioned by +Campanius, in his <i>Kort beskrifning om provincien Nya Swerige uti +America</i>, Stockholm, 1702. The first, however, to bring the subject +prominently before European readers was that judicious scholar Thormodus +Torfæus, in his two books <i>Historia Vinlandiæ antiquæ</i>, and <i>Historia +Gronlandiæ antiquæ</i>, Copenhagen, 1705 and 1706. Later writers have until +very recently added but little that is important to the work of Torfæus. +In the voluminous literature of the subject the discussions chiefly +worthy of mention are Forster's <i>Geschichte der Entdeckungen und +Schiffahrten im Norden</i>, Frankfort, 1784, pp. 44-88; and Humboldt, +<i>Examen critique</i>, etc., Paris, 1837, tom. i. pp. 84-104; see, also, +Major, <i>Select Letters of Columbus</i>, London, 1847 (Hakluyt Soc.) pp. +xii.-xxi. The fifth chapter of Samuel Laing's preliminary dissertation +to the <i>Heimskringla</i>, which is devoted to this subject, is full of good +sense; for the most part the shrewd Orkneyman gets at the core of the +thing, though now and then a little closer knowledge of America would +have been useful to him. The latest critical discussion of the sources, +marking a very decided advance since Rafn's time, is the paper by Gustav +Storm, professor of history in the University of Christiania, "Studier +over Vinlandsreiserne," in <i>Aarbøger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og +Historie</i>, Copenhagen, 1887, pp. 293-372.</p> + +<p>Since this chapter was written I have seen an English translation of the +valuable paper just mentioned, "Studies on the Vineland Voyages," in +<i>Mémoires de la société royale des antiquaires du Nord</i>, Copenhagen, +1888, pp. 307-370. I have therefore in most cases altered my footnote +references below, making the page-numbers refer to the English version +(in which, by the way, some parts of the Norwegian original are, for no +very obvious reason, omitted). By an odd coincidence there comes to me +at the same time a book fresh from the press, whose rare beauty of +mechanical workmanship is fully equalled by its intrinsic merit, <i>The +Finding of Wineland the Good—the History of the Icelandic Discovery of +America</i>, edited and translated from the earliest records by Arthur +Middleton Reeves, London, 1890. This beautiful quarto contains phototype +plates of the original Icelandic vellums in the <i>Hauks-bók</i>, the MS. AM. +557, and the <i>Flateyar-bók</i>, together with the texts carefully edited, +an admirable English translation, and several chapters of critical +discussion decidedly better than anything that has gone before it. On +reading it carefully through, it seems to me the best book we have on +the subject in English, or perhaps in any language.</p> + +<p>Since the above was written, the news has come of the sudden and +dreadful death of Mr. Reeves, in the railroad disaster at Hagerstown, +Indiana, February 25, 1891. Mr. Reeves was an American scholar of most +brilliant promise, only in his thirty-fifth year.<a href="#footnotetag177"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote178" name="footnote178"></a> +<strong>Footnote 178:</strong> Rink, <i>Danish Greenland</i>, +p. 6.<a href="#footnotetag178"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote179" name="footnote179"></a> +<strong>Footnote 179:</strong> We thus see the treacherousness of one of the arguments +cited by the illustrious Arago to prove that the Greenland coast must be +colder now than in the tenth century. The Icelanders, he thinks, called +it "a green land" because of its verdure, and therefore it must have +been warmer than at present. But the land which Eric called green was +evidently nothing more than the region about Julianeshaab, which still +has plenty of verdure; and so the argument falls to the ground. See +Arago, <i>Sur l'état thermométrique du globe terrestre</i>, in his +<i>Œuvres</i>, tom. v. p. 243. There are reasons, however, for believing +that Greenland was warmer in the tenth century than at present. See +below, p. <a href="#page176">176</a>.<a href="#footnotetag179"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote180" name="footnote180"></a> +<strong>Footnote 180:</strong> The map is reduced from Rafn's <i>Antiquitates Americanæ</i>, +tab. xv. The ruins dotted here and there upon it have been known ever +since the last rediscovery of Greenland in 1721, but until after 1831 +they were generally supposed to be the ruins of the West Bygd. After the +fifteenth century, when the old colony had perished, and its existence +had become a mere literary tradition, there grew up a notion that the +names East Bygd and West Bygd indicated that the two settlements must +have been respectively eastward and westward of Cape Farewell; and after +1721 much time was wasted in looking for vestiges of human habitations +on the barren and ice-bound eastern coast. At length, in 1828-31, the +exploring expedition sent out by the Danish government, under the very +able and intelligent Captain Graah, demonstrated that both settlements +were west of Cape Farewell, and that the ruins here indicated upon the +map are the ruins of the East Bygd. It now became apparent that a +certain description of Greenland by Ivar Bardsen—written in Greenland +in the fourteenth century, and generally accessible to European scholars +since the end of the sixteenth, but not held in much esteem before +Captain Graah's expedition—was quite accurate and extremely valuable. +From Bardsen's description, about which we shall have more to say +hereafter, we can point out upon the map the ancient sites with much +confidence. Of those mentioned in the present work, the bishop's church, +or "cathedral" (a view of which is given below, p. <a href="#page222">222</a>), was at +Kakortok. The village of Gardar, which gave its name to the bishopric, +was at Kaksiarsuk, at the northeastern extremity of Igaliko fiord. +Opposite Kaksiarsuk, on the western fork of the fiord, the reader will +observe a ruined church; that marks the site of Brattahlid. The fiord of +Igaliko was called by the Northmen Einarsfiord; and that of +Tunnudliorbik was their Ericsfiord. The monastery of St. Olaus, visited +by Nicolò Zeno (see below, p. <a href="#page240">240</a>), is supposed by Mr. Major to have +been situated near the Iisblink at the bottom of Tessermiut fiord, +between the east shore of the fiord and the small lake indicated on the +map.<a href="#footnotetag180"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote181" name="footnote181"></a> +<strong>Footnote 181:</strong> In Herjulfsfiord, at the entrance to which the modern +Friedrichsthal is situated. Across the fiord from Friedrichsthal a +ruined church stands upon the cape formerly known as Herjulfsness. See +map.<a href="#footnotetag181"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote182" name="footnote182"></a> +<strong>Footnote 182:</strong> "Leifr var mikill madhr ok sterkr, manna sköruligastr at +sjá, vitr madhr ok gódhr hófsmadhr um alla hluti," i. e. "Leif was a +large man and strong, of noble aspect, prudent and moderate in all +things." Rafn, p. 33.<a href="#footnotetag182"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote183" name="footnote183"></a> +<strong>Footnote 183:</strong> The year seems to have been that in which Christianity +was definitely established by law in Iceland, viz., <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 1000. The +chronicle <i>Thattr Eireks Raudha</i> is careful about verifying its dates by +checking one against another. See Rafn, p. 15. The most masterly work on +the conversion of the Scandinavian people is Maurer's <i>Die Bekehrung des +Norwegischen Stammes zum Christenthume</i>, Munich, 1855; for an account of +the missionary work in Iceland and Greenland, see vol. i. pp. 191-242, +443-452.<a href="#footnotetag183"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote184" name="footnote184"></a> +<strong>Footnote 184:</strong> The name means "Turk," and has served as a touchstone for +the dullness of commentators. To the Northmen a "Southman" would +naturally be a German, and why should a German be called a Turk? or how +should these Northmen happen to have had a Turk in their company? Mr. +Laing suggests that he may have been a Magyar. Yes; or he may have +visited the Eastern Empire and taken part in a fight <i>against</i> Turks, +and so have got a soubriquet, just as Thorhall Gamlason, after returning +from Vinland to Iceland, was ever afterward known as "the Vinlander." +That did not mean that he was an American redskin. See below, p. <a href="#page203">203</a>. +From Tyrker's grimaces one commentator sagely infers that he had been +eating grapes and got drunk; and another (even Mr. Laing!) thinks it +necessary to remind us that all the grape-juice in Vinland would not +fuddle a man unless it had been fermented,—and then goes on to ascribe +the absurdity to our innocent chronicle, instead of the stupid +annotator. See <i>Heimskringla</i>, vol. i. +p. 168.<a href="#footnotetag184"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote185" name="footnote185"></a> +<strong>Footnote 185:</strong> On the homeward voyage he rescued some shipwrecked +sailors near the coast of Greenland, and was thenceforward called Leif +the Lucky (et postea cognominatus est Leivus Fortunatus). The pleasant +reports from the newly found country gave it the name of "Vinland the +Good." In the course of the winter following Leif's return his father +died.<a href="#footnotetag185"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote186" name="footnote186"></a> +<strong>Footnote 186:</strong> "Jam crebri de Leivi in Vinlandiam profectione sermones +serebantur, Thorvaldus vero, frater ejus, nimis pauca terræ loca +explorata fuisse judicavit." Rafn, p. 39.<a href="#footnotetag186"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote187" name="footnote187"></a> +<strong>Footnote 187:</strong> Three is the number usually given, but at least four of +their ships would be needed for so large a company; and besides Thorfinn +himself, three other captains are mentioned,—Snorro Thorbrandsson, +Bjarni Grimolfsson, and Thorhall Gamlason. The narrative gives a +picturesque account of this Thorhall, who was a pagan and fond of +deriding his comrades for their belief in the new-fangled Christian +notions. He seems to have left his comrades and returned to Europe +before they had abandoned their enterprise. A further reference to him +will be made below, p. <a href="#page203">203</a>.<a href="#footnotetag187"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote188" name="footnote188"></a> +<strong>Footnote 188:</strong> To this boy Snorro many eminent men have traced their +ancestry,—bishops, university professors, governors of Iceland, and +ministers of state in Norway and Denmark. The learned antiquarian Finn +Magnusson and the celebrated sculptor Thorwaldsen regarded themselves as +thus descended from Thorfinn Karlsefni.<a href="#footnotetag188"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote189" name="footnote189"></a> +<strong>Footnote 189:</strong> Compare the alarm of the Wampanoag Indians in 1603 at the +sight of Martin Pring's mastiff. Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, iii. +174.<a href="#footnotetag189"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote190" name="footnote190"></a> +<strong>Footnote 190:</strong> The fate of Bjarni was pathetic and noble. It was decided +that as many as possible should save themselves in the stern boat. "Then +Bjarni ordered that the men should go in the boat by lot, and not +according to rank. As it would not hold all, they accepted the saying, +and when the lots were drawn, the men went out of the ship into the +boat. The lot was that Bjarni should go down from the ship to the boat +with one half of the men. Then those to whom the lot fell went down from +the ship to the boat. When they had come into the boat, a young +Icelander, who was the companion of Bjarni, said: 'Now thus do you +intend to leave me, Bjarni?' Bjarni replied, 'That now seems necessary.' +He replied with these words: 'Thou art not true to the promise made when +I left my father's house in Iceland.' Bjarni replied: 'In this thing I +do not see any other way'; continuing, 'What course can you suggest?' He +said: 'I see this, that we change places and thou come up here and I go +down there.' Bjarni replied: 'Let it be so, since I see that you are so +anxious to live, and are frightened by the prospect of death.' Then they +changed places, and he descended into the boat with the men, and Bjarni +went up into the ship. It is related that Bjarni and the sailors with +him in the ship perished in the worm sea. Those who went in the boat +went on their course until they came to land, where they told all these +things." De Costa's version from <i>Saga Thorfinns Karlsefnis</i>, Rafn, pp. +184-186.<a href="#footnotetag190"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote191" name="footnote191"></a> +<strong>Footnote 191:</strong> The stories of Gudleif Gudlaugsson and Ari Marsson, with +the fanciful speculations about "Hvitramannaland" and "Irland it Mikla," +do not seem worthy of notice in this connection. They may be found in De +Costa, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 159-177; and see Reeves, <i>The Finding of Wineland +the Good</i>, chap. v.<a href="#footnotetag191"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote192" name="footnote192"></a> +<strong>Footnote 192:</strong> Laing, <i>Heimskringla</i>, +i. 152.<a href="#footnotetag192"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote193" name="footnote193"></a> +<strong>Footnote 193:</strong> See his <i>Larger History of the United States</i>, pp. +32-34.<a href="#footnotetag193"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote194" name="footnote194"></a> +<strong>Footnote 194:</strong> Perhaps it may have been a square-headed lug, like those +of the Deal galley-punts; see Leslie's <i>Old Sea Wings, Ways, and Words, +in the Days of Oak and Hemp</i>, London, 1890, p. 21.<a href="#footnotetag194"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote195" name="footnote195"></a> +<strong>Footnote 195:</strong> Some people must have queer notions about the lapse of +past time. I have more than once had this question put to me in such a +way as to show that what the querist really had in mind was some vague +impression of the time when oaks and chestnuts, vines and magnolias, +grew luxuriantly over a great part of Greenland! But that was in the +Miocene period, probably not less than a million years ago, and has no +obvious bearing upon the deeds of Eric the Red.<a href="#footnotetag195"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote196" name="footnote196"></a> +<strong>Footnote 196:</strong> Bardsen, <i>Descriptio Grœnlandiæ</i>, appended to Major's +<i>Voyages of the Venetian Brothers</i>, etc., pp. 40, 41; and see below, p. +<a href="#page242">242</a>.<a href="#footnotetag196"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote197" name="footnote197"></a> +<strong>Footnote 197:</strong> Zahrtmann, <i>Journal of Royal Geographical Society</i>, +London, 1836, vol. v. p. 102. On this general subject see J. D. Whitney, +"The Climate Changes of Later Geological Times," in <i>Memoirs of the +Museum of Comparative Zoölogy at Harvard College</i>, Cambridge, 1882, vol. +vii. According to Professor Whitney there has also been a deterioration +in the climate of Iceland.<a href="#footnotetag197"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote198" name="footnote198"></a> +<strong>Footnote 198:</strong> One must not too hastily infer that the mean temperature +of points on the American coast south of Davis strait would be affected +in the same way. The relation between the phenomena is not quite so +simple. For example, a warm early spring on the coast of Greenland +increases the discharge of icebergs from its fiords to wander down the +Atlantic ocean; and this increase of floating ice tends to chill and +dampen the summers at least as far South as Long Island, if not +farther.<a href="#footnotetag198"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote199" name="footnote199"></a> +<strong>Footnote 199:</strong> Rink's <i>Danish Greenland</i>, +pp. 27, 96, 97.<a href="#footnotetag199"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote200" name="footnote200"></a> +<strong>Footnote 200:</strong> See Read's <i>Historical Inquiry concerning Henry Hudson</i>, +Albany, 1866, p. 160.<a href="#footnotetag200"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote201" name="footnote201"></a> +<strong>Footnote 201:</strong> "Nú tekst umrædha at nýju um Vínlandsferdh, thviat sú +ferdh thikir bædhi gódh til fjár ok virdhíngar," i. e. "Now they began +to talk again about a voyage to Vinland, for the voyage thither was both +gainful and honourable." Rafn, p. 65.<a href="#footnotetag201"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote202" name="footnote202"></a> +<strong>Footnote 202:</strong> <i>Heimskringla</i>, i, 168.<a href="#footnotetag202"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote203" name="footnote203"></a> +<strong>Footnote 203:</strong> "Fjöldi var thar melrakka," i. e. "ibi vulpium magnus +numerus erat," Rafn, p. 138.<a href="#footnotetag203"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote204" name="footnote204"></a> +<strong>Footnote 204:</strong> It is extremely difficult for an impostor to concoct a +narrative without making blunders that can easily be detected by a +critical scholar. For example, the Book of Mormon, in the passage cited +(see above, p. <a href="#page003">3</a>), in supremely blissful ignorance introduces oxen, +sheep, and silk-worms, as well as the knowledge of smelting iron, into +pre-Columbian America.<a href="#footnotetag204"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote205" name="footnote205"></a> +<strong>Footnote 205:</strong> "Thar í drápu their einn björn," i. e. "in qua ursum +interfecerunt," id. p. 138.<a href="#footnotetag205"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote206" name="footnote206"></a> +<strong>Footnote 206:</strong> "Hvorki skorti thar lax í ánni nè í vatninu, ok stærra +lax enn their hefdhi fyrr sèdh," i. e. "ibi neque in fluvio neque in +lacu deerat salmonum copia, et quidem majoris corporis quam antea +vidissent," id. p. 32.<a href="#footnotetag206"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote207" name="footnote207"></a> +<strong>Footnote 207:</strong> "Helgir fiskar," i. e. "sacri pisces," id. p. 148. The +Danish phrase is "helleflyndre," i. e. "holy flounder." The English +<i>halibut</i> is <i>hali</i> = <i>holy</i> + <i>but</i> = <i>flounder</i>. This word <i>but</i> is +classed as Middle English, but may still be heard in the north of +England. The fish may have been so called "from being eaten particularly +on holy days" (<i>Century Dict.</i> s.v.); or possibly from a pagan +superstition that water abounding in flat fishes is especially safe for +mariners (Pliny, <i>Hist. Nat.</i> ix. 70); or possibly from some lost +folk-tale about St. Peter (Maurer, <i>Isländische Volkssagen der +Gegenwart</i>, Leipsic, 1860, p. 195).<a href="#footnotetag207"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote208" name="footnote208"></a> +<strong>Footnote 208:</strong> "Svâ var mörg ædhr í eynni, at varla mátti gánga fyri +eggjum," i. e. "tantus in insula anatum mollissimarum numerus erat, ut +præ ovis transiri fere non posset," id. p. 141. Eider ducks breed on our +northeastern coasts as far south as Portland, and are sometimes in +winter seen as far south as Delaware. They also abound in Greenland and +Iceland, and, as Wilson observes, "their nests are crowded so close +together that a person can scarcely walk without treading on them.... +The Icelanders have for ages known the value of eider down, and have +done an extensive business in it." See Wilson's <i>American Ornithology</i>, +vol. iii. p. 50.<a href="#footnotetag208"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote209" name="footnote209"></a> +<strong>Footnote 209:</strong></p> + +<table class="center" border="0" cellpadding="3" summary="Translation."> +<tr> +<td>"Svâ</td> +<td>er sagt</td> +<td>at</td> +<td>eptirbátr</td> +<td>theirra</td> +<td>var</td> +<td>fylldr</td> +<td>af vinberjurn."</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>So</td> +<td>it-is-said</td> +<td>that</td> +<td>afterboat</td> +<td>their</td> +<td>was</td> +<td>filled</td> +<td>of vine-berries.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>Rafn, p. 36.<a href="#footnotetag209"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote210" name="footnote210"></a> +<strong>Footnote 210:</strong> Storm, "Studies on the Vinland Voyages," <i>Mémoires de la +société royale des antiquaires du Nord</i>, Copenhagen, 1888, p. 351. The +limit of the vine at this latitude is some distance inland; near the +shore the limit is a little farther south, and in Newfoundland it does +not grow at all. Id. p. 308.<a href="#footnotetag210"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote211" name="footnote211"></a> +<strong>Footnote 211:</strong> The attempt of Dr. Kohl (<i>Maine Hist. Soc.</i>, New Series, +vol. i.) to connect the voyage of Thorfinn with the coast of Maine seems +to be successfully refuted by De Costa, <i>Northmen in Maine</i>, etc., +Albany, 1870.<a href="#footnotetag211"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote212" name="footnote212"></a> +<strong>Footnote 212:</strong></p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="3" summary="Translation."> +<tr> +<td>"Sjálfsána hveitiakra"</td> +<td rowspan="2">Rafn, p. 147.<a href="#footnotetag212"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Self-sown wheat-acres</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p><a id="footnote213" name="footnote213"></a> +<strong>Footnote 213:</strong> Dr. Storm makes perhaps too much of this presumption. He +treats it as decisive against his own opinion that Vinland was the +southern coast of Nova Scotia, and accordingly he tries to prove that +the self-sown corn was not maize, but "wild rice" (<i>Zizania aquatica</i>). +<i>Mémoires</i>, etc., p. 356. But his argument is weakened by excess of +ingenuity.<a href="#footnotetag213"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote214" name="footnote214"></a> +<strong>Footnote 214:</strong> "Thar var svâ gódhr landskostr at thví er theim sýndist, +at thar mundi eingi fènadhr fódhr thurfa á vetrum; thar kvomu eingi +frost á vetrum, ok lítt rènudhu thar grös," i. e. "tanta autem erat +terræ bonitas, ut inde intelligere esset, pecora hieme pabulo non +indigere posse, nullis incidentibus algoribus hiemalibus, et graminibus +parum flaccescentibus." Rafn, p. 32.<a href="#footnotetag214"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote215" name="footnote215"></a> +<strong>Footnote 215:</strong> "Thar voru their um vetrinn; ok gjördhist vetr mikill, en +ekki fyri unnit ok gjördhist íllt til matarins, ok tókust af +veidhirnar," i. e. "hic hiemarunt; cum vero magna incideret hiems, +nullumque provisum esset alimentum, cibus cœpit deficere capturaque +cessabat," Id. p. 174.<a href="#footnotetag215"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote216" name="footnote216"></a> +<strong>Footnote 216:</strong> A favourite method of determining the exact spots visited +by the Northmen has been to compare their statements regarding the shape +and trend of the coasts, their bays, headlands, etc., with various +well-known points on the New England coast. It is a tempting method, but +unfortunately treacherous, because the same general description will +often apply well enough to several different places. It is like summer +boarders in the country struggling to tell one another where they have +been to drive,—past a school-house, down a steep hill, through some +woods, and by a saw-mill, etc.<a href="#footnotetag216"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote217" name="footnote217"></a> +<strong>Footnote 217:</strong> It is not meant that stone implements did not continue to +be used in some parts of Europe far into the Middle Ages. But this was +not because iron was not perfectly well known, but because in many +backward regions it was difficult to obtain or to work, so that stone +continued in use. As my friend, Mr. T. S. Perry, reminds me, Helbig says +that stone-pointed spears were used by some of the English at the battle +of Hastings, and stone battle-axes by some of the Scots under William +Wallace at the end of the thirteenth century. <i>Die Italiker in der +Poebene</i>, Leipsic, 1879, p. 42. Helbig's statement as to Hastings is +confirmed by Freeman, <i>Norman Conquest of England</i>, vol. iii. +p. 473.<a href="#footnotetag217"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote218" name="footnote218"></a> +<strong>Footnote 218:</strong> My use of the word "inventing" is, in this connection, a +slip of the pen. Of course the tales of "men whose heads do grow beneath +their shoulders," the Sciopedæ, etc., as told by Sir John Mandeville, +were not invented by the mediæval imagination, but copied from ancient +authors. They may be found in Pliny, <i>Hist. Nat.</i>, lib. vii., and were +mentioned before his time by Ktesias, as well as by Hecatæus, according +to Stephanus of Byzantium. Cf. Aristophanes, <i>Aves</i>, 1553; Julius +Solinus, <i>Polyhistor</i>, ed. Salmasius, cap. 240. Just as these sheets are +going to press there comes to me Mr. Perry's acute and learned <i>History +of Greek Literature</i>, New York, 1890, in which this subject is mentioned +in connection with the mendacious and medical Ktesias:—These stories +have probably acquired a literary currency "by exercise of the habit, +not unknown even to students of science, of indiscriminate copying from +one's predecessors, so that in reading Mandeville we have the ghosts of +the lies of Ktesias, almost sanctified by the authority of Pliny, who +quoted them and thereby made them a part of mediæval folk-lore—and from +folk-lore, probably, they took their remote start" +(p. 522).<a href="#footnotetag218"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote219" name="footnote219"></a> +<strong>Footnote 219:</strong> "En that var grávara ok safvali ok allskonar skinnavara" +(Rafn, p. 59),—i. e. gray fur and sable and all sorts of skinwares; in +another account, "skinnavöru ok algrá skinn," which in the Danish +version is "skindvarer og ægte graaskind" (id. p. 150),—i. e. skinwares +and genuine gray furs. Cartier in Canada and the Puritans in +Massachusetts were not long in finding that the natives had good furs to +sell.<a href="#footnotetag219"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote220" name="footnote220"></a> +<strong>Footnote 220:</strong> Rafn, +p. 156.<a href="#footnotetag220"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote221" name="footnote221"></a> +<strong>Footnote 221:</strong> Much curious information respecting the use of elephants +in war may be found in the learned work of the Chevalier Armandi, +<i>Histoire militaire des éléphants</i>, Paris, 1843. As regards Thorfinn's +bull, Mr. Laing makes the kind of blunder that our British cousins are +sometimes known to make when they get the Rocky Mountains within sight +of Bunker Hill monument. "A continental people in that part of America," +says Mr. Laing, "could not be strangers to the much more formidable +bison." <i>Heimskringla</i>, p. 169. Bisons on the Atlantic coast, Mr. +Laing?! And then his comparison quite misses the point; a bison, if the +natives had been familiar with him, would not have been at all +formidable as compared to the bull which they had never before seen. A +horse is much less formidable than a cougar, but Aztec warriors who did +not mind a cougar were paralyzed with terror at the sight of men on +horseback. It is the unknown that frightens in such cases. Thorfinn's +natives were probably familiar with such large animals as moose and +deer, but a deer isn't a bull.<a href="#footnotetag221"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote222" name="footnote222"></a> +<strong>Footnote 222:</strong> The Phœnicians, however (who in this connection may be +classed with Europeans), must have met with some such people in the +course of their voyages upon the coasts of Africa. I shall treat of this +more fully below, p. <a href="#page327">327</a>.<a href="#footnotetag222"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote223" name="footnote223"></a> +<strong>Footnote 223:</strong> As for Indians, says Cieza de Leon, they are all noisy +(alharaquientos). <i>Segunda Parte de la Crónica del Peru</i>, +cap. xxiii.<a href="#footnotetag223"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote224" name="footnote224"></a> +<strong>Footnote 224:</strong> For example, Dr. De Costa refers to Dr. Abbott's +discoveries as indicating "that the Indian was preceded by a people like +the Eskimos, whose stone implements are found in the Trenton gravel." +<i>Pre-Columbian Discovery</i>, p. 132. Quite so; but that was in the Glacial +Period (!!), and when the edge of the ice-sheet slowly retreated +northward, the Eskimo, who is emphatically an Arctic creature, doubtless +retreated with it, just as he retreated from Europe. See above, p. <a href="#page018">18</a>. +There is not the slightest reason for supposing that there were any +Eskimos south of Labrador so lately as nine hundred years +ago.<a href="#footnotetag224"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote225" name="footnote225"></a> +<strong>Footnote 225:</strong> "Their voru svartir menn ok illiligir, ok havdhu íllt hár +á höfdhi. Their voru mjök eygdhir ok breidhir í kinnum," i. e. "Hi +homines erant nigri, truculenti specie, fœdam in capite comam +habentes, oculis magnis et genis latis." Rafn, p. 149. The Icelandic +<i>svartr</i> is more precisely rendered by the identical English <i>swarthy</i> +than by the Latin <i>niger</i>.<a href="#footnotetag225"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote226" name="footnote226"></a> +<strong>Footnote 226:</strong> "Mais quãt à noz Sauvages, pour ce qui regarde les ïeux +ilz ne les ont ni bleuz, ni verds, mais noirs pour la pluspart, ainsi +que les cheveux; & neantmoins ne sont petits, cõme ceux des anciens +Scythes, mais d'une grandeur bien agréable." Lescarbot, <i>Histoire de la +Nouvelle France</i>, Paris, 1612, tom. ii. p. 714.<a href="#footnotetag226"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote227" name="footnote227"></a> +<strong>Footnote 227:</strong> "Hún fann fyrir sèr mann daudhan, thar var Thorbrandr +Snorrason, ok stódh hellusteinn í höfdhi honum; sverdhit lá bert í hjá +honum," i. e. "Illa incidit in mortuum hominem, Thorbrandum Snorrii +filium, cujus capiti lapis planus impactus stetit; nudus juxta eum +gladius jacuit." Rafn, p. 154.<a href="#footnotetag227"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote228" name="footnote228"></a> +<strong>Footnote 228:</strong> These Eskimo skin-boats are described in Rink's <i>Danish +Greenland</i>, pp. 113, 179.<a href="#footnotetag228"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote229" name="footnote229"></a> +<strong>Footnote 229:</strong> Cf. Storm, <i>op. cit.</i> +pp. 366, 367.<a href="#footnotetag229"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote230" name="footnote230"></a> +<strong>Footnote 230:</strong> "That sá their Karlsefni at Skrælíngar færdhu upp á stöng +knött stundar mykinn thví nær til at jafna sem saudharvömb, ok helzt +blán at lit, ok fleygdhu af stönginni upp á landit yfir lidh theirra +Karlsefnis, ok lèt illilega vidhr, thar sem nidhr kom. Vidh thetta sló +ótta myklum á Karlsefni ok allt lidh hans, svâ at thá fýsti engis annars +enn flýja, ok halda undan upp medh ánni, thvíat theim thótti lidh +Skrælínga drífa at sèr allum megin, ok lètta eigi, fyrr enn their koma +til hamra nokkurra, ok veittu thar vidhrtöku hardha," i. e. "Viderunt +Karlsefniani quod Skrælingi longurio sustulerunt globum ingentem, ventri +ovillo haud absimilem, colore fere cæruleo; hune ex longurio in terram +super manum Karlsefnianorum contorserunt, qui ut decidit, dirum sonuit. +Hac re terrore perculsus est Karlsefnius suique omnes, ut nihil aliud +cuperent quam fugere et gradum referre sursum secundum fluvium: +credebant enim se ab Skrælingis undique circumveniri. Hinc non gradum +stitere, priusquam ad rupes quasdam pervenissent, ubi acriter +resistebant." Rafn, p. 153.<a href="#footnotetag230"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote231" name="footnote231"></a> +<strong>Footnote 231:</strong> Schoolcraft, <i>Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge</i>, +Philadelphia, 1860, 6 vols. 4to, vol. i. p. 89; a figure of this weapon +is given in the same volume, plate xv. fig. 2, from a careful +description by Chingwauk, an Algonquin chief.<a href="#footnotetag231"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote232" name="footnote232"></a> +<strong>Footnote 232:</strong> Rafn, p. 160; De Costa, p. 134; Storm, +p. 330.<a href="#footnotetag232"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote233" name="footnote233"></a> +<strong>Footnote 233:</strong> Here the narrator seems determined to give us a genuine +smack of the marvellous, for when the fleeing uniped comes to a place +where his retreat seems cut off by an arm of the sea, he runs (glides, +or hops?) across the water without sinking. In Vigfusson's version, +however, the marvellous is eliminated, and the creature simply runs over +the stubble and disappears. The incident is evidently an instance where +the narrative has been "embellished" by introducing a feature from +ancient classical writers. The "Monocoli," or one-legged people, are +mentioned by Pliny, <i>Hist. Nat.</i>, vii. 2: "Item hominum genus qui +Monocoli vocarentur, singulis cruribus, miræ pernicitatis ad saltum." +Cf. Aulus Gellius, <i>Noctes Atticæ</i>, +viii. 4.<a href="#footnotetag233"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote234" name="footnote234"></a> +<strong>Footnote 234:</strong> Between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla, June 15, 1608. For +the description, with its droll details, see <i>Purchas his Pilgrimes</i>, +iii. 575.<a href="#footnotetag234"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote235" name="footnote235"></a> +<strong>Footnote 235:</strong> <i>Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, +December, 1887.<a href="#footnotetag235"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote236" name="footnote236"></a> +<strong>Footnote 236:</strong> I used this argument twenty years ago in qualification of +the over-zealous solarizing views of Sir G. W. Cox and others. See my +<i>Myths and Mythmakers</i>, pp. 191-202; and cf. Freeman on "The Mythical +and Romantic Elements in Early English History," in his <i>Historical +Essays</i>, i. 1-39.<a href="#footnotetag236"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote237" name="footnote237"></a> +<strong>Footnote 237:</strong> Curtin, <i>Myths and Folk-Lore of Ireland</i>, pp. 12, 204, +303; Kennedy, <i>Legendary Fictions of the Irish Celts</i>, +pp. 203-311.<a href="#footnotetag237"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote238" name="footnote238"></a> +<strong>Footnote 238:</strong> Nowhere can you find a more masterly critical account of +Icelandic literature than in Vigfusson's "Prolegomena" to his edition of +<i>Sturlunga Saga</i>, Oxford, 1878, vol. i. pp. ix.-ccxiv. There is a good +but very brief account in Horn's <i>History of the Literature of the +Scandinavian North</i>, transl. by R. B. Anderson, Chicago, 1884, pp. +50-70.<a href="#footnotetag238"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote239" name="footnote239"></a> +<strong>Footnote 239:</strong> It is printed in Rafn, pp. 84-187, and in <i>Grönlands +historiske Mindesmærker</i>, i. 352-443. The most essential part of it may +now be found, under its own name, in Vigfusson's <i>Icelandic Prose +Reader</i>, pp. 123-140.<a href="#footnotetag239"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote240" name="footnote240"></a> +<strong>Footnote 240:</strong> It belonged to a man who lived on Flat Island, in one of +the Iceland fiords.<a href="#footnotetag240"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote241" name="footnote241"></a> +<strong>Footnote 241:</strong> It is printed in Rafn, pp. 1-76, under the title "Thættir +af Eireki Rauda ok Grænlendíngum." For a critical account of these +versions, see Storm, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 319-325; I do not, in all respects, +follow him in his depreciation of the Flateyar-bók +version.<a href="#footnotetag241"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote242" name="footnote242"></a> +<strong>Footnote 242:</strong> Lewis's <i>Inquiry into the Credibility of the Early Roman +History</i>, 2 vols., London, 1855.<a href="#footnotetag242"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote243" name="footnote243"></a> +<strong>Footnote 243:</strong> And notably in that terrible fire of October, 1728, which +consumed the University Library at Copenhagen, and broke the heart of +the noble collector of manuscripts, Arni Magnusson. The great eruption +of Hecla in 1390 overwhelmed two famous homesteads in the immediate +neighbourhood. From the local history of these homesteads and their +inmates, Vigfusson thinks it not unlikely that some records may still be +there "awaiting the spade and pickaxe of a new Schliemann." <i>Sturlunga +Saga</i>, p. cliv.<a href="#footnotetag243"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote244" name="footnote244"></a> +<strong>Footnote 244:</strong> An excellent facsimile of Hauk's handwriting is given in +Rafn, tab. iii., lower part; tab. iv. and the upper part of tab. iii. +are in the hands of his two amanuenses. See Vigfusson, <i>op. cit.</i> p. +clxi.<a href="#footnotetag244"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote245" name="footnote245"></a> +<strong>Footnote 245:</strong> Vigfusson, <i>Eyrbyggja Saga</i>, pp. 91, 92. Another of +Karlsefni's comrades, Thorhall Gamlason, is mentioned in <i>Grettis Saga</i>, +Copenhagen, 1859, pp. 22, 70; he went back to Iceland, settled on a farm +there, and was known for the rest of his life as "the Vinlander." See +above, pp. <a href="#page165">165</a>, <a href="#page168">168</a>.<a href="#footnotetag245"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote246" name="footnote246"></a> +<strong>Footnote 246:</strong> Werlauf, <i>Symbolæ ad Geogr. Medii Ævi</i>, Copenhagen, +1820.<a href="#footnotetag246"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote247" name="footnote247"></a> +<strong>Footnote 247:</strong> For a critical estimate of Ari's literary activity and +the extent of his work, the reader is referred to Möbius, <i>Are's +Isländerbuch</i>, Leipsic, 1869; Maurer, "Über Ari Thorgilsson und sein +Isländerbuch," in <i>Germania</i>, xv.; Olsen, <i>Ari Thorgilsson hinn Fródhi</i>, +Reykjavik, 1889, pp. 214-240.<a href="#footnotetag247"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote248" name="footnote248"></a> +<strong>Footnote 248:</strong> Their "fundo thar manna vister bæthi austr ok vestr á +landi ok kæiplabrot ok steinsmíthi, that es af thví má scilja, at thar +hafdhi thessconar thjóth farith es Vínland hefer bygt, ok Grænlendínger +calla Skrelínga," i. e. "invenerunt ibi, tam in orientali quam +occidentali terræ parte, humanæ habitationis vestigia, navicularum +fragmenta et opera fabrilia ex lapide, ex quo intelligi potest, ibi +versatum esse nationem quæ Vinlandiam incoluit quamque Grænlandi +Skrælingos appellant." Rafn, p. 207.<a href="#footnotetag248"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote249" name="footnote249"></a> +<strong>Footnote 249:</strong> <i>Landnáma-bók</i>, part ii. +chap. xxii.<a href="#footnotetag249"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote250" name="footnote250"></a> +<strong>Footnote 250:</strong> Id. part iii. +chap. x.<a href="#footnotetag250"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote251" name="footnote251"></a> +<strong>Footnote 251:</strong> <i>Kristni Saga</i>, apud <i>Biskupa Sögur</i>, Copenhagen, 1858, +vol. i. p. 20.<a href="#footnotetag251"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote252" name="footnote252"></a> +<strong>Footnote 252:</strong> Indeed, the parallel existence of the Flateyar-bók +version of Eric the Red's Saga, alongside of the Hauks-bók version, is +pretty good proof of the existence of a written account older than +Hauk's time. The discrepancies between the two versions are such as to +show that Jón Thordharson did not copy from Hauk, but followed some +other version not now forthcoming. Jón mentions six voyages in +connection with Vinland: 1. Bjarni Herjulfsson; 2. Leif; 3. Thorvald; 4. +Thorstein and Gudrid; 5. Thorfinn Karlsefni; 6. Freydis. Hauk, on the +other hand, mentions only the two principal voyages, those of Leif and +Thorfinn; ignoring Bjarni, he accredits his adventures to Leif on his +return voyage from Norway in 999, and he makes Thorvald a comrade of +Thorfinn, and mixes his adventures with the events of Thorfinn's voyage. +Dr. Storm considers Hauk's account intrinsically the more probable, and +thinks that in the Flateyar-bók we have a later amplification of the +tradition. But while I agree with Dr. Storm as to the general +superiority of the Hauk version, I am not convinced by his arguments on +this point. It seems to me likely that the Flateyar-bók here preserves +more faithfully the details of an older tradition too summarily +epitomized in the Hauks-bók. As the point in no way affects the general +conclusions of the present chapter, it is hardly worth arguing here. The +main thing for us is that the divergencies between the two versions, +when coupled with their agreement in the most important features, +indicate that both writers were working upon the basis of an antecedent +written tradition, like the authors of the first and third synoptic +gospels. Only here, of course, there are in the divergencies no symptoms +of what the Tübingen school would call "<i>tendenz</i>," impairing and +obscuring to an indeterminate extent the general trustworthiness of the +narratives. On the whole, it is pretty clear that Hauks-bók and +Flateyar-bók were independent of each other, and collated, each in its +own way, earlier documents that have probably since +perished.<a href="#footnotetag252"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote253" name="footnote253"></a> +<strong>Footnote 253:</strong> It is further interesting as the only undoubted reference +to Vinland in a mediæval book written beyond the limits of the +Scandinavian world. There is also, however, a passage in Ordericus +Vitalis (<i>Historia Ecclesiastica</i>, iv. 29), in which <i>Finland</i> and the +Orkneys, along with Greenland and Iceland, are loosely described as +forming part of the dominions of the kings of Norway. This Finland does +not appear to refer to the country of the Finns, east of the Baltic, and +it has been supposed that it may have been meant for Vinland. The book +of Ordericus was written about 1140.<a href="#footnotetag253"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote254" name="footnote254"></a> +<strong>Footnote 254:</strong> The passage from Adam of Bremen deserves to be quoted in +full: "Præterea unam adhuc insulam [regionam] recitavit [i. e. Svendus +rex] a multis in eo repertam oceano, quæ dicitur Vinland, eo quod ibi +vites sponte nascantur, vinum bonum gerentes [ferentes]; nam et fruges +ibi non seminatas abundare, non fabulosa opinione, sed certa comperimus +relatione Danorum. Post quam insulam terra nulla invenitur habitabilis +in illo oceano, sed omnia quæ ultra sunt glacie intolerabili ac caligine +immensa plena sunt; cujus rei Marcianus ita meminit: ultra Thyle, +inquiens, navigare unius diei mare concretum est. Tentavit hoc nuper +experientissimus Nordmannorum princeps Haroldus, qui latitudinem +septentrionalis oceani perscrutatus navibus, tandem caligantibus ante +ora deficientis mundi finibus, immane abyssi baratrum, retroactis +vestigiis, vix salvus evasit." <i>Descriptio insularum aquilonis</i>, cap. +38, apud <i>Hist. Ecclesiastica</i>, iv. ed. Lindenbrog, Leyden, 1595. No +such voyage is known to have been undertaken by Harold of Norway, nor is +it likely. Adam was probably thinking of an Arctic voyage undertaken by +one Thorir under the auspices of King Harold; one of the company brought +back a polar bear and gave it to King Swend, who was much pleased with +it. See Rafn, 339. "Regionam" and "ferentes" in the above extract are +variant readings found in some editions.<a href="#footnotetag254"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote255" name="footnote255"></a> +<strong>Footnote 255:</strong> "Det har imidlertid ikke forhindret de senere forfattere, +der benyttede Adam, fra at blive mistænksomme, og saalænge Adams +beretning stod alene, har man i regelen vægret sig for at tro den. Endog +den norske forfatter, der skrev 'Historia Norvegiæ' og som foruden Adam +vel ogsaa bar kjendt de hjemlige sagn om Vinland, maa have anseet +beretningen for fabelagtig og derfor forbigaaet den; han kjendte altfor +godt Grønland som et nordligt isfyldt Polarland til at ville tro paa, at +i nærheden fandtes et Vinland." Storm, in <i>Aarbøger for Nordisk +Oldkyndighed</i>, etc., Copenhagen, 1887, p. 300.<a href="#footnotetag255"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote256" name="footnote256"></a> +<strong>Footnote 256:</strong> See below, p. <a href="#page386">386</a>.<a href="#footnotetag256"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote257" name="footnote257"></a> +<strong>Footnote 257:</strong> Burton, <i>Ultima Thule</i>, London, 1875, +i. 237.<a href="#footnotetag257"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote258" name="footnote258"></a> +<strong>Footnote 258:</strong> See <i>Pickwick Papers</i>, chap. xi. I am indebted to Mr. +Tillinghast, of Harvard University Library, for calling my attention to +a letter from Rev. John Lathrop, of Boston, to Hon. John Davis, August +10, 1809, containing George Washington's opinion of the Dighton +inscription. When President Washington visited Cambridge in the fall of +1789, he was shown about the college buildings by the president and +fellows of the university. While in the museum he was observed to "fix +his eye" upon a full-size copy of the Dighton inscription made by the +librarian, James Winthrop. Dr. Lathrop, who happened to be standing near +Washington, "ventured to give the opinion which several learned men had +entertained with respect to the origin of the inscription." Inasmuch as +some of the characters were thought to resemble "oriental" characters, +and inasmuch as the ancient Phœnicians had sailed outside of the +Pillars of Hercules, it was "conjectured" that some Phœnician vessels +had sailed into Narragansett bay and up the Taunton river. "While +detained by winds, or other causes now unknown, the people, it has been +conjectured, made the inscription, now to be seen on the face of the +rock, and which we may suppose to be a record of their fortunes or of +their fate."</p> + +<p>"After I had given the above account, the President smiled and said he +believed the learned gentlemen whom I had mentioned were mistaken; and +added that in the younger part of his life his business called him to be +very much in the wilderness of Virginia, which gave him an opportunity +to become acquainted with many of the customs and practices of the +Indians. The Indians, he said, had a way of writing and recording their +transactions, either in war or hunting. When they wished to make any +such record, or leave an account of their exploits to any who might come +after them, they scraped off the outer bark of a tree, and with a +vegetable ink, or a little paint which they carried with them, on the +smooth surface they wrote in a way that was generally understood by the +people of their respective tribes. As he had so often examined the rude +way of writing practised by the Indians of Virginia, and observed many +of the characters on the inscription then before him so nearly resembled +the characters used by the Indians, he had no doubt the inscription was +made long ago by some natives of America." <i>Proceedings of Massachusetts +Historical Society</i>, vol. x. p. 115. This pleasant anecdote shows in a +new light Washington's accuracy of observation and unfailing +common-sense. Such inscriptions have been found by the thousand, +scattered over all parts of the United States; for a learned study of +them see Garrick Mallery, "Pictographs of the North American Indians," +<i>Reports of Bureau of Ethnology</i>, iv. 13-256. "The voluminous discussion +upon the Dighton rock inscription," says Colonel Mallery, "renders it +impossible wholly to neglect it.... It is merely a type of Algonquin +rock-carving, not so interesting as many others.... It is of purely +Indian origin, and is executed in the peculiar symbolic character of the +Kekeewin," p. 20. The characters observed by Washington in the Virginia +forests would very probably have been of the same type. Judge Davis, to +whom Dr. Lathrop's letter was addressed, published in 1809 a paper +maintaining the Indian origin of the Dighton inscription.</p> + +<p>A popular error, once started on its career, is as hard to kill as a +cat. Otherwise it would be surprising to find, in so meritorious a book +as Oscar Peschel's <i>Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen</i>, +Stuttgart, 1877, p. 82, an unsuspecting reliance upon Rafn's ridiculous +interpretation of this Algonquin pictograph. In an American writer as +well equipped as Peschel, this particular kind of blunder would of +course be impossible; and one is reminded of Humboldt's remark, "Il est +des recherches qui ne peuvent s'exécuter que près des sources mêmes." +<i>Examen critique</i>, etc., tom. ii. p. 102.</p> + +<p>In old times, I may add, such vagaries were usually saddled upon the +Phœnicians, until since Rafn's time the Northmen have taken their +place as the pack-horses for all sorts of antiquarian +"conjecture."<a href="#footnotetag258"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote259" name="footnote259"></a> +<strong>Footnote 259:</strong> See Palfrey's <i>History of New England</i>, vol. i. pp. +57-59; Mason's <i>Reminiscences of Newport</i>, pp. 392-407. Laing +(<i>Heimskringla</i>, pp. 182-185) thinks the Yankees must have intended to +fool Professor Rafn and the Royal Society of Antiquaries at Copenhagen; +"Those sly rogues of Americans," says he, "dearly love a quiet hoax;" +and he can almost hear them chuckling over their joke in their club-room +at Newport. I am afraid these Yankees were less rogues and more fools +than Mr. Laing makes out.<a href="#footnotetag259"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote260" name="footnote260"></a> +<strong>Footnote 260:</strong> Laing, <i>Heimskringla</i>, vol. i. +p. 181.<a href="#footnotetag260"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote261" name="footnote261"></a> +<strong>Footnote 261:</strong> "Their höfdhu medh sèr allskonar fènadh, thvíat their +ætlödhu at byggja landit, ef their mætti that," i. e., "illi omne +pecudum genus secum habuerunt, nam terram, si liceret, coloniis +frequentare cogitarunt." Rafn, +p. 57.<a href="#footnotetag261"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote262" name="footnote262"></a> +<strong>Footnote 262:</strong> Major, <i>Prince Henry the Navigator</i>, +p. 241.<a href="#footnotetag262"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote263" name="footnote263"></a> +<strong>Footnote 263:</strong> Irving's <i>Life of Columbus</i>, New York, 1828, vol. i. p. +293.<a href="#footnotetag263"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote264" name="footnote264"></a> +<strong>Footnote 264:</strong> <i>Histoire chronologique de la Nouvelle France</i>, pp. 40, +58; this work, written in 1689 by the Recollet friar Sixte le Tac, has +at length been published (Paris, 1888) with notes and other original +documents by Eugène Réveillaud. See, also, Læt, <i>Novus Orbis</i>, +39.<a href="#footnotetag264"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote265" name="footnote265"></a> +<strong>Footnote 265:</strong> John Smith, <i>Generall Historie</i>, +247.<a href="#footnotetag265"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote266" name="footnote266"></a> +<strong>Footnote 266:</strong> Darwin, <i>Animals and Plants under Domestication</i>, London, +1868, vol. i pp. 27, 77, 84.<a href="#footnotetag266"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote267" name="footnote267"></a> +<strong>Footnote 267:</strong> The views of Professor Horsford as to the geographical +situation of Vinland and its supposed colonization by Northmen are set +forth in his four monographs, <i>Discovery of America by Northmen—address +at the unveiling of the statue of Leif Eriksen</i>, etc., Boston, 1888; +<i>The Problem of the Northmen</i>, Cambridge, 1889; <i>The Discovery of the +Ancient City of Norumbega</i>, Boston, 1890; <i>The Defences of Norumbega</i>, +Boston, 1891. Among Professor Horsford's conclusions the two principal +are: 1. that the "river flowing through a lake into the sea" (Rafn, p. +147) is Charles river, and that Leif's booths were erected near the site +of the present Cambridge hospital; 2. that "Norumbega"—a word loosely +applied by some early explorers to some region or regions somewhere +between the New Jersey coast and the Bay of Fundy—was the Indian +utterance of "Norbega" or "Norway;" and that certain stone walls and +dams at and near Watertown are vestiges of an ancient "city of +Norumbega," which was founded and peopled by Northmen and carried on a +more or less extensive trade with Europe for more than three centuries.</p> + +<p>With regard to the first of these conclusions, it is perhaps as likely +that Leif's booths were within the present limits of Cambridge as in any +of the numerous places which different writers have confidently assigned +for them, all the way from Point Judith to Cape Breton. A judicious +scholar will object not so much to the conclusion as to the character of +the arguments by which it is reached. Too much weight is attached to +hypothetical etymologies.</p> + +<p>With regard to the Norse colony alleged to have flourished for three +centuries, it is pertinent to ask, what became of its cattle and horses? +Why do we find no vestiges of the burial-places of these Europeans? or +of iron tools and weapons of mediæval workmanship? Why is there no +documentary mention, in Scandinavia or elsewhere in Europe, of this +transatlantic trade? etc., etc. Until such points as these are disposed +of, any further consideration of the hypothesis may properly be +postponed.<a href="#footnotetag267"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote268" name="footnote268"></a> +<strong>Footnote 268:</strong> Laing, <i>Heimskringla</i>, i. 141. A description of the ruins +may be found in two papers in <i>Meddelelser om Gronland</i>, Copenhagen, +1883 and 1889.<a href="#footnotetag268"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote269" name="footnote269"></a> +<strong>Footnote 269:</strong> Sometimes called Eric Uppsi; he is mentioned in the +Landnáma-bók as a native of Iceland.<a href="#footnotetag269"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote270" name="footnote270"></a> +<strong>Footnote 270:</strong> Storm, <i>Islandske Annaler</i>, Christiania, 1888; Reeves, +<i>The Finding of Wineland the Good</i>, London, 1890, +pp. 79-81.<a href="#footnotetag270"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote271" name="footnote271"></a> +<strong>Footnote 271:</strong> Storm, in <i>Aarbøger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed</i>, 1887, p. +319.<a href="#footnotetag271"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote272" name="footnote272"></a> +<strong>Footnote 272:</strong> Reeves, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 83. In another vellum it is +mentioned that in 1347 "a ship came from Greenland, which had sailed to +Markland, and there were eighteen men on board." As Mr. Reeves well +observes: "The nature of the information indicates that the knowledge of +the discovery had not altogether faded from the memories of the +Icelanders settled in Greenland. It seems further to lend a measure of +plausibility to a theory that people from the Greenland colony may from +time to time have visited the coast to the southwest of their home for +supplies of wood, or for some kindred purpose. The visitors in this case +had evidently intended to return directly from Markland to Greenland, +and had they not been driven out of their course to Iceland, the +probability is that this voyage would never have found mention in +Icelandic chronicles, and all knowledge of it must have vanished as +completely as did the colony to which the Markland visitors +belonged."<a href="#footnotetag272"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote273" name="footnote273"></a> +<strong>Footnote 273:</strong> Storm, <i>Monumenta historica Norvegiæ</i>, +p. 77.<a href="#footnotetag273"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote274" name="footnote274"></a> +<strong>Footnote 274:</strong> Laing, <i>Heimskringla</i>, i. 147. It has been supposed that +the Black Death, by which all Europe was ravaged in the middle part of +the fourteenth century, may have crossed to Greenland, and fatally +weakened the colony there; but Vigfusson says that the Black Death never +touched Iceland (<i>Sturlunga Saga</i>, vol. i. p. cxxix.), so that it is not +so likely to have reached Greenland.<a href="#footnotetag274"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote275" name="footnote275"></a> +<strong>Footnote 275:</strong> Laing, <i>op. cit.</i> +i. 142.<a href="#footnotetag275"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote276" name="footnote276"></a> +<strong>Footnote 276:</strong> Yet this learned historian was quite correct in his own +interpretation of Zeno's story, for in the same place he says, "If real, +his Frisland is the Ferro islands, and his Zichmni is Sinclair." +Pinkerton's <i>History of Scotland</i>, London, 1797, +vol. i. p. 261.<a href="#footnotetag276"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote277" name="footnote277"></a> +<strong>Footnote 277:</strong> Major, <i>The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, Nicolò and +Antonio Zeno, to the Northern Seas in the XIVth Century</i>, London, 1873 +(Hakluyt Society); cf. Nordenskjöld, <i>Om bröderna Zenos resor och de +äldsta kartor öfner Norden</i>, Stockholm, 1883.<a href="#footnotetag277"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote278" name="footnote278"></a> +<strong>Footnote 278:</strong> "Or M. Nicolò il Caualiere ... entrò in grandissimo +desiderio di ueder il mondo, e peregrinare, e farsi capace di varij +costumi e di lingue de gli huomini, acciò che con le occasioni poi +potesse meglio far seruigio alla sua patria ed à se acquistar fama e +onore." The narrative gives 1380 as the date of the voyage, but Mr. +Major has shown that it must have been a mistake for 1390 (<i>op. cit.</i> +xlii.-xlviii.).<a href="#footnotetag278"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote279" name="footnote279"></a> +<strong>Footnote 279:</strong> It appears on the Zeno map as "Trin [p-]montor," +about the site of Cape Farewell; but how could six days' sail W. from +Kerry, followed by four days' sail N. E., reach any such point? and how +does this short outward sail consist with the return voyage, twenty days +E. and eight days S. E., to the Færoes? The place is also said to have +had "a fertile soil" and "good rivers," a description in nowise +answering to Greenland.<a href="#footnotetag279"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote280" name="footnote280"></a> +<strong>Footnote 280:</strong> "Però non ni dirò altro in questa lettera, sperando tosto +di essere con uoi, e di sodisfarui di molte altre cose con la uiua +uoce." Major, p. 34.<a href="#footnotetag280"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote281" name="footnote281"></a> +<strong>Footnote 281:</strong> "All these letters were written by Messire Antonio to +Messire Carlo, his brother; and I am grieved that the book and many +other writings on these subjects have, I don't know how, come sadly to +ruin; for, being but a child when they fell into my hands, I, not +knowing what they were, tore them in pieces, as children will do, and +sent them all to ruin: a circumstance which I cannot now recall without +the greatest sorrow. Nevertheless, in order that such an important +memorial should not be lost, I have put the whole in order, as well as I +could, in the above narrative." Major, p. 35.<a href="#footnotetag281"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote282" name="footnote282"></a> +<strong>Footnote 282:</strong> Nicolò Zeno, <i>Dello scoprimento dell' isole Frislanda, +Eslanda, Engronelanda, Estotilanda, & Icaria, fatto per due fratelli +Zeni, M. Nicolò it Caualiere, & M. Antonio. Libro Vno, col disegno di +dette Isole.</i> Venice, 1558. Mr. Major's book contains the entire text, +with an English translation.<a href="#footnotetag282"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote283" name="footnote283"></a> +<strong>Footnote 283:</strong> The map is taken from Winsor's <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, +i. 127, where it is reduced from Nordenskjöld's <i>Studien ok +Forskningar</i>. A better because larger copy may be found in Major's +<i>Voyages of the Venetian Brothers</i>. The original map measures 12 x +15-<sup>1</sup>/<sub>2</sub> inches. In the legend at the top the date is given as <span class="smcap">M CCC LXXX</span>. +but evidently one <span class="smcap">X</span> has been omitted, for it should be 1390, and is +correctly so given by Marco Barbaro, in his <i>Genealogie dei nobili +Veneti</i>; of Antonio Zeno he says, "Scrisse con il fratello Nicolò Kav. +li viaggi dell' Isole sotto il polo artico, e di quei scoprimente del +1390, e che per ordine di Zieno, re di Frislanda, si portò nel +continente d'Estotilanda nell' America settentrionale e che si fermò 14 +anni in Frislanda, cioè 4 con suo fratello Nicolò e 10 solo." (This +valuable work has never been published. The original MS., in Barbaro's +own handwriting, is preserved in the Biblioteca di San Marco at Venice. +There is a seventeenth century copy of it among the Egerton MSS. in the +British Museum.)—Nicolò did not leave Italy until after December 14, +1388 (Muratori, <i>Rerum Italicarum Scriptores</i>, tom. xxii. p. 779). The +map can hardly have been made before Antonio's voyage, about 1400. The +places on the map are wildly out of position, as was common enough in +old maps. Greenland is attached to Norway according to the general +belief in the Middle Ages. In his confusion between the names "Estland" +and "Islanda," young Nicolò has tried to reproduce the Shetland group, +or something like it, and attach it to Iceland. "Icaria," probably +Kerry, in Ireland, has been made into an island and carried far out into +the Atlantic. The queerest of young Nicolò's mistakes was in placing the +monastery of St. Olaus ("St. Thomas"). He should have placed it on the +southwest coast of Greenland, near his "Af [p-]montor;" +but he has got it on the extreme northeast, just about +where Greenland is joined to Europe.<a href="#footnotetag283"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote284" name="footnote284"></a> +<strong>Footnote 284:</strong> "Combien de coquilles typographiques ou de lectures +défectueuses ont créé de noms boiteux, qu'il est ensuite bien difficile, +quelquefois impossible de redresser! L'histoire et la géographie en sont +pleines." Avezac, <i>Martin Waltzemüller</i>, p. 9.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to see how thoroughly words can be disguised by an +unfamiliar phonetic spelling. I have seen people hopelessly puzzled by +the following bill, supposed to have been made out by an illiterate +stable-keeper somewhere in England:—</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="1" summary="Bill."> +<colgroup> + <col width="50%"> + <col width="15%"> + <col width="15%"> +</colgroup> +<tr> +<td>Osafada</td> +<td class="right">7s</td> +<td class="right">6d</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Takinonimome</td> +<td> </td> +<td class="right">4d</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td colspan="2" class="right">—————</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td class="right">7s</td> +<td class="right">10d</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>Some years ago Professor Huxley told me of a letter from France which +came to the London post-office thus addressed:—</p> + +<p class="left20">Sromfrédévi,<br> +<span class="add2em">Piqué du lait,</span><br> +<span class="add4em">Londres,</span><br> +<span class="add6em">Angleterre.</span></p> + +<p>This letter, after exciting at first helpless bewilderment and then busy +speculation, was at length delivered to the right person, <i>Sir Humphry +Davy</i>, in his rooms at the Royal Institution on Albemarle street, just +off from <i>Piccadilly</i>!<a href="#footnotetag284"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote285" name="footnote285"></a> +<strong>Footnote 285:</strong> Columbus, on his journey to Iceland in 1477, also heard +the name <i>Færoislander</i> as <i>Frislanda</i>, and so wrote it in the letter +preserved for us in his biography by his son Ferdinand, hereafter to be +especially noticed. See Major's remarks on this, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. xix.<a href="#footnotetag285"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote286" name="footnote286"></a> +<strong>Footnote 286:</strong> Perhaps in the old worn-out map the archipelago may have +been blurred so as to be mistaken for one island. This would aid in +misleading young Nicolò.<a href="#footnotetag286"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote287" name="footnote287"></a> +<strong>Footnote 287:</strong> See the elaborate paper by Admiral Zahrtmann, in <i>Nordisk +Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed</i>, Copenhagen, 1834, vol. i., and the English +translation of it in <i>Journal of Royal Geographical Society</i>, London, +1836, vol. v. All that human ingenuity is ever likely to devise against +the honesty of Zeno's narrative is presented in this erudite essay, +which has been so completely demolished under Mr. Major's heavy strokes +that there is not enough of it left to pick up. As to this part of the +question, we may now safely cry, "finis, laus Deo!"<a href="#footnotetag287"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote288" name="footnote288"></a> +<strong>Footnote 288:</strong> It was translated into Dutch by the famous Arctic +explorer, William Barentz, whose voyages are so graphically described in +Motley's <i>United Netherlands</i>, vol. iii. pp. 552-576. An English +translation was made for Henry Hudson. A very old Danish version may be +found in Rafn's <i>Antiquitates Americanæ</i>, pp. 300-318; Danish, Latin, +and English versions in Major's <i>Voyages of the Venetian Brothers</i>, +etc., pp. 39-54; and an English version in De Costa's <i>Sailing +Directions of Henry Hudson</i>, Albany, 1869, pp. 61-96.<a href="#footnotetag288"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote289" name="footnote289"></a> +<strong>Footnote 289:</strong> So he tells us himself: "Quo cum venissent, nullum +hominem, neque christianum neque paganum, invenerunt, tantummodo fera +pecora et oves deprehenderunt, ex quibus quantum naves ferre poterant in +has deportato domum redierunt." <i>Descriptio Grœnlandiæ</i>, apud Major, +p. 53. The glacial men had done their work of slaughter and +vanished.<a href="#footnotetag289"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote290" name="footnote290"></a> +<strong>Footnote 290:</strong> "Ma la maggior parte sono delle Islande." Mr. Major is +clearly wrong in translating it "from the Shetland Isles." The younger +Nicolò was puzzled by the similarity of the names Islanda and Eslanda, +and sometimes confounded Iceland with the Shetland group. But in this +place Iceland is evidently meant.<a href="#footnotetag290"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote291" name="footnote291"></a> +<strong>Footnote 291:</strong> This application of the hot water to purposes of +gardening reminds us of the similar covered gardens or hot-beds +constructed by Albertus Magnus in the Dominican monastery at Cologne in +the thirteenth century. See Humboldt's <i>Kosmos</i>, +ii. 130.<a href="#footnotetag291"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote292" name="footnote292"></a> +<strong>Footnote 292:</strong> Major, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 16. The narrative goes on to give a +description of the skin-boats of the Eskimo fishermen.<a href="#footnotetag292"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote293" name="footnote293"></a> +<strong>Footnote 293:</strong> Daubeny, <i>Description of Active and Extinct Volcanoes</i>, +London, 1848, pp. 307; cf. Judd, <i>Volcanoes</i>, London, 1881, +p. 234.<a href="#footnotetag293"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote294" name="footnote294"></a> +<strong>Footnote 294:</strong> "Ab Snefelsneso Islandiæ, quâ brevissimus in Gronlandiam +trajectus est, duorum dierum et duarum noctium spatio navigandum est +recto cursu versus occidentem; ibique Gunnbjœrnis scopulos invenies, +inter Gronlandiam et Islandiam medio situ interjacentes. Hic cursus +antiquitûs frequentabatur, nunc vero glacies ex recessu oceani +euroaquilonari delata scopulos ante memoratos tam prope attigit, ut nemo +sine vitæ discrimine antiquum cursum tenere possit, quemadmodum infra +dicetur." <i>Descriptio Grœnlandiæ</i>, apud Major, +<i>op. cit.</i> p. 40.<a href="#footnotetag294"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote295" name="footnote295"></a> +<strong>Footnote 295:</strong> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. lxxvi. See below, vol. ii. p. 115, +note B.<a href="#footnotetag295"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote296" name="footnote296"></a> +<strong>Footnote 296:</strong> Judd, <i>op. cit.</i> +pp. 217-220.<a href="#footnotetag296"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote297" name="footnote297"></a> +<strong>Footnote 297:</strong> My friend, Professor Shaler, tells me that "a volcano +during eruption might shed its ice mantle and afterward don it again in +such a manner as to hide its true character even on a near view;" and, +on the other hand, "a voyager not familiar with volcanoes might easily +mistake the cloud-bonnet of a peak for the smoke of a volcano." This, +however, will not account for Zeno's "hill that vomited fire," for he +goes on to describe the use which the monks made of the pumice and +calcareous tufa for building purposes.<a href="#footnotetag297"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote298" name="footnote298"></a> +<strong>Footnote 298:</strong> They were, therefore, not +Northmen.<a href="#footnotetag298"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote299" name="footnote299"></a> +<strong>Footnote 299:</strong> Pruning this sentence of its magniloquence, might it +perhaps mean that there was a large palisaded village, and that the +chief had some books in Roman characters, a relic of some castaway, +which he kept as a fetish?<a href="#footnotetag299"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote300" name="footnote300"></a> +<strong>Footnote 300:</strong> With all possible latitude of interpretation, this could +not be made to apply to any part of America north of +Mexico.<a href="#footnotetag300"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote301" name="footnote301"></a> +<strong>Footnote 301:</strong> The magnetic needle had been used by the mariners of +western and northern Europe since the end of the thirteenth +century.<a href="#footnotetag301"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote302" name="footnote302"></a> +<strong>Footnote 302:</strong> "Fanno nauigli e nauigano, ma non hanno la calamìta ne +intendeno col bossolo la tramontana. Per ilche questi pescatori furono +in gran pregio, si che il re li spedì con dodici nauigli uerso ostro nel +paese che essi chiamano Drogio." Major, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 21.<a href="#footnotetag302"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote303" name="footnote303"></a> +<strong>Footnote 303:</strong> Major, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. +20-22.<a href="#footnotetag303"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote304" name="footnote304"></a> +<strong>Footnote 304:</strong> Ingram's narrative was first published in Hakluyt's folio +of 1589, pp. 557-562, but in his larger work, <i>Principal Navigations</i>, +etc., London, 1600, it is omitted. As Purchas quaintly says, "As for +David Ingram's perambulation to the north parts, Master Hakluyt in his +first edition published the same; but it seemeth some incredibilities of +his reports caused him to leaue him out in the next impression, the +reward of lying being not to be beleeued in truths." <i>Purchas his +Pilgrimes</i>, London, 1625, vol. iv. p. 1179. The examination before +Walsingham had reference to the projected voyage of Sir Humphrey +Gilbert, which was made in 1583. Ingram's relation, "w<sup>ch</sup> he reported +vnto S<sup>r</sup> Frauncys Walsinghm̃, Knight, and diuers others of good +judgment and creditt, in August and Septembar, A<sup>o</sup> Dñi, 1582," is in +the British Museum, Sloane MS. No. 1447, fol. 1-18; it was copied and +privately printed in Plowden Weston's <i>Documents connected with the +History of South Carolina</i>, London, 1856. There is a MS. copy in the +Sparks collection in the Harvard University library. See the late Mr. +Charles Deane's note in his edition of Hakluyt's <i>Discourse concerning +Westerne Planting</i>, Cambridge, 1877, p. 229 (<i>Collections of Maine Hist. +Soc.</i>, 2d series, vol. ii.); see, also, Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, +iii. 186.<a href="#footnotetag304"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote305" name="footnote305"></a> +<strong>Footnote 305:</strong> See below, vol. ii. +p. 501.<a href="#footnotetag305"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote306" name="footnote306"></a> +<strong>Footnote 306:</strong> In the first reception of the Spaniards in Peru, we shall +see a similar idea at work, vol. ii. pp. 398, +407.<a href="#footnotetag306"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote307" name="footnote307"></a> +<strong>Footnote 307:</strong> The latest pre-Columbian voyage mentioned as having +occurred in the northern seas was that of the Polish pilot John Szkolny, +who, in the service of King Christian I. of Denmark, is said to have +sailed to Greenland in 1476, and to have touched upon the coast of +Labrador. See Gomara, <i>Historia de las Indias</i>, Saragossa, 1553, cap. +xxxvii.; Wytfliet, <i>Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Augmentum</i>, Douay, 1603, p. +102; Pontanus, <i>Rerum Danicarum Historia</i>, Amsterdam, 1631, p. 763. The +wise Humboldt mentions the report without expressing an opinion, <i>Examen +critique</i>, tom. ii. p. 153.<a href="#footnotetag307"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote308" name="footnote308"></a> +<strong>Footnote 308:</strong> Practically, but not entirely, for we have seen Markland +mentioned in the "Elder Skálholt Annals," about 1362. See above, p. +<a href="#page223">223</a>.<a href="#footnotetag308"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote309" name="footnote309"></a> +<strong>Footnote 309:</strong> The "Truce of God" (<i>Treuga Dei</i>) was introduced by the +clergy in Guienne about 1032; it was adopted in Spain before 1050, and +in England by 1080. See Datt, <i>De pace imperii publica</i>, lib. i. cap. +ii. A cessation of all violent quarrels was enjoined, under +ecclesiastical penalties, during church festivals, and from every +Wednesday evening until the following Monday morning. This left only +about eighty days in the year available for shooting and stabbing one's +neighbours. The truce seems to have accomplished much good, though it +was very imperfectly observed.<a href="#footnotetag309"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote310" name="footnote310"></a> +<strong>Footnote 310:</strong> Diodorus Siculus, +i. 70.<a href="#footnotetag310"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote311" name="footnote311"></a> +<strong>Footnote 311:</strong> Strabo, xi. 7, +§ 3.<a href="#footnotetag311"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote312" name="footnote312"></a> +<strong>Footnote 312:</strong> Robertson, <i>Historical Disquisition concerning the +Knowledge which the Ancients had of India</i>, Dublin, 1791, p. 55. I never +have occasion to consult Dr. Robertson without being impressed anew with +his scientific habit of thought and the solidity of his scholarship; and +in none of his works are these qualities better illustrated than in this +noble essay.<a href="#footnotetag312"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote313" name="footnote313"></a> +<strong>Footnote 313:</strong> The Polos sailed back from China to the Persian gulf in +1292-94; see below, p. <a href="#page282">282</a>.<a href="#footnotetag313"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote314" name="footnote314"></a> +<strong>Footnote 314:</strong> The name "Seres" appears on the map of Pomponius Mela +(cir. <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 50), while "Sinæ" does not. See below, p. <a href="#page304">304</a>.</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Jam Tartessiaco quos solverat æquore Titan<br> +In noctem diffusus equos, jungebat Eoïs<br> +Littoribus, primique novo Phaethonte retecti<br> +Seres lanigeris repetebant vellera lucis.<br> +<span class="left30">Silius Italicus, lib. vi. <i>ad init.</i></span> +<a href="#footnotetag314"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote315" name="footnote315"></a> +<strong>Footnote 315:</strong> For this whole subject see Colonel Sir Henry Yule's +<i>Cathay and the Way Thither</i>, London, 1866, 2 vols.,—a work of profound +learning and more delightful than a novel.<a href="#footnotetag315"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote316" name="footnote316"></a> +<strong>Footnote 316:</strong> Its title is +Χριστιανῶν +βίβλος, +ἑρμηνεία εἰς +τὴν +Οκτάτευχον, +i. e. against Ptolemy's Geography in eight books. The name Cosmas +Indicopleustes seems merely to mean "the cosmographer who has sailed to +India." He begins his book in a tone of extreme and somewhat unsavory +humility: +Ἀνοίγω τὰ +μογιλάλα καὶ +βραδύγλωσσα +χείλη ὁ +ἁμαρτωλὸς +καὶ τάλας +ἐγώ—"I, the sinner and wretch, open my stammering, +stuttering lips," etc.—The book has been the occasion of some +injudicious excitement within the last half century. Cosmas gave a +description of some comparatively recent inscriptions on the peninsula +of Sinai, and because he could not find anybody able to read them, he +inferred that they must be records of the Israelites on their passage +through the desert. (Compare the Dighton rock, above, p. <a href="#page214">214</a>.) Whether +in the sixth century of grace or in the nineteenth, your unregenerate +and unchastened antiquary snaps at conclusions as a drowsy dog does at +flies. Some years ago an English clergyman, Charles Forster, started up +the nonsense again, and argued that these inscriptions might afford a +clue to man's primeval speech! Cf. Bunsen, <i>Christianity and Mankind</i>, +vol. iii. p. 231; Müller and Donaldson, <i>History of Greek Literature</i>, +vol. iii. p. 353; Bury, <i>History of the Later Roman Empire from Arcadius +to Irene</i>, vol. ii. p. 177.<a href="#footnotetag316"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote317" name="footnote317"></a> +<strong>Footnote 317:</strong> Such views have their advocates even now. There still +lives, I believe, in England, a certain John Hampden, who with dauntless +breast maintains that the earth is a circular plane with centre at the +north pole and a circumference of nearly 30,000 miles where poor +misguided astronomers suppose the south pole to be. The sun moves across +the sky at a distance of about 800 miles. From the boundless abyss +beyond the southern circumference, with its barrier of icy mountains, +came the waters which drowned the antediluvian world; for, as this +author quite reasonably observes, "on a globular earth such a deluge +would have been physically Impossible." Hampden's title is somewhat like +that of Cosmas,—<i>The New Manual of Biblical Cosmography</i>, London, 1877; +and he began in 1876 to publish a periodical called <i>The Truth-Seeker's +Oracle and Scriptural Science Review</i>. Similar views have been set forth +by one Samuel Rowbotham, under the pseudonym of "Parallax," <i>Zetetic +Astronomy. Earth not a Globe. An experimental inquiry into the true +figure of the earth, proving it a plane without orbital or axial +motion</i>, etc., London, 1873; and by a William Carpenter, <i>One Hundred +Proofs that the Earth is not a Globe</i>, Baltimore, 1885. There is a very +considerable quantity of such literature afloat, the product of a kind +of mental aberration that thrives upon paradox. When I was +superintendent of the catalogue of Harvard University library, I made +the class "Eccentric Literature" under which to group such books,—the +lucubrations of circle-squarers, angle-trisectors, inventors of +perpetual motion, devisers of recipes for living forever without dying, +crazy interpreters of Daniel and the Apocalypse, upsetters of the +undulatory theory of light, the Bacon-Shakespeare lunatics, etc.; a +dismal procession of long-eared bipeds, with very raucous bray. The late +Professor De Morgan devoted a bulky and instructive volume to an account +of such people and their crotchets. See his <i>Budget of Paradoxes</i>, +London, 1872.<a href="#footnotetag317"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote318" name="footnote318"></a> +<strong>Footnote 318:</strong> Cosmas, ii. 138. Further mention of China was made early +in the seventh century by Theophylactus Samocatta, vii. 7. See Yule's +<i>Cathay</i>, vol. i. pp. xlix., clxviii.<a href="#footnotetag318"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote319" name="footnote319"></a> +<strong>Footnote 319:</strong> Robertson, <i>Historical Disquisition</i>, p. 93; Pears, <i>The +Fall of Constantinople</i>, p. 177,—a book of great merit.<a href="#footnotetag319"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote320" name="footnote320"></a> +<strong>Footnote 320:</strong> "It is difficult for the modern traveller who ventures +into the heart of Asia Minor, and finds nothing but rude Kurds and +Turkish peasants living among mountains and wild pastures, not connected +even by ordinary roads, to imagine the splendour and rich cultivation of +this vast country, with its brilliant cities and its teeming +population." Mahaffy, <i>The Greek World under Roman Sway</i>, London, 1890, +p. 229.<a href="#footnotetag320"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote321" name="footnote321"></a> +<strong>Footnote 321:</strong> The general effects of the Crusades are discussed, with +much learning and sagacity, by Choiseul-Daillecourt, <i>De l'Influence des +Croisades sur l'état des peuples de l'Europe</i>, +Paris, 1809.<a href="#footnotetag321"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote322" name="footnote322"></a> +<strong>Footnote 322:</strong> They were taken from Chios in the fourth century by the +emperor Theodosius, and placed in the hippodrome at Constantinople, +whence they were taken by the Venetians in 1204. The opinion that "the +results of the Fourth Crusade upon European civilization were altogether +disastrous" is ably set forth by Mr. Pears, <i>The Fall of +Constantinople</i>, London, 1885, and would be difficult to refute. +Voltaire might well say in this case, "Ainsi le seul fruit des chrétiens +dans leurs barbares croisades fut d'exterminer d'autres chrétiens. Ces +croisés, qui ruinaient l'empire auraient pu, bien plus aisément que tous +leurs prédécesseurs, chasser les Turcs de l'Asie." <i>Essai sur les +Mœurs</i>, tom. ii. p. 158. Voltaire's general view of the Crusades is, +however, very superficial.<a href="#footnotetag322"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote323" name="footnote323"></a> +<strong>Footnote 323:</strong> Yule's <i>Marco Polo</i>, +vol. i. p. lxxi.<a href="#footnotetag323"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote324" name="footnote324"></a> +<strong>Footnote 324:</strong> A papal dispensation was necessary before a commercial +treaty could be made with Mahometans. See Leibnitz, <i>Codex Jur. Gent. +Diplomat.</i>, i. 489.<a href="#footnotetag324"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote325" name="footnote325"></a> +<strong>Footnote 325:</strong> Yule's <i>Cathay</i>, vol. i. p. cxvi.; <i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. i. +p. xlii.<a href="#footnotetag325"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote326" name="footnote326"></a> +<strong>Footnote 326:</strong> Yule's <i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. i. p. cxxx.; cf. Humboldt, +<i>Examen critique</i>, tom. i. p. 71. The complete original texts of the +reports of both monks, with learned notes, may be found in the <i>Recueil +de Voyages et de Mémoires, publié par la Société de Géographie</i>, Paris, +1839, tom. iv., viz.: <i>Johannis de Plano Carpini Historia Mongolorum +quos nos Tartaros appellamus</i>, ed. M. d'Avezac; <i>Itinerarium Willelmi de +Rubruk</i>, ed. F. Michel et T. Wright.<a href="#footnotetag326"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote327" name="footnote327"></a> +<strong>Footnote 327:</strong> Yule's <i>Cathay</i>, vol. i. p. xxxix.; Ptolemy, i. 17. Cf. +Bunbury's <i>History of Ancient Geography</i>, London, 1883, vol. ii. p. +606.<a href="#footnotetag327"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote328" name="footnote328"></a> +<strong>Footnote 328:</strong> See my <i>Beginnings of New England</i>, chap. i. How richly +suggestive to an American is the contemporaneity of Rubruquis and Earl +Simon of Leicester!<a href="#footnotetag328"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote329" name="footnote329"></a> +<strong>Footnote 329:</strong> Roger Bacon, <i>Opus Majus</i>, ed. Jebb, London, 1733, p. +183.<a href="#footnotetag329"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote330" name="footnote330"></a> +<strong>Footnote 330:</strong> Pauthier's <i>Marco Polo</i>, p. 361; Yule's <i>Marco Polo</i>, p. +li.<a href="#footnotetag330"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote331" name="footnote331"></a> +<strong>Footnote 331:</strong> Ramusio, <i>apud</i> Yule's <i>Marco Polo</i>, +vol. i. p. xxxvii.<a href="#footnotetag331"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote332" name="footnote332"></a> +<strong>Footnote 332:</strong> Yule's <i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. i. +p. cxxxi.<a href="#footnotetag332"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote333" name="footnote333"></a> +<strong>Footnote 333:</strong></p> + +<p class="poem10"> +"But for to speake of riches and of stones,<br> +And men and horse, I trow the large wones<br> +Of Prestir John, ne all his tresorie,<br> +Might not unneth have boght the tenth partie."<br> +<span class="left50">Chaucer, <i>The Flower and the Leaf</i>, 200.</span></p> + +<p>The fabulous kingdom of Prester John is ably treated in Yule's <i>Cathay</i>, +vol. i. pp. 174-182; <i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. i. p. 204-216. Colonel Yule +suspects that its prototype may have been the semi-Christian kingdom of +Abyssinia. This is very likely. As for its range, shifted hither and +thither as it was, all the way from the upper Nile to the Thian-Shan +mountains, we can easily understand this if we remember how an ignorant +mind conceives all points distant from its own position as near to one +another; i. e. if you are about to start from New York for Arizona, your +housemaid will perhaps ask you to deliver a message to her brother in +Manitoba. Nowhere more than in the history of geography do we need to +keep before us, at every step, the limitations of the untutored mind and +its feebleness in grasping the space-relations of remote +regions.<a href="#footnotetag333"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote334" name="footnote334"></a> +<strong>Footnote 334:</strong> These Arimaspians afford an interesting example of the +uncritical statements of travellers at an early time, as well as of +their tenacious vitality. The first mention of these mythical people +seems to have been made by Greek travellers in Scythia as early as the +seventh century before Christ; and they furnished Aristeas of +Proconnesus, somewhat later, with the theme of his poem "Arimaspeia," +which has perished, all except six verses quoted by Longinus. See Mure's +<i>Literature of Antient Greece</i>, vol. iv. p. 68. Thence the notion of the +Arimaspians seems to have passed to Herodotus (iii. 116; iv. 27) and to +Æschylus:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +ὀξυστόμους +γὰρ +Ζηνὸς +ἀκραγεῖς +κύνας<br> + +γρῦπας +φύλαξαι, +τόν +τε +μουνῶπα +στρατὸν<br> + +Ἀριμασπὸν +ἱπποβάμον', +οἳ +χρυσόῤῥυτον<br> + +οἰκοῦσιν +ἀμφὶ +νᾶμα +Πλούτωνος +πόρου·<br> + +τούτοις +σὺ +μὴ +πέλαζε.<br> + +<span class="left50"><i>Prometheus</i>, 802.</span></p> + +<p>Thence it passed on to Pausanias, i. 24; Pomponius Mela, ii. 1; Pliny, +<i>Hist. Nat.</i>, vii. 2; Lucan, <i>Pharsalia</i>, iii. 280; and so on to +Milton:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +"As when a gryphon through the wilderness,<br> +With winged course o'er hill or moory dale,<br> +Pursues the Arimaspian who by stealth<br> +Had from his wakeful custody purloined<br> +The guarded gold."<br> + +<span class="left30"><i>Paradise Lost</i>, ii. 944.</span> +<a href="#footnotetag334"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote335" name="footnote335"></a> +<strong>Footnote 335:</strong> Odoric mentions Juggernaut processions and the burning of +widows; in Sumatra he observed cannibalism and community of wives; he +found the kingdom of Prester John in Chinese Tartary; "but as regards +him," says wise Odoric, "not one hundredth part is true of what is told +of him as if it were undeniable." Yule's <i>Cathay</i>, vol. i. pp. 79, 85, +146.<a href="#footnotetag335"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote336" name="footnote336"></a> +<strong>Footnote 336:</strong> Colonel Yule gives a list of fourteen important passages +taken bodily from Odoric by Mandeville. <i>Op. cit.</i> i. 28. It is very +doubtful if that famous book, "Sir John Mandeville's Travels," was +written by a Mandeville, or by a knight, or even by an Englishman. It +seems to have been originally written in French by Jean de Bourgogne, a +physician who lived for some years at Liège, and died there somewhere +about 1370. He may possibly have been an Englishman named John Burgoyne, +who was obliged some years before that date to flee his country for +homicide or for some political offence. He had travelled as far as Egypt +and Palestine, but no farther. His book is almost entirely cribbed from +others, among which may be mentioned the works of Jacques de Vitry, +Plano Carpini, Hayton the Armenian, Boldensele's Itinerary, Albert of +Aix's chronicle of the first crusade, Brunetto Latini's <i>Trésor</i>, Petrus +Comestor's <i>Historia scholastica</i>, the <i>Speculum</i> of Vincent de +Beauvais, etc., etc. It is one of the most wholesale and successful +instances of plagiarism and imposture on record. See <i>The Buke of John +Mandevill, from the unique copy (Egerton MS. 1982) in the British +Museum. Edited by G. F. Warner.</i> Westminster, 1889. +(Roxburghe Club.)<a href="#footnotetag336"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote337" name="footnote337"></a> +<strong>Footnote 337:</strong> One piece of Pegolotti's advice is still useful for +travellers in the nineteenth century who visit benighted heathen +countries afflicted with robber tariffs: "And don't forget that if you +treat the custom-house officers with respect, and make them something of +a present in goods or money, they will behave with great civility and +always be ready to appraise your wares below their real value." <i>Op. +cit.</i> ii. 307.<a href="#footnotetag337"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote338" name="footnote338"></a> +<strong>Footnote 338:</strong> The works of all the writers mentioned in this paragraph, +or copious extracts from them, may be found in Yule's <i>Cathay</i>, which +comprises also the book of the celebrated Ibn Batuta, of Tangier, whose +travels, between 1325 and 1355, covered pretty much the whole of Asia +except Siberia, besides a journey across Sahara to the river Niger. His +book does not seem to have attracted attention in Europe until early in +the present century.<a href="#footnotetag338"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote339" name="footnote339"></a> +<strong>Footnote 339:</strong> +Τὸν δὲ +Ὠκεανὸν λόγῳ +μὲν λέγουσι +ἀπ' ἡλίου +ἀνατολέων +ἀρξάμενον +γῆν περὶ +πᾶσαν ῥέειν, +ἔργῳ δὲ οὐκ +ἀποδεικνῦσι. +Herodotus, iv. 8.<a href="#footnotetag339"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote340" name="footnote340"></a> +<strong>Footnote 340:</strong> +Καὶ γὰρ +κατ' αὐτὸν +Ἐρατοσθένη +τὴν ἐκτὸς +θάλατταν +ἅπασαν +σύρρουν +εἶναι, ὥστε +καὶ τὴν +Ἑσπέριον καὶ +τὴν Ἐρυθρὰν +θάλατταν +μίαν εἶναι. Strabo, i. +3, § 13.<a href="#footnotetag340"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote341" name="footnote341"></a> +<strong>Footnote 341:</strong> Bunbury, <i>History of Ancient Geography</i>, +vol. i. p. 644.<a href="#footnotetag341"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote342" name="footnote342"></a> +<strong>Footnote 342:</strong> Strabo, ii. 3, § 4; xvii. 3, § 1.<a href="#footnotetag342"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote343" name="footnote343"></a> +<strong>Footnote 343:</strong> +Καθάπερ δὲ +καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας +καὶ τῆς +Λιβύης, καθὸ +συνάπτουσιν +ἀλλήλαις +περὶ τὴν +Αἰθιοπίαν, +οὐδεὶς ἔχει + +λέγειν +ἀτρεκῶς ἕως +τῶν καθ' ἡμᾶς +καιρῶν, +πότερον +ἤπειρός ἐστι +κατὰ τὸ +συνεχὲς τὰ +πρὸς τὴν +μεσημβρίαν, + +ἡ θαλάττἢ +περιέχεται. +Polybius, iii. 38.<a href="#footnotetag343"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote344" name="footnote344"></a> +<strong>Footnote 344:</strong> Bunbury, <i>op. cit.</i> +vol. ii. p. 15.<a href="#footnotetag344"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote345" name="footnote345"></a> +<strong>Footnote 345:</strong> See the map of Ptolemy's world, above, +p. <a href="#img023">264</a>.<a href="#footnotetag345"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote346" name="footnote346"></a> +<strong>Footnote 346:</strong> Ptolemy expressly declares that the equatorial regions +had never been visited by people from the northern hemisphere: +Τίνες δέ +εἰσιν αἱ +οἰκήσεις οὐκ +ἂν ἔχοιμεν +πεπεισμένως +εἰπεῖν. +Ἄτριπτοι γάρ +εἰσι μέχρι +τοῦ δεῦρο + +τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς +καθ' ἡμᾶς +οἰκουμένης, +καὶ εἰκασίαν +μᾶλλον ἄν τις +ἢ ἱστορίαν +ἡγήσαιτο τὰ +λεγόμενα +περὶ + +αὐτῶν. <i>Syntaxis</i>, ii. 6.<a href="#footnotetag346"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote347" name="footnote347"></a> +<strong>Footnote 347:</strong> Rawlinson's <i>Herodotus</i>, vol. iii. +p. 29, note 8.<a href="#footnotetag347"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote348" name="footnote348"></a> +<strong>Footnote 348:</strong> The story is discredited by Mannert, <i>Geographie der +Griechen und Römer</i>, bd. i. pp. 19-26; Gossellin, <i>Recherches sur la +géographie des Anciens</i>, tom. i. p. 149; Lewis, <i>Astronomy of the +Ancients</i>, pp. 508-515; Vincent, <i>Commerce and Navigation of the +Ancients in the Indian Ocean</i>, vol. i. pp. 303-311, vol. ii. pp. 13-15; +Leake, <i>Disputed Questions of Ancient Geography</i>, pp. 1-8. It is +defended by Heeren, <i>Ideen über die Politik, den Verkehr</i>, etc., 3e +aufl., Göttingen, 1815, bd. i. abth. ii. pp. 87-93; Rennell, <i>Geography +of Herodotus</i>, pp. 672-714; Grote, <i>History of Greece</i>, vol. iii. pp. +377-385. The case is ably presented in Bunbury's <i>History of Ancient +Geography</i>, vol. i. pp. 289-296, where it is concluded that the story +"cannot be disproved or pronounced to be absolutely impossible; but the +difficulties and improbabilities attending it are so great that they +cannot reasonably be set aside without better evidence than the mere +statement of Herodotus, upon the authority of unknown informants." Mr. +Bunbury (vol. i. p. 317) says that he has reasons for believing that Mr. +Grote afterwards changed his opinion and came to agree with Sir George +Lewis.<a href="#footnotetag348"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote349" name="footnote349"></a> +<strong>Footnote 349:</strong> In reading the learned works of Sir George Cornewall +Lewis, one is often reminded of what Sainte-Beuve somewhere says of the +great scholar Letronne, when he had spent the hour of his lecture in +demolishing some pretty or popular belief: "Il se frotta les mains et +s'en alla bien content." When it came to ancient history, Sir George was +undeniably fond of "the everlasting No." In the present case his +skepticism seems on the whole well-judged, but some of his arguments +savour of undue haste toward a negative conclusion. He thus strangely +forgets that what we call autumn is springtime in the southern +hemisphere (<i>Astronomy of the Ancients</i>, p. 511). His argument that the +time alleged was insufficient for the voyage is fully met by Major +Rennell, who has shown that the time was amply sufficient, and that the +direction of winds and ocean currents would make the voyage around +southern Africa from east to west much easier than from west to +east.<a href="#footnotetag349"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote350" name="footnote350"></a> +<strong>Footnote 350:</strong> "No trace of it could be found in the Alexandrian +library, either by Eratosthenes in the third, or by Marinus of Tyre in +the second, century before Christ, although both of them were diligent +examiners of ancient records." Major, <i>Prince Henry the Navigator</i>, p. +90.<a href="#footnotetag350"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote351" name="footnote351"></a> +<strong>Footnote 351:</strong> Rawlinson's <i>History of Phœnicia</i>, pp. 105, 418; +Pseudo-Aristotle, <i>Mirab. Auscult.</i>, 146; Velleius Paterculus, i. 2, § +6.<a href="#footnotetag351"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote352" name="footnote352"></a> +<strong>Footnote 352:</strong> Hanno, <i>Periplus</i>, in Müller, <i>Geographi Græci Minores</i>, +tom. i. pp. 1-14. Of two or three commanders named Hanno it is uncertain +which was the one who led this expedition, and thus its date has been +variously assigned from 570 to 470 +<span class="smcap">B. C.</span><a href="#footnotetag352"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote353" name="footnote353"></a> +<strong>Footnote 353:</strong> For the determination of these localities see Bunbury, +<i>op. cit.</i> vol. i. pp. 318-335. There is an interesting Spanish +description of Hanno's expedition in Mariana, <i>Historia de España</i>, +Madrid, 1783, tom. i. pp. 89-93.<a href="#footnotetag353"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote354" name="footnote354"></a> +<strong>Footnote 354:</strong> The sailors pursued them, but did not capture any of the +males, who scrambled up the cliffs out of their reach. They captured +three females, who bit and scratched so fiercely that it was useless to +try to take them away. So they killed them and took their skins home to +Carthage. <i>Periplus</i>, xviii. According to Pliny (<i>Hist. Nat.</i>, vi. 36) +these skins were hung up as a votive offering in the temple of Juno (i. +e. Astarte or Ashtoreth: see Apuleius, <i>Metamorph.</i>, xi. 257; Gesenius, +<i>Monumenta Phœnic.</i>, p. 168), where they might have been seen at any +time before the Romans destroyed the city.<a href="#footnotetag354"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote355" name="footnote355"></a> +<strong>Footnote 355:</strong> Herodotus, iv. 43.<a href="#footnotetag355"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote356" name="footnote356"></a> +<strong>Footnote 356:</strong> The story is preserved by Strabo, ii. 3, §§ 4, 5, who +rejects it with a vehemence for which no adequate reason is assigned.<a href="#footnotetag356"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote357" name="footnote357"></a> +<strong>Footnote 357:</strong> Pliny, <i>Hist. Nat.</i>, ii. 67; Mela, <i>De Situ Orbis</i>, iii. +9.<a href="#footnotetag357"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote358" name="footnote358"></a> +<strong>Footnote 358:</strong> After the civil war of Sertorius (<span class="smcap">B. C.</span> 80-72), the +Romans became acquainted with the Canaries, which, because of their +luxuriant vegetation and soft climate, were identified with the Elysium +described by Homer, and were commonly known as the Fortunate islands. +"Contra Fortunatæ Insulæ abundant sua sponte genitis, et subinde aliis +super aliis innascentibus nihil sollicitos alunt, beatius quam aliæ +urbes excultæ." Mela, iii. 10.</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Ἀλλά +σ' +ἐς +Ἠλύσιον +πεδίον +καὶ +πείρατα +γαίης<br> + +ἀθάνατοι +πέμψουσιν, +ὅθι +ξανθὸς +Ῥαδάμανθυς,<br> + +τῆπερ +ῥηΐστη +βιοτὴ +πέλει +ἀνθρώποισιν·<br> + +οὐ +νιφετὸς, +οὔτ' +ἂρ +χειμὼν +πολὺς +οὔτε +ποτ' +ὄμβρος,<br> + +ἀλλ' +αἰεὶ +Ζεφύροιο +λιγὺ +πνείοντας +ἀήτας<br> + +Ὠκεανὸς +ἀνίησιν +ἀναψύχειν +ἀνθρώπους.<br> + +<span class="left50"><i>Odyssey</i>, iv. 563.</span></p> + +<p>Since Horace's time (<i>Epod.</i> vi. 41-66) the Canary islands have been a +favourite theme for poets. It was here that Tasso placed the loves of +Rinaldo and Armida, in the delicious garden where</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Vezzosi augelli infra le verde fronde<br> +Temprano a prova lascivette note.<br> +Mormora l' aura, e fa le foglie e l' onde<br> +Garrir, che variamente ella percote.<br> + +<span class="left30"><i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>, xvi. 12.</span><a href="#footnotetag358"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote359" name="footnote359"></a> +<strong>Footnote 359:</strong> Just as our grandfathers used to read the Bible without +noticing such points as the divergences between the books of Kings and +Chronicles, the contradictions between the genealogies of Jesus in +Matthew and Luke, the radically different theories of Christ's +personality and career in the Fourth Gospel as compared with the three +Synoptics, etc.<a href="#footnotetag359"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote360" name="footnote360"></a> +<strong>Footnote 360:</strong> Bunbury, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. pp. 492, 527. The name is +used in different geographical senses by various ancient writers, as is +well shown in Lewis's <i>Astronomy of the Ancients</i>, pp. 467-481.<a href="#footnotetag360"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote361" name="footnote361"></a> +<strong>Footnote 361:</strong> The Romans, at least by the first century <span class="smcap">A. D.</span>, knew +also of the shortness of northern nights in summer.</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +<span class="add8em">Arma quidem ultra</span><br> +Littora Invernæ promovimus, et modo captas<br> +Orcadas, ac minima contentos nocte Britannos.<br> +<span class="left50">Juvenal, ii. 159.</span></p> + +<p>See also Pliny, <i>Hist. Nat.</i>, iv. 30; Martianus Capella, vi. 595; +Achilles Tatius, <span class="smcap">XXXV</span>.<a href="#footnotetag361"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote362" name="footnote362"></a> +<strong>Footnote 362:</strong> The reader will remember Virgil's magnificent description +of a Scythian winter (<i>Georg.</i>, iii. 352):—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Illic clausa tenent stabulis armenta; neque ullæ<br> +Aut herbæ campo apparent, aut arbore frondes:<br> +Sed jacet aggeribus niveis informis, et alto<br> +Terra gelu late, septemque assurgit in ulnas;<br> +Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri.<br> +Tum Sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras;<br> +Nec cum invectus equis altum petit æthera, nec cum<br> +Præcipitem Oceani rubro lavit æquore currum.<br> +Concrescunt subitæ currenti in flumine crustæ;<br> +Undaque jam tergo ferratos sustinet orbes,<br> +Puppibus illa prius patulis, nunc hospita plaustris,<br> +Æraque dissiliunt vulgo, vestesque rigescunt<br> +Indutæ, cæduntque securibus humida vina<br> +Et totæ solidam in glaciem vertêre lacunæ,<br> +Stiriaque impexis induruit horrida barbis.<br> +Interea toto non secius aëre ningit;<br> +Intereunt pecudes; stant circumfusa pruinis<br> +Corpora magna boum; confertoque agmine cervi<br> +Torpent mole nova, et summis vix cornibus exstant.<br> +...........................................<br> +Ipsi in defossis specubus, secura sub alta<br> +Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora, totasque<br> +Advolvere focis ulmos, ignique dedere.<br> +Hic noctem ludo ducunt, et pocula læti<br> +Fermento atque acidis imitantur vitea sorbis.<br> +Talis Hyperboreo Septem subjecta trioni<br> +Gens effræna virûm Rhipæo tunditur Euro,<br> +Et pecudum fulvis velantur corpora sætis.</p> + +<p>The Roman conception of the situation of these "Hyperboreans" and of the +Rhipæan mountains may be seen in the map of Mela's world.<a href="#footnotetag362"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote363" name="footnote363"></a> +<strong>Footnote 363:</strong> "Huic medio terra sublimis cingitur undique mari: +eodemque in duo latera, quæ hemisphæria nominantur, ab oriente divisa ad +occasum, zonis quinque distinguitur. Mediam æstus infestat, frigus +ultimas: reliquæ habitabiles paria agunt anni tempora, verum non +pariter. Antichthones alteram, nos alteram incolimus. Illius situ ab +ardorem intercedentis plagæ incognito, hujus dicendus est," etc. <i>De +Situ Orbis</i>, i. 1. A similar theory is set forth by Ovid (<i>Metamorph.</i>, +i. 45), and by Virgil (<i>Georg.</i>, i. 233):—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Quinque tenent cœlum zonæ; quarum una corusco<br> +Semper Sole rubens, et torrida semper ab igni;<br> +Quam circum extremæ dextra lævaque trahuntur,<br> +Cærulea glacie concretæ atque imbribus atris.<br> +Has inter mediamque, duæ mortalibus ægris<br> +Munere concessæ Divûm; et via secta per ambas,<br> +Obliquus qua se signorum verteret ordo.<a href="#footnotetag363"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote364" name="footnote364"></a> +<strong>Footnote 364:</strong> "Taprobane aut grandis admodum insula aut prima pars +orbis alterius Hipparcho dicitur; sed quia habitata, nec quisquam +circummeasse traditur, prope verum est." <i>De Situ Orbis</i>, +iii. 7.<a href="#footnotetag364"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote365" name="footnote365"></a> +<strong>Footnote 365:</strong> "Taprobanen alterum orbem terrarum esse, diu existimatum +est, Antichthonum appellatione." <i>Hist. Nat.</i>, vi. 24.<a href="#footnotetag365"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote366" name="footnote366"></a> +<strong>Footnote 366:</strong> Geminus, <i>Isagoge</i>, cap. 13.<a href="#footnotetag366"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote367" name="footnote367"></a> +<strong>Footnote 367:</strong> Macrobius, <i>Somnium Scipionis</i>, ii. 8. Strabo (ii. 5, §§ +7, 8) sets the southern boundary of the Inhabited World 800 miles south +of Syene, and the northern boundary at the north of Ireland.<a href="#footnotetag367"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote368" name="footnote368"></a> +<strong>Footnote 368:</strong> Another notion, less easily explicable and less commonly +entertained, but interesting for its literary associations, was the +notion of a mountain of loadstone in the Indian ocean, which prevented +access to the torrid zone by drawing the nails from ships and thus +wrecking them. This imaginary mountain, with some variations in the +description, is made to carry a serious geographical argument by the +astrologer Pietro d' Abano, in his book <i>Conciliator Differentiarum</i>, +written about 1312. (See Major, <i>Prince Henry the Navigator</i>, p. 100.) +It plays an important part in one of the finest tales in the <i>Arabian +Nights</i>,—the story of the "Third Royal Mendicant."<a href="#footnotetag368"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote369" name="footnote369"></a> +<strong>Footnote 369:</strong> Ferdinand Columbus tells us that this objection was urged +against the Portuguese captains and afterwards against his father: "E +altri di ciò quasi così disputavano, come già i Portoghesi intorno al +navigare in Guinea; dicendo che, se si allargasse alcuno a far cammino +diritto al occidente, come l' Ammiraglio diceva, non potrebbe poi +tornare in Ispagna per la rotondità della sfera; tenendo per certissime, +che qualunque uscisse del emisperio conosciuto da Tolomeo, anderebbe in +giù, e poi gli sarebbe impossibile dar la volta; e affermando che ciò +sarebbe quasi uno ascendere all' insù di un monte. Il che non potrebbono +fare i navigli con grandissimo vento." <i>Vita deli' Ammiraglio</i>, Venice, +1571, cap. xii. The same thing is told, in almost the same words, by Las +Casas, since both writers followed the same original documents: "Añidian +mas, que quien navegase por vía derecha la vuelta del poniente, como el +Cristóbal Colon proferia, no podria despues volver, suponiendo que el +mundo era redondo y yendo hácia el occidente iban cuesta abajo, y +saliendo del hemisferio que Ptolomeo escribiò, á la vuelta érales +necesario subir cuesta arriba, lo que los navíos era imposible hacer." +The gentle but keen sarcasm that follows is very characteristic of Las +Casas: "Esta era gentil y profunda razon, y señal de haber bien el +negocio entendido!" <i>Historia de las Indias</i>, tom. i. p. 230.<a href="#footnotetag369"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote370" name="footnote370"></a> +<strong>Footnote 370:</strong></p> + +<p class="poem10">Mundus, ut ad Scythiam Rhipæasque arduus arces<br> +Consurgit, premitur Libyæ devexus in austros.<br> +Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis; at illum<br> +Sub pedibus Styx atra videt Manesque profundi.<br> +<span class="left50"><i>Georg.</i>, i. 240.</span></p> + +<p>For an account of the deference paid to Virgil in the Middle Ages, as +well as the grotesque fancies about him, see Tunison's <i>Master Virgil</i>, +2d ed., Cincinnati, 1890.<a href="#footnotetag370"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote371" name="footnote371"></a> +<strong>Footnote 371:</strong> Or simply because a wrong course happened to be taken, +through ignorance of atmospheric conditions, as in the second homeward +and third outward voyages of Columbus. See below, pp. <a href="#page485">485</a>, <a href="#page490">490</a>.<a href="#footnotetag371"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote372" name="footnote372"></a> +<strong>Footnote 372:</strong> Navarrete, <i>Discurso historico sobre los progresos del +arte de navegar en España</i>, p. 28; see also Raymond Lully's treatise, +<i>Libro felix, ó Maravillas del mundo</i> (<span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 1286).<a href="#footnotetag372"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote373" name="footnote373"></a> +<strong>Footnote 373:</strong> See Humboldt's <i>Kosmos</i>, bd. i. p. 294; Klaproth, <i>Lettre +à M. de Humboldt sur l'invention de la boussole</i>, pp. 41, 45, 50, 66, +79, 90. But some of Klaproth's conclusions have been doubted: "Pour la +boussole, rien ne prouve que les Chinois l'aient employée pour la +navigation, tandis que nous la trouvons dès le xi<sup>e</sup> siècle chez les +Arabes qui s'en servent non seulement dans leurs traversées maritimes, +mais dans les voyages de caravanes au milieu des déserts," etc. +Sédillot, <i>Histoire des Arabes</i>, tom. ii. p. 130.<a href="#footnotetag373"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote374" name="footnote374"></a> +<strong>Footnote 374:</strong> Is it not a curious instance of human perversity that +while customary usage from time immemorial has characterized as "acts of +God" such horrible events as famines, pestilences, and earthquakes, on +the other hand when some purely beneficent invention has appeared, such +as the mariner's compass or the printing press, it has commonly been +accredited to the Devil? The case of Dr. Faustus is the most familiar +example.<a href="#footnotetag374"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote375" name="footnote375"></a> +<strong>Footnote 375:</strong> This version is cited from Major's <i>Prince Henry the +Navigator</i>, p. 58.<a href="#footnotetag375"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote376" name="footnote376"></a> +<strong>Footnote 376:</strong> Hüllmann, <i>Städtewesen des Mittelalters</i>, bd. i. pp. +125-137.<a href="#footnotetag376"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote377" name="footnote377"></a> +<strong>Footnote 377:</strong> Compare the remarks of Mr. Clark Russell on the mariners +of the seventeenth century, in his <i>William Dampier</i>, p. 12.<a href="#footnotetag377"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote378" name="footnote378"></a> +<strong>Footnote 378:</strong> My chief authorities for the achievements of Prince Henry +and his successors are the Portuguese historians, Barros and Azurara. +The best edition of the former is a modern one, Barros y Couto, <i>Decadas +da Asia, nova edicão con Indice geral</i>, Lisbon, 1778-88, 24 vols. 12mo. +I also refer sometimes to the Lisbon, 1752, edition of the <i>Decada +primeira</i>, in folio. The priceless contemporary work of Azurara, written +in 1453 under Prince Henry's direction, was not printed until the +present century; Azurara, <i>Chronica do Descobrimento e Conquista de +Guiné</i>, Paris, 1841, a superb edition in royal quarto, edited by the +Viscount da Carreira, with introduction and notes by the Viscount de +Santarem.<a href="#footnotetag378"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote379" name="footnote379"></a> +<strong>Footnote 379:</strong> Partly, perhaps, because Mela was himself a Spaniard, and +partly because his opinions had been shared and supported by St. +Isidore, of Seville (<span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 570-636), whose learned works exercised +immense authority throughout the Middle Ages. It is in one of St. +Isidore's books (<i>Etymologiarum</i>, xiii. 16, apud Migne, <i>Patrologia</i>, +tom. lxxxii. col. 484) that we first find the word "Mediterranean" used +as a proper name for that great land-locked sea.<a href="#footnotetag379"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote380" name="footnote380"></a> +<strong>Footnote 380:</strong> +Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ +περὶ τῆς ἔξω +στηλῶν +λέγεται· + +δυσμικώτατον +μὲν γὰρ +σημεῖον τῆς +οἰκουμένης, +τὸ τῶν Ἰβήρων +ἀκρωτήριον, ὃ +καλοῦσιν +Ἱερόν.] Strabo, ii. 5, § 14; cf. Dionysius +Periegetes, v. 161. In reality it lies not quite so far west as the +country around Lisbon.<a href="#footnotetag380"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote381" name="footnote381"></a> +<strong>Footnote 381:</strong> See Littré, <i>Dictionnaire</i>, s. v. "Talent;" Du Cange, +<i>Glossarium</i>, "talentum, animi decretum, voluntas, desiderium, +cupiditas," etc.; cf. Raynouard, <i>Glossaire Provençale</i>, tom. v. p. 296. +French was then fashionable at court, in Lisbon as well as in +London.<a href="#footnotetag381"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote382" name="footnote382"></a> +<strong>Footnote 382:</strong> The Portuguese proverb was "Quem passar o Cabo de Não ou +voltará ou <i>não</i>," i. e. "Whoever passes Cape <i>Non</i> will return or +<i>not</i>." See Las Casas, <i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, tom. i. p. 173; Mariana, +<i>Hist. de España</i>, tom. i. p. 91; Barros, tom. i. p. 36.<a href="#footnotetag382"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote383" name="footnote383"></a> +<strong>Footnote 383:</strong> An engraved copy of this map may be found in Major's +<i>Prince Henry the Navigator</i>, London, 1868, facing p. 107. I need hardly +say that in all that relates to the Portuguese voyages I am under great +obligation to Mr. Major's profoundly learned and critical researches. He +has fairly conquered this subject and made it his own, and whoever +touches it after him, however lightly, must always owe him a tribute of +acknowledgment.<a href="#footnotetag383"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote384" name="footnote384"></a> +<strong>Footnote 384:</strong> See Bontier and Le Verrier, <i>The Canarian, or, Book of +the Conquest and Conversion of the Canaries</i>, translated and edited by +R. H. Major, London, 1872 (Hakluyt Soc). In 1414, Béthencourt's nephew, +left in charge of these islands, sold them to Prince Henry, but Castile +persisted in claiming them, and at length in 1479 her claim was +recognized by treaty with Portugal. Of all the African islands, +therefore, the Canaries alone came to belong, and still belong, to +Spain.<a href="#footnotetag384"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote385" name="footnote385"></a> +<strong>Footnote 385:</strong> Perestrelo had with him a female rabbit which littered on +the voyage, and being landed, with her young, at Porto Santo, forthwith +illustrated the fearful rate of multiplication of which organisms are +capable in the absence of enemies or other adverse circumstances to +check it. (Darwin, <i>Origin of Species</i>, chap. iii.) These rabbits +swarmed all over the island and devoured every green and succulent +thing, insomuch that they came near converting it into a desert. Prince +Henry's enemies, who were vexed at the expenditure of money in such +colonizing enterprises, were thus furnished with a wonderful argument. +They maintained that God had evidently created those islands for beasts +alone, not for men! "En este tiempo habia en todo Portugal grandísimas +murmuraciones del Infante, viéndolo tan cudicioso y poner tanta +diligencia en el descubrir de la tierra y costa de África, diciendo que +destruia el reino en los gastos que hacia, y consumia los vecinos dél en +poner en tanto peligro y daño la gente portoguesa, donde muchos morian, +enviándolos en demanda de tierras que nunca los reyes de España pasados +se atrevieron á emprender, donde habia de hacer muchas viudas y +huérfanos con esta su porfia. Tomaban por argumento, que Dios no habia +criado aquellas tierras sino para bestias, pues en tan poco tiempo en +aquella isla tantos conejos habia multiplicado, que no dejaban cosa que +para sustentacion de los hombres fuese menester." Las Casas, <i>Hist. de +las Indias</i>, tom. i. p. 180. See also Azurara, <i>Chronica do +descobrimento e conquista de Guiné</i>, cap. lxxxiii.<a href="#footnotetag385"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote386" name="footnote386"></a> +<strong>Footnote 386:</strong> See below, vol. ii. pp. 429-431.<a href="#footnotetag386"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote387" name="footnote387"></a> +<strong>Footnote 387:</strong> "En el año de 1442, viendo el Infante que se habia pasado +el cabo del Boxador y que la tierra iba muy adelante, y que todos los +navíos que inviaba traian muchos esclavos moros, con que pagaba los +gastos que hacia y que cada dia crecia más el provecho y se prosperaba +su amada negociacion, determinó de inviar á suplicar al Papa Martino V., +... que hiciese gracia á la Corona real de Portogal de los reinos y +señoríos que habia y hobiese desde el cabo del Boxador adelante, hácia +el Oriente y la India inclusive; y ansí se las concedió, ... con todas +las tierras, puertos, islas, tratos, rescates, pesquerías y cosas á esto +pertenecientes, poniendo censuras y penas á todos los reyes cristianos, +príncipes, y señores y comunidades que á esto le perturbasen; despues, +dicen, que los sumos pontífices, sucesores de Martino, como Eugenio IV. +y Nicolas V. y Calixto IV. lo confirmaron." Las Casas, <i>Hist. de las +Indias</i>, tom. i. p. 185. The name of Martin V. is a slip of the memory +on the part of Las Casas. That pope had died of apoplexy eleven years +before. It was Eugenius IV. who made this memorable grant to the crown +of Portugal. The error is repeated in Irving's <i>Columbus</i>, vol. i. p. +339.<a href="#footnotetag387"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote388" name="footnote388"></a> +<strong>Footnote 388:</strong> The first published account of the voyages of Cadamosto +and Cintra was in the <i>Paesi nouamente retrouati</i>, Vicenza, 1507, a +small quarto which can now sometimes be bought for from twelve to +fifteen hundred dollars. See also Grynæus, <i>Novus Orbis</i>, Basel, 1532.<a href="#footnotetag388"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote389" name="footnote389"></a> +<strong>Footnote 389:</strong> It was in the course of these voyages upon the African +coast that civilized Europeans first became familiar with people below +the upper status of barbarism. Savagery and barbarism of the lower types +were practically unknown in the Middle Ages, and almost, though probably +not quite unknown, to the civilized peoples of the Mediterranean in +ancient times. The history of the two words is interesting. The Greek +word +βάρβαρος, whence Eng. +<i>barbarian</i> (=Sanskrit <i>barbara</i>, Latin <i>balbus</i>), means "a stammerer," +or one who talks gibberish, i. e. in a language we do not understand. +Aristophanes (<i>Aves</i>, 199) very prettily applies the epithet to the +inarticulate singing of birds. The names <i>Welsh</i>, <i>Walloon</i>, +<i>Wallachian</i>, and <i>Belooch</i>, given to these peoples by their neighbours, +have precisely the same meaning (Kuhn's <i>Zeitschrift</i>, ii. 252); and in +like manner the Russians call the Germans <i>Nyemetch</i>, or people who +cannot talk (Schafarik, <i>Slawische Alterthumer</i>, i. 443; Pott, <i>Etym. +Forsch.</i>, ii. 521). The Greeks called all men but themselves barbarians, +including such civilized people as the Persians. The Romans applied the +name to all tribes and nations outside the limits of the Empire, and the +Italians of the later Middle Ages bestowed it upon all nations outside +of Italy. Upon its lax use in recent times I have already commented +(above, pp. <a href="#page025">25</a>-35). The tendency to apply the epithet to savages is +modern. The word <i>savage</i>, on the other hand, which came to us as the +Old French <i>sauvage</i> or <i>salvage</i> (Ital. <i>selvaggio</i>, <i>salvatico</i>), is +the Latin <i>silvaticus</i>, <i>sylvaticus</i>, <i>salvaticus</i>, that which pertains +to a forest and is sylvan or wild. In its earliest usage it had +reference to plants and beasts rather than to men. Wild apples, pears, +or laurels are characterized by the epithet <i>sylvaticus</i> in Varro, <i>De +re rustica</i>, i. 40; and either this adjective, or its equivalent +<i>silvestris</i>, was used of wild animals as contrasted with domesticated +beasts, as wild sheep and wild fowl, in Columella, vii. 2; viii. 12, or +wolves, in Propertius, iii. 7, or mice, in Pliny, xxx. 22. (Occasionally +it is used of men, as in Pliny, viii. 79.) The meaning was the same in +mediæval Latin (Du Cange, <i>Glossarium</i>, Niort, 1886, tom. vii. p. 686) +and in Old French, as "La douce voiz du loussignol sauvage" (Michel, +<i>Chansons de chatelain de Coucy</i>, xix.). In the romance of <i>Robert le +Diable</i>, in the verses</p> + +<p class="poem20"> +Sire, se vos fustes Sauvages<br> +Viers moi, je n'i pris mie garde, etc.,</p> + +<p class="noindent">the reference is plainly to degenerate civilized men frequenting the +forests, such as bandits or outlaws, not to what we call savages.</p> + +<p>Mediæval writers certainly had some idea of savages, but it was not +based upon any actual acquaintance with such people, but upon +imperfectly apprehended statements of ancient writers. At the famous +ball at the Hotel de Saint Pol in Paris, in 1393, King Charles VI. and +five noblemen were dressed in close-fitting suits of linen, thickly +covered from head to foot with tow or flax, the colour of hair, so as to +look like "savages." In this attire nobody recognized them, and the Duke +of Orleans, in his eagerness to make out who they were, brought a torch +too near, so that the flax took fire, and four of the noblemen were +burned to death. See Froissart's <i>Chronicles</i>, tr. Johnes, London, 1806, +vol. xi. pp. 69-76. The point of the story is that savages were supposed +to be men covered with hair, like beasts, and Froissart, in relating it, +evidently knew no better. Whence came this notion of hairy men? Probably +from Hanno's gorillas (see above, p. <a href="#page301">301</a>), through Pliny, whose huge +farrago of facts and fancies was a sort of household Peter Parley in +mediæval monasteries. Pliny speaks repeatedly of men covered with hair +from head to foot, and scatters them about according to his fancy, in +Carmania and other distant places (<i>Hist. Nat.</i>, vi. 28, 36, vii. 2).</p> + +<p>Greek and Roman writers seem to have had some slight knowledge of +savagery and the lower status of barbarism as prevailing in remote +places ("Ptolomée dit que es extremités de la terre habitable sont gens +sauvages," Oresme, <i>Les Éthiques d'Aristote</i>, Paris, 1488), but their +remarks are usually vague. Seldom do we get such a clean-cut statement +as that of Tacitus about the Finns, that they have neither horses nor +houses, sleep on the ground, are clothed in skins, live by the chase, +and for want of iron use bone-tipped arrows (<i>Germania</i>, cap. 46). More +often we have unconscionable yarns about men without noses, or with only +one eye, tailed men, solid-hoofed men, Amazons, and parthenogenesis. The +Troglodytes, or Cave-dwellers, on the Nubian coast of the Red Sea seem +to have been in the middle status of barbarism (Diodorus, iii. 32; +Agatharchides, 61-63), and the Ichthyophagi, or Fish-eaters, whom +Nearchus found on the shores of Gedrosia (Arrian, <i>Indica</i>, cap. 29), +were probably in a lower stage, perhaps true savages. It is exceedingly +curious that Mela puts a race of pygmies at the headwaters of the Nile +(see map above, p. <a href="#img014">304</a>). Is this only an echo from <i>Iliad</i>, iii. 6, or +can any ancient traveller have penetrated far enough inland toward the +equator to have heard reports of the dwarfish race lately visited by +Stanley (<i>In Darkest Africa</i>, vol. ii. pp. 100-104, 164)? Strabo had no +real knowledge of savagery in Africa (cf. Bunbury, <i>Hist. Ancient +Geog.</i>, ii. 331). Sataspes may have seen barbarians of low type, +possibly on one of the Canary isles (see description of Canarians in +Major's <i>Prince Henry</i>, p. 212). Ptolemy had heard of an island of +cannibals in the Indian ocean, perhaps one of the Andaman group, visited +<span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 1293 by Marco Polo. The people of these islands rank among the +lowest savages on the earth, and Marco was disgusted and horrified; +their beastly faces, with huge prognathous jaws and projecting canine +teeth, he tried to describe by calling them a dog-headed people. Sir +Henry Yule suggests that the mention of Cynocephali, or Dog-heads, in +ancient writers may have had an analogous origin (<i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. ii. +p. 252). This visit of the Venetian traveller to Andaman was one of very +few real glimpses of savagery vouchsafed to Europeans before the +fifteenth century; and a general review of the subject brings out in a +strong light the truthfulness and authenticity of the description of +American Indians in Eric the Red's Saga, as shown above, pp. <a href="#page185">185</a>-192.<a href="#footnotetag389"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote390" name="footnote390"></a> +<strong>Footnote 390:</strong> See Major's <i>India in the Fifteenth Century</i>, pp. +lxxxv.-xc.<a href="#footnotetag390"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote391" name="footnote391"></a> +<strong>Footnote 391:</strong> The greatest of Portuguese poets represents the Genius of +the Cape as appearing to the storm-tossed mariners in cloud-like shape, +like the Jinni that the fisherman of the Arabian tale released from a +casket. He expresses indignation at their audacity in discovering his +secret, hitherto hidden from mankind:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Eu sou aquelle occulto e grande Cabo,<br> +A quem chamais vós outros Tormentorio,<br> +Que nunca á Ptolomeo, Pomponio, Estrabo,<br> +Plinio, e quantos passaram, fui notorio:<br> +Aqui toda a Africana costa acabo<br> +Neste meu nunca vista promontorio,<br> +Que para o polo Antarctico se estende,<br> +A quem vossa ousadia tanto offende.<br> + +<span class="left30">Camoens, <i>Os Lusiadas</i>, v. 50.</span><a href="#footnotetag391"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote392" name="footnote392"></a> +<strong>Footnote 392:</strong> <i>Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo; Nelle quali s' ha +particolare, & vera relatione della vita, & de' fatti dell' Ammiraglio +D. Christoforo Colombo, suo padre: Et dello scoprimento, ch' egli fece +dell' Indie Occidentali, dette Monde-Nuovo, hora possedute dal Sereniss. +Re Catolico: Nuouamente di lingua Spagnuola tradotte nell' Italiana dal +S. Alfonso Vlloa. Con. privilegio.</i> <span class="smcap">In Venetia, m d lxxi</span>. <i>Appresso +Francesco de' Franceschi Sanese.</i> The principal reprints are those of +Milan, 1614; Venice, 1676 and 1678; London, 1867. I always cite it as +<i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>.<a href="#footnotetag392"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote393" name="footnote393"></a> +<strong>Footnote 393:</strong> Irving's <i>Life of Columbus</i>, New York, 1868, vol. iii. p. +375. My references, unless otherwise specified, are to this, the +"Geoffrey Crayon," edition.<a href="#footnotetag393"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote394" name="footnote394"></a> +<strong>Footnote 394:</strong> Las Casas, <i>Historia de las Indias, ahora por primera vez +dada á luz por el Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle y D. José Sancho +Rayon</i>, Madrid, 1875, 5 vols. 8vo.<a href="#footnotetag394"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote395" name="footnote395"></a> +<strong>Footnote 395:</strong> "Fu questo D. Ernando di non minor valore del padre, ma +di molte più lettere et scienze dotato che quelle non fu; et il quale +lasciò alla Chiesa maggiore di Siviglia, dove hoggi si vede +honorevolmente sepolto, una, non sola numerosissima, ma richissima +libraria, et piena di molti libri in ogni facoltà et scienza rarissimi: +laquale da coloro che l' han veduta, vien stimata delle più rare cose di +tutta Europa." Moleto's prefatory letter to <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, +April 25, 1571.<a href="#footnotetag395"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote396" name="footnote396"></a> +<strong>Footnote 396:</strong> For example, "<i>Manuel de la Sancta Fe católica</i>, Sevilla, +1495, in-4. Costó en Toledo 34 maravedis, año 1511, 9 de Octubre, No. +3004." "<i>Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea</i>, Sevilla, 1502, in-4. Muchas +figuras. Costó en Roma 25 cuatrines, por Junio de 1515. No. 2417," etc. +See Harrisse, <i>Fernand Colomb</i>, Paris, 1872, p. 13.<a href="#footnotetag396"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote397" name="footnote397"></a> +<strong>Footnote 397:</strong> "L' autorita di Las Casas è d' una suprema e vitale +importanza tanto nella storia di Cristoforo Colombo, come nell' esame +delle <i>Historie</i> di Fernando suo figlio.... E dal confronto tra questi +due scrittori emergerà una omogeneità si perfetta, che si potrebbe coi +termini del frate domenicano ritrovare o rifare per due terzi il testo +originale spagnuolo delle <i>Historie</i> di Fernando Colombo." Peragallo, +<i>L' autenticità delle Historie di Fernando Colombo</i>, Genoa, 1884, p. +23.<a href="#footnotetag397"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote398" name="footnote398"></a> +<strong>Footnote 398:</strong> <i>Historia de los Reyes Católicos D. Fernando y D<sup>a</sup> +Isabel. Crónica inédita del siglo XV, escrita por el Bachiller Andrés +Bernaldez, cura que fué de Los Palacios</i>, Granada, 1856, 2 vols. small +4to. It is a book of very high authority.<a href="#footnotetag398"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote399" name="footnote399"></a> +<strong>Footnote 399:</strong> <i>De orbe novo Decades</i>, Alcalá, 1516; <i>Opus epistolarum</i>, +Compluti (Alcalá), 1530; Harrisse, <i>Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima</i>, +Nos. 88, 160.<a href="#footnotetag399"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote400" name="footnote400"></a> +<strong>Footnote 400:</strong> "A Gutierrez vuestro solicitador, ruego à Dios que nunca +le falte papel, porque escribe mas que Tolomeo y que Colon, el que halló +las Indias." Rivadeneyra, <i>Curiosidades bibliográficas</i>, p. 59, apud +Harrisse, <i>Christophe Colomb</i>, tom. i. p. 1.<a href="#footnotetag400"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote401" name="footnote401"></a> +<strong>Footnote 401:</strong> Harrisse, <i>loc. cit.</i>, in 1884, gives the number at +sixty-four.<a href="#footnotetag401"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote402" name="footnote402"></a> +<strong>Footnote 402:</strong> Sometimes from a slip of memory or carelessness of +phrasing, on Columbus's part, sometimes from our lacking the clue, +sometimes from an error in numerals, common enough at all times.<a href="#footnotetag402"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote403" name="footnote403"></a> +<strong>Footnote 403:</strong> "Ora, l' Ammiraglio avendo cognizione delle dette +scienze, cominciò ad attendere al mare, e a fare alcuni viaggi in +levante e in ponente; de' quali, e di molte altre cose di quei primi dì +io non ho piena notizia; perciocchè egli venne a morte a tempo che io +non aveva tanto ardire, o pratica, per la riverenza filiale, che io +ardissi di richiederlo di cotali cose; o, per parlare più veramente, +allora mi ritrovava io, come giovane, molto lontano da cotal pensiero." +<i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. iv.<a href="#footnotetag403"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote404" name="footnote404"></a> +<strong>Footnote 404:</strong> Twenty years ago M. Harrisse published in Spanish and +French a critical essay maintaining that the <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i> was +not written by Ferdinand Columbus, but probably by the famous scholar +Perez de Oliva, professor in the university of Salamanca, who died in +1530 (<i>D. Fernando Colon, historiador de su padre</i>, Seville, 1871; +<i>Fernand Colomb: sa vie, ses œuvres</i>, Paris, 1872). The Spanish +manuscript of the book had quite a career. As already observed, it is +clear that Las Casas used it, probably between 1552 and 1561. From +Ferdinand's nephew, Luis Columbus, it seems to have passed in 1568 into +the hands of Baliano di Fornari, a prominent citizen of Genoa, who sent +it to Venice with the intention of having it edited and published with +Latin and Italian versions. All that ever appeared, however, was the +Italian version made by Ulloa and published in 1571. Harrisse supposes +that the Spanish manuscript, written by Oliva, was taken to Genoa by +some adventurer and palmed off upon Baliano di Fornari as the work of +Ferdinand Columbus. But inasmuch as Harrisse also supposes that Oliva +probably wrote the book (about 1525) at Seville, under Ferdinand's eyes +and with documents furnished by him, it becomes a question, in such +case, how far was Oliva anything more than an amanuensis to Ferdinand? +and there seems really to be precious little wool after so much loud +crying. If the manuscript was actually written "sous les yeux de Fernand +et avec documents fournis par lui," most of the arguments alleged to +prove that it could not have emanated from the son of Columbus fall to +the ground. It becomes simply a question whether Ulloa may have here and +there tampered with the text, or made additions of his own. To some +extent he seems to have done so, but wherever the Italian version is +corroborated by the Spanish extracts in Las Casas, we are on solid +ground, for Las Casas died five years before the Italian version was +published. M. Harrisse does not seem as yet to have convinced many +scholars. His arguments have been justly, if somewhat severely, +characterized by my old friend, the lamented Henry Stevens (<i>Historical +Collections</i>, London, 1881, vol. i. No. 1379), and have been elaborately +refuted by M. d'Avezac, <i>Le livre de Ferdinand Colomb: revue critique +des allegations proposées contre son authenticité</i>, Paris, 1873; and by +Prospero Peragallo, <i>L' autenticità delle Historie di Fernando Colombo</i>, +Genoa, 1884. See also Fabié, <i>Vida de Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas</i>, +Madrid, 1869, tom. i. pp. 360-372.<a href="#footnotetag404"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote405" name="footnote405"></a> +<strong>Footnote 405:</strong> See Harrisse, <i>Christophe Colomb</i>, Paris, 1884, 2 vols., +a work of immense research, absolutely indispensable to every student of +the subject, though here and there somewhat over-ingenious and +hypercritical, and in general unduly biased by the author's private +crotchet about the work of Ferdinand.<a href="#footnotetag405"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote406" name="footnote406"></a> +<strong>Footnote 406:</strong> One of the most radical of these reconstructions may be +found in the essay by M. d'Avezac, "Canevas chronologique de la vie de +Christophe Colomb," in <i>Bulletin de la Société de Géographie</i>, Paris, +1872, 6<sup>e</sup> série, tom. iv. pp. 5-59.<a href="#footnotetag406"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote407" name="footnote407"></a> +<strong>Footnote 407:</strong> Washington Irving's <i>Life of Columbus</i>, says Harrisse, +"is a history written with judgment and impartiality, which leaves far +behind it all descriptions of the discovery of the New World published +before or since." <i>Christophe Colomb</i>, tom. i. p. 136. Irving was the +first to make use of the superb work of Navarrete, <i>Coleccion de los +viages y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines +del siglo XV.</i>, Madrid, 1825-37, 5 vols. 4to. Next followed Alexander +von Humboldt, with his <i>Examen critique de l'histoire de la géographie +de Nouveau Continent</i>, Paris, 1836-39, 5 vols. 8vo. This monument of +gigantic erudition (which, unfortunately, was never completed) will +always remain indispensable to the historian.<a href="#footnotetag407"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote408" name="footnote408"></a> +<strong>Footnote 408:</strong> Harrisse, <i>op. cit.</i> tom. i. +p. 196.<a href="#footnotetag408"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote409" name="footnote409"></a> +<strong>Footnote 409:</strong> "In <i>senectute bona</i>, de edad de setenta años poco mas o +menos." Bernaldez, <i>Reyes Católicos</i>, tom. i. p. 334.<a href="#footnotetag409"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote410" name="footnote410"></a> +<strong>Footnote 410:</strong> M. d'Avezac (<i>Canevas chronologique</i>, etc.) objects to +this date that we have positive documentary evidence of the birth of +Christopher's youngest brother Giacomo (afterwards spanished into Diego) +in 1468, which makes an interval of 32 years; so that if the mother were +(say) 18 in 1436 she must have borne a child at the age of 50. That +would be unusual, but not unprecedented. But M. Harrisse (tom. ii. p. +214), from a more thorough sifting of this documentary evidence, seems +to have proved that while Giacomo cannot have been born later than 1468 +he may have been born as early as 1460; so that whatever is left of M. +d'Avezac's objection falls to the ground.<a href="#footnotetag410"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote411" name="footnote411"></a> +<strong>Footnote 411:</strong> "Serenissimi principi, di età molto tenera io entrai in +mare navigando, et vi ho continovato fin' hoggi: ... et hoggimai passano +quaranta anni che io uso per tutte quelle parti che fin hoggi si +navigano." <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. iv.<a href="#footnotetag411"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote412" name="footnote412"></a> +<strong>Footnote 412:</strong> <i>Op. cit.</i> cap. iv. <i>ad fin</i>.<a href="#footnotetag412"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote413" name="footnote413"></a> +<strong>Footnote 413:</strong> "Traido en disputas," Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, tom. ii. p. +254.<a href="#footnotetag413"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote414" name="footnote414"></a> +<strong>Footnote 414:</strong> "Muy altos Reyes, de muy pequeña edad entré en la mar +navegando, é lo he continuado fasta hoy.... Yá pasan de cuarenta años +que yo voy en este uso: todo lo que hoy se navega, todo lo he andado." +Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, tom. ii. p. 262. Observe the lame phrase "pasan +de cuarenta;" what business has that "de" in such a place without "mas" +before it? "Pasan mas de cuarenta," i. e. "more than forty;" writing in +haste and excitement, Columbus left out a little word; or shall we blame +the proof-reader? Avezac himself translates it "il y a plus de quarante +ans," and so does Eugène Müller, in his French version of Ferdinand's +book, <i>Histoire de la vie de Christophe Colomb</i>, Paris, 1879, p. 15.<a href="#footnotetag414"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote415" name="footnote415"></a> +<strong>Footnote 415:</strong> That was the golden age of sumptuary laws. Because +Alfonso XI. of Castile (1312-1350), when he tried to impress horses for +the army, found it hard to get as many as he wanted, he took it into his +head that his subjects were raising too many mules and not enough +horses. So he tried to remedy the evil by a wholesale decree prohibiting +all Castilians from riding upon mules! In practice this precious decree, +like other villainous prohibitory laws that try to prevent honest people +from doing what they have a perfect right to do, proved so vexatious and +ineffective withal that it had to be perpetually fussed with and +tinkered. One year you could ride a mule and the next year you couldn't. +In 1492, as we shall see, Columbus immortalized one of these patient +beasts by riding it a few miles from Granada. But in 1494 Ferdinand and +Isabella decreed that nobody except women, children, and clergymen could +ride on mules,—"dont la marche est beaucoup plus douce que celle des +chevaux" (Humboldt, <i>Examen critique</i>, tom. iii. p. 338). This edict +remained in force in 1505, so that the Discoverer of the New World, the +inaugurator of the greatest historic event since the birth of Christ, +could not choose an easygoing animal for the comfort of his weary old +weather-shaken bones without the bother of getting a special edict to +fit his case. <i>Eheu, quam parva sapientia regitur mundus!</i><a href="#footnotetag415"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote416" name="footnote416"></a> +<strong>Footnote 416:</strong> "Nous avons démontré l'inanité des théories qui le font +naître à Pradello, à Cuccaro, à Cogoleto, à Savona, à Nervi, à +Albissola, à Bogliasco, à Cosseria, à Finale, à Oneglia, voire même en +Angleterre ou dans l'isle de Corse." Harrisse, tom. i. p. 217. In +Cogoleto, about sixteen miles west of Genoa on the Corniche road, the +visitor is shown a house where Columbus is said first to have seen the +light. Upon its front is a quaint inscription in which the discoverer is +compared to the dove (<i>Colomba</i>) which, when sent by Noah from the ark, +discovered dry land amid the waters:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Con generoso ardir dall' Arca all' onde<br> +Ubbidiente il vol Colomba prende,<br> +Corre, s' aggira, terren scopre, e fronde<br> +D' olivo in segno, al gran Noè ne rende.<br> +L' imita in ciò Colombo, ne' s' asconde,<br> +E da sua patria il mar solcando fende;<br> +Terreno al fin scoprendo diede fondo,<br> +Offerendo all' Ispano un Nuovo Mondo.</p> + +<p>This house is or has been mentioned in Baedeker's <i>Northern Italy</i> as +the probable birthplace, along with Peschel's absurd date 1456. It is +pretty certain that Columbus was <i>not</i> born in that house or in +Cogoleto. See Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 148-155.<a href="#footnotetag416"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote417" name="footnote417"></a> +<strong>Footnote 417:</strong> Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 166-216.<a href="#footnotetag417"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote418" name="footnote418"></a> +<strong>Footnote 418:</strong> Harrisse, tom. i. p. 188; <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. +xi.<a href="#footnotetag418"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote419" name="footnote419"></a> +<strong>Footnote 419:</strong> "Fué este varon escogido de nacion genovés, de algun +lugar de la provincia de Génova; cual fuese, donde nació ó qué nombre +tuvo el tal lugar, no consta la verdad dello más de que se solia llamar +ántes que llegase al estado que llegó, Cristobal Colombo de Terra-rubia +y lo mismo su hermano Bartolomé Colon." Las Casas, <i>Historia de las +Indias</i>, tom. i. p. 42; cf. Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 217-222.<a href="#footnotetag419"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote420" name="footnote420"></a> +<strong>Footnote 420:</strong> "Mando al dicho D. Diego, mi hijo, ó á la persona que +heredare el dicho mayorazgo, que tenga y sostenga siempre en la <i>Ciudad +de Génova</i> una persona de nuestro linage ... pues que della salí <i>y en +ella naci</i>" [italics mine]. Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, +tom. ii. p. 232.<a href="#footnotetag420"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote421" name="footnote421"></a> +<strong>Footnote 421:</strong> Las Casas, <i>Historia</i>, +tom. i. p. 46.<a href="#footnotetag421"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote422" name="footnote422"></a> +<strong>Footnote 422:</strong> The reader must beware, however, of some of the stories +of adventure attaching to this part of his life, even where they are +confirmed by Las Casas. They evidently rest upon hearsay, and the +incidents are so confused that it is almost impossible to extract the +kernel of truth.<a href="#footnotetag422"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote423" name="footnote423"></a> +<strong>Footnote 423:</strong> The date 1470 rests upon a letter of Columbus to King +Ferdinand of Aragon in May, 1505. He says that God must have directed +him into the service of Spain by a kind of miracle, since he had already +been in Portugal, whose king was more interested than any other +sovereign in making discoveries, and yet God closed his eyes, his ears, +and all his senses to such a degree that <i>in fourteen years</i> Columbus +could not prevail upon him to lend aid to his scheme. "Dije +milagrosamente porque fui á aportar á Portugal, adonde el Rey de allí +entendia en el descubrir mas que otro: él le atajó la vista, oido y +todos los sentidos, que en catorce años no le pude hacer entender lo que +yo dije." Las Casas, <i>op. cit.</i> tom. iii. p. 187; Navarrete, tom. iii. +p. 528. Now it is known that Columbus finally left Portugal late in +1484, or very early in 1485, so that fourteen years would carry us back +to before 1471 for the first arrival of Columbus in that country. M. +Harrisse (<i>op. cit.</i> tom. i. p. 263) is unnecessarily troubled by the +fact that the same person was not king of Portugal during the whole of +that period. Alfonso V. (brother of Henry the Navigator) died in 1481, +and was succeeded by his son John II.; but during a considerable part of +the time between 1475 and 1481 the royal authority was exercised by the +latter. Both kings were more interested in making discoveries than any +other European sovereigns. Which king did Columbus mean? Obviously his +words were used loosely; he was too much preoccupied to be careful about +trifles; he probably had John in his mind, and did not bother himself +about Alfonso; King Ferdinand, to whom he was writing, did not need to +have such points minutely specified, and could understand an elliptical +statement; and the fact stated by Columbus was simply that during a +residence of fourteen years in Portugal he had not been able to enlist +even that enterprising government in behalf of his novel scheme.</p> + +<p>In the town archives of Savona we find Christopher Columbus witnessing a +document March 20, 1472, endorsing a kind of promissory note for his +father August 26, 1472, and joining with his mother and his next brother +Giovanni, August 7, 1473, in relinquishing all claims to the house in +Genoa sold by his father Domenico by deed of that date. It will be +remembered that Domenico had moved from Genoa to Savona in 1471. From +these documents (which are all printed in his <i>Christophe Colomb</i>, tom. +ii. pp. 419, 420, 424-426) M. Harrisse concludes that Christopher cannot +have gone to Portugal until after August 7, 1473. Probably not, so far +as to be domiciled there; but inasmuch as he had long been a sailor, why +should he not have been in Portugal, or upon the African coast in a +Portuguese ship, in 1470 and 1471, and nevertheless have been with his +parents in Savona in 1472 and part of 1473? His own statement "fourteen +years" is not to be set aside on such slight grounds as this. +Furthermore, from the fact that Bartholomew's name is not signed to the +deed of August 7, 1473, M. Harrisse infers that he was then a minor; i. +e. under five and twenty. But it seems to me more likely that +Bartholomew was already domiciled at Lisbon, since we are expressly told +by two good contemporary authorities—both of them Genoese writers +withal—that he moved to Lisbon and began making maps there at an +earlier date than Christopher. See Antonio Gallo, <i>De navigatione +Columbi per inaccessum antea Oceanum Commentariolus</i>, apud Muratori, +tom. xxiii. col. 301-304; Giustiniani, <i>Psalterium</i>, Milan, 1516 +(annotation to Psalm xix.); Harrisse, <i>Bibliotheca Americana +Vetustissima</i>, No. 88. To these statements M. Harrisse objects that he +finds (in Belloro, <i>Notizie</i>, p. 8) mention of a document dated Savona, +June 16, 1480, in which Domenico Colombo gives a power of attorney to +his son Bartholomew to act for him in some matter. The document itself, +however, is not forthcoming, and the notice cited by M. Harrisse really +affords no ground for the assumption that Bartholomew was in 1480 +domiciled at Savona or at Genoa.<a href="#footnotetag423"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote424" name="footnote424"></a> +<strong>Footnote 424:</strong> Las Casas, <i>op. cit.</i> tom. i. p. 224; tom. ii. p. 80. He +possessed many maps and documents by both the brothers.<a href="#footnotetag424"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote425" name="footnote425"></a> +<strong>Footnote 425:</strong> "Spesse volte navigando da Lisbona a Guinea," etc. <i>Vita +dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. iv. The original authority is Columbus's +marginal note in his copy of the <i>Imago Mundi</i> of Alliacus, now +preserved in the Colombina at Seville: "Nota quod sepius navigando ex +Ulixbona ad austrum in Guineam, notavi cum diligentia viam, +etc." Compare the allusions to Guinea in his letters, Navarrete, +<i>Coleccion</i>, tom. i. pp. 55, 71, 101.<a href="#footnotetag425"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote426" name="footnote426"></a> +<strong>Footnote 426:</strong> There are some vexed questions concerning this lady and +the connections between the Moñiz and Perestrelo families, for which see +Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 267-292.<a href="#footnotetag426"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote427" name="footnote427"></a> +<strong>Footnote 427:</strong> Las Casas, <i>Historia</i>, tom. i. p. 43. He describes +Bartholomew as not unlike his brother, but not so tall, less affable in +manner, and more stern in disposition, <i>id.</i> tom. ii. p. 80.<a href="#footnotetag427"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote428" name="footnote428"></a> +<strong>Footnote 428:</strong> "Christoval Colon ... persona de gran corazon y altos +pensamientos." Mariana, <i>Historia de España</i>, tom. viii. p. 341.<a href="#footnotetag428"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote429" name="footnote429"></a> +<strong>Footnote 429:</strong> Upon that island his eldest son Diego was born. This +whole story of the life upon Porto Santo and its relation to the genesis +of Columbus's scheme is told very explicitly by Las Casas, who says that +it was told to him by Diego Columbus at Barcelona in 1519, when they +were waiting upon Charles V., just elected Emperor and about to start +for Aachen to be crowned. And yet there are modern critics who are +disposed to deny the whole story. (See Harrisse, tom. i. p. 298.) The +grounds for doubt are, however, extremely trivial when confronted with +Las Casas, <i>Historia</i>, tom. i. p. 54.<a href="#footnotetag429"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote430" name="footnote430"></a> +<strong>Footnote 430:</strong> See above, p. <a href="#page330">330</a>.<a href="#footnotetag430"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote431" name="footnote431"></a> +<strong>Footnote 431:</strong> I translate this prologue from the Italian text of the +<i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. viii. The original Latin has nowhere been +found. A Spanish version of the whole may be found in Las Casas, +<i>Historia</i>, tom. i. pp. 92-96. Las Casas, by a mere slip of the pen, +calls "Paul, the physicist," <i>Marco Paulo</i>, and fifty years later +Mariana calls him <i>Marco Polo, physician</i>: "por aviso que le dió un +cierto Marco Polo médico Florentin," etc. <i>Historia de España</i>, tom. +viii. p. 343. Thus step by step doth error grow.<a href="#footnotetag431"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote432" name="footnote432"></a> +<strong>Footnote 432:</strong> He means that his friend Martinez has been a member of +King Alfonso's household ever since the time before the civil wars that +began with the attempted deposition of Henry IV. in 1465 and can hardly +be said to have come to an end before the death of that prince in +December, 1474. See Humboldt, <i>Examen critique</i>, tom. i. p. 225.<a href="#footnotetag432"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote433" name="footnote433"></a> +<strong>Footnote 433:</strong> I translate this enclosed letter from the original Latin +text, as found, a few years ago, in the handwriting of Columbus upon the +fly-leaves of his copy of the <i>Historia rerum ubique gestarum</i> of Æneas +Sylvius Piccolomini (Pope Pius II.), published at Venice in 1477, in +folio, and now preserved in the Colombina at Seville. This Latin text is +given by Harrisse, in his <i>Fernand Colomb</i>, pp. 178-180, and also (with +more strict regard to the abbreviations of the original) in his +<i>Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima—Additions</i>, Paris, 1872, pp. +xvi.-xviii. Very likely Columbus had occasion to let the original MS. go +out of his hands, and so preserved a copy of it upon the fly-leaves of +one of his books. These same fly-leaves contain extracts from Josephus +and Saint Augustine. The reader will rightly infer from my translation +that the astronomer's Latin was somewhat rugged and lacking in literary +grace. Apparently he was anxious to jot down quickly what he had to say, +and get back to his work.<a href="#footnotetag433"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote434" name="footnote434"></a> +<strong>Footnote 434:</strong> A sketch of this most memorable of maps is given +opposite. Columbus carried it with him upon his first voyage, and shaped +his course in accordance with it. Las Casas afterwards had it in his +possession (<i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, tom. i. pp. 96, 279). It has since +been lost, that is to say, it may still be in existence, but nobody +knows where. But it has been so well described that the work of +restoring its general outlines is not difficult and has several times +been done. The sketch here given is taken from Winsor (<i>Narr. and Crit. +Hist.</i>, ii. 103), who takes it from <i>Das Ausland</i>, 1867, p. 5. Another +restoration may be found in St. Martin's <i>Atlas</i>, pl. ix. This map was +the source of the western part of Martin Behaim's globe, as given below, +p. <a href="#page421">422</a>.<a href="#footnotetag434"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote435" name="footnote435"></a> +<strong>Footnote 435:</strong> All the description that follows is taken by Toscanelli +from the book of Marco Polo.<a href="#footnotetag435"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote436" name="footnote436"></a> +<strong>Footnote 436:</strong> On modern maps usually called Chang-chow, about 100 miles +S. W. from Fou-chow.<a href="#footnotetag436"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote437" name="footnote437"></a> +<strong>Footnote 437:</strong> I have given an account of this mission, above, p. +<a href="#page281">281</a>.<a href="#footnotetag437"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote438" name="footnote438"></a> +<strong>Footnote 438:</strong> Eugenius IV., pope from 1431 to 1447.<a href="#footnotetag438"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote439" name="footnote439"></a> +<strong>Footnote 439:</strong> This paragraph is evidently the conclusion of the letter +to Columbus, and not a part of the letter to Martinez, which has just +ended with the date. In <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i> the two letters are +mixed together.<a href="#footnotetag439"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote440" name="footnote440"></a> +<strong>Footnote 440:</strong> On modern maps Hang-chow. After 1127 that city was for +some time the capital of China, and Marco Polo's name <i>Quinsay</i> +represents the Chinese word <i>King-sse</i> or "capital," now generally +applied to Peking. Marco Polo calls it the finest and noblest city in +the world. It appears that he does not overstate the circumference of +its walls at 100 Chinese miles or <i>li</i>, equivalent to about 30 English +miles. It has greatly diminished since Polo's time, while other cities +have grown. Toscanelli was perhaps afraid to repeat Polo's figure as to +the number of stone bridges; Polo says there were 12,000 of them, high +enough for ships to pass under! We thus see how his Venetian +fellow-citizens came to nickname him "Messer Marco Milione." As Colonel +Yule says, "I believe we must not bring Marco to book for the literal +accuracy of his statements as to the bridges; but all travellers have +noticed the number and elegance of the bridges of cut stone in this part +of China." <i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. ii, p. 144.<a href="#footnotetag440"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote441" name="footnote441"></a> +<strong>Footnote 441:</strong> For Cipango, or Japan, see Yule's <i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. ii. +pp. 195-207. The venerable astronomer's style of composition is amusing. +He sets out to demonstrate to Columbus that the part of the voyage to be +accomplished through new and unfamiliar stretches of the Atlantic is not +great; but he is so full of the glories of Cathay and Cipango that he +keeps reverting to that subject, to the manifest detriment of his +exposition. His argument, however, is perfectly clear.<a href="#footnotetag441"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote442" name="footnote442"></a> +<strong>Footnote 442:</strong> The original of this letter is not forthcoming. I +translate from <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. viii.<a href="#footnotetag442"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote443" name="footnote443"></a> +<strong>Footnote 443:</strong> Yet poor old Toscanelli did not live to see it +accomplished; he died in 1482, before Columbus left Portugal.<a href="#footnotetag443"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote444" name="footnote444"></a> +<strong>Footnote 444:</strong> That is, of Europe, and especially of Italy. Toscanelli +again refers to Kublai Khan's message to the pope which—more or less +mixed up with the vague notions about Prester John—had evidently left a +deep impression upon the European mind. In translating the above +sentence I have somewhat retrenched its excessive verbiage without +affecting the meaning.<a href="#footnotetag444"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote445" name="footnote445"></a> +<strong>Footnote 445:</strong> In including the "whole Portuguese nation" as feeling +this desire, the good astronomer's enthusiasm again runs away with him.<a href="#footnotetag445"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote446" name="footnote446"></a> +<strong>Footnote 446:</strong> Luigi Pulci, in his famous romantic poem published in +1481, has a couple of striking stanzas in which Astarotte says to +Rinaldo that the time is at hand when Hercules shall blush to see how +far beyond his Pillars the ships shall soon go forth to find another +hemisphere, for although the earth is as round as a wheel, yet the water +at any given point is a plane, and inasmuch as all things tend to a +common centre so that by a divine mystery the earth is suspended in +equilibrium among the stars, just so there is an antipodal world with +cities and castles unknown to men of olden time, and the sun in +hastening westwards descends to shine upon those peoples who are +awaiting him below the horizon:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Sappi che questa opinione è vana<br> +Perchè più oltre navicar si puote,<br> +Però che l' acqua in ogni parte è piana,<br> +Benchè la terra abbi forma di ruote;<br> +Era più grossa allor la gente umana,<br> +Tal che potrebbe arrossirne le gote<br> +Ercule ancor, d' aver posti que' segni,<br> +Perchè più oltre passeranno i legni.<br> +E puossi andar giù nell' altro emisperio,<br> +Però che al centro ogni cosa reprime:<br> +Sicchè la terra per divin misterio<br> +Sospesa sta fra le stelle sublime,<br> +E laggiù son città, castella, e imperio;<br> +Ma nol cognobbon quelle gente prime.<br> +Vedi che il sol di camminar s' affretta,<br> +Dove io dico che laggiù s' aspetta.<br> + +<span class="left30">Pulci, <i>Morgante Maggiore</i>, xxv. 229, 230.</span></p> + +<p>This prophecy of western discovery combines with the astronomical +knowledge here shown, to remind us that the Florentine Pulci was a +fellow-townsman and most likely an acquaintance of Toscanelli.<a href="#footnotetag446"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote447" name="footnote447"></a> +<strong>Footnote 447:</strong> It was formerly assumed, without hesitation, that the +letter from Toscanelli to Columbus was written and sent in 1474. The +reader will observe, however, that while the enclosed letter to Martinez +is dated June 25, 1474, the letter to Columbus, in which it was +enclosed, has no date. But according to the text as given in <i>Vita dell' +Ammiraglio</i>, cap. viii., this would make no difference, for the letter +to Columbus was sent only a few days later than the original letter to +Martinez: "I send you a copy of another letter, which I wrote a few days +ago (<i>alquanti giorni fa</i>) to a friend of mine, a gentleman of the +household of the king of Portugal before the wars of Castile, in reply +to another," etc. This friend, Martinez, had evidently been a gentleman +of the household of Alfonso V. since before the civil wars of Castile, +which in 1474 had been going on intermittently for nine years under the +feeble Henry IV., who did not die until December 12, 1474. Toscanelli +apparently means to say "a friend of mine who has for ten years or more +been a gentleman of the royal household," etc.; only instead of +mentioning the number of years, he alludes less precisely (as most +people, and perhaps especially old people, are apt to do) to the most +notable, mentionable, and glaring fact in the history of the Peninsula +for that decade,—namely, the civil wars of Castile. As if an American +writer in 1864 had said, "a friend of mine, who has been secretary to A. +B. since before the war," instead of saying "for four years or more." +This is the only reasonable interpretation of the phrase as it stands +above, and it was long ago suggested by Humboldt (<i>Examen critique</i>, +tom. i. p. 225). Italian and Spanish writers of that day, however, were +lavish with their commas and sprinkled them in pretty much at haphazard. +In this case Ferdinand's translator, Ulloa, sprinkled in one comma too +many, and it fell just in front of the clause "before the wars of +Castile;" so that Toscanelli's sentence was made to read as follows: "I +send you a copy of another letter, which I wrote a few days ago to a +friend of mine, a gentleman of the household of the king of Portugal, +before the wars of Castile, in reply to another," etc. Now this unhappy +comma, coming after the word "Portugal," has caused ream after ream of +good paper to be inked up in discussion, for it has led some critics to +understand the sentence as follows: "I send you a copy of another +letter, which I wrote a few days ago, before the wars of Castile, to a +friend of mine," etc. This reading brought things to a pretty pass. +Evidently a letter dated June 25, 1474, could not have been written +before the civil wars of Castile, which began in 1465. It was therefore +assumed that the phrase must refer to the "War of Succession" between +Castile and Portugal (in some ways an outgrowth from the civil wars of +Castile) which began in May, 1475, and ended in September, 1479. M. +d'Avezac thinks that the letter to Columbus must have been written after +the latter date, or more than five years later than the enclosed letter. +M. Harrisse is somewhat less exacting, and is willing to admit that it +may have been written at any time after this war had fairly begun,—say +in the summer of 1475, not more than a year or so later than the +enclosed letter. Still he is disposed on some accounts to put the date +as late as 1482. The phrase <i>alquanti giorni fa</i> will not allow either +of these interpretations. It means "a few days ago," and cannot possibly +mean a year ago, still less five years ago. The Spanish retranslator +from Ulloa renders it exactly <i>algunos dias há</i> (Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, +tom. ii. p. 7), and Humboldt (<i>loc. cit.</i>) has it <i>il y a quelques +jours</i>. If we could be sure that the expression is a correct rendering +of the lost Latin original, we might feel sure that the letter to +Columbus must have been written as early as the beginning of August, +1474. But now the great work of Las Casas, after lying in manuscript for +314 years, has at length been published in 1875. Las Casas gives a +Spanish version of the Toscanelli letters (<i>Historia de las Indias</i>, +tom. i. pp. 92-97), which is unquestionably older than Ulloa's Italian +version, though perhaps not necessarily more accurate. The phrase in Las +Casas is not <i>algunos dias há</i>, but <i>há dias</i>, i. e. not "a few days +ago," but "some time ago." Just which expression Toscanelli used cannot +be determined unless somebody is fortunate enough to discover the lost +Latin original. The phrase in Las Casas admits much more latitude of +meaning than the other. I should suppose that <i>há dias</i> might refer to +an event a year or two old, which would admit of the interpretation +considered admissible by M. Harrisse. I should hardly suppose that it +could refer to an event five or six years old; if Toscanelli had been +referring in 1479 or 1480 to a letter written in 1474, his phrase would +probably have appeared in Spanish as <i>algunos años há</i>, i. e. "a few +years ago," not as <i>há dias</i>. M. d'Avezac's hypothesis seems to me not +only inconsistent with the phrase <i>há dias</i>, but otherwise improbable. +The frightful anarchy in Castile, which began in 1465 with the attempt +to depose Henry IV. and alter the succession, was in great measure a +series of ravaging campaigns and raids, now more general, now more +local, and can hardly be said to have come to an end before Henry's +death in 1474. The war which began with the invasion of Castile by +Alfonso V. of Portugal, in May, 1475, was simply a later phase of the +same series of conflicts, growing out of disputed claims to the crown +and rivalries among great barons, in many respects similar to the +contemporary anarchy in England called the Wars of the Roses. It is not +likely that Toscanelli, writing at any time between 1475 and 1480, and +speaking of the "wars of Castile" in the plural, could have had 1474 in +his mind as a date previous to those wars; to his mind it would have +rightly appeared as a date in the midst of them. In any case, therefore, +his reference must be to a time before 1465, and Humboldt's +interpretation is in all probability correct. The letter from Toscanelli +to Columbus was probably written within a year or two after June 25, +1474.</p> + +<p>On account of the vast importance of the Toscanelli letters, and because +the early texts are found in books which the reader is not likely to +have at hand, I have given them entire in the Appendix at the end of +this work.<a href="#footnotetag447"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote448" name="footnote448"></a> +<strong>Footnote 448:</strong> Ὥστε τὰ ὑπὲρ +τῆς κεφαλῆς +ἄστρα +μεγάλην +ἔχειν τὴν +μεταβολὴν, +καὶ μὴ ταῦτα + +φαίνεσθαι +πρὸς ἄρκτον +τε καὶ +μεσημβρίαν +μεταβαίνουσιν· +ἔνιοι γὰρ ἐν +Αἰγύπτῳ + +μὲν ἀστέρες +ὁρῶνται, καὶ +περὶ Κύπρον· + +ἐν τοῖς πρὸς +ἄρκτον δὲ +χωρίους οὐχ +ὁρῶνται καὶ +τὰ διὰ παντὸς +ἐν τοῖς πρὸς + +ἀρκτὸν +φαινόμενα +τῶν ἀστρῶν, +ἐν ἐκείνοις +τοῖς τόποις +ποιεῖται +δύσιν. Ὥστ' οὐ +μόνον ἐκ +τούτων δῆλον +περιφερὲς + +ὂν τὸ σχῆμα + +τῆς γῆς, ἀλλὰ +καὶ σφαίρας +οὐ μεγάλης. Οὐ +γὰρ ἂν οὕτω +ταχὺ +ἐπίδηλον +ἐποίει + +μεθιστεμένοις +οὕτω βραχύ. +Διὸ τοὺς +ὑπολαμβάνοντας +συνάπτειν + +τὸν περὶ τὰς +Ἡρακλείους +στήλας τόπον +τῷ περὶ τὴν +Ἰνδικὴν, καὶ +τοῦτον τὸν +τρόπον εἶναι +τὴν Θάλατταν, +μὴ λίαν + +ὑπολαμβάνειν +ἄπιστα +δοκεῖν. Aristotle, <i>De Cœlo</i>, ii. 14. +He goes on to say that "those persons" allege the existence of elephants +alike in Mauretania and in India in proof of their theory.<a href="#footnotetag448"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote449" name="footnote449"></a> +<strong>Footnote 449:</strong> + +Ὥστ' εἰ μὴ τὸ +μέγεθος τοῦ +Ἀτλαντικοῦ +πελάγους +ἐκώλυε, κᾂν +πλεῖν ἡμᾶς ἐκ +τῆς Ἰβηρίας +εἰς + +τὴν Ἰνδικὴν +διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ +παραλλήλου. Strabo, +i. 4, § 6.<a href="#footnotetag449"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote450" name="footnote450"></a> +<strong>Footnote 450:</strong> "Quantum enim est, quod ab ultimis litoribus Hispaniæ +usque ad Indos jacet? Paucissimorum dierum spatium, si navem suus ventus +implevit." Seneca, <i>Nat. Quæst.</i>, i. præf. § 11.<a href="#footnotetag450"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote451" name="footnote451"></a> +<strong>Footnote 451:</strong></p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Venient annis sæcula seris,<br> +Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum<br> +Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus,<br> +Tethysque novos detegat orbes,<br> +Nec sit terris ultima Thule.<br> + +<span class="left30">Seneca, <i>Medea</i>, 376.</span></p> + +<p>In the copy of Seneca's tragedies, published at Venice in 1510, bought +at Valladolid by Ferdinand Columbus in March, 1518, for 4 reals (plus 2 +reals for binding), and now to be seen at the Biblioteca Colombina, +there is a marginal note attached to these verses: "hæc prophetia +expleta ē per patrē meuʒ cristoforū col +almirātē anno 1492."<a href="#footnotetag451"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote452" name="footnote452"></a> +<strong>Footnote 452:</strong> + +Καλοῦμεν γὰρ +οἰκουμένην +ἣν οἰκοῦμεν +καὶ +γνωρίζομεν· +ἐνδέκεται δὲ +καὶ ἐν + +τῇ αὐτῇ +εὐκράτῳ ζώνῃ +καὶ δύο +οἰκουμένας +εἶναι ἢ καὶ +πλείους. + +Strabo, i. 4, § 6; + +καὶ γὰρ εἰ +οὕτως ἔχει, +οὐχ ὑπὸ +τούτων γε +οἰκεῖται τῶν +παρ' ἡμῖν· +ἀλλ' ἐκείνην +ἄλλην + +οἰκουμένην +θετέον. ὅπερ +ἐστὶ πιθανόν. +Ἡμῖν δὲ τὰ ἐν +αὐτῇ ταῦτα +λεκτέον. Id. ii. 5, § 13. This has +always seemed to me one of the most remarkable anticipations of modern +truth in all ancient literature. Mr. Bunbury thinks it may have +suggested the famous verses of Seneca just quoted. <i>History of Ancient +Geography</i>, vol. ii. p. 224.<a href="#footnotetag452"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote453" name="footnote453"></a> +<strong>Footnote 453:</strong> Οἱ δὲ +ἡμέτεροι [i. e. the Stoics] +καὶ ἀπὸ + +μαθημάτων +πάντες, καὶ οἱ +πλείους τῶν +ἀπὸ τοῦ +Σωκρατικοῦ +διδασκαλείου +σφαιρικὸν +εἶναι τὸ +σχῆμα τῆς γῆς +διεβεβαιώσαντο. +Cleomedes, i. 8; cf. Lucretius, <i>De Rerum Nat.</i>, i. 1052-1082; Stobæus, +<i>Eclog.</i> i. 19; Plutarch, <i>De facie in Orbe Luna</i>, cap. vii.<a href="#footnotetag453"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote454" name="footnote454"></a> +<strong>Footnote 454:</strong> See Augustine, <i>De civitate Dei</i>, xvi. 9; Lactantius, +<i>Inst. Div.</i>, iii. 23; Jerome, <i>Comm. in Ezechiel</i>, i. 6; Whewell's +<i>History of the Inductive Sciences</i>, vol i. p. 196.<a href="#footnotetag454"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote455" name="footnote455"></a> +<strong>Footnote 455:</strong> See above, p. <a href="#page266">266</a>.<a href="#footnotetag455"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote456" name="footnote456"></a> +<strong>Footnote 456:</strong> For an account of the cosmography of the Divine Comedy, +illustrated with interesting diagrams, see Artaud de Montor, <i>Histoire +de Dante Alighieri</i>, Paris, 1841.<a href="#footnotetag456"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote457" name="footnote457"></a> +<strong>Footnote 457:</strong> It was first printed without indication of place or date, +but probably the place was Paris and the date somewhere from 1483 to +1490. Manuscript copies were very common, and Columbus probably knew the +book long before that time. There is a good account of it in Humboldt's +<i>Examen critique</i>, tom. i. pp. 61-76, 96-108. Humboldt thinks that such +knowledge as Columbus had of the opinions of ancient writers was chiefly +if not wholly obtained from Alliacus. It is doubtful if Columbus had any +direct acquaintance with the works of Roger Bacon, but he knew the +<i>Liber Cosmographicus</i> of Albertus Magnus and the <i>Speculum Naturale</i> of +Vincent de Beauvais (both about 1250), and drew encouragement from them. +He also knew the book of Mandeville, first printed in French at Lyons in +1480, and a Latin translation of Marco Polo, published in 1485, a copy +of which, with marginal MS. notes, is now in the Colombina.<a href="#footnotetag457"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote458" name="footnote458"></a> +<strong>Footnote 458:</strong> See Herschel's <i>Outlines of Astronomy</i>, p. 140. For an +account of the method employed by Eratosthenes, see Delambre, <i>Histoire +de l'astronomie ancienne</i>, tom. i. pp. 86-91; Lewis, <i>Astronomy of the +Ancients</i>, p. 198.<a href="#footnotetag458"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote459" name="footnote459"></a> +<strong>Footnote 459:</strong> See Bunbury's <i>History of Ancient Geography</i>, vol. ii. +pp. 95-97, 546-579; Müller and Donaldson, <i>History of Greek Literature</i>, +vol. iii. p. 268.<a href="#footnotetag459"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote460" name="footnote460"></a> +<strong>Footnote 460:</strong> Strabo, in arguing against this theory of bad lands, +etc., as obstacles to ocean navigation—a theory which seems to be at +least as old as Hipparchus—has a passage which finely expresses the +loneliness of the +sea:—Οἵτε γὰρ +περιπλεῖν + +ἐπιχειρήσαντες, +εἶτα +ἀναστρέψαντες, +οὐχ ὑπὸ +ἠπείρου +τινὸς +ἀντιπιπτούσης +καὶ +κωλυούσης, +τὸν ἐπέκεινα +πλοῦν +ἀνακρουσθῆναι +φασὶν, ἀλλὰ +ὑπὸ + +ἀπορίας καὶ +ἐρημίας, +οὐδὲν ἧττον +τῆς θαλάττης +ἐχούσης τὸν +πόρον (lib. i. cap. i. § 8). When one thinks +of this ἀπορία and +ἐρημία, one fancies +oneself far out on the Atlantic, alone in an open boat on a cloudy +night, bewildered and hopeless.<a href="#footnotetag460"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote461" name="footnote461"></a> +<strong>Footnote 461:</strong> See above, p. <a href="#page360">360</a>. Toscanelli's mile was nearly +equivalent to the English statute mile. See the very important note in +Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, vol. i. p. 51.<a href="#footnotetag461"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote462" name="footnote462"></a> +<strong>Footnote 462:</strong> The reader will also notice upon Toscanelli's map the +islands of Brazil and St. Brandan. For an account of all these fabulous +islands see Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, vol. i. pp. 46-51. The name +of "Antilia" survives in the name "Antilles," applied since about 1502 +to the West India islands. All the islands west of Toscanelli's +ninetieth meridian belong in the Pacific. He drew them from his +understanding of the descriptions of Marco Polo, Friar Odoric, and other +travellers. These were the islands supposed, rightly, though vaguely, to +abound in spices.<a href="#footnotetag462"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote463" name="footnote463"></a> +<strong>Footnote 463:</strong> Columbus was confirmed in this opinion by the book of the +Arabian astronomer Alfragan, written about <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 950, a Latin +translation of which appeared in 1447. There is a concise summary of it +in Delambre, <i>Histoire de l'astronomie du Moyen Âge</i>, pp. 63-73. +Columbus proceeded throughout on the assumption that the length of a +degree at the equator is 56.6 geographical miles, instead of the correct +figure 60. This would oblige him to reduce all Toscanelli's figures by +about six per cent., to begin with. Upon this point we have the highest +authority, that of Columbus himself, in an autograph marginal note in +his copy of the <i>Imago Mundi</i>, where he expresses himself most +explicitly: "Nota quod sepius navigando ex Ulixbona ad Austrum in +Guineam, notavi cum diligentia viam, ut solitum naucleris et malineriis, +et preteria accepi altitudinem solis cum quadrante et aliis instrumentis +plures vices, et inveni concordare cum Alfragano, videlicet respondere +quemlibet gradum milliariis 56-<sup>2</sup>/<sub>3</sub>. Quare ad hanc mensuram fidem +adhibendam. Tunc igitur possumus dicere quod circuitus Terræ sub aræ +equinoctiali est 20,400 milliariorum. Similiter que id invenit magister +Josephus phisicus et astrologus et alii plures missi specialiter ad hoc +per serenissimum regem Portugaliæ," etc.; <i>anglicè</i>, "Observe that in +sailing often from Lisbon southward to Guinea, I carefully marked the +course, according to the custom of skippers and mariners, and moreover I +took the sun's altitude several times with a quadrant and other +instruments, and in agreement with Alfragan I found that each degree [i. +e. of longitude, measured on a great circle] answers to 56-<sup>2</sup>/<sub>3</sub> miles. So +that one may rely upon this measure. We may therefore say that the +equatorial circumference of the earth is 20,400 miles. A similar result +was obtained by Master Joseph, the physicist [or, perhaps, physician] +and astronomer, and several others sent for this special purpose by the +most gracious king of Portugal."—Master Joseph was physician to John +II. of Portugal, and was associated with Martin Behaim in the invention +of an improved astrolabe which greatly facilitated ocean +navigation.—The exact agreement with Ptolemy's figures shows that by a +mile Columbus meant a geographical mile, equivalent to ten Greek +stadia.<a href="#footnotetag463"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote464" name="footnote464"></a> +<strong>Footnote 464:</strong> One seventh of 18,000 is 2,571 geographical miles, +equivalent to 2,963 English miles. The actual length of Columbus's first +voyage, from last sight of land in the Canaries to first sight of land +in the Bahamas, was according to his own dead reckoning about 3,230 +geographical miles. See his journal in Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, tom. i. +pp. 6-20.</p> + +<p>I give here in parallel columns the passage from Bacon and the one from +Alliacus upon which Columbus placed so much reliance. In the Middle Ages +there was a generous tolerance of much that we have since learned to +stigmatize as plagiarism.</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="1" summary="To compare."> +<colgroup> + <col width="50%"> + <col width="50%"> +</colgroup> +<tr> +<td>From Roger Bacon, <i>Opus</i></td> +<td>From Petrus Alliacus, <i>De</i></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><i>Majus</i> (<span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 1267), London,</td> +<td><i>imagine Mundi</i> (<span class="smcap">A. D</span>. 1410),</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>1733, ed. Jebb, p. 183:—"Sed</td> +<td>Paris, cir. 1490, cap. viii. fol.</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Aristoteles vult in fine secundi</td> +<td>13 b:—"Summus Aristoteles</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Cœli et Mundi quod plus [terræ]</td> +<td>dicit quod mare parvum est inter</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>habitetur quam quarta pars. Et</td> +<td>finem Hispaniæ a parte occidentis</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Averroes hoc confirmat. Dicit</td> +<td>et inter principium Indiæ</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Aristoteles quod mare parvum</td> +<td>a parte orientis, et vult quod</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>est inter finem Hispaniæ a parte</td> +<td>plus habitetur quam quarta</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>occidentis et inter principium</td> +<td>pars, et Averroes hoc confirmat.</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Indiæ a parte orientis. Et Seneca,</td> +<td>Insuper Seneca libro</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>libro quinto Naturalium,</td> +<td>quinto Naturalium, dicit quod</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>dicit quod mare hoc est navigabile</td> +<td>mare est navigabile in paucis</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>in paucissimis diebus si</td> +<td>diebus si ventus sit conveniens.</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>ventus sit conveniens. Et Plinius</td> +<td>Et Plinius docet in Naturalibus,</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>docet in Naturalibus quod</td> +<td>libro secundo, quod navigatum</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>navigatum est a sinu Arabico</td> +<td>est a sinu Arabico usque ad</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>usque ad Gades: unde refert</td> +<td>Gades Herculis non multum</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>quendam fugisse a rego suo</td> +<td>magno tempore,</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>præ timore et intravit sinum</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Maris Rubri ... qui circiter</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>spatium navigationis annualis</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>distat a Mari Indico: ... ex</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>quo patet principium Indiæ in</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>oriente multum a nobis distare</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>et ab Hispania, postquam tantum</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>distat a principio Arabiæ</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>versus Indiam. A fine Hispaniæ</td> +<td><span class="add6em">unde concludunt</span></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>sub terra tam parvum mare est</td> +<td>aliqui, quod mare non est</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>quod non potest cooperire tres</td> +<td>tantum quod possit cooperire</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>quartas terræ. Et hoc per</td> +<td>tres quartas terræ. Accedit ad</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>auctoritatem alterius considerationis</td> +<td>hoc auctoritas Esdræ libro suo</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>probatur. Nam Esdras</td> +<td>quarto, dicentis quod sex partes</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>dicit quarto libro, quod sex</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>partes terræ sunt habitatæ et</td> +<td>terrae sunt habitatæ et septima</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>septima est cooperta aquis. Et</td> +<td>est cooperta aquis,</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>ne aliquis impediat hanc auctoritatem,</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>dicens quod liber ille</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>est apocryphus et ignotæ auctoritatis,</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>dicendum est quod</td> +<td>cujus libri auctoritatem sancti</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>sancti habuerunt illum librum</td> +<td>habuerunt in reverentia."</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>in usu et confirmant veritates</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>sacras per illum librum."</td> +<td> </td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>Columbus must either have carried the book of Alliacus with him on his +voyages, or else have read his favourite passages until he knew them by +heart, as may be seen from the following passage of a letter, written +from Hispaniola in 1498 to Ferdinand and Isabella (Navarrete, tom i. p. +261):—"El Aristotel dice que este mundo es pequeño y es el agua muy +poca, y que facilmente se puede pasar de España à las Indias, y esto +confirma el Avenryz [Averroes], y le alega el cardenal Pedro de Aliaco, +autorizando este decir y aquel de Seneca, el qual conforma con estos.... +À esto trac una autoridad de Esdras del tercero libro suyo, adonde dice +que de siete partes del mundo las seis son descubiertas y la una es +cubierta de agua, la cual autoridad es aprobada por Santos, los cuales +dan autoridad al 3<sup>o</sup> é 4<sup>o</sup> libro de Esdras, ansí come es S. Agustin é S. +Ambrosio en su <i>exámeron</i>," etc.—"Singular period," exclaims Humboldt, +"when a mixture of testimonies from Aristotle and Averroes, Esdras and +Seneca, on the small extent of the ocean compared with the magnitude of +continental land, afforded to monarchs guarantees for the safety and +expediency of costly enterprises!" <i>Cosmos</i>, tr. Sabine, vol. ii. p. +250. The passages cited in this note may be found in Humboldt, +<i>Examen critique</i>, tom. i. pp. 65-69. Another interesting passage from +<i>Imago Mundi</i>, cap. xv., is quoted on p. 78 of the same work.<a href="#footnotetag464"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote465" name="footnote465"></a> +<strong>Footnote 465:</strong> See below, vol. ii. p. 96.<a href="#footnotetag465"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote466" name="footnote466"></a> +<strong>Footnote 466:</strong> <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. iv.; Las Casas, +<i>Historia</i>, tom. i. p. 49.<a href="#footnotetag466"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote467" name="footnote467"></a> +<strong>Footnote 467:</strong> "Io navigai l' anno <span class="smcap">M CCCC LXXVII</span> nel mese di Febraio +oltra Tile isola cento leghe, la cui parte Australe è lontana dall' +Equinottiale settantatrè gradi, e non sessantatrè, come alcuni vogliono; +nè giace dentro della linea, che include l' Occidente di Tolomeo, ma è +molto più Occidentale. Et a questa isola, che è tanto grande, come +l'Inghilterra, vanno gl' Inglesi con le loro mercatantie, specialmente +quelli di Bristol. Et al tempo che io vi andai, non era congelato il +mare, quantunque vi fossero si grosse maree, che in alcuni luoghi +ascendeva ventisei braccia, e discendeva altretanti in altezza. È bene +il vero, che Tile, quella, di cui Tolomeo fa mentione, giace dove egli +dice; & questa da' moderni è chiamata Frislanda." <i>Vita dell' +Ammiraglio</i>, cap. iv. In the original edition of 1571, there are no +quotation-marks; and in some modern editions, where these are supplied, +the quotation is wrongly made to end just before the last sentence, so +as to make it appear like a gloss of Ferdinand's. This is, however, +impossible. Ferdinand died in 1539, and the Zeno narrative of Frislanda +was not published till 1558, so that the only source from which that +name could have come into his book was his father's document. The +genuineness of the passage is proved by its recurrence, almost word for +word, in Las Casas, <i>Historia</i>, tom. i. p. 48.<a href="#footnotetag467"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote468" name="footnote468"></a> +<strong>Footnote 468:</strong> See Thorold Rogers, <i>The Economic Interpretation of +History</i>, London, 1888, pp. 103, 319.<a href="#footnotetag468"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote469" name="footnote469"></a> +<strong>Footnote 469:</strong> See above, p. <a href="#page236">236</a>.<a href="#footnotetag469"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote470" name="footnote470"></a> +<strong>Footnote 470:</strong> See the graphic description of a voyage in these waters +in March, 1882, in Nansen's <i>The First Crossing of Greenland</i>, London, +1890, vol. i. pp. 149-152.<a href="#footnotetag470"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote471" name="footnote471"></a> +<strong>Footnote 471:</strong> "E vidi tutto il Levante, e tutto il Ponente, che si dice +per andare verso il Settentrione, cioè l'Inghilterra, e ho camminato per +la Guinea." <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. iv.<a href="#footnotetag471"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote472" name="footnote472"></a> +<strong>Footnote 472:</strong> See Anderson's <i>America not discovered by Columbus</i>, +Chicago, 1874; 3d ed. enlarged, Chicago, 1883.<a href="#footnotetag472"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote473" name="footnote473"></a> +<strong>Footnote 473:</strong> "Det er derfor sikkert, at Columbus ikke, som nogle har +formodet, kan have kjendt Adam af Bremens Beretning on Vinland; vi kan +gjerne tilføie, at havde Columbus kjendt den, vilde den ikke have kunnet +vise ham Vei til Vesten (Indien), men kanske til Nordpolen." <i>Aarbøger +for Nordisk Oldkyndighed</i>, 1887, ii. 2, p. 301.<a href="#footnotetag473"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote474" name="footnote474"></a> +<strong>Footnote 474:</strong> See above, p. <a href="#page210">210</a>.<a href="#footnotetag474"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote475" name="footnote475"></a> +<strong>Footnote 475:</strong> In 1689 the Swedish writer, Ole Rudbeck, could not +understand Adam of Bremen's allusion to Vinland. The passage is +instructive. Rudbeck declares that in speaking of a wine-growing country +near to the Arctic ocean, Adam must have been misled by some poetical or +figurative phrase; he was deceived either by his trust in the Danes, or +by his own credulity, for he manifestly refers to <i>Finland</i>, for which +the form <i>Vinland</i> does not once occur in Sturleson, etc.:—"Ne tamen +poetis solis hoc loquendi genus in suis regionum laudationibus familiare +fuisse quis existimet, sacras adeat literas quæ Palæstinæ fæcunditatem +appellatione <i>fluentorum lactis & mellis</i> designant. Tale aliquid, sine +omne dubio, Adamo Bremensi quondam persuaserat insulam esse in ultimo +septentrione sitam, mari glaciali vicinam, vini feracem, & ea propter +fide tamen Danorum, <i>Vinlandiam</i> dictam prout ipse ... fateri non +dubitat. Sed deceptum eum hae sive Danorum fide, sive credulitate sua +planum facit affine isti vocabulum <i>Finlandiæ</i> provinciæ ad Regnum +nostrum pertinentis, pro quo apud Snorronem & in Hist. Regum non semel +occurrit <i>Vinlandiæ</i> nomen, cujus promontorium ad ultimum septentrionem +& usque ad mare glaciale sese extendit." Rudbeck, <i>Atland eller +Manheim</i>, Upsala, cir. 1689, p. 291.<a href="#footnotetag475"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote476" name="footnote476"></a> +<strong>Footnote 476:</strong> The source of such a confusion of ideas is probably the +ridiculous map in Rafn's <i>Antiquitates Americanæ</i>, upon which North +America is represented in all the accuracy of outline attainable by +modern maps, and then the Icelandic names are put on where Rafn thought +they ought to go, i. e. Markland upon Nova Scotia, Vinland upon New +England, etc. Any person using such a map is liable to forget that it +cannot possibly represent the crude notions of locality to which the +reports of the Norse voyages must have given rise in an ignorant age. +(The reader will find the map reproduced in Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. +Hist.</i>, i. 95.) Rafn's fault was, however, no greater than that +committed by the modern makers of so-called "ancient atlases"—still +current and in use in schools—when, for example, they take a correct +modern map of Europe, with parts of Africa and Asia, and upon countries +so dimly known to the ancients as Scandinavia and Hindustan, but now +drawn with perfect accuracy, they simply print the ancient names!! +Nothing but confusion can come from using such wretched maps. The only +safe way to study the history of geography is to reproduce the ancient +maps themselves, as I have done in the present work. Many of the maps +given below in the second volume will illustrate the slow and painful +growth of the knowledge of the North American coast during the two +centuries after Columbus.<a href="#footnotetag476"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote477" name="footnote477"></a> +<strong>Footnote 477:</strong> "The fault that we find with Columbus is, that he was not +honest and frank enough to tell where and how he had obtained his +previous information about the lands which he pretended to discover." +Anderson, <i>America not discovered by Columbus</i>, p. 90.<a href="#footnotetag477"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote478" name="footnote478"></a> +<strong>Footnote 478:</strong> See below, p. <a href="#page398">398</a>, note.<a href="#footnotetag478"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote479" name="footnote479"></a> +<strong>Footnote 479:</strong> For example, the pilot Martin Vicenti told Columbus that +1,200 miles west of Cape St. Vincent he had picked up from the sea a +piece of carved wood evidently not carved with iron tools. Pedro Correa, +who had married Columbus's wife's sister, had seen upon Porto Santo a +similar piece of carving that had drifted from the west. Huge reeds +sometimes floated ashore upon those islands, and had not Ptolemy +mentioned enormous reeds as growing in eastern Asia? Pine-trees of +strange species were driven by west winds upon the coast of Fayal, and +two corpses of men of an unknown race had been washed ashore upon the +neighbouring island of Flores. Certain sailors, on a voyage from the +Azores to Ireland, had caught glimpses of land on the west, and believed +it to be the coast of "Tartary;" etc., etc. See <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, +cap. ix. Since he cited these sailors, why did he not cite the Northmen +also, if he knew what they had done?<a href="#footnotetag479"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote480" name="footnote480"></a> +<strong>Footnote 480:</strong> <i>Larger History of the United States</i>, p. 54.<a href="#footnotetag480"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote481" name="footnote481"></a> +<strong>Footnote 481:</strong> "Terram veró Landa Rolfoni quæsitam existimarem esse +Vinlandiam olim Islandis sic dictam; de qua alibi insulam nempe Americæ +e regione Gronlandiæ, quæ fortè hodie Estotilandia," etc. <i>Crymogœa</i>, +Hamburg, 1610, p. 120.</p> + +<p>Abraham Ortelius in 1606 speaks of the Northmen coming to America, but +bases his opinion upon the Zeno narrative (published in 1558) and upon +the sound of the name <i>Norumbega</i>, and apparently knows nothing of +Vinland:—"Iosephus Acosta in his book <i>De Natura noui orbis</i> indeuors +by many reasons to proue, that this part of <i>America</i> was originally +inhabited by certaine Indians, forced thither by tempestuous weather +ouer the South sea which now they call Mare del Zur. But to me it seemes +more probable, out of the historie of the two Zeni, gentlemen of Venice, +... that this New World many ages past was entred upon by some islanders +of <i>Europe</i>, as namely of <i>Grœnland</i>, Island, and Frisland; being +much neerer thereunto than the Indians, nor disioyned thence ... by an +Ocean so huge, and to the Indians so vnnauigable. Also, what else may we +coniecture to be signified by this <i>Norumbega</i> [the name of a North +region of <i>America</i>] but that from <i>Norway</i>, signifying a North land, +some Colonie in times past hath hither beene transplanted?" <i>Theatre of +the Whole World</i>, London, 1606, p. 5. These passages are quoted and +discussed by Reeves, <i>The Finding of Wineland the Good</i>, pp. 95, 96. The +supposed connection of <i>Norumbega</i> with <i>Norway</i> is very doubtful. +Possibly Stephanius, in his map of 1570 (Torfæus, <i>Gronlandia antiqua</i>, +1706), may have had reference to Labrador or the north of Newfoundland.<a href="#footnotetag481"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote482" name="footnote482"></a> +<strong>Footnote 482:</strong> Gallo, <i>De navigatione Columbi</i>, apud Muratori, <i>Rerum +Italicarum Scriptores</i>, tom. xxiii. col. 302.<a href="#footnotetag482"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote483" name="footnote483"></a> +<strong>Footnote 483:</strong> Lafuente, <i>Historia de España</i>, tom. ix, p. 428.<a href="#footnotetag483"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote484" name="footnote484"></a> +<strong>Footnote 484:</strong> Vasconcellos, <i>Vida del rey Don Juan II.</i>, lib. iv.; La +Clède, <i>Histoire de Portugal</i>, lib. xiii.<a href="#footnotetag484"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote485" name="footnote485"></a> +<strong>Footnote 485:</strong> The Portuguese have never been able to forgive Columbus +for discovering a new world for Spain, and their chagrin sometimes vents +itself in amusing ways. After all, says Cordeiro, Columbus was no such +great man as some people think, for he did not discover what he promised +to discover; and, moreover, the Portuguese geographers were right in +condemning his scheme, because it really is not so far by sea from +Lisbon around Africa to Hindustan as from Lisbon by any practicable +route westward to Japan! See Luciano Cordeiro, <i>De la part prise par les +Portugais dans la découverte d'Amérique</i>, Lisbon, 1876, pp. 23, 24, 29, +30. Well, I don't know that there is any answer to be made to this +argument. Logic is logic, says the wise Autocrat:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +"End of the wonderful one-hoss shay,<br> +Logic is logic, that's all I say."</p> + +<p>Cordeiro's book is elaborately criticised in the learned work of +Prospero Peragallo, <i>Cristoforo Colombo in Portogallo: studi critici</i>, +Genoa, 1882.<a href="#footnotetag485"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote486" name="footnote486"></a> +<strong>Footnote 486:</strong> "Perciocchè essendo l' Ammiraglio di generosi ed alti +pensieri, volle capitolare con suo grande onore e vantaggio, per lasciar +la memoria sua, e la grandezza della sua casa, conforme alla grandezza +delle sue opere e de' suoi meriti." <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. xi. +The jealous Portuguese historian speaks in a somewhat different tone +from the affectionate son:—"Veó requerer á el rey Dom João que le desse +algums navios pera ir á descobrir a ilha de Gypango [<i>sic</i>] per esta mar +occidental.... El rey, porque via ser este Christovão Colom homem +falador e glorioso em mostrar suas habilidades, e mas fantastico et de +imaginacão com sua ilha de Cypango, que certo no que dezia: davalhe +pouco credito." Barros, <i>Decada primeira da Asia</i>, Lisbon, 1752, liv. +iii. cap. xi. fol. 56.<a href="#footnotetag486"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote487" name="footnote487"></a> +<strong>Footnote 487:</strong> It has been urged in the king's defence that "such a +proceeding was not an instance of bad faith or perfidy (!) but rather of +the policy customary at that time, which consisted in distrusting +everything that was foreign, and in promoting by whatever means the +national glory." Yes, indeed, whether the means were fair or foul. Of +course it was a common enough policy, but it was lying and cheating all +the same. "Não foi sem duvida por mà fè ou perfidia que tacitamente se +mandon armar hum navio à cujo capitão se confiou o plano que Colombo +havia proposto, e cuja execuçao se lhe encarregou; mas sim por seguir a +politica naquelle tempo usada, que toda consistia em olhar com +desconfiança para tudo o que era estrangeiro, e en promover por todos os +modos a gloria nacional. O capitão nomeado para a empreza, como não +tivesse nem o espirito, nem a convicção de Colombo, depois de huma curta +viagem nos mares do Oeste, fez-se na volta da terra: e arribou à Lisboa +descontente e desanimado." Campe, <i>Historia do descobrimento da +America</i>, Paris, 1836, tom. i. p. 13. The frightened sailors protested +that <span class="smcap">YOU MIGHT AS WELL EXPECT TO FIND LAND IN THE SKY AS IN THAT WASTE +OF WATERS</span>! See Las Casas, <i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, tom. i. p. 221. Las +Casas calls the king's conduct by its right name, <i>dobladura</i>, +"trickery."<a href="#footnotetag487"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote488" name="footnote488"></a> +<strong>Footnote 488:</strong> It has generally been supposed, on the authority of <i>Vita +dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. xi., that his wife had lately died; but an +autograph letter of Columbus, in the possession of his lineal descendant +and representative the present Duke of Veraguas, proves that this is a +mistake. In this letter Columbus says expressly that when he left +Portugal he left wife and children, and never saw them again. +(Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, tom. ii. doc. cxxxvii. p. 255.) As Las Casas, +who knew Diego so well, also supposed his mother to have died before his +father left Portugal, it is most likely that she died soon afterwards. +Ferdinand Columbus says that Diego was left in charge of some friars at +the convent of La Rábida near Palos (<i>loc. cit.</i>); Las Casas is not +quite so sure; he thinks Diego was left with some friend of his father +at Palos, or perhaps (<i>por ventura</i>) at La Rábida. (<i>Historia</i>, tom. i. +p. 227.) These mistakes were easy to make, for both La Rábida and Huelva +were close by Palos, and we know that Diego's aunt Muliar was living at +Huelva. (Las Casas, <i>op. cit.</i> tom. i. p. 241; Harrisse, tom. i. pp. +279, 356, 391; tom. ii. p. 229.) It is pretty clear that Columbus never +visited La Rábida before the autumn of 1491 (see below, p. <a href="#page412">412</a>). My own +notion is that Columbus may have left his wife with an infant and +perhaps one older child, relieving her of the care of Diego by taking +him to his aunt, and intending as soon as practicable to reunite the +family. He clearly did not know at the outset whether he should stay in +Spain or not.<a href="#footnotetag488"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote489" name="footnote489"></a> +<strong>Footnote 489:</strong> It rests upon an improbable statement of Ramusio, who +places the event as early as 1470. The first Genoese writer to allude to +it is Casoni, <i>Annali della Republica di Genova</i>, Genoa, 1708, pp. +26-31. Such testimony is of small value.<a href="#footnotetag489"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote490" name="footnote490"></a> +<strong>Footnote 490:</strong> First mentioned in 1800 by Marin, <i>Storia del commercio +de Veneziani</i>, Venice, 1798-1808, tom. vii. p. 236.<a href="#footnotetag490"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote491" name="footnote491"></a> +<strong>Footnote 491:</strong> The description usually given of this conference rests +upon the authority of Remesal, <i>Historia de la prouincia de Chyapa</i>, +Madrid, 1619, lib. ii. cap. vii. p. 52. Las Casas merely says that the +question was referred to certain persons at the court, <i>Hist. de las +Indias</i>, tom. i. p. 228. It is probably not true that the project of +Columbus was officially condemned by the university of Salamanca as a +corporate body. See Camara, <i>Religion y Ciencia</i>, Valladolid, 1880, p. +261.<a href="#footnotetag491"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote492" name="footnote492"></a> +<strong>Footnote 492:</strong> Some historians, unwilling to admit any blemishes in the +character of Columbus, have supposed that this union was sanctioned by +marriage, but this is not probable. He seems to have been tenderly +attached to Beatriz, who survived him many years. See Harrisse, tom. ii. +pp. 353-357.<a href="#footnotetag492"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote493" name="footnote493"></a> +<strong>Footnote 493:</strong> The authority for Bartholomew Columbus having sailed to +the Cape of Good Hope with Dias is a manuscript note of his own in +Christopher's copy of the <i>Imago Mundi</i>: "Nota quod hoc anno de 88 [it +should be 87] in mense decembri appulit in Ulixbona Bartholomeus Didacus +capitaneus trium carabelarum quem miserat serenissimus rex Portugalie in +Guineam ad tentandum terrain. Et renunciavit ipse serenissimo regi prout +navigaverat ultra jam navigata leuchas 600, videlicet 450 ad austrum et +150 ad aquilonem usque montem per ipsum nominatum <i>Cabo de boa +esperança</i> quem in Agesimba estimamus. Qui quidem in eo loco invenit se +distare per astrolabium ultra lineam equinoctialem gradus 35. Quem +viagium pictavit et scripsit de leucha in leucham in una carta +navigationis ut oculi visum ostenderet ipso serenissimo regi. In quibus +omnibus interfui." M. Varnhagen has examined this note and thinks it is +in the handwriting of Christopher Columbus (<i>Bulletin de Géographie</i>, +janvier, 1858, tom. xv. p. 71); and M. d'Avezac (<i>Canevas +chronologique</i>, p. 58), accepting this opinion, thinks that the words +<i>in quibus omnibus interfui</i>, "in all of which I took part," only mean +that Christopher was present in Lisbon when the expedition returned, and +heard the whole story! With all possible respect for such great scholars +as MM. d'Avezac and Varnhagen, I submit that the opinion of Las Casas, +who first called attention to this note, must be much better than theirs +on such a point as the handwriting of the two brothers. When Las Casas +found the note he wondered whether it was meant for Bartholomew or +Christopher, i. e. wondered which of the two was meant to be described +as having "taken part;" but at all events, says Las Casas, the +handwriting is Bartholomew's:—"Estas son palabras escritas de la mano +de Bartolomé Colon, no sé si las escribió de sí ó de su letra por su +hermano Cristóbal Colon." Under these circumstances it seems idle to +suppose that Las Casas could have been mistaken about the handwriting; +he evidently put his mind on that point, and in the next breath he goes +on to say, "la letra yo conozco ser de Bartolomé Colon, porque tuve +muchas suyas," i. e. "I know it is Bartholomew's writing, for I have had +many letters of his;" and again "estas palabras ... de la misma letra y +mano de Bartolomé Colon, la cual muy bien conocí y agora tengo hartas +cartas y letras suyas, tratando deste viaje," i. e. "these words ... +from the very writing and hand of Bartholomew Columbus, which I knew +very well, and I have to-day many charts and letters of his, treating of +this voyage." (<i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, tom. i. pp. 213, 214.) This last +sentence makes Las Casas an independent witness to Bartholomew's +presence in the expedition, a matter about which he was not likely to be +mistaken. What puzzled him was the question, not whether Bartholomew +went, but whether Christopher could have gone also, "pudo ser tambien +que se hallase Cristóbal Colon." Now Christopher certainly did not go on +that voyage. The expedition started in August, 1486, and returned to +Lisbon in December, 1487, after an absence of sixteen months and +seventeen days, "anendo dezaseis meses et dezasete dias que erão +partidos delle." (Barros, <i>Decada primeira da Asia</i>, Lisbon, 1752, tom. +i. fol. 42, 44.) The account-book of the treasury of Castile shows that +sums of money were paid to Christopher at Seville, May 5, July 3, August +27, and October 15, 1487; so that he could not have gone with Dias (see +Harrisse, tom. ii. p. 191). Neither could Christopher have been in +Lisbon in December, 1487, when the little fleet returned, for his +safe-conduct from King John is dated March 20, 1488. It was not until +the autumn of 1488 that Columbus made this visit to Portugal, and M. +d'Avezac has got the return of the fleet a year too late. Bartholomew's +note followed a custom which made 1488 begin at Christmas, 1487.</p> + +<p>In reading a later chapter of Las Casas for another purpose (tom. i. p. +227), I come again upon this point. He rightly concludes that +Christopher could not have gone with Dias, and again declares most +positively that the handwriting of the note was Bartholomew's and not +Christopher's.</p> + +<p>This footnote affords a good illustration of the kind of difficulties +that surround such a subject as the life of Columbus, and the ease with +which an excess of ingenuity may discover mare's nests.<a href="#footnotetag493"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote494" name="footnote494"></a> +<strong>Footnote 494:</strong> It may be found in Navarrete, <i>Coleccion de viages</i>, tom. +ii. pp. 5, 6.<a href="#footnotetag494"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote495" name="footnote495"></a> +<strong>Footnote 495:</strong> The account-book of the treasury shows that on June 16 he +was still in Spain. See Harrisse, tom. i. p. 355.<a href="#footnotetag495"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote496" name="footnote496"></a> +<strong>Footnote 496:</strong> The entry, as given by Las Casas, is "Pro authore, seu +pictore, ║ Gennua cui patria est, nomen cui Bartolomeus ║ +Columbus de terra rubea, opus edidit istud ║ Londonije: anno domini +millesimo quatercentessimo octiesque uno ║ Atque insuper anno octavo: +decimaque die mensis Februarii. ║ Laudes Christo cantentur abunde." +<i>Historia</i>, tom. i. p. 225. Now since Bartholomew Columbus was a fairly +educated man, writing this note in England on a map made for the eyes of +the king of England, I suppose he used the old English style which made +the year begin at the vernal equinox instead of Christmas, so that his +February, 1488, means the next month but one after December, 1488, i. e. +what in our new style becomes February, 1489. Bartholomew returned to +Lisbon from Africa in the last week of December, 1487, and it is not +likely that his plans could have been matured and himself settled down +in London in less than seven weeks. The logical relation of the events, +too, shows plainly that Christopher's visit to Lisbon was for the +purpose of consulting his brother and getting first-hand information +about the greatest voyage the world had ever seen. In the early weeks of +1488 Christopher sends his request for a safe-conduct, gets it March 20, +waits till his child is born, August 15, and then presently goes. +Bartholomew may have sailed by the first of October for England, where +(according to this reading of his date) we actually find him four months +later. What happened to him in this interval? Here we come to the story +of the pirates. M. Harrisse, who never loses an opportunity for throwing +discredit upon the <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, has failed to make the +correction of date which I have here suggested. He puts Bartholomew in +London in February, 1488, and is thus unable to assign any reason for +Christopher's visit to Lisbon. He also finds that in the forty-six days +between Christmas, 1487, and February, 10, 1488, there is hardly room +enough for any delay due to so grave a cause as capture by pirates. +(<i>Christophe Colomb</i>, vol. ii. p. 192.) He therefore concludes that the +statement in the <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. xi., is unworthy of +credit, and it is upon an accumulation of small difficulties like this +that he bases his opinion that Ferdinand Columbus cannot have written +that book. But Las Casas also gives the story of the pirates, and adds +the information that they were "Easterlings," though he cannot say of +what nation, i. e. whether Dutch, German, or perhaps Danes. He says that +Bartholomew was stripped of his money and fell sick, and after his +recovery was obliged to earn money by map-making before he could get to +England. (<i>Historia</i>, tom. i. p. 225.) Could all this have happened +within the four months which I have allowed between October, 1488, and +February, 1489? Voyages before the invention of steamboats were of very +uncertain duration. John Adams in 1784 was fifty-four days in getting +from London to Amsterdam (see my <i>Critical Period of American History</i>, +p. 156). But with favourable weather a Portuguese caravel in 1488 ought +to have run from Lisbon to Bristol in fourteen days or less, so that in +four months there would be time enough for quite a chapter of accidents. +Las Casas, however, says it was <i>a long time</i> before Bartholomew was +able to reach England:—"Esto fué causa que enfermase y viniese á mucha +pobreza, y estuviese mucho tempo sin poder llegar á Inglaterra, hasta +tanto que quiso Dies sanarle; y reformado algo, por su industria y +trabajos de sus manos, haciendo cartas de marear, llegó á Inglaterra, y, +pasados un dia y otros, hobo de alcanzar que le oyese Enrique VII." It +is impossible, I think, to read this passage without feeling that at +least a year must have been consumed; and I do not think we are entitled +to disregard the words of Las Casas in such a matter. But how shall we +get the time?</p> + +<p>Is it possible that Las Casas made a slight mistake in deciphering the +date on Bartholomew's map? Either that mariner did not give the map to +Henry VII., or the king gave it back, or more likely it was made in +duplicate. At any rate Las Casas had it, along with his many other +Columbus documents, and for aught we know it may still be tumbling about +somewhere in the Spanish archives. It was so badly written (<i>de muy mala +é corrupta letra</i>), apparently in abbreviations (<i>sin ortografía</i>), that +Las Casas says he found extreme difficulty in making it out. Now let us +observe that date, which is given in fantastic style, apparently because +the inscription is in a rude doggerel, and the writer seems to have +wished to keep his "verses" tolerably even. (They don't scan much better +than Walt Whitman's.) As it stands, the date reads <i>anno +domini millesimo quatercentessimo octiesque uno atque insuper anno +octavo</i>, i. e. "in the year of our Lord the thousandth, four hundredth, +<span class="smcap">AND EIGHT-TIMES-ONE</span>, and thereafter the eighth year." What business has +this cardinal number <i>octiesque uno</i> in a row of ordinals? If it were +translatable, which it is not, it would give us 1,000 + 400 + 8 + 8 = +1416, an absurd date. The most obvious way to make the passage readable +is to insert the ordinal <i>octogesimo primo</i> instead of the incongruous +<i>octiesque uno</i>; then it will read "in the year of our Lord the +one-thousand-four-hundred-and-eighty-first, and thereafter the eighth +year," that is to say 1489. Now translate old style into new style, and +February, 1489, becomes February, 1490, which I believe to be the +correct date. This allows sixteen months for Bartholomew's mishaps; it +justifies the statement in which Las Casas confirms Ferdinand Columbus; +and it harmonizes with the statement of Lord Bacon: "For Christopherus +Columbus, refused by the king of Portugal (who would not embrace at once +both east and west), employed his brother Bartholomew Columbus unto King +Henry to negotiate for his discovery. And it so fortuned that he was +taken by pirates at sea; by which accidental impediment he was long ere +he came to the king; so long that before he had obtained a capitulation +with the king for his brother the enterprise was achieved, and so the +West Indies by Providence were then reserved for the crown of Castilia." +<i>Historie of the Raygne of K. Henry the Seventh</i>, Bacon's <i>Works</i>, +Boston, 1860, vol. xi. p. 296. Lord Bacon may have taken the statement +from Ferdinand's biography; but it probably agreed with English +traditions, and ought not to be slighted in this connection.<a href="#footnotetag496"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote497" name="footnote497"></a> +<strong>Footnote 497:</strong> One of the sisters of Charles VIII. See Harrisse, tom. +ii. p. 194.<a href="#footnotetag497"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote498" name="footnote498"></a> +<strong>Footnote 498:</strong> Bernaldez, <i>Reyes Católicos</i>, cap. xci.<a href="#footnotetag498"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote499" name="footnote499"></a> +<strong>Footnote 499:</strong> Zuñiga, <i>Anales de Sevilla</i>, lib. xii. p. 404.<a href="#footnotetag499"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote500" name="footnote500"></a> +<strong>Footnote 500:</strong> See the letter of March 19, 1493, from the Duke of +Medina-Celi to the Grand Cardinal of Spain (from the archives of +Simancas) in Navarrete <i>Coleccion de viages</i>, tom. ii. p. 20.<a href="#footnotetag500"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote501" name="footnote501"></a> +<strong>Footnote 501:</strong> This promise was never fulfilled. When Columbus returned +in triumph, arriving March 6, 1493, at Lisbon, and March 15 at Palos, +the Duke of Medina-Celi wrote the letter just cited, recalling the +queen's promise and asking to be allowed to send to the Indies once each +year an expedition on his own account; for, he says, if he had not kept +Columbus with him in 1490 and 1491 he would have gone to France, and +Castile would have lost the prize. There was some force in this, but +Isabella does not appear to have heeded the request.<a href="#footnotetag501"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote502" name="footnote502"></a> +<strong>Footnote 502:</strong> This theory of the situation is fully sustained by Las +Casas, tom. i. p. 241.<a href="#footnotetag502"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote503" name="footnote503"></a> +<strong>Footnote 503:</strong> My account of these proceedings at La Rábida differs in +some particulars from any heretofore given, and I think gets the events +into an order of sequence that is at once more logical and more in +harmony with the sources of information than any other. The error of +Ferdinand Columbus—a very easy one to commit, and not in the least +damaging to his general character as biographer—lay in confusing his +father's two real visits (in 1484 and 1491) to Huelva with two visits +(one imaginary in 1484 and one real in 1491) to La Rábida, which was +close by, between Huelva and Palos. The visits were all the more likely +to get mixed up in recollection because in each case their object was +little Diego and in each case he was left in charge of somebody in that +neighbourhood. The confusion has been helped by another for which +Ferdinand is not responsible, viz.: the friar Juan Perez has been +confounded with another friar Antonio de Marchena, who Columbus says was +the only person who from the time of his first arrival in Spain had +always befriended him and never mocked at him. These worthy friars twain +have been made into one (e. g. "the prior of the convent, Juan Perez de +Marchena," Irving's <i>Columbus</i>, vol. i. p. 128), and it has often been +supposed that Marchena's acquaintance began with Columbus at La Rábida +in 1484, and that Diego was left at the convent at that time. But some +modern sources of information have served at first to bemuddle, and then +when more carefully sifted, to clear up the story. In 1508 Diego +Columbus brought suit against the Spanish crown to vindicate his claim +to certain territories discovered by his father, and there was a long +investigation in which many witnesses were summoned and past events were +busily raked over the coals. Among these witnesses were Rodriguez +Cabejudo and the physician Garcia Fernandez, who gave from personal +recollection a very lucid account of the affairs at La Rábida. These +proceedings are printed in Navarrete, <i>Coleccion de viages</i>, tom. iii. +pp. 238-591. More recently the publication of the great book of Las +Casas has furnished some very significant clues, and the elaborate +researches of M. Harrisse have furnished others. (See Las Casas, lib. i. +cap. xxix., xxxi.; Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 341-372; tom. ii. pp. +237-231; cf. Peragallo, <i>L' autenticità</i>, etc., pp. +117-134.)—It now seems clear that Marchena, whom Columbus knew from his +first arrival in Spain, was not associated with La Rábida. At that time +Columbus left Diego, a mere infant, with his wife's sister at Huelva. +Seven years later, intending to leave Spain forever, he went to Huelva +and took Diego, then a small boy. On his way from Huelva to the Seville +road, and thence to Cordova (where he would have been joined by Beatriz +and Ferdinand), he happened to pass by La Rábida, where up to that time +he was evidently unknown, and to attract the attention of the prior Juan +Perez, and the wheel of fortune suddenly and unexpectedly turned. As +Columbus's next start was not for France, but for Granada, his boy was +left in charge of two trustworthy persons. On May 8, 1492, the little +Diego was appointed page to Don John, heir-apparent to the thrones of +Castile and Aragon, with a stipend of 9,400 maravedis. On February 19, +1498, after the death of that young prince, Diego became page to Queen +Isabella.<a href="#footnotetag503"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote504" name="footnote504"></a> +<strong>Footnote 504:</strong> In popular allusions to Columbus it is quite common to +assume or imply that he encountered nothing but opposition from the +clergy. For example the account in Draper's <i>Conflict between Science +and Religion</i>, p. 161, can hardly be otherwise understood by the reader. +But observe that Marchena who never mocked at Columbus, Juan Perez who +gave the favourable turn to his affairs, the great prelates Deza and +Mendoza, and the two treasurers Santangel and Quintanilla, were every +one of them priests! Without cordial support from the clergy no such +enterprise as that of Columbus could have been undertaken, in Spain at +least. It is quite right that we should be free-thinkers; and it is also +desirable that we should have some respect for facts.<a href="#footnotetag504"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote505" name="footnote505"></a> +<strong>Footnote 505:</strong> Our Scandinavian friends are fond of pointing to this +demand of Columbus as an indication that he secretly expected to +"discover America," and not merely to find the way to Asia. But how +about Ferdinand and Isabella, who finally granted what was demanded, and +their ministers who drew up the agreement, to say nothing of the clerks +who engrossed it? What did they all understand by "discovering islands +and continents in the ocean"? Were they all in this precious Vinland +secret? If so, it was pretty well kept. But in truth there was nothing +singular in these stipulations. Portugal paid for discovery in just this +way by granting governorships over islands like the Azores, or long +stretches of continent like Guinea, along with a share of the revenues +yielded by such places. See for example the cases of Gonzalo Cabral, +Fernando Gomez, and others in Major, <i>Prince Henry the Navigator</i>, pp. +238, 321, and elsewhere. In their search for the Indies the Portuguese +were continually finding new lands, and it was likely to be the same +with the western route, which was supposed (see Catalan, Toscanelli, and +Behaim maps) to lead among spice islands innumerable, and to Asiatic +kingdoms whose heathen people had no rights of sovereignty that +Christian monarchs felt bound to respect.<a href="#footnotetag505"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote506" name="footnote506"></a> +<strong>Footnote 506:</strong> Las Casas, <i>op. cit.</i> tom i. p. 243.<a href="#footnotetag506"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote507" name="footnote507"></a> +<strong>Footnote 507:</strong> See his letter of February, 1502, to Pope Alexander VI. +in Navarrete, tom. ii. p. 280; and cf. Helps, <i>Spanish Conquest in +America</i>, vol. i. p. 96; Roselly de Lorgues, <i>Christophe Colomb</i>, p. +394.<a href="#footnotetag507"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote508" name="footnote508"></a> +<strong>Footnote 508:</strong> I cite this version from Irving's <i>Columbus</i>, vol. i. p. +142, making a slight amendment in the rendering; the original text is in +Navarrete, tom. ii. p. 7. A few days later the title of "Don" was +granted to Columbus and made hereditary in his family along with the +offices of viceroy and governor-general.<a href="#footnotetag508"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote509" name="footnote509"></a> +<strong>Footnote 509:</strong> A police organization formed in 1476 for suppressing +highway robbery.<a href="#footnotetag509"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote510" name="footnote510"></a> +<strong>Footnote 510:</strong> It is not easy to give an accurate account of the cost of +this most epoch-making voyage in all history. Conflicting statements by +different authorities combine with the fluctuating values of different +kinds of money to puzzle and mislead us. According to M. Harrisse +1,000,000 maravedis would be equivalent to 295,175 francs, or about +59,000 gold dollars of United States money at present values. Las Casas +(tom. i. p. 256) says that the eighth part, raised by Columbus, was +500,000 maravedis (29,500 dollars). Account-books preserved in the +archives of Simancas show that the sums paid from the treasury of +Castile amounted to 1,140,000 maravedis (67,500 dollars). Assuming the +statement of Las Casas to be correct, the amounts contributed would +perhaps have been as follows:—</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="1" summary="A,mounts."> +<colgroup> + <col width="60%"> + <col width="30%"> +</colgroup> +<tr> +<td>Queen Isabella, from Castile treasury</td> +<td class="right">$67,500</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="add2em">"</span><span class="add2em">loan from Santangel</span></td> +<td class="right">59,000</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Columbus</td> +<td class="right">29,500</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Other sources, including contribution levied +upon the town of Palos</td> +<td class="right">80,000</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td class="right">—————</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Total</td> +<td class="right">$236,000</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>This total seems to me altogether too large for probability, and so does +the last item, which is simply put at the figure necessary to make the +total eight times 29,500. I am inclined to suspect that Las Casas (with +whom arithmetic was not always a strong point) may have got his figures +wrong. The amount of Santangel's loan also depends upon the statement of +Las Casas, and we do not know whether he took it from a document or from +hearsay. Nor do we know whether it should be added to, or included in, +the first item. More likely, I think, the latter. The only item that we +know with documentary certainty is the first, so that our statement +becomes modified as follows:—</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="1" summary="A,mounts."> +<colgroup> + <col width="60%"> + <col width="30%"> +</colgroup> +<tr> +<td>Queen Isabella, from Castile treasury</td> +<td class="center">$67,500</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="add2em">"</span><span class="add2em">loan from Santangel</span></td> +<td class="center">?</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Columbus</td> +<td class="center">?</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Town of Palos</td> +<td class="center">rent of two fully equipped caravels for two months, etc.</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td class="center">—————</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Total</td> +<td class="center">?</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>(Cf. Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 391-404.) Unsatisfactory, but certain as far +as it goes. Alas, how often historical statements are thus reduced to +meagreness, after the hypothetical or ill-supported part has been sifted +out! The story that the Pinzon brothers advanced to Columbus his portion +is told by Las Casas, but he very shrewdly doubts it. The famous story +that Isabella pledged her crown jewels (<i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. +xiv.) has also been doubted, but perhaps on insufficient grounds, by M. +Harrisse. It is confirmed by Las Casas (tom. i. p. 249). According to +one account she pledged them to Santangel in security for his +loan,—which seems not altogether improbable. See Pizarro y Orellana, +<i>Varones ilustres del Nuevo Mundo</i>, Madrid, 1639, p. 16.<a href="#footnotetag510"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote511" name="footnote511"></a> +<strong>Footnote 511:</strong> Navarrete, <i>Biblioteca maritima</i>, tom. ii. +pp. 208, 209.<a href="#footnotetag511"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote512" name="footnote512"></a> +<strong>Footnote 512:</strong> The accounts of the armament are well summed up and +discussed in Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 405-408. Eighty-seven names, out of +the ninety, have been recovered, and the list is given below, Appendix +C.<a href="#footnotetag512"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote513" name="footnote513"></a> +<strong>Footnote 513:</strong> "Para de allí tomar mi derrota, y navegar tanto que yo +llegase á las Indias," he says in his journal, Navarrete, <i>Coleccion de +viages</i>, tom. i.p. 3.<a href="#footnotetag513"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote514" name="footnote514"></a> +<strong>Footnote 514:</strong> Martin Behaim was born at Nuremberg in 1436, and is said +to have been a pupil of the celebrated astronomer, Regiomontanus, author +of the first almanac published in Europe, and of Ephemerides, of +priceless value to navigators. He visited Portugal about 1480, invented +a new kind of astrolabe, and sailed with it in 1484 as cosmographer in +Diego Cam's voyage to the Congo. On his return to Lisbon he was +knighted, and presently went to live on the island of Fayal, of which +his wife's father was governor. He was a friend of Columbus. Toward 1492 +he visited Nuremberg, to look after some family affairs, and while there +"he gratified some of his townspeople by embodying in a globe the +geographical views which prevailed in the maritime countries; and the +globe was finished before Columbus had yet accomplished his voyage. The +next year (1493) Behaim returned to Portugal; and after having been sent +to the Low Countries on a diplomatic mission, he was captured by English +cruisers and carried to England. Escaping finally, and reaching the +Continent, he passes from our view in 1494, and is scarcely heard of +again." (Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i>, ii. 104.) He died in May, +1506. A ridiculous story that he anticipated Columbus in the discovery +of America originated in the misunderstanding of an interpolated passage +in the Latin text of Schedel's <i>Registrum</i>, Nuremberg, 1498, p. 290 (the +so-called <i>Nuremberg Chronicle</i>). See Winsor, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 34; Major's +<i>Prince Henry</i>, p. 326; Humboldt, <i>Examen critique</i>, tom. i.p. 256; +Murr, <i>Diplomatische Geschichte des Ritters Behaim</i>, Nuremberg, 1778; +Cladera, <i>Investigaciones históricas</i>, Madrid, 1794; Harrisse, +<i>Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima</i>, pp. 37-43.—The globe made by +Behaim may now be seen in the city hall at Nuremberg. It "is made of +<i>papier-maché</i>, covered with gypsum, and over this a parchment surface +received the drawing; it is twenty inches in diameter." (Winsor, <i>op. +cit.</i> ii. 105.) The portion west of the 330th meridian is evidently +copied from Toscanelli's map. I give below (p. <a href="#page429">429</a>) a sketch (from +Winsor, after Ruge's <i>Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen</i>, p. +230) of Behaim's ocean, with the outline of the American continent +superimposed in the proper place.<a href="#footnotetag514"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote515" name="footnote515"></a> +<strong>Footnote 515:</strong> The situation of this Sargasso region in mid-ocean seems +to be determined by its character as a quiet neutral ground between the +great ocean-currents that flow past it on every side. Sargasso plants +are found elsewhere upon the surface of the waves, but nowhere else do +they congregate as here. There are reasons for supposing that in ancient +times this region extended nearer to the African coast. Skylax +(<i>Periplus</i>, cap. 109) says that beyond Kerne, at the mouth of Rio d' +Ouro the sea cannot be navigated on account of the mud and seaweed. +Sataspes, on his return to Persia, <span class="smcap">B. C.</span> 470, told King Xerxes that his +voyage failed because his ship stopped or was stuck fast. (Herodotus, +iv. 43.) Festus Avienus mentions vast quantities of seaweed in the ocean +west of the Pillars of Hercules:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens<br> +Atque impeditur æstus ex uligine....<br> +Sic nulla late flabra propellunt ratem,<br> +Sic segnis humor æquoris pigri stupet.<br> +Adjicit et illud, plurimum inter gurgites<br> +Exstare fucum, et sæpe virgulti vice<br> +Retinere puppim, etc.<br> + +<span class="left30">Avienus, <i>Ora Maritima</i>, 108, 117.</span></p> + +<p>See also Aristotle, <i>Meteorol.</i>, ii. 1, 14; Pseudo-Aristotle, <i>De Mirab. +Auscult.</i>, p. 106; Theophrastus, <i>Historia plantarum</i>, iv. 7 Jornandes, +<i>De rebus Geticis</i>, apud Muratori, tom. i.p. 191; according to Strabo +(iii. 2, § 7) tunny fish were caught in abundance in the ocean west of +Spain, and were highly valued for the table on account of their fatness +which was due to submarine vegetables on which they fed. Possibly the +reports of these Sargasso meadows may have had some share in suggesting +to Plato his notion of a huge submerged island Atlantis (<i>Timæus</i>, 25; +<i>Kritias</i>, 108; cf. the notion of a viscous sea in Plutarch, <i>De facie +in Orbe Luna</i>, 26), Plato's fancy has furnished a theme for much wild +speculation. See, for example, Bailly, <i>Lettres sur l'Atlantide de +Platon</i>, Paris, 1779. The belief that there can ever have been such an +island in that part of the Atlantic is disposed of by the fact that the +ocean there is nowhere less than two miles in depth. See the beautiful +map of the Atlantic sea-bottom in Alexander Agassiz's <i>Three Cruises of +the Blake</i>, Boston, 1888, vol. i.p. 108, and compare chap. vi. of that +noble work, on "The Permanence of Continents and of Oceanic Basins;" see +also Wallace's <i>Island Life</i>, chap. vi. It was formerly supposed that +the Sargasso plants grow on the sea-bottom, and becoming detached rise +to the surface (Peter Martyr, <i>De rebus oceanicis</i>, dec. iii. lib. v. p. +53; Humboldt, <i>Personal Narrative</i>, book i. chap, i.); but it is now +known that they are simply rooted in the surface water itself. +"L'accumulation de ces plantes marines est l'exemple le plus frappant de +plantes congénères réunies sur le même point. Ni les forêts colossales +de l'Himalaya, ni les graminées qui s'étendent à perte de vue dans les +savanes américaines ou les steppes sibériens ne rivalisent avec ces +prairies océaniques. Jamais sur un espace aussi étendu, ne se +rencontrent de telles masses de plantes semblables. Quand on a vu la mer +des Sargasses, on n'oublie point un pareil spectacle." Paul Gaffarel, +"La Mer des Sargasses," <i>Bulletin de Géographie</i>, Paris, 1872, 6<sup>e</sup> +série, tom. iv. p. 622.<a href="#footnotetag515"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote516" name="footnote516"></a> +<strong>Footnote 516:</strong> The often-repeated story that a day or two before the end +of the voyage Columbus capitulated with his crew, promising to turn back +if land were not seen within three days, rests upon the single and +relatively inferior authority of Oviedo. It is not mentioned by Las +Casas or Bernaldez or Peter Martyr or Ferdinand Columbus, and it is +discredited by the tone of the Admiral's journal, which shows as +unconquerable determination on the last day of the voyage as on any +previous day. Cf. Irving, vol. i. p. 187.<a href="#footnotetag516"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote517" name="footnote517"></a> +<strong>Footnote 517:</strong> Applying the Gregorian Calendar, or "new style," it +becomes the 21st. The four hundredth anniversary will properly fall on +October 21, 1892.<a href="#footnotetag517"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote518" name="footnote518"></a> +<strong>Footnote 518:</strong> This is a common notion among barbarians. "The +Polynesians imagine that the sky descends at the horizon and encloses +the earth. Hence they call foreigners <i>papalangi</i>, or 'heaven-bursters,' +as having broken in from another world outside." Max Müller, <i>Chips from +a German Workshop</i>, vol. ii. p. 268.<a href="#footnotetag518"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote519" name="footnote519"></a> +<strong>Footnote 519:</strong> "An Attempt to solve the Problem of the First Landing +Place of Columbus in the New World," in <i>United States Coast and +Geodetic Survey—Report for 1880—Appendix 18</i>, Washington, 1882.<a href="#footnotetag519"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote520" name="footnote520"></a> +<strong>Footnote 520:</strong> The first recorded mention of tobacco is in Columbus's +diary for November 20, 1492:—"Hallaron los dos cristianos por el camino +mucha gente que atravesaba á sus pueblos, mugeres y hombres con un tizon +en la mano, yerbas para tomar sus sahumerios que acostumbraban," i. e. +"the two Christians met on the road a great many people going to their +villages, men and women with brands in their hands, made of herbs for +taking their customary smoke." Navarrete, tom. i. p. 51.<a href="#footnotetag520"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote521" name="footnote521"></a> +<strong>Footnote 521:</strong> Not "Little Spain," as the form of the word, so much like +a diminutive, might seem to indicate. It is simply the feminine of +<i>Español</i>, "Spanish," sc. <i>tierra</i> or <i>isla</i>. Columbus believed that the +island was larger than Spain. See his letter to Gabriel Sanchez, in +Harrisse, tom. i. p. 428.<a href="#footnotetag521"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote522" name="footnote522"></a> +<strong>Footnote 522:</strong> Columbus to Santangel, February 15, 1493 (Navarrete, tom. +i. p. 168).<a href="#footnotetag522"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote523" name="footnote523"></a> +<strong>Footnote 523:</strong> Las Casas, tom. i. pp. 443, 449.<a href="#footnotetag523"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote524" name="footnote524"></a> +<strong>Footnote 524:</strong> This story rests upon the explicit statement of a +contemporary Portuguese historian of high authority, Garcia de Resende, +<i>Chronica del Rey Dom João II.</i>, Lisbon, 1622, cap. clxiv. (written +about 1516); see also Vasconcellos, <i>Vida del Rey Don Juan II.</i>, Madrid, +1639, lib. vi.<a href="#footnotetag524"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote525" name="footnote525"></a> +<strong>Footnote 525:</strong> "When they learnt that she returned in triumph from the +discovery of a world, the whole community broke forth into transports of +joy." Irving's <i>Columbus</i>, vol. i. p. 318. This is projecting our +present knowledge into the past. We now know that Columbus had +discovered a new world. He did not so much as suspect that he had done +anything of the sort; neither did the people of Palos.<a href="#footnotetag525"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote526" name="footnote526"></a> +<strong>Footnote 526:</strong> Charlevoix, <i>Histoire de l'isle Espagnole, ou de St. +Domingue</i>, Paris, 1730, liv. ii.; Muñoz, <i>Historia de las Indias ó Nuevo +Mundo</i>, Madrid, 1793, lib. iv. § 14.<a href="#footnotetag526"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote527" name="footnote527"></a> +<strong>Footnote 527:</strong> He was also allowed to quarter the royal arms with his +own, "which consisted of a group of golden islands amid azure billows. +To these were afterwards added five anchors, with the celebrated motto, +well known as being carved on his sepulchre." Prescott's <i>Ferdinand and +Isabella</i>, pt. i. chap. vii. This statement about the motto is +erroneous. See below, p. <a href="#page514">514</a>. Considering the splendour of the reception +given to Columbus, and the great interest felt in his achievement, Mr. +Prescott is surprised at finding no mention of this occasion in the +local annals of Barcelona, or in the royal archives of Aragon. He +conjectures, with some probability, that the cause of the omission may +have been what an American would call "sectional" jealousy. This Cathay +and Cipango business was an affair of Castile's, and, as such, quite +beneath the notice of patriotic Aragonese archivists! That is the way +history has too often been treated. With most people it is only a kind +of ancestor worship.<a href="#footnotetag527"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote528" name="footnote528"></a> +<strong>Footnote 528:</strong> The unique copy of this first edition of this Spanish +letter is a small folio of two leaves, or four pages. It was announced +for sale in Quaritch's Catalogue, April 16, 1891, No. 111, p. 47, for +£1,750. Evidently most book-lovers will have to content themselves with +the facsimile published in London, 1891, price two guineas. A unique +copy of a Spanish reprint in small quarto, made in 1493, is preserved in +the Ambrosian library at Milan. In 1889 Messrs. Ellis & Elvey, of +London, published a facsimile <i>alleged</i> to have been made from an +edition of about the same date as the Ambrosian quarto; but there are +good reasons for believing that these highly respectable publishers have +been imposed upon. It is a time just now when fictitious literary +discoveries of this sort may command a high price, and the dealer in +early Americana must keep his eyes open. See Quaritch's note, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 49; and Justin Winsor's letter in <i>The Nation</i>, April 9, 1891, vol. +lii. p. 298.<a href="#footnotetag528"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote529" name="footnote529"></a> +<strong>Footnote 529:</strong> "The lands, therefore, which Columbus had visited were +called the West Indies; and as he seemed to have entered upon a vast +region of unexplored countries, existing in a state of nature, the whole +received the comprehensive appellation of the New World." Irving's +<i>Columbus</i>, vol. i. p. 333. These are very grave errors, again involving +the projection of our modern knowledge into the past. The lands which +Columbus had visited were called simply the Indies; it was not until +long after his death, and after the crossing of the Pacific ocean, that +they were distinguished from the East Indies. The <i>New World</i> was not at +first a "comprehensive appellation" for the countries discovered by +Columbus; it was at first applied to one particular region never visited +by him, viz. to that portion of the southeastern coast of South America +first explored by Vespucius. See vol. ii. pp. 129, 130.<a href="#footnotetag529"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote530" name="footnote530"></a> +<strong>Footnote 530:</strong> Peter Martyr, however, seems to have entertained some +vague doubts, inasmuch as this assumed nearness of the China coast on +the west implied a greater eastward extension of the Asiatic continent +than seemed to him probable:—"Insulas reperit plures; has esse, de +quibus fit apud cosmographos mentio extra oceanum orientalem, adjacentes +Indiæ arbitrantur. Nec inficior ego penitus, <i>quamvis sphæræ magnitudo +aliter sentire videatur</i>; neque enim desunt qui parvo tractu a finibus +Hispaniæ distare littus Indicum putent." <i>Opus Epist.</i>, No. 135. The +italicizing is mine.<a href="#footnotetag530"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote531" name="footnote531"></a> +<strong>Footnote 531:</strong> This abominable piece of wickedness, driving 200,000 of +Spain's best citizens from their homes and their native land, was +accomplished in pursuance of an edict signed March 30, 1492. There is a +brief account of it in Prescott's <i>Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, pt. i. chap. +vi.<a href="#footnotetag531"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote532" name="footnote532"></a> +<strong>Footnote 532:</strong> "Un duplicata de cette relation," Harrisse, <i>Christophe +Colomb</i>, tom i. p. 419.<a href="#footnotetag532"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote533" name="footnote533"></a> +<strong>Footnote 533:</strong> Often called Raphael Sanchez.<a href="#footnotetag533"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote534" name="footnote534"></a> +<strong>Footnote 534:</strong> The following epigram was added to the first Latin +edition of the latter by Corbaria, Bishop of Monte-Peloso:—</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Ad Invictissimum Regem Hispaniarum</i>:</p> + +<p class="poem20">Iam nulla Hispanis tellus addenda triumphis,<br> +<span class="add1em">Atque parum tantis viribus orbis erat.</span><br> +Nunc longe eois regio deprensa sub undis,<br> +<span class="add1em">Auctura est titulos Betice magne tuos.</span><br> +Unde repertori inerita referenda Columbo<br> +<span class="add1em">Gratia, sed summo est maior habenda deo,</span><br> +Qui vincenda parat noua regna tibique sibique<br> +<span class="add1em">Teque simul fortem prestat et esse pium.</span></p> + +<p>These lines are thus paraphrased by M. Harrisse:—</p> + +<p class="center"><i>To the Invincible King of the Spains</i>:</p> + +<p class="poem20">Less wide the world than the renown of Spain,<br> +To swell her triumphs no new lands remain.<br> +Rejoice, Iberia! see thy fame increased!<br> +Another world Columbus from the East<br> +And the mid-ocean summons to thy sway!<br> +Give thanks to him—but loftier homage pay<br> +To God Supreme, who gives its realms to thee!<br> +Greatest of monarchs, first of servants be!<br> + +<span class="left30"><i>Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima</i>, p. 13.</span></p> + +<p>The following is a literal version:—"Already there is no land to be +added to the triumphs of Spain, and the earth was too small for such +great deeds. Now a far country under the eastern waves has been +discovered, and will be an addition to thy titles, O great Bætica! +wherefore thanks are due to the illustrious discover Columbus; but +greater thanks to the supreme God, who is making ready new realms to be +conquered for thee and for Himself, and vouchsafes to thee to be at once +strong and pious." It will be observed that nothing is said about +"another world."</p> + +<p>An elaborate account of these earliest and excessively rare editions is +given by M. Harrisse, <i>loc. cit.</i><a href="#footnotetag534"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote535" name="footnote535"></a> +<strong>Footnote 535:</strong> Or, as Mr. Major carelessly puts it, "the astounding news +of the discovery of a new world." (<i>Select Letters of Columbus</i>, p. vi.) +Mr. Major knows very well that no such "news" was possible for many a +year after 1493; his remark is, of course, a mere slip of the pen, but +if we are ever going to straighten out the tangle of misconceptions with +which this subject is commonly surrounded, we must be careful in our +choice of words.—As a fair specimen, of the chap-book style of Dati's +stanzas, we may cite the fourteenth:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Hor vo tornar almio primo tractato<br> +dellisole trovate incognite a te<br> +in q̃sto anno presente q̃sto e stato<br> +nel millequatrocento novātatre,<br> +uno che xp̃ofan colōbo chiamato,<br> +che e stato in corte der prefecto Re<br> +ha molte volte questa stimolato,<br> +el Re ch'cerchi acrescere il suo stato.</p> + +<p>M. Harrisse gives the following version:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Back to my theme, O Listener, turn with me<br> +And hear of islands all unknown to thee!<br> +Islands whereof the grand discovery<br> +Chanced in this year of fourteen ninety-three.<br> +One Christopher Colombo, whose resort<br> +Was ever in the King Fernando's court,<br> +Bent himself still to rouse and stimulate<br> +The King to swell the borders of his State.<br> + +<span class="left30"><i>Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima</i>, p. 29.</span></p> + +<p>The entire poem of sixty-eight stanzas is given in Major, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. +lxxiii.-xc. It was published at Florence, Oct. 26, 1493, and was called +"the story of the discovery [not of a new world, but] of the new Indian +islands of Canary!" (<i>Storia della inventione delle nuove isole +dicanaria indiane.</i>)<a href="#footnotetag535"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote536" name="footnote536"></a> +<strong>Footnote 536:</strong> <i>Raccolta di Navigazioni</i>, etc., Venice, 1550, tom. i. +fol. 414.<a href="#footnotetag536"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote537" name="footnote537"></a> +<strong>Footnote 537:</strong> See below, vol. ii. pp. 2-15.<a href="#footnotetag537"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote538" name="footnote538"></a> +<strong>Footnote 538:</strong> Harrisse, <i>Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima</i>, +p. 35.<a href="#footnotetag538"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote539" name="footnote539"></a> +<strong>Footnote 539:</strong> Id. p. 50.<a href="#footnotetag539"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote540" name="footnote540"></a> +<strong>Footnote 540:</strong></p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Auch hat man sydt in Portigall<br> +Und in Hyspanyen uberall<br> +Golt-inseln funden, und nacket lůt<br> +Von den man vor wust sagen nůt.<br> + +<span class="left30">Harrisse, <i>Bibl. Amer. Vet.</i>; <i>Additions</i>, p. 4.</span></p> + +<p>Or, in more modern German:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Wie man auch jüngst von Portugal<br> +Und Hispanien aus schier überall<br> +Goldinseln fand und nakte Leute,<br> +Von denen man erst weiss seit heute.<br> + +<span class="left30"><i>Das Narrenschiff</i>, ed. Simrock, Berlin, 1872, p. 161.</span></p> + +<p>In the Latin version of 1497, now in the National Library at Paris, it +goes somewhat differently:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Antea que fuerat priscis incognita tellus:<br> +<span class="add1em">Exposita est oculis & manifesta patet.</span><br> +Hesperie occidue rex Ferdinandus: in alto<br> +Aequore nunc gentes repperit innumeras.<br> + +<span class="left30">Harrisse, <i>op. cit.</i>; <i>Additions</i>, p. 7.</span></p> + +<p>It will be observed that these foreign references are so ungallant, and +so incorrect, as to give all the credit to Ferdinand, while poor +Isabella is not mentioned!<a href="#footnotetag540"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote541" name="footnote541"></a> +<strong>Footnote 541:</strong> Harrisse, <i>op. cit.</i>; <i>Additions</i>, +p. 45.<a href="#footnotetag541"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote542" name="footnote542"></a> +<strong>Footnote 542:</strong> Harrisse, <i>Jean et Sebastien Cabot</i>, Paris, 1882, +p. 15.<a href="#footnotetag542"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote543" name="footnote543"></a> +<strong>Footnote 543:</strong> Vasconcellos, <i>Vida del Rey Don Juan II.</i>, Madrid, 1639, +lib. vi.<a href="#footnotetag543"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote544" name="footnote544"></a> +<strong>Footnote 544:</strong> "De nostra mera liberalitate, et ex certa scientia, ac de +apostolicæ potestatis plenitudine." ... "auctoritate omnipotentis Dei +nobis in beato Petro concessa, ac vicariatus Jesu Christi qua fungimur +in terris." The same language is used in the second bull. Mr. Prescott +(<i>Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, part i. chap, vii.) translates <i>certa +scientia</i> "infallible knowledge," but in order to avoid any +complications with modern theories concerning papal infallibility, I +prefer to use a less technical word.<a href="#footnotetag544"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote545" name="footnote545"></a> +<strong>Footnote 545:</strong> A year or two later the sovereigns were further rewarded +with the decorative title of "Most Catholic." See Zurita, <i>Historia del +Rey Hernando</i>, Saragossa, 1580, lib. ii. cap. xl.; Peter Martyr, +<i>Epist.</i> clvii.<a href="#footnotetag545"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote546" name="footnote546"></a> +<strong>Footnote 546:</strong> The complete text of this bull, with Richard Eden's +translation, is given at the end of this work; see below, Appendix B. +The official text is in <i>Magnum Bullarium Romanum</i>, ed. Cherubini, +Lyons, 1655, tom. i. p. 466. The original document received by Ferdinand +and Isabella is preserved in the Archives of the Indies at Seville; it +is printed entire in Navarrete, <i>Coleccion de viages</i>, tom. ii. No. 18. +Another copy, less complete, may be found in Raynaldus, <i>Annales +ecclesiastici</i>, Lucca, 1754, tom. xi. p. 214, No. 19-22; and another in +Leibnitz, <i>Codex Diplomaticus</i>, tom. i. pt. i. p. 471. It is often +called the Bull "Inter Cetera," from its opening words.</p> + +<p>The origin of the pope's claim to apostolic authority for giving away +kingdoms is closely connected with the fictitious "Donation of +Constantine," an edict probably fabricated in Rome about the middle of +the eighth century. The title of the old Latin text is <i>Edictum domini +Constantini Imp.</i>, apud Pseudo-Isidorus, <i>Decretalia</i>. Constantine's +transfer of the seat of empire from the Tiber to the Bosphorus tended +greatly to increase the dignity and power of the papacy, and I presume +that the fabrication of this edict, four centuries afterward, was the +expression of a sincere belief that the first Christian emperor <i>meant</i> +to leave the temporal supremacy over Italy in the hands of the Roman +see. The edict purported to be such a donation from Constantine to Pope +Sylvester I., but the extent and character of the donation was stated +with such vagueness as to allow a wide latitude of interpretation. Its +genuineness was repeatedly called in question, but belief in it seems to +have grown in strength until after the thirteenth century. Leo IX., who +was a strong believer in its genuineness, granted in 1054 to the Normans +their conquests in Sicily and Calabria, to be held as a fief of the +Roman see. (Muratori, <i>Annali d' Italia</i>, tom. vi. pt. ii. p. 245.) It +was next used to sustain the papal claim to suzerainty over the island +of Corsica. A century later John of Salisbury maintained the right of +the pope to dispose "of all <i>islands</i> on which Christ, the Sun of +righteousness, hath shined," and in conformity with this opinion Pope +Adrian IV. (Nicholas Breakspeare, an Englishman) authorized in 1164 King +Henry II. of England to invade and conquer Ireland. (See Adrian IV., +<i>Epist.</i> 76, apud Migne, <i>Patrologia</i>, tom. clxxxviii.) Dr. Lanigan, in +treating of this matter, is more an Irishman than a papist, and derides +"this nonsense of the pope's being the head-owner of all Christian +islands." (<i>Ecclesiastical History of Ireland</i>, vol. iv. p. +159.)—Gregory VII., in working up to the doctrine that all Christian +kingdoms should be held as fiefs under St. Peter (Baronius, <i>Annales</i>, +tom. xvii. p. 430; cf. Villemain, <i>Histoire de Grégoire VII.</i>, Paris, +1873, tom. ii. pp. 59-61), does not seem to have appealed to the +Donation. Perhaps he was shrewd enough to foresee the kind of objection +afterwards raised by the Albigensians, who pithily declared that if the +suzerainty of the popes was derived from the Donation, then they were +successors of Constantine and not of St. Peter. (Moneta Cremonensis, +<i>Adversus Catharos et Waldenses</i>, ed. Ricchini, Rome, 1743, v. 2.) But +Innocent IV. summarily disposed of this argument at the Council of Lyons +in 1245, when he deposed the Emperor Frederick II. and King Sancho II. +of Portugal,—saying that Christ himself had bestowed temporal as well +as spiritual headship upon St. Peter and his successors, so that +Constantine only gave up to the Church what belonged to it already. The +opposite or Ghibelline theory was eloquently set forth by Dante, in his +treatise <i>De Monarchia</i>; he held that inasmuch as the Empire existed +before the Church, it could not be derived from it. Dante elsewhere +expressed his abhorrence of the Donation:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Ahi Constantin, di quanto mal fu matre,<br> +<span class="add1em">Non la tua conversion, ma quella dote</span><br> +<span class="add1em">Che da te prese il primo ricco patre!</span><br> + +<span class="left30"><i>Inferno</i>, xix. 115.</span></p> + +<p>Similar sentiments were expressed by many of the most popular poets from +the twelfth century to the sixteenth. Walther von der Vogelweide was +sure that if the first Christian emperor could have foreseen the evils +destined to flow from his Donation, he would have withheld it:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Solte ich den pfaffen raten an den triuwen min,<br> +So spræche ir haut den armen zuo: se, daz ist din,<br> +Ir zunge sünge, unde lieze mengem man daz sin,<br> +Gedæhten daz ouch si dur Got wæren almuosenære.<br> +Do gab ir erste teil der Kuenik Konstantin,<br> +Het er gewest, daz da von uebel kuenftik wære,<br> +So het er wol underkomen des riches swære,<br> +Wan daz si do waren kiusche, und uebermuete lære.<br> + +<span class="left30">Hagen, <i>Minnesinger-Sammlung</i>, Leipsic, 1838, bd. i. p. 270.</span></p> + +<p>Ariosto, in a passage rollicking with satire, makes his itinerant +paladin find the "stinking" Donation in the course of his journey upon +the moon:—</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +Di varii fiori ad un gran monte passa,<br> +Ch' ebber già buono odore, or puzzan forte,<br> +Questo era il dono, se però dir lece,<br> +Che Constantino al buon Silvestro fece.<br> + +<span class="left30"><i>Orlando Furioso</i>, xxxiv. 80.</span></p> + +<p>The Donation was finally proved to be a forgery by Laurentius Valla in +1440, in his <i>De falso credita et ementita Constantini donatione +declamatio</i> (afterward spread far and wide by Ulrich von Hutten), and +independently by the noble Reginald Pecock, bishop of Chichester, in his +<i>Repressor</i>, written about 1447.—During the preceding century the +theory of Gregory VII. and Innocent IV. had been carried to its +uttermost extreme by the Franciscan monk Alvaro Pelayo, in his <i>De +Planctu Ecclesiæ</i>, written at Avignon during the "Babylonish Captivity," +about 1350 (printed at Venice in 1560), and by Agostino Trionfi, in his +<i>Summa de potestate ecclesiastica</i>, Augsburg, 1473, an excessively rare +book, of which there is a copy in the British Museum. These writers +maintained that the popes were suzerains of the whole earth and had +absolute power to dispose not only of all Christian kingdoms, but also +of all heathen lands and powers. It was upon this theory that Eugenius +IV. seems to have acted with reference to Portugal and Alexander VI. +with reference to Spain. Of course there was never a time when such +claims for the papacy were not denied by a large party within the +Church. The Spanish sovereigns in appealing to Alexander VI. took care +to hint that some of their advisers regarded them as already entitled to +enjoy the fruits of their discoveries, even before obtaining the papal +permission, but they did not choose to act upon that opinion (Herrera, +decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 4). The kings of Portugal were less reserved in +their submission. In <i>Valasci Ferdinandi ad Innocentium octauum de +obedientia oratio</i>, a small quarto printed at Rome about 1488, John II. +did homage to the pope for the countries just discovered by Bartholomew +Dias. His successor Emanuel did the same after the voyages of Gama and +Vespucius. In a small quarto, <i>Obedientia potentissimi Emanuelis +Lusitaniæ regis &c. per clarissimum juris consultum Dieghum Pacettū +oratorem ad Iuliū Pont. Max.</i>, Rome, 1505, all the newly found lands +are laid at the feet of Julius II. in a passage that ends with words +worth noting: "Accipe tandem orbem ipsum terrarum, Deus enim noster es," +i. e. "Accept in fine the earth itself, for thou art our God." Similar +homage was rendered to Leo X. in 1513, on account of Albuquerque's +conquests in Asia.—We may suspect that if the papacy had retained, at +the end of the fifteenth century, anything like the overshadowing power +which it possessed at the end of the twelfth, the kings of Portugal +would not have been quite so unstinted in their homage. As it came to be +less of a reality and more of a flourish of words, it cost less to offer +it. Among some modern Catholics I have observed a disposition to imagine +that in the famous bull of partition Alexander VI. acted not as supreme +pontiff but merely as an arbiter, in the modern sense, between the +crowns of Spain and Portugal; but such an interpretation is hardly +compatible with Alexander's own words. An arbiter, as such, does not +make awards by virtue of "the authority of Omnipotent God granted to us +in St. Peter, and of the Vicarship of Jesus Christ which we administer +upon the earth."</p> + +<p>Since writing this note my attention has been called to Dr. Ignaz von +Döllinger's <i>Fables respecting the Popes of the Middle Ages</i>, London, +1871; and I find in it a chapter on the Donation of Constantine, in +which the subject is treated with a wealth of learning. Some of my brief +references are there discussed at considerable length. To the references +to Dante there is added a still more striking passage, where Constantine +is admitted into Heaven <i>in spite of</i> his Donation (<i>Paradiso</i>, xx. +55).<a href="#footnotetag546"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote547" name="footnote547"></a> +<strong>Footnote 547:</strong> The language of the bull is even more vague than my +version in the text. His Holiness describes the lands to be given to the +Spaniards as lying "to the west and south" (versus occidentem et +meridiem) of his dividing meridian. Land to the south of a meridian +would be in a queer position! Probably it was meant to say that the +Spaniards, once west of the papal meridian, might go south as well as +north. For the king of Portugal had suggested that they ought to confine +themselves to northern waters.<a href="#footnotetag547"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote548" name="footnote548"></a> +<strong>Footnote 548:</strong> For the original Spanish text of the treaty of +Tordesillas, see Navarrete, tom. ii. pp. 116-130.<a href="#footnotetag548"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote549" name="footnote549"></a> +<strong>Footnote 549:</strong> See below, vol. ii. pp. 98-154.<a href="#footnotetag549"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote550" name="footnote550"></a> +<strong>Footnote 550:</strong> <i>History of the Spanish Conquest</i>, +vol. i. p. 487.<a href="#footnotetag550"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote551" name="footnote551"></a> +<strong>Footnote 551:</strong> Irving calls him a Benedictine, but he is addressed as +"fratri ordinis Minorum" in the bull clothing him with apostolic +authority in the Indies, June 25, 1493. See Raynaldus, <i>Annales +ecclesiastici</i>, tom. xi. p. 216. I cannot imagine what M. Harrisse means +by calling him "religieux de Saint-Vincent de Paule" (<i>Christophe +Colomb</i>, tom. ii. p. 55). Vincent de Paul was not born till +1576.<a href="#footnotetag551"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote552" name="footnote552"></a> +<strong>Footnote 552:</strong> Not for "the New World," as Irving carelessly has it in +his <i>Columbus</i>, vol. i. p. 346. No such phrase had been thought of in +1493, or until long afterward.<a href="#footnotetag552"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote553" name="footnote553"></a> +<strong>Footnote 553:</strong> Herrera, <i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. +5.<a href="#footnotetag553"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote554" name="footnote554"></a> +<strong>Footnote 554:</strong> <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, +cap. xliv.<a href="#footnotetag554"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote555" name="footnote555"></a> +<strong>Footnote 555:</strong> He went as astronomer, from which we may perhaps suppose +that scientific considerations had made him one of the earliest and most +steadfast upholders of Columbus's views.<a href="#footnotetag555"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote556" name="footnote556"></a> +<strong>Footnote 556:</strong> See Harrisse, <i>Christophe Colomb</i>, tom. ii. pp. 55, 56; +Las Casas, <i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, tom. i. p. 498; Fabié, <i>Vida de Las +Casas</i>, Madrid, 1879, tom. i. p. 11; Oviedo, <i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, tom. +i. p. 467; Navarrete, <i>Coleccion de viages</i>, tom. ii. +pp. 143-149.<a href="#footnotetag556"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote557" name="footnote557"></a> +<strong>Footnote 557:</strong> "E con questo preparamento il mercoledé ai 25 del mese di +settembre dell' anno 1493 un' ora avanti il levar del sole, essendovi io +e mio fratel presenti, l' Ammiraglio levò le ancore," etc. <i>Vita dell' +Ammiraglio</i>, cap. xliv.<a href="#footnotetag557"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote558" name="footnote558"></a> +<strong>Footnote 558:</strong> Eight sows were bought for 70 maravedis apiece, and +"destas ocho puercas se han multiplicado todos los puercos que, hasta +hoy, ha habido y hay en todas estas Indias," etc. Las Casas, <i>Historia</i>, +tom. ii. p. 3.<a href="#footnotetag558"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote559" name="footnote559"></a> +<strong>Footnote 559:</strong> The relation of this second voyage by Dr. Chanca may be +found in Navarrete, tom. i. pp. 198-241; an interesting relation in +Italian by Simone Verde, a Florentine merchant then living in +Valladolid, is published in Harrisse, <i>Christophe Colomb</i>, tom. ii. pp. +68-78. The narrative of the curate of Los Palacios is of especial value +for this voyage.<a href="#footnotetag559"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote560" name="footnote560"></a> +<strong>Footnote 560:</strong> Martyr, <i>Epist.</i> cxlvii. <i>ad Pomponium Lætum</i>; cf. +<i>Odyssey</i>, x. 119; Thucyd. vi. 2.—Irving (vol. i. p. 385) finds it hard +to believe these stories, but the prevalence of cannibalism, not only in +these islands, but throughout a very large part of aboriginal America, +has been superabundantly proved.<a href="#footnotetag560"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote561" name="footnote561"></a> +<strong>Footnote 561:</strong> For an instance of 400 hostile Indians fleeing before a +single armed horseman, see <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. lii.; Las +Casas, <i>Hist.</i> tom. ii. p. 46.<a href="#footnotetag561"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote562" name="footnote562"></a> +<strong>Footnote 562:</strong> Compare the Fisherman's story of Drogio, above, pp. <a href="#page246">246</a>, +<a href="#page252">252</a>.<a href="#footnotetag562"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote563" name="footnote563"></a> +<strong>Footnote 563:</strong> Bernaldez, <i>Reyes Católicos</i>, cap. cxxv. Domesticated +dogs were found generally in aboriginal America, but they were very +paltry curs compared to these fierce hounds, one of which could handle +an unarmed man as easily as a terrier handles a rat.<a href="#footnotetag563"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote564" name="footnote564"></a> +<strong>Footnote 564:</strong> As a Greek would have said, +ἤπειρος, a continent.<a href="#footnotetag564"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote565" name="footnote565"></a> +<strong>Footnote 565:</strong> Bernaldez, <i>Reyes Católicos</i>, cap. cxxvii, Mr. Irving, in +citing these same incidents from Bernaldez, could not quite rid himself +of the feeling that there was something strange or peculiar in the +Admiral's method of interpreting such information: "Animated by one of +the pleasing illusions of his ardent imagination, Columbus pursued his +voyage, with a prosperous breeze, along the supposed continent of Asia." +(<i>Life of Columbus</i>, vol. i. p. 493.) This lends a false colour to the +picture, which the general reader is pretty sure to make still falser. +To suppose the southern coast of Cuba to be the southern coast of +Toscanelli's Mangi required no illusion of an "ardent imagination." It +was simply a plain common-sense conclusion reached by sober reasoning +from such data as were then accessible (i. e. the Toscanelli map, +amended by information such as was understood to be given by the +natives); it was more probable than any other theory of the situation +likely to be devised from those data; and it seems fanciful to us to-day +only because knowledge acquired since the time of Columbus has shown us +how far from correct it was. Modern historians abound in unconscious +turns of expression—as in this quotation from Irving—which project +modern knowledge back into the past, and thus destroy the historical +perspective. I shall mention several other instances from Irving, and +the reader must not suppose that this is any indication of captiousness +on my part toward a writer for whom my only feeling is that of sincerest +love and veneration.<a href="#footnotetag565"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote566" name="footnote566"></a> +<strong>Footnote 566:</strong> These tropical birds are called <i>soldados</i>, or +"soldiers," because their stately attitudes remind one of sentinels on +duty. The whole town of Angostura, in Venezuela, was one day frightened +out of its wits by the sudden appearance of a flock of these cranes on +the summit of a neighbouring hill. They were mistaken for a war-party of +Indians. Humboldt, <i>Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du Nouveau +Continent</i>, tom. ii. p. 314.<a href="#footnotetag566"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote567" name="footnote567"></a> +<strong>Footnote 567:</strong> See above, p. <a href="#page287">287</a>, note.<a href="#footnotetag567"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote568" name="footnote568"></a> +<strong>Footnote 568:</strong> For these events, see Bernaldez, <i>Reyes Católicos</i>, cap. +cxxiii.; F. Columbus, <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. lvi.; Muñoz, +<i>Historia del Nuevo Mundo</i>, lib. v. § 16; Humboldt, <i>Examen critique</i>, +tom. iv. pp. 237-263; Irving's <i>Columbus</i>, vol. i. pp. 491-504.<a href="#footnotetag568"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote569" name="footnote569"></a> +<strong>Footnote 569:</strong> That is to say, he thought he had passed the coast of +Mangi (southern China) and reached the beginning of the coast of Champa +(Cochin China; see Yule's <i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. ii. p. 213). The name +Champa, coming to European writers through an Italian source, was +written Ciampa and Ciamba. See its position on the Behaim and Toscanelli +maps, and also on Ruysch's map, 1508, below, vol. ii. p. 114. Peter Martyr +says that Columbus was sure that he had +reached the coast of Gangetic (i. e. what we call Farther) India: "Indiæ +Gangetidis continentem eam (Cubæ) plagam esse contendit Colonus." +<i>Epist.</i> xciii. <i>ad Bernardinum</i>. Of course Columbus understood that +this region, while agreeing well enough with Toscanelli's latitude, was +far from agreeing with his longitude. But from the moment when he turned +eastward on his first voyage he seems to have made up his mind that +Toscanelli's longitudes needed serious amendment. Indeed he had always +used different measurements from Toscanelli.<a href="#footnotetag569"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote570" name="footnote570"></a> +<strong>Footnote 570:</strong> For an account of Ptolemy's almost purely hypothetical +and curiously distorted notions about southeastern Asia, see Bunbury's +<i>History of Ancient Geography</i>, vol. ii. pp. 604-608.<a href="#footnotetag570"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote571" name="footnote571"></a> +<strong>Footnote 571:</strong> See below, vol. ii. pp. 200-210.<a href="#footnotetag571"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote572" name="footnote572"></a> +<strong>Footnote 572:</strong> The length of Cuba from Cape Mayzi to Cape San Antonio is +about 700 English miles. But in following the sinuosities of the coast, +and including tacks, the estimate of these pilots was probably not far +from correct.<a href="#footnotetag572"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote573" name="footnote573"></a> +<strong>Footnote 573:</strong> "É cortada la lengua;" "y le cortarian la lengua." Irving +understands it to mean cutting off the tongue. But in those days of +symbolism slitting the tip of that unruly member was a recognized +punishment for serious lying.<a href="#footnotetag573"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote574" name="footnote574"></a> +<strong>Footnote 574:</strong> It is printed in full in Navarrete, torn. ii. pp. +143-149.<a href="#footnotetag574"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote575" name="footnote575"></a> +<strong>Footnote 575:</strong> It is given upon La Cosa's map; see below, vol. ii., +frontispiece.<a href="#footnotetag575"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote576" name="footnote576"></a> +<strong>Footnote 576:</strong> Hispaniola continued, however, for many years to be +commonly identified with Cipango. See note D on Ruysch's map, 1508, +below, vol. ii. p. 114.<a href="#footnotetag576"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote577" name="footnote577"></a> +<strong>Footnote 577:</strong> See above, p. <a href="#page417">417</a>.<a href="#footnotetag577"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote578" name="footnote578"></a> +<strong>Footnote 578:</strong> Las Casas, <i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, +tom. ii. p. 80.<a href="#footnotetag578"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote579" name="footnote579"></a> +<strong>Footnote 579:</strong> See below, vol. ii. pp. 433, 434.<a href="#footnotetag579"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote580" name="footnote580"></a> +<strong>Footnote 580:</strong> The first of a series of such schemes in American +history, including those of Sassacus, Philip, Pontiac, and to some +extent Tecumseh.<a href="#footnotetag580"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote581" name="footnote581"></a> +<strong>Footnote 581:</strong> The Indians then living upon the island did not dig, but +scraped up the small pieces of gold that were more or less abundant in +the beds of shallow streams.<a href="#footnotetag581"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote582" name="footnote582"></a> +<strong>Footnote 582:</strong> Peter Martyr, <i>De Rebus Oceanicis</i>, +dec. i. lib. iv.<a href="#footnotetag582"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote583" name="footnote583"></a> +<strong>Footnote 583:</strong> The original Ophir may be inferred, from <i>Genesis</i> x. 29, +to have been situated where, as Milton says,</p> + +<p class="poem20"> +<span class="add4em">"northeast winds blow</span><br> +Sabæan odours from the spicy shore<br> +Of Araby the Blest,"</p> + +<p>but the name seems to have become applied indiscriminately to the remote +countries reached by ships that sailed past that coast; chiefly no +doubt, to Hindustan. See Lassen, <i>Indische Alterthumskunde</i>, bd. i. p. +538.<a href="#footnotetag583"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote584" name="footnote584"></a> +<strong>Footnote 584:</strong> Bartholomew's town was built on the left side of the +river, and was called New Isabella. In 1504 it was destroyed by a +hurricane, and rebuilt on the right bank in its present situation. It +was then named San Domingo after the patron saint of Domenico, the +father of Columbus.<a href="#footnotetag584"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote585" name="footnote585"></a> +<strong>Footnote 585:</strong> While the Spaniards were on this island they encountered +a party of tall and powerful women armed with bows and arrows; so that +Columbus supposed it must be the Asiatic island of Amazons mentioned by +Marco Polo. See Yule's <i>Marco Polo</i>, vol. ii. pp. 338-340.<a href="#footnotetag585"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote586" name="footnote586"></a> +<strong>Footnote 586:</strong> Among them was Caonabo, who died on the voyage.<a href="#footnotetag586"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote587" name="footnote587"></a> +<strong>Footnote 587:</strong> The curate thus heard the story of the second voyage from +Columbus himself while it was fresh in his mind. Columbus also left with +him written memoranda, so that for the events of this expedition the +<i>Historia de los Reyes Católicos</i> is of the highest authority.<a href="#footnotetag587"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote588" name="footnote588"></a> +<strong>Footnote 588:</strong> "All vessels were to sail exclusively from the port of +Cadiz, and under the inspection of officers appointed by the crown. +Those who embarked for Hispaniola without pay, and at their own expense, +were to have lands assigned to them, and to be provisioned for one year, +with a right to retain such lands and all houses they might erect upon +them. Of all gold which they might collect, they were to retain one +third for themselves, and pay two thirds to the crown. Of all other +articles of merchandise, the produce of the island, they were to pay +merely one tenth to the crown. Their purchases were to be made in the +presence of officers appointed by the sovereigns, and the royal duties +paid into the hands of the king's receiver. Each ship sailing on private +enterprise was to take one or two persons named by the royal officers at +Cadiz. One tenth of the tonnage of the ship was to be at the service of +the crown, free of charge. One tenth of whatever such ships should +procure in the newly-discovered countries was to be paid to the crown on +their return. These regulations included private ships trading to +Hispaniola with provisions. For every vessel thus fitted out on private +adventure, Columbus, in consideration of his privilege of an eighth of +tonnage, was to have the right to freight one on his own account." +Irving's <i>Columbus</i>, vol. ii. p. 76.<a href="#footnotetag588"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote589" name="footnote589"></a> +<strong>Footnote 589:</strong> "Parece que uno debiera de, en estos reveses, y, por +ventura, en palábras contra él y contra la negociacion destas Indias, +mas que otro señalarse, y segun entendí, no debiera ser cristiano viejo, +y creo que se llamaba Ximeno, contra el cual debió el Almirante +gravemente sentirse y enojarse, y aguardó el dia que se hizo á la vela, +y, ó en la nao que entró, por ventura, el dicho oficial, ó en tierra +quando queria desembarcarse, arrebatólo el Almirante, y dále muchas +coces ó remesones, por manera que lo trató mal; y á mi parecer, por esta +causa principalmente, sobre otras quejas que fueron de acá, y cosas que +murmuraron dél y contra él los que bien con él no estaban y le +acumularon; los Reyes indignados proveyeron de quitarle la gobernacion." +Las Casas, <i>Historia de las Indias</i>, tom. ii. p. 199.<a href="#footnotetag589"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote590" name="footnote590"></a> +<strong>Footnote 590:</strong> The figure given by Columbus is equivalent only to 360 +geographical miles (Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, tom. i. p. 246), but as Las +Casas (<i>Hist.</i> tom. ii. p. 226) already noticed, there must be some +mistake here, for on a S. W. course from the Cape Verde islands it would +require a distance of 900 geographical miles to cut the fifth parallel. +From the weather that followed, it is clear that Columbus stated his +latitude pretty correctly; he had come into the belt of calms. Therefore +his error must be in the distance run.<a href="#footnotetag590"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote591" name="footnote591"></a> +<strong>Footnote 591:</strong> Humboldt in 1799 did just this thing, starting from +Teneriffe and reaching Trinidad in nineteen days. See Bruhn's <i>Life of +Humboldt</i>, vol. i. p. 263.<a href="#footnotetag591"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote592" name="footnote592"></a> +<strong>Footnote 592:</strong> "The strength of the trade-winds depends entirely upon +the difference in temperature between the equator and the pole; the +greater the difference, the stronger the wind. Now, at the present time, +the south pole is much colder than the north pole, and the southern +trades are consequently much stronger than the northern, so that the +neutral zone in which they meet lies some five degrees north of the +equator." <i>Excursions of an Evolutionist</i>, p. 64.<a href="#footnotetag592"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote593" name="footnote593"></a> +<strong>Footnote 593:</strong> Irving's <i>Columbus</i>, vol. ii. p. 137. One is reminded of +a scene in the <i>Rime of the Ancient Mariner</i>:—</p> + +<div class="poem20"> +<p>"All in a hot and copper sky<br> +The bloody sun, at noon,<br> +Right up above the mast did stand,<br> +No bigger than the moon.</p> + +<p>"Day after day, day after day,<br> +We stuck,—nor breath nor motion;<br> +As idle as a painted ship<br> +Upon a painted ocean." +<a href="#footnotetag593"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> +</div> + +<p><a id="footnote594" name="footnote594"></a> +<strong>Footnote 594:</strong> He "gave it the name of Isla Santa," says Irving (vol. +ii. p. 140), "little imagining that he now, for the first time, beheld +that continent, that Terra Firma, which had been the object of his +earnest search." The reader of this passage should bear in mind that the +continent of South America, which nobody had ever heard of, was <i>not</i> +the object of Columbus's search. The Terra Firma which was the object of +his search was the mainland of Asia, and that he never beheld, though he +felt positively sure that he had already set foot upon it in 1492 and +1494.<a href="#footnotetag594"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote595" name="footnote595"></a> +<strong>Footnote 595:</strong> A modern traveller thus describes this river: "Right and +left of us lay, at some distance off, the low banks of the Apuré, at +this point quite a broad stream. But before us the waters spread out +like a wide dark flood, limited on the horizon only by a low black +streak, and here and there showing a few distant hills. This was the +Orinoco, rolling with irrepressible power and majesty sea-wards, and +often upheaving its billows like the ocean when lashed to fury by the +wind.... The Orinoco sends a current of fresh water far into the ocean, +its waters—generally green, but in the shallows milk-white—contrasting +sharply with the indigo blue of the surrounding sea." Bates, <i>Central +America, the West Indies, and South America</i>, 2d ed., London, 1882, pp. +234, 235. The island of Trinidad forms an obstacle to the escape of this +huge volume of fresh water, and hence the furious commotion at the two +outlets, the Serpent's Mouth and Dragon's Mouth, especially in July and +August, when the Orinoco is swollen with tropical rains.<a href="#footnotetag595"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote596" name="footnote596"></a> +<strong>Footnote 596:</strong> In Columbus's own words, in his letter to the sovereigns +describing this third voyage, "Y digo que ... viene este rio y procede +de tierra infinita, pues al austro, de la cual fasta agora no se ha +habido noticia." Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, tom. i. p. 262.<a href="#footnotetag596"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote597" name="footnote597"></a> +<strong>Footnote 597:</strong> Thus would be explained the astounding force with which +the water was poured down. It was common in the Middle Ages to imagine +the terrestrial paradise at the top of a mountain. See Dante, +<i>Purgatorio</i>, canto xxviii. Columbus quotes many authorities in favour +of his opinion. The whole letter is worth reading. See Navarrete, tom. +i. pp. 242-264.<a href="#footnotetag597"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote598" name="footnote598"></a> +<strong>Footnote 598:</strong> "Ecco i figliuoli dell' Ammiraglio de' Mosciolini, di +colui che ha trovate terre di vanitá e d' inganno, per sepoltura e +miseria de' gentiluomini castigliani." <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. +lxxxiv.<a href="#footnotetag598"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote599" name="footnote599"></a> +<strong>Footnote 599:</strong> Major, <i>Prince Henry the Navigator</i>, +pp. 398-401.<a href="#footnotetag599"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote600" name="footnote600"></a> +<strong>Footnote 600:</strong> The documents are given in Navarrete, <i>Coleccion de +viages</i>, tom. ii. pp. 235-240; and, with accompanying narrative, in Las +Casas, <i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, tom. ii. pp. 472-487.<a href="#footnotetag600"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote601" name="footnote601"></a> +<strong>Footnote 601:</strong> No better justification for the government of the +brothers Columbus can be found than to contrast it with the infinitely +worse state of affairs that ensued under the administrations of +Bobadilla and Ovando. See below, vol. ii. pp. 442-446.<a href="#footnotetag601"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote602" name="footnote602"></a> +<strong>Footnote 602:</strong> Las Casas, <i>Hist. de las Indias</i>, tom. ii. p. 501; F. +Columbus, <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. lxxxv. Ferdinand adds that he +had often seen these fetters hanging in his father's room.<a href="#footnotetag602"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote603" name="footnote603"></a> +<strong>Footnote 603:</strong> It is given in full in Las Casas, <i>op. cit.</i> tom. ii. pp. +502-510.<a href="#footnotetag603"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote604" name="footnote604"></a> +<strong>Footnote 604:</strong> Herrera, <i>Historia</i>, dec. i. +lib. iv. cap. 10.<a href="#footnotetag604"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote605" name="footnote605"></a> +<strong>Footnote 605:</strong> See below, vol. ii. pp. 435-446.<a href="#footnotetag605"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote606" name="footnote606"></a> +<strong>Footnote 606:</strong> Navarrete, <i>Coleccion</i>, tom. ii. pp. 280-282.<a href="#footnotetag606"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote607" name="footnote607"></a> +<strong>Footnote 607:</strong> The MS. volume of notes on the prophecies is in the +Colombina. There is a description of it in Navarrete, tom. ii. pp. +260-273.<a href="#footnotetag607"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote608" name="footnote608"></a> +<strong>Footnote 608:</strong> "Aqueste tan gran juicio de Dios no curemos de +escudriñallo, pues en el dia final deste mundo nos será bien claro." +<i>Hist. do las Indias</i>, tom. iii. p. 32; cf. <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, +cap. lxxxvii. As Las Casas was then in San Domingo, having come out in +Ovando's fleet, and as Ferdinand Columbus was with his father, the +testimony is very direct.<a href="#footnotetag608"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote609" name="footnote609"></a> +<strong>Footnote 609:</strong> In the next chapter I shall give some reasons for +supposing that the Admiral had learned the existence of the Yucatan +channel from the pilot Ledesma, coupled with information which made it +unlikely that a passage into the Indian ocean would be found that way. +See below, vol. ii. p. 92.<a href="#footnotetag609"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote610" name="footnote610"></a> +<strong>Footnote 610:</strong> <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. lxxxviii.<a href="#footnotetag610"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote611" name="footnote611"></a> +<strong>Footnote 611:</strong> Irving (vol. ii. pp. 386, 387) seems to think it strange +that Columbus did not at once turn westward and circumnavigate Yucatan. +But if—as Irving supposed—Columbus had not seen the Yucatan channel, +and regarded the Honduras coast as continuous with that of Cuba, he +could only expect by turning westward to be carried back to Cape Alpha +and Omega, where he had already been twice before! In the next chapter, +however, I shall show that Columbus may have shaped his course in +accordance with the advice of the pilot Ledesma.<a href="#footnotetag611"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote612" name="footnote612"></a> +<strong>Footnote 612:</strong> Navarrete, <i>Coleccion de viages</i>, tom. i. p. 299.<a href="#footnotetag612"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote613" name="footnote613"></a> +<strong>Footnote 613:</strong> <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. lxxxix.; Humboldt, <i>Examen +Critique</i>, tom. i. p. 350.<a href="#footnotetag613"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote614" name="footnote614"></a> +<strong>Footnote 614:</strong> "Nothing could evince more clearly his generous ambition +than hurrying in this brief manner along a coast where wealth was to be +gathered at every step, for the purpose of seeking a strait which, +however it might produce vast benefit to mankind, could yield little +else to himself than the glory of the discovery." Irving's <i>Columbus</i>, +vol. ii. p. 406. In this voyage, however, the express purpose from the +start was to find the strait of Malacca as a passage to the very same +regions which had been visited by Gama, and Columbus expected thus to +get wealth enough to equip an army of Crusaders. Irving's statement does +not correctly describe the Admiral's purpose, and as savouring of +misplaced eulogy, is sure to provoke a reaction on the part of captious +critics.<a href="#footnotetag614"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote615" name="footnote615"></a> +<strong>Footnote 615:</strong> A graphic account of these scenes, in which he took part, +is given by Ferdinand Columbus, <i>Vita dell' Ammiraglio</i>, cap. +xciii.-cvi.<a href="#footnotetag615"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote616" name="footnote616"></a> +<strong>Footnote 616:</strong> Harrisse, <i>Notes on Columbus</i>, New York, 1866, p. 73.<a href="#footnotetag616"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + +<p><a id="footnote617" name="footnote617"></a> +<strong>Footnote 617:</strong> <i>Vita del Ammiraglio</i>, cap. cvii. This is unquestionably +a gloss of the translator Ulloa. Cf. Harrisse, <i>Christophe Colomb</i>, tom. +ii. pp. 177-179.<a href="#footnotetag617"><span class="small">[Back to Main Text]</span></a></p> + + + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Discovery of America Vol. 1 (of 2), by +John Fiske + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA *** + +***** This file should be named 27253-h.htm or 27253-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/7/2/5/27253/ + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..5a096e3 --- /dev/null +++ b/27253-h/images/img023.jpg diff --git a/27253-h/images/img023b.jpg b/27253-h/images/img023b.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..f1e6e67 --- /dev/null +++ b/27253-h/images/img023b.jpg diff --git a/27253-h/images/img024.jpg b/27253-h/images/img024.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..9e86524 --- /dev/null +++ b/27253-h/images/img024.jpg diff --git a/27253.txt b/27253.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9e5b61a --- /dev/null +++ b/27253.txt @@ -0,0 +1,17822 @@ +Project Gutenberg's The Discovery of America Vol. 1 (of 2), by John Fiske + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Discovery of America Vol. 1 (of 2) + with some account of Ancient America and the Spanish Conquest + +Author: John Fiske + +Release Date: November 13, 2008 [EBook #27253] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA *** + + + + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all +other inconsistencies are as in the original. The author's spelling has +been maintained. + +Unusual superscripts are shown as ^{xx}, e.g.: w^{ch} for which. + +Description of the characters not found in the Unicode tables: + + [=a] a with macron. + [=e] e with macron. + [=i] i with macron. + [=o] o with macron. + [=u] u with macron. + [)i] i with breve. + [-p] p with stroke. + [~m] m with tilde. + [~p] p with tilde. + [~q] q with tilde. + [=z] ezh. + [ deg.u] u with ring.] + + + + +THE + +DISCOVERY OF AMERICA + +_WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT AMERICA AND THE SPANISH CONQUEST_ + + +BY + +JOHN FISKE + + +_IN TWO VOLUMES_ + +VOL. I. + + + Then I unbar the doors; my paths lead out + The exodus of nations; I disperse + Men to all shores that front the hoary main. + I too have arts and sorceries; + Illusion dwells forever with the wave. + I make some coast alluring, some lone isle + To distant men, who must go there or die. + EMERSON + + +[Illustration: Editor's arm.] + + + BOSTON AND NEW YORK + HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY + The Riverside Press, Cambridge + 1897 + + +Copyright, 1892, By JOHN FISKE. + +_All rights reserved._ + +SIXTEENTH THOUSAND. + + + _The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A._ + Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company. + + + + + TO + + EDWARD AUGUSTUS FREEMAN, + + A SCHOLAR WHO INHERITS THE GIFT OF MIDAS, AND + TURNS INTO GOLD WHATEVER SUBJECT HE + TOUCHES, I DEDICATE THIS BOOK, WITH + GRATITUDE FOR ALL THAT HE + HAS TAUGHT ME + + + + +PREFACE. + + +The present work is the outcome of two lines of study pursued, with more +or less interruption from other studies, for about thirty years. It will +be observed that the book has two themes, as different in character as +the themes for voice and piano in Schubert's "Fruehlingsglaube," and yet +so closely related that the one is needful for an adequate comprehension +of the other. In order to view in their true perspective the series of +events comprised in the Discovery of America, one needs to form a mental +picture of that strange world of savagery and barbarism to which +civilized Europeans were for the first time introduced in the course of +the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in their voyages along the +African coast, into the Indian and Pacific oceans, and across the +Atlantic. Nothing that Europeans discovered during that stirring period +was so remarkable as these antique phases of human society, the mere +existence of which had scarcely been suspected, and the real character +of which it has been left for the present generation to begin to +understand. Nowhere was this ancient society so full of instructive +lessons as in aboriginal America, which had pursued its own course of +development, cut off and isolated from the Old World, for probably more +than fifty thousand years. The imperishable interest of those episodes +in the Discovery of America known as the conquests of Mexico and Peru +consists chiefly in the glimpses they afford us of this primitive world. +It was not an uninhabited continent that the Spaniards found, and in +order to comprehend the course of events it is necessary to know +something about those social features that formed a large part of the +burden of the letters of Columbus and Vespucius, and excited even more +intense and general interest in Europe than the purely geographical +questions suggested by the voyages of those great sailors. The +descriptions of ancient America, therefore, which form a kind of +background to the present work, need no apology. + +It was the study of prehistoric Europe and of early Aryan institutions +that led me by a natural sequence to the study of aboriginal America. In +1869, after sketching the plan of a book on our Aryan forefathers, I was +turned aside for five years by writing "Cosmic Philosophy." During that +interval I also wrote "Myths and Myth-Makers" as a side-work to the +projected book on the Aryans, and as soon as the excursion into the +field of general philosophy was ended, in 1874, the work on that book +was resumed. Fortunately it was not then carried to completion, for it +would have been sadly antiquated by this time. The revolution in theory +concerning the Aryans has been as remarkable as the revolution in +chemical theory which some years ago introduced the New Chemistry. It is +becoming eminently probable that the centre of diffusion of Aryan speech +was much nearer to Lithuania than to any part of Central Asia, and it +has for some time been quite clear that the state of society revealed in +Homer and the Vedas is not at all like primitive society, but very far +from it. By 1876 I had become convinced that there was no use in going +on without widening the field of study. The conclusions of the Aryan +school needed to be supplemented, and often seriously modified, by the +study of the barbaric world, and it soon became manifest that for the +study of barbarism there is no other field that for fruitfulness can be +compared with aboriginal America. + +This is because the progress of society was much slower in the western +hemisphere than in the eastern, and in the days of Columbus and Cortes +it had nowhere "caught up" to the points reached by the Egyptians of the +Old Empire or by the builders of Mycenae and Tiryns. In aboriginal +America we therefore find states of society preserved in stages of +development similar to those of our ancestral societies in the Old World +long ages before Homer and the Vedas. Many of the social phenomena of +ancient Europe are also found in aboriginal America, but always in a +more primitive condition. The clan, phratry, and tribe among the +Iroquois help us in many respects to get back to the original +conceptions of the gens, curia, and tribe among the Romans. We can +better understand the growth of kingship of the Agamemnon type when we +have studied the less developed type in Montezuma. The house-communities +of the southern Slavs are full of interest for the student of the early +phases of social evolution, but the Mandan round-house and the Zuni +pueblo carry us much deeper into the past. Aboriginal American +institutions thus afford one of the richest fields in the world for the +application of the comparative method, and the red Indian, viewed in +this light, becomes one of the most interesting of men; for in studying +him intelligently, one gets down into the stone age of human thought. No +time should be lost in gathering whatever can be learned of his ideas +and institutions, before their character has been wholly lost under the +influence of white men. Under that influence many Indians have been +quite transformed, while others have been as yet but little affected. +Some extremely ancient types of society, still preserved on this +continent in something like purity, are among the most instructive +monuments of the past that can now be found in the world. Such a type +is that of the Moquis of northeastern Arizona. I have heard a rumour, +which it is to be hoped is ill-founded, that there are persons who wish +the United States government to interfere with this peaceful and +self-respecting people, break up their pueblo life, scatter them in +farmsteads, and otherwise compel them, against their own wishes, to +change their habits and customs. If such a cruel and stupid thing were +ever to be done, we might justly be said to have equalled or surpassed +the folly of those Spaniards who used to make bonfires of Mexican +hieroglyphics. It is hoped that the present book, in which of course it +is impossible to do more than sketch the outlines and indicate the +bearings of so vast a subject, will serve to awaken readers to the +interest and importance of American archaeology for the general study of +the evolution of human society. + +So much for the first and subsidiary theme. As for my principal theme, +the Discovery of America, I was first drawn to it through its close +relations with a subject which for some time chiefly occupied my mind, +the history of the contact between the Aryan and Semitic worlds, and +more particularly between Christians and Mussulmans about the shores of +the Mediterranean. It is also interesting as part of the history of +science, and furthermore as connected with the beginnings of one of the +most momentous events in the career of mankind, the colonization of the +barbaric world by Europeans. Moreover, the discovery of America has its +full share of the romantic fascination that belongs to most of the work +of the Renaissance period. I have sought to exhibit these different +aspects of the subject. + +The present book is in all its parts written from the original sources +of information. The work of modern scholars has of course been freely +used, but never without full acknowledgment in text or notes, and seldom +without independent verification from the original sources. +Acknowledgments are chiefly due to Humboldt, Morgan, Bandelier, Major, +Varnhagen, Markham, Helps, and Harrisse. To the last-named scholar I owe +an especial debt of gratitude, in common with all who have studied this +subject since his arduous researches were begun. Some of the most +valuable parts of his work have consisted in the discovery, +reproduction, and collation of documents; and to some extent his pages +are practically equivalent to the original sources inspected by him in +the course of years of search through European archives, public and +private. In the present book I must have expressed dissent from his +conclusions at least as often as agreement with them, but whether one +agrees with him or not, one always finds him helpful and stimulating. +Though he has in some sort made himself a Frenchman in the course of +his labours, it is pleasant to recall the fact that M. Harrisse is by +birth our fellow-countryman; and there are surely few Americans of our +time whom students of history have more reason for holding in honour. + +I have not seen Mr. Winsor's "Christopher Columbus" in time to make any +use of it. Within the last few days, while my final chapter is going to +press, I have received the sheets of it, a few days in advance of +publication. I do not find in it any references to sources of +information which I have not already fully considered, so that our +differences of opinion on sundry points may serve to show what diverse +conclusions may be drawn from the same data. The most conspicuous +difference is that which concerns the personal character of Columbus. +Mr. Winsor writes in a spirit of energetic (not to say violent) reaction +against the absurdities of Roselly de Lorgues and others who have tried +to make a saint of Columbus; and under the influence of this reaction he +offers us a picture of the great navigator that serves to raise a +pertinent question. No one can deny that Las Casas was a keen judge of +men, or that his standard of right and wrong was quite as lofty as any +one has reached in our own time. He had a much more intimate knowledge +of Columbus than any modern historian can ever hope to acquire, and he +always speaks of him with warm admiration and respect. But how could +Las Casas ever have respected the feeble, mean-spirited driveller whose +portrait Mr. Winsor asks us to accept as that of the Discoverer of +America? + +If, however, instead of his biographical estimate of Columbus, we +consider Mr. Winsor's contributions toward a correct statement of the +difficult geographical questions connected with the subject, we +recognize at once the work of an acknowledged master in his chosen +field. It is work, too, of the first order of importance. It would be +hard to mention a subject on which so many reams of direful nonsense +have been written as on the discovery of America; and the prolific +source of so much folly has generally been what Mr. Freeman fitly calls +"bondage to the modern map." In order to understand what the great +mariners of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were trying to do, and +what people supposed them to have done, one must begin by resolutely +banishing the modern map from one's mind. The ancient map must take its +place, but this must not be the ridiculous "Orbis Veteribus Notus," to +be found in the ordinary classical atlas, _which simply copies the +outlines of countries with modern accuracy from the modern map, and then +scatters ancient names over them!_ Such maps are worse than useless. In +dealing with the discovery of America one must steadily keep before +one's mind the quaint notions of ancient geographers, especially +Ptolemy and Mela, as portrayed upon such maps as are reproduced in the +present volume. It was just these distorted and hazy notions that swayed +the minds and guided the movements of the great discoverers, and went on +reproducing themselves upon newly-made maps for a century or more after +the time of Columbus. Without constant reference to these old maps one +cannot begin to understand the circumstances of the discovery of +America. + +In no way can one get at the heart of the matter more completely than by +threading the labyrinth of causes and effects through which the western +hemisphere came slowly and gradually to be known by the name AMERICA. +The reader will not fail to observe the pains which I have taken to +elucidate this subject, not from any peculiar regard for Americus +Vespucius, but because the quintessence of the whole geographical +problem of the discovery of the New World is in one way or another +involved in the discussion. I can think of no finer instance of the +queer complications that can come to surround and mystify an increase of +knowledge too great and rapid to be comprehended by a single generation +of men. + +In the solution of the problem as to the first Vespucius voyage I follow +the lead of Varnhagen, but always independently and with the documentary +evidence fully in sight. For some years I vainly tried to pursue +Humboldt's clues to some intelligible conclusion, and felt inhospitably +inclined toward Varnhagen's views as altogether too plausible; he seemed +to settle too many difficulties at once. But after becoming convinced of +the spuriousness of the Bandini letter (see below, vol. ii. p. 94); and +observing how the air at once was cleared in some directions, it seemed +that further work in textual criticism would be well bestowed. I made a +careful study of the diction of the letter from Vespucius to Soderini in +its two principal texts:--1. the Latin version of 1507, the original of +which is in the library of Harvard University, appended to +Waldseemueller's "Cosmographiae Introductio"; 2. the Italian text +reproduced severally by Bandini, Canovai, and Varnhagen, from the +excessively rare original, of which only five copies are now known to be +in existence. It is this text that Varnhagen regards as the original +from which the Latin version of 1507 was made, through an intermediate +French version now lost. In this opinion Varnhagen does not stand alone, +as Mr. Winsor seems to think ("Christopher Columbus," p. 540, line 5 +from bottom), for Harrisse and Avezac have expressed themselves plainly +to the same effect (see below, vol. ii. p. 42). A minute study of this +text, with all its quaint interpolations of Spanish and Portuguese +idioms and seafaring phrases into the Italian ground-work of its +diction, long ago convinced me that it never was a _translation_ from +anything in heaven or earth or the waters under the earth. Nobody would +ever have translated a document _into_ such an extremely peculiar and +individual jargon. It is most assuredly an original text, and its author +was either Vespucius or the Old Nick. It was by starting from this text +as primitive that Varnhagen started correctly in his interpretation of +the statements in the letter, and it was for that reason that he was +able to dispose of so many difficulties at one blow. When he showed that +the landfall of Vespucius on his first voyage was near Cape Honduras and +had nothing whatever to do with the Pearl Coast, he began to follow the +right trail, and so the facts which had puzzled everybody began at once +to fall into the right places. This is all made clear in the seventh +chapter of the present work, where the general argument of Varnhagen is +in many points strongly reinforced. The evidence here set forth in +connection with the Cantino map is especially significant. + +It is interesting on many accounts to see the first voyage of Vespucius +thus elucidated, though it had no connection with the application of his +name by Waldseemueller to an entirely different region from any that was +visited upon that voyage. The real significance of the third voyage of +Vespucius, in connection with the naming of America, is now set forth, I +believe, for the first time in the light thrown upon the subject by the +opinions of Ptolemy and Mela. Neither Humboldt nor Major nor Harrisse +nor Varnhagen seems to have had a firm grasp of what was in +Waldseemueller's mind when he wrote the passage photographed below in +vol. ii. p. 136 of this work. It is only when we keep the Greek and +Roman theories in the foreground and unflinchingly bar out that +intrusive modern atlas, that we realize what the Freiburg geographer +meant and why Ferdinand Columbus was not in the least shocked or +surprised. + + * * * * * + +I have at various times given lectures on the discovery of America and +questions connected therewith, more especially at University College, +London, in 1879, at the Philosophical Institution in Edinburgh, in 1880, +at the Lowell Institute in Boston, in 1890, and in the course of my work +as professor in the Washington University at St. Louis; but the present +work is in no sense whatever a reproduction of such lectures. + +Acknowledgments are due to Mr. Winsor for his cordial permission to make +use of a number of reproductions of old maps and facsimiles already used +by him in the "Narrative and Critical History of America;" they are +mentioned in the lists of illustrations. I have also to thank Dr. +Brinton for allowing me to reproduce a page of old Mexican music, and +the Hakluyt Society for permission to use the Zeno and Catalan maps and +the view of Kakortok church. Dr. Fewkes has very kindly favoured me with +a sight of proof-sheets of some recent monographs by Bandelier. And for +courteous assistance at various libraries I have most particularly to +thank Mr. Kiernan of Harvard University, Mr. Appleton Griffin of the +Boston Public Library, and Mr. Uhler of the Peabody Institute in +Baltimore. + + * * * * * + +There is one thing which I feel obliged, though with extreme hesitation +and reluctance, to say to my readers in this place, because the time has +come when something ought to be said, and there seems to be no other +place available for saying it. For many years letters--often in a high +degree interesting and pleasant to receive--have been coming to me from +persons with whom I am not acquainted, and I have always done my best to +answer them. It is a long time since such letters came to form the +larger part of a voluminous mass of correspondence. The physical fact +has assumed dimensions with which it is no longer possible to cope. If I +were to answer all the letters which arrive by every mail, I should +never be able to do another day's work. It is becoming impossible even +to _read_ them all; and there is scarcely time for giving due attention +to one in ten. Kind friends and readers will thus understand that if +their queries seem to be neglected, it is by no means from any want of +good will, but simply from the lamentable fact that the day contains +only four-and-twenty hours. + +CAMBRIDGE, _October 25, 1891._ + + + + +CONTENTS. + + +CHAPTER I. + +ANCIENT AMERICA. + + PAGE + The American aborigines 1 + + Question as to their origin 2, 3 + + Antiquity of man in America 4 + + Shell-mounds, or middens 4, 5 + + The Glacial Period 6, 7 + + Discoveries in the Trenton gravel 8 + + Discoveries in Ohio, Indiana, and Minnesota 9 + + Mr. Cresson's discovery at Claymont, Delaware 10 + + The Calaveras skull 11 + + Pleistocene men and mammals 12, 13 + + Elevation and subsidence 13, 14 + + Waves of migration 15 + + The Cave men of Europe in the Glacial Period 16 + + The Eskimos are probably a remnant of the Cave men 17-19 + + There was probably no connection or intercourse by + water between ancient America and the Old World 20 + + There is one great American red race 21 + + Different senses in which the word "race" is used 21-23 + + No necessary connection between differences in culture + and differences in race 23 + + Mr. Lewis Morgan's classification of grades of culture 24-32 + + Distinction between Savagery and Barbarism 25 + + Origin of pottery 25 + + Lower, middle, and upper status of savagery 26 + + Lower status of barbarism; it ended differently in the + two hemispheres; in ancient America there was no + pastoral stage of development 27 + + Importance of Indian corn 28 + + Tillage with irrigation 29 + + Use of adobe-brick and stone in building 29 + + Middle status of barbarism 29, 30 + + Stone and copper tools 30 + + Working of metals; smelting of iron 30 + + Upper status of barbarism 31 + + The alphabet and the beginnings of civilization 32 + + So-called "civilizations" of Mexico and Peru 33, 34 + + Loose use of the words "savagery" and "civilization" 35 + + Value and importance of the term "barbarism" 35, 36 + + The status of barbarism is most completely exemplified + in ancient America 36, 37 + + Survival of bygone epochs of culture; work of the + Bureau of Ethnology 37, 38 + + Tribal society and multiplicity of languages in aboriginal + America 38, 39 + + Tribes in the upper status of savagery; Athabaskans, + Apaches, Shoshones, etc. 39 + + Tribes in the lower status of barbarism; the Dakota + group or family 40 + + The Minnitarees and Mandans 41 + + The Pawnee and Arickaree group 42 + + The Maskoki group 42 + + The Algonquin group 43 + + The Huron-Iroquois group 44 + + The Five Nations 45-47 + + Distinction between horticulture and field agriculture 48 + + Perpetual intertribal warfare, with torture and + cannibalism 49-51 + + Myths and folk-lore 51 + + Ancient law 52, 53 + + The patriarchal family not primitive 53 + + "Mother-right" 54 + + Primitive marriage 55 + + The system of reckoning kinship through females only 56 + + Original reason for the system 57 + + The primeval human horde 58, 59 + + Earliest family-group; the clan 60 + + "Exogamy" 60 + + Phratry and tribe 61 + + Effect of pastoral life upon property and upon the + family 61-63 + + The exogamous clan in ancient America 64 + + Intimate connection of aboriginal architecture with + social life 65 + + The long houses of the Iroquois 66, 67 + + Summary divorce 68 + + Hospitality 68 + + Structure of the clan 69, 70 + + Origin and structure of the phratry 70, 71 + + Structure of the tribe 72 + + Cross-relationships between clans and tribes; the Iroquois + Confederacy 72-74 + + Structure of the confederacy 75, 76 + + The "Long House" 76 + + Symmetrical development of institutions in ancient + America 77, 78 + + Circular houses of the Mandans 79-81 + + The Indians of the pueblos, in the middle status of + barbarism 82, 83 + + Horticulture with irrigation, and architecture with + adobe 83, 84 + + Possible origin of adobe architecture 84, 85 + + Mr. Cushing's sojourn at Zuni 86 + + Typical structure of the pueblo 86-88 + + Pueblo society 89 + + Wonderful ancient pueblos in the Chaco valley 90-92 + + The Moqui pueblos 93 + + The cliff-dwellings 93 + + Pueblo of Zuni 93, 94 + + Pueblo of Tlascala 94-96 + + The ancient city of Mexico was a great composite + pueblo 97 + + The Spanish discoverers could not be expected to understand + the state of society which they found there 97, 98 + + Contrast between feudalism and gentilism 98 + + Change from gentile society to political society in + Greece and Rome 99, 100 + + First suspicions as to the erroneousness of the Spanish + accounts 101 + + Detection and explanation of the errors, by Lewis + Morgan 102 + + Adolf Bandelier's researches 103 + + The Aztec Confederacy 104, 105 + + Aztec clans 106 + + Clan officers 107 + + Rights and duties of the clan 108 + + Aztec phratries 108 + + The _tlatocan_, or tribal council 109 + + The _cihuacoatl_, or "snake-woman" 110 + + The _tlacatecuhtli_, or "chief-of-men" 111 + + Evolution of kingship in Greece and Rome 112 + + Mediaeval kingship 113 + + Montezuma was a "priest-commander" 114 + + Mode of succession to the office 114, 115 + + Manner of collecting tribute 116 + + Mexican roads 117 + + Aztec and Iroquois confederacies contrasted 118 + + Aztec priesthood; human sacrifices 119, 120 + + Aztec slaves 121, 122 + + The Aztec family 122, 123 + + Aztec property 124 + + Mr. Morgan's rules of criticism 125 + + He sometimes disregarded his own rules 126 + + Amusing illustrations from his remarks on "Montezuma's + Dinner" 126-128 + + The reaction against uncritical and exaggerated statements + was often carried too far by Mr. Morgan 128, 129 + + Great importance of the middle period of barbarism 130 + + The Mexicans compared with the Mayas 131-133 + + Maya hieroglyphic writing 132 + + Ruined cities of Central America 134-138 + + They are probably not older than the twelfth century 136 + + Recent discovery of the Chronicle of Chicxulub 138 + + Maya culture very closely related to Mexican 139 + + The "Mound-Builders" 140-146 + + The notion that they were like the Aztecs 142 + + Or, perhaps, like the Zunis 143 + + These notions are not well sustained 144 + + The mounds were probably built by different peoples + in the lower status of barbarism, by Cherokees, + Shawnees, and other tribes 144, 145 + + It is not likely that there was a "race of Mound Builders" 146 + + Society in America at the time of the Discovery had + reached stages similar to stages reached by eastern + Mediterranean peoples fifty or sixty centuries + earlier 146, 147 + + +CHAPTER II. + +PRE-COLUMBIAN VOYAGES. + + Stories of voyages to America before Columbus; the + Chinese 148 + + The Irish. 149 + + Blowing and drifting; Cousin, of Dieppe 150 + + These stories are of small value 150 + + But the case of the Northmen is quite different 151 + + The Viking exodus from Norway 151, 152 + + Founding of a colony in Iceland, A. D. 874 153 + + Icelandic literature 154 + + Discovery of Greenland, A. D. 876 155, 156 + + Eric the Red, and his colony in Greenland, + A. D. 986 157-161 + + Voyage of Bjarni Herjulfsson 162 + + Conversion of the Northmen to Christianity 163 + + Leif Ericsson's voyage, A. D. 1000; Helluland and + Markland 164 + + Leif's winter in Vinland 165, 166 + + Voyages of Thorvald and Thorstein 167 + + Thorfinn Karlsefni, and his unsuccessful attempt to + found a colony in Vinland, A. D. 1007-10 167-169 + + Freydis, and her evil deeds in Vinland, 1011-12 170, 171 + + Voyage into Baffin's Bay, 1135 172 + + Description of a Viking ship discovered at Sandefiord, + in Norway 173-175 + + To what extent the climate of Greenland may have + changed within the last thousand years 176, 177 + + With the Northmen once in Greenland, the discovery + of the American continent was inevitable 178 + + Ear-marks of truth in the Icelandic narratives 179, 180 + + Northern limit of the vine 181 + + Length of the winter day 182 + + Indian corn 182, 183 + + Winter weather in Vinland 184 + + Vinland was probably situated somewhere between Cape Breton + and Point Judith 185 + + Further ear-marks of truth; savages and barbarians of the + lower status were unknown to mediaeval Europeans 185, 186 + + The natives of Vinland as described in the Icelandic + narratives 187-193 + + Meaning of the epithet "Skraelings" 188, 189 + + Personal appearance of the Skraelings 189 + + The Skraelings of Vinland were Indians,--very likely + Algonquins 190 + + The "balista" or "demon's head" 191, 192 + + The story of the "uniped" 193 + + Character of the Icelandic records; misleading associations + with the word "saga" 194 + + The comparison between Leif Ericsson and Agamemnon, made by + a committee of the Massachusetts Historical Society, was + peculiarly unfortunate and inappropriate 194, 197 + + The story of the Trojan War, in the shape in which we find + it in Greek poetry, is pure folk-lore 195 + + The Saga of Eric the Red is not folk-lore 196 + + Mythical and historical sagas 197 + + The western or Hauks-bok version of Eric the Red's Saga 198 + + The northern or Flateyar-bok version 199 + + Presumption against sources not contemporary 200 + + Hauk Erlendsson and his manuscripts 201 + + The story is not likely to have been preserved to Hauk's + time by oral tradition only 202 + + Allusions to Vinland in other Icelandic documents 202-207 + + Eyrbyggja Saga 203 + + The abbot Nikulas, etc. 204 + + Ari Frodhi and his works 204 + + His significant allusion to Vinland 205 + + Other references 206 + + Differences between Hauks-bok and Flateyar-bok versions 207 + + Adam of Bremen 208 + + Importance of his testimony 209 + + His misconception of the situation of Vinland 210 + + Summary of the argument 211-213 + + Absurd speculations of zealous antiquarians 213-215 + + The Dighton inscription was made by Algonquins, and has + nothing to do with the Northmen 213, 214 + + Governor Arnold's stone windmill 215 + + There is no reason for supposing that the Northmen founded a + colony in Vinland 216 + + No archaeological remains of them have been found south of + Davis strait 217 + + If the Northmen had founded a successful colony, they would + have introduced domestic cattle into the North American + fauna 218 + + And such animals could not have vanished and left no trace + of their existence 219, 220 + + Further fortunes of the Greenland colony 221 + + Bishop Eric's voyage in search of Vinland, 1121 222 + + The ship from Markland, 1347 223 + + The Greenland colony attacked by Eskimos, 1349 224 + + Queen Margaret's monopoly, and its baneful effects 225 + + Story of the Venetian brothers, Nicolo and Antonio Zeno 226 + + Nicolo Zeno wrecked upon one of the Faeroe islands 227 + + He enters the service of Henry Sinclair, Earl of the Orkneys + and Caithness 228 + + Nicolo's voyage to Greenland, cir. 1394 229 + + Voyage of Earl Sinclair and Antonio Zeno 229, 230 + + Publication of the remains of the documents by the younger + Nicolo Zeno, 1558 231 + + The Zeno map 232, 233 + + Queer transformations of names 234-236 + + The name _Faeroislander_ became _Frislanda_ 236 + + The narrative nowhere makes a claim to the "discovery + of America" 237 + + The "Zichmni" of the narrative means Henry Sinclair 238 + + Bardsen's "Description of Greenland" 239 + + The monastery of St. Olaus and its hot spring 240 + + Volcanoes of the north Atlantic ridge 241 + + Fate of Gunnbjoern's Skerries, 1456 242 + + Volcanic phenomena in Greenland 242, 243 + + Estotiland 244 + + Drogio 245 + + Inhabitants of Drogio and the countries beyond 246 + + The Fisherman's return to Frislanda 247 + + Was the account of Drogio woven into the narrative + by the younger Nicolo? 248 + + Or does it represent actual experiences in North + America? 249 + + The case of David Ingram, 1568 250 + + The case of Cabeza de Vaca, 1528-36 251 + + There may have been unrecorded instances of visits to + North America 252 + + The pre-Columbian voyages made no real contributions + to geographical knowledge 253 + + And were in no true sense a discovery of America 254 + + Real contact between the eastern and western hemisphere + was first established by Columbus 255 + + +CHAPTER III. + +EUROPE AND CATHAY. + + Why the voyages of the Northmen were not followed up 256 + + Ignorance of their geographical significance 257 + + Lack of instruments for ocean navigation 257 + + Condition of Europe in the year 1000 258, 259 + + It was not such as to favour colonial enterprise 260 + + The outlook of Europe was toward Asia 261 + + Routes of trade between Europe and Asia 262 + + Claudius Ptolemy and his knowledge of the earth 263 + + Early mention of China 264 + + The monk Cosmas Indicopleustes 265 + + Shape of the earth, according to Cosmas 266, 267 + + His knowledge of Asia 268 + + The Nestorians 268 + + Effects of the Saracen conquests 269 + + Constantinople in the twelfth century 270 + + The Crusades 270-274 + + Barbarizing character of Turkish conquest 271 + + General effects of the Crusades 272 + + The Fourth Crusade 273 + + Rivalry between Venice and Genoa 274 + + Centres and routes of mediaeval trade 275, 276 + + Effects of the Mongol conquests 277 + + Cathay, origin of the name 277 + + Carpini and Rubruquis 278 + + First knowledge of an eastern ocean beyond Cathay 278 + + The data were thus prepared for Columbus; but as yet nobody + reasoned from these data to a practical conclusion 279 + + The Polo brothers 280 + + Kublai Khan's message to the Pope 281 + + Marco Polo and his travels in Asia 281, 282 + + First recorded voyage of Europeans around the Indo-Chinese + peninsula 282 + + Return of the Polos to Venice 283 + + Marco Polo's book, written in prison at Genoa, 1299; + its great contributions to geographical knowledge 284, 285 + + Prester John 285 + + Griffins and Arimaspians 286 + + The Catalan map, 1375 288, 289 + + Other visits to China 287-291 + + Overthrow of the Mongol dynasty, and shutting up of China 291 + + First rumours of the Molucca islands and Japan 292 + + The accustomed routes of Oriental trade were cut off in the + fifteenth century by the Ottoman Turks 293 + + Necessity for finding an "outside route to the Indies" 294 + + +CHAPTER IV. + +THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES. + +_EASTWARD OR PORTUGUESE ROUTE._ + + Question as to whether Asia could be reached by sailing + around Africa 295 + + Views of Eratosthenes 296 + + Opposing theory of Ptolemy 297 + + Story of the Phoenician voyage in the time of Necho 298-300 + + Voyage of Hanno 300, 301 + + Voyages of Sataspes and Eudoxus 302 + + Wild exaggerations 303 + + Views of Pomponius Mela 304, 305 + + Ancient theory of the five zones 306, 307 + + The Inhabited World, or Oecumene, and the Antipodes 308 + + Curious notions about Taprobane (Ceylon) 309 + + Question as to the possibility of crossing the torrid zone 309 + + Notions about sailing "up and down hill" 310, 311 + + Superstitious fancies 311, 312 + + Clumsiness of ships in the fifteenth century 312 + + Dangers from famine and scurvy 313 + + The mariner's compass; an interesting letter from Brunetto + Latini to Guido Cavalcanti 313-315 + + Calculating latitudes and longitudes 315 + + Prince Henry the Navigator 316-326 + + His idea of an ocean route to the Indies, and what it + might bring 318 + + The Sacred Promontory 319 + + The Madeira and Canary islands 320-322 + + Gil Eannes passes Cape Bojador 323 + + Beginning of the modern slave-trade, 1442 323 + + Papal grant of heathen countries to the Portuguese + crown 324, 325 + + Advance to Sierra Leone 326 + + Advance to the Hottentot coast 326, 327 + + Note upon the extent of European acquaintance with + savagery and the lower forms of barbarism previous + to the fifteenth century 327-329 + + Effect of the Portuguese discoveries upon the theories + of Ptolemy and Mela 329, 330 + + News of Prester John; Covilham's journey 331 + + Bartholomew Dias passes the Cape of Good Hope and enters the + Indian ocean 332 + + Some effects of this discovery 333 + + Bartholomew Columbus took part in it 333 + + Connection between these voyages and the work of Christopher + Columbus 334 + + +CHAPTER V. + +THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES. + +_WESTWARD OR SPANISH ROUTE._ + + Sources of information concerning the life of Columbus; + Las Casas and Ferdinand Columbus 335 + + The Biblioteca Colombina at Seville 336, 337 + + Bernaldez and Peter Martyr 338 + + Letters of Columbus 338 + + Defects in Ferdinand's information 339, 340 + + Researches of Henry Harrisse 341 + + Date of the birth of Columbus; archives of Savona 342 + + Statement of Bernaldez 343 + + Columbus's letter of September, 1501 344 + + The balance of probability is in favour of 1436 345 + + The family of Domenico Colombo, and its changes of + residence 346, 347 + + Columbus tells us that he was born in the city of Genoa 348 + + His early years 349-351 + + Christopher and his brother Bartholomew at Lisbon 351, 352 + + Philippa Moniz de Perestrelo 352 + + Personal appearance of Columbus 353 + + His marriage, and life upon the island of Porto Santo 353, 354 + + The king of Portugal asks advice of the great astronomer + Toscanelli 355 + + Toscanelli's first letter to Columbus 356-361 + + His second letter to Columbus 361, 362 + + Who first suggested the feasibleness of a westward route + to the Indies? Was it Columbus? 363 + + Perhaps it was Toscanelli 363, 364 + + Note on the date of Toscanelli's first letter to + Columbus 365-367 + + The idea, being naturally suggested by the globular form of + the earth, was as old as Aristotle 368, 369 + + Opinions of ancient writers 370 + + Opinions of Christian writers 371 + + The "Imago Mundi" of Petrus Alliacus 372, 373 + + Ancient estimates of the size of the globe and the length of + the Oecumene 374 + + Toscanelli's calculation of the size of the earth, and of + the position of Japan (Cipango) 375, 376 + + Columbus's opinions of the size of the globe, the length of + the Oecumene, and the width of the Atlantic ocean from + Portugal to Japan 377-380 + + There was a fortunate mixture of truth and error in these + opinions of Columbus 381 + + The whole point and purport of Columbus's scheme lay in its + promise of a route to the Indies shorter than that which the + Portuguese were seeking by way of Guinea 381 + + Columbus's speculations on climate; his voyages to Guinea + and into the Arctic ocean 382 + + He may have reached Jan Mayen island, and stopped + at Iceland 383, 384 + + The Scandinavian hypothesis that Columbus "must + have" heard and understood the story of the Vinland + voyages 384, 385 + + It has not a particle of evidence in its favour 385 + + It is not probable that Columbus knew of Adam of + Bremen's allusion to Vinland, or that he would have + understood it if he had read it 386 + + It is doubtful if he would have stumbled upon the + story in Iceland 387 + + If he had heard it, he would probably have classed it + with such tales as that of St. Brandan's isle 388 + + He could not possibly have obtained from such a source his + opinion of the width of the ocean 388, 389 + + If he had known and understood the Vinland story, he had the + strongest motives for proclaiming it and no motive whatever + for concealing it 390-392 + + No trace of a thought of Vinland appears in any of his + voyages 393 + + Why did not Norway or Iceland utter a protest in 1493? 393 + + The idea of Vinland was not associated with the idea of + America until the seventeenth century 394 + + Recapitulation of the genesis of Columbus's scheme 395 + + Martin Behaim's improved astrolabe 395, 396 + + Negotiations of Columbus with John II. of Portugal 396, 397 + + The king is persuaded into a shabby trick 398 + + Columbus leaves Portugal and enters into the service + of Ferdinand and Isabella, 1486 398-400 + + The junto at Salamanca, 1486 401 + + Birth of Ferdinand Columbus, August 15, 1488 401 + + Bartholomew Columbus returns from the Cape of Good Hope, + December, 1487 402, 403 + + Christopher visits Bartholomew at Lisbon, cir. September, + 1488, and sends him to England 404 + + Bartholomew, after mishaps, reaches England cir. February, + 1490, and goes thence to France before 1492 405-407 + + The duke of Medina-Celi proposes to furnish the ships for + Columbus, but the queen withholds her consent 408, 409 + + Columbus makes up his mind to get his family together and go + to France, October, 1491 409, 410 + + A change of fortune; he stops at La Rabida, and meets the + prior Juan Perez, who writes to the queen 411 + + Columbus is summoned back to court 411 + + The junto before Granada, December, 1491 412, 413 + + Surrender of Granada, January 2, 1492 414 + + Columbus negotiates with the queen, who considers his terms + exorbitant 414-416 + + Interposition of Luis de Santangel 416 + + Agreement between Columbus and the sovereigns 417 + + Cost of the voyage 418 + + Dismay at Palos 419 + + The three famous caravels 420 + + Delay at the Canary islands 421 + + Martin Behaim and his globe 422, 423 + + Columbus starts for Japan, September 6, 1492 424 + + Terrors of the voyage:--1. Deflection of the needle 425 + + 2. The Sargasso sea 426, 427 + + 3. The trade wind 428 + + Impatience of the crews 428 + + Change of course from W. to W. S. W 429, 430 + + Discovery of land, October 12, 1492 431 + + Guanahani: which of the Bahama islands was it? 432 + + Groping for Cipango and the route to Quinsay 433, 434 + + Columbus reaches Cuba, and sends envoys to find a + certain Asiatic prince 434, 435 + + He turns eastward and Pinzon deserts him 435 + + Columbus arrives at Hayti and thinks it must be Japan 436 + + His flag-ship is wrecked, and he decides to go back to + Spain 437 + + Building of the blockhouse, La Navidad 438 + + Terrible storm in mid-ocean on the return voyage 439 + + Cold reception at the Azores 440 + + Columbus is driven ashore in Portugal, where the king is + advised to have him assassinated 440 + + But to offend Spain so grossly would be imprudent 441 + + Arrival of Columbus and Pinzon at Palos; death of Pinzon 442 + + Columbus is received by the sovereigns at Barcelona 443, 444 + + General excitement at the news that a way to the Indies had + been found 445 + + This voyage was an event without any parallel in history 446 + + +CHAPTER VI. + +THE FINDING OF STRANGE COASTS. + + The Discovery of America was a gradual process 447, 448 + + The letters of Columbus to Santangel and to Sanchez 449 + + Versification of the story by Giuliano Dati 450 + + Earliest references to the discovery 451 + + The earliest reference in English 452 + + The Portuguese claim to the Indies 453 + + Bulls of Pope Alexander VI. 454-458 + + The treaty of Tordesillas 459 + + Juan Rodriguez Fonseca, and his relations with + Columbus 460-462 + + Friar Boyle 462 + + Notable persons who embarked on the second voyage 463 + + Departure from Cadiz 464 + + Cruise among the Cannibal (Caribbee) islands 465 + + Fate of the colony at La Navidad 466 + + Building the town of Isabella 467 + + Exploration of Cibao 467, 468 + + Westward cruise; Cape Alpha and Omega 468-470 + + Discovery of Jamaica 471 + + Coasting the south side of Cuba 472 + + The "people of Mangon" 473 + + Speculations concerning the Golden Chersonese 474-476 + + A solemn expression of opinion 477 + + Vicissitudes of theory 477, 478 + + Arrival of Bartholomew Columbus in Hispaniola 478, 479 + + Mutiny in Hispaniola; desertion of Boyle and Margarite 479, 480 + + The government of Columbus was not tyrannical 481 + + Troubles with the Indians 481, 482 + + Mission of Juan Aguado 482 + + Discovery of gold mines, and speculations about Ophir 483 + + Founding of San Domingo, 1496 484 + + The return voyage to Spain 485 + + Edicts of 1495 and 1497 486, 487 + + Vexatious conduct of Fonseca; Columbus loses his temper 487 + + Departure from San Lucar on the third voyage 488 + + The belt of calms 489-491 + + Trinidad and the Orinoco 491, 492 + + Speculations as to the earth's shape; the mountain of + Paradise 494 + + Relation of the "Eden continent" to "Cochin China" 495 + + Discovery of the Pearl Coast 495 + + Columbus arrives at San Domingo 496 + + Roldan's rebellion and Fonseca's machinations 496, 497 + + Gama's voyage to Hindustan, 1497 498 + + Fonseca's creature, Bobadilla, sent to investigate the + troubles in Hispaniola 499 + + He imprisons Columbus 500 + + And sends him in chains to Spain 501 + + Release of Columbus; his interview with the sovereigns 502 + + How far were the sovereigns responsible for Bobadilla? 503 + + Ovando, another creature of Fonseca, appointed governor + of Hispaniola 503, 504 + + Purpose of Columbus's fourth voyage, to find a passage + from the Caribbee waters into the Indian ocean 504, 506 + + The voyage across the Atlantic 506 + + Columbus not allowed to stop at San Domingo 507 + + His arrival at Cape Honduras 508 + + Cape Gracias a Dios, and the coast of Veragua 509 + + Fruitless search for the strait of Malacca 510 + + Futile attempt to make a settlement in Veragua 511 + + Columbus is shipwrecked on the coast of Jamaica; shameful + conduct of Ovando 512 + + Columbus's last return to Spain 513 + + His death at Valladolid, May 20, 1506 513 + + "Nuevo Mundo;" arms of Ferdinand Columbus 514, 515 + + When Columbus died, the fact that a New World had been + discovered by him had not yet begun to dawn upon his mind, + or upon the mind of any voyager or any writer 515, 516 + + + + +ILLUSTRATIONS. + + + PAGE + + Portrait of the author _Frontispiece_ + + View and ground-plan of Seneca-Iroquois long house + _reduced from Morgan's Houses and House-Life of the + American Aborigines_ 66 + + View, cross-section, and ground-plan of Mandan round + house, _ditto_ 80 + + Ground-plan of Pueblo Hungo Pavie, _ditto_ 86 + + Restoration of Pueblo Hungo Pavie, _ditto_ 88 + + Restoration of Pueblo Bonito, _ditto_ 90 + + Ground-plan of Pueblo Penasca Blanca, _ditto_ 92 + + Ground-plan of so-called "House of the Nuns" at Uxmal, + _ditto_ 133 + + Map of the East Bygd, or eastern settlement of the Northmen + in Greenland, _reduced from Rafn's Antiquitates + Americanae_ 160, 161 + + Ruins of the church at Kakortok, _from Major's Voyages of + the Zeni, published by the Hakluyt Society_ 222 + + Zeno Map, cir. 1400, _ditto_ 232, 233 + + Map of the World according to Claudius Ptolemy, cir. A. D. + 150, _an abridged sketch after a map in Bunbury's History of + Ancient Geography_ _Facing_ 265 + + Two sheets of the Catalan Map, 1375, _from Yule's Cathay, + published by the Hakluyt Society_ 288, 289 + + Map of the World according to Pomponius Mela, cir. A. D. 50, + _from Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America_ 304 + + Map illustrating Portuguese voyages on the coast of Africa, + _from a sketch by the author_ 324 + + Toscanelli's Map, 1474, _redrawn and improved from a sketch + in Winsor's America_ _Facing_ 357 + + Annotations by Columbus, _reduced from a photograph in + Harrisse's Notes on Columbus_ 373 + + Sketch of Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492, preserved in the city + hall at Nuremberg, _reduced to Mercator's projection and + sketched by the author_ 422, 423 + + Sketch of Martin Behaim's Atlantic Ocean, with outline of the + American continent superimposed, _from Winsor's America_ 429 + + Map of the discoveries made by Columbus in his first and + second voyages, _sketched by the author_ 469 + + Map of the discoveries made by Columbus in his third and + fourth voyages, _ditto_ 493 + + Arms of Ferdinand Columbus, _from the title-page of + Harrisse's Fernand Colomb_ 515 + + + + +THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +ANCIENT AMERICA. + + +[Sidenote: The American aborigines.] + +When the civilized people of Europe first became acquainted with the +continents of North and South America, they found them inhabited by a +race of men quite unlike any of the races with which they were familiar +in the Old World. Between the various tribes of this aboriginal American +race, except in the sub-arctic region, there is now seen to be a general +physical likeness, such as to constitute an American type of mankind as +clearly recognizable as those types which we call Mongolian and Malay, +though far less pronounced than such types as the Australian or the +negro. The most obvious characteristics possessed in common by the +American aborigines are the copper-coloured or rather the +cinnamon-coloured complexion, along with the high cheek-bones and small +deep-set eyes, the straight black hair and absence or scantiness of +beard. With regard to stature, length of limbs, massiveness of frame, +and shape of skull, considerable divergencies may be noticed among the +various American tribes, as indeed is also the case among the members of +the white race in Europe, and of other races. With regard to culture the +differences have been considerable, although, with two or three apparent +but not real exceptions, there was nothing in pre-Columbian America that +could properly be called civilization; the general condition of the +people ranged all the way from savagery to barbarism of a high type. + +[Sidenote: Question as to their origin.] + +[Sidenote: Antiquity of man in America.] + +Soon after America was proved not to be part of Asia, a puzzling +question arose. Whence came these "Indians," and in what manner did they +find their way to the western hemisphere. Since the beginning of the +present century discoveries in geology have entirely altered our mental +attitude toward this question. It was formerly argued upon the two +assumptions that the geographical relations of land and water had been +always pretty much the same as we now find them, and that all the racial +differences among men have arisen since the date of the "Noachian +Deluge," which was generally placed somewhere between two and three +thousand years before the Christian era. Hence inasmuch as European +tradition knows nothing of any such race as the Indians, it was supposed +that at some time within the historic period they must have moved +eastward from Asia into America; and thus "there was felt to be a sort +of speculative necessity for discovering points of resemblance between +American languages, myths, and social observances and those of the +Oriental world. Now the aborigines of this Continent were made out to +be Kamtchatkans, and now Chinamen, and again they were shown, with +quaint erudition, to be remnants of the ten tribes of Israel. Perhaps +none of these theories have been exactly disproved, but they have all +been superseded and laid on the shelf."[1] The tendency of modern +discovery is indeed toward agreement with the time-honoured tradition +which makes the Old World, and perhaps Asia, the earliest dwelling-place +of mankind. Competition has been far more active in the fauna of the +eastern hemisphere than in that of the western, natural selection has +accordingly resulted in the evolution of higher forms, and it is there +that we find both extinct and surviving species of man's nearest +collateral relatives, those tailless half-human apes, the gorilla, +chimpanzee, orang, and gibbon. It is altogether probable that the people +whom the Spaniards found in America came by migration from the Old +World. But it is by no means probable that their migration occurred +within so short a period as five or six thousand years. A series of +observations and discoveries kept up for the last half-century seem to +show that North America has been continuously inhabited by human beings +since the earliest Pleistocene times, if not earlier. + + [Footnote 1: See my _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, p. 148. A + good succinct account of these various theories, monuments of + wasted ingenuity, is given in Short's _North Americans of + Antiquity_, chap. iii. The most elaborate statement of the + theory of an Israelite colonization of America is to be found + in the ponderous tomes of Lord Kingsborough, _Mexican + Antiquities_, London, 1831-48, 9 vols. elephant-folio. Such a + theory was entertained by the author of that curious piece of + literary imposture, _The Book of Mormon_. In this book we are + told that, when the tongues were confounded at Babel, the Lord + selected a certain Jared, with his family and friends, and + instructed them to build eight ships, in which, after a voyage + of 344 days, they were brought to America, where they "did + build many mighty cities," and "prosper exceedingly." But after + some centuries they perished because of their iniquities. In + the reign of Zedekiah, when calamity was impending over Judah, + two brothers, Nephi and Laman, under divine guidance led a + colony to America. There, says the veracious chronicler, their + descendants became great nations, and worked in _iron_, and had + stuffs of _silk_, besides keeping plenty of _oxen_ and _sheep_. + (_Ether_, ix. 18, 19; x. 23, 24.) Christ appeared and wrought + many wonderful works; people spake with tongues, and the dead + were raised. (3 _Nephi_, xxvi. 14, 15.) But about the close of + the fourth century of our era, a terrible war between Lamanites + and Nephites ended in the destruction of the latter. Some two + million warriors, with their wives and children, having been + slaughtered, the prophet Mormon escaped, with his son Moroni, + to the "hill Cumorah," hard by the "waters of Ripliancum," or + Lake Ontario. (_Ether_, xv. 2, 8, 11.) There they hid the + sacred tablets, which remained concealed until they were + miraculously discovered and translated by Joseph Smith in 1827. + There is, of course, no element of tradition in this story. It + is all pure fiction, and of a very clumsy sort, such as might + easily be devised by an ignorant man accustomed to the language + of the Bible; and of course it was suggested by the old notion + of the Israelitish origin of the red men. The references are to + _The Book of Mormon_, Salt Lake City: Deseret News Co., 1885.] + +[Sidenote: Shell-mounds.] + +The first group of these observations and discoveries relate to +"middens" or shell-heaps. On the banks of the Damariscotta river in +Maine are some of the most remarkable shell-heaps in the world. With an +average thickness of six or seven feet, they rise in places to a height +of twenty-five feet. They consist almost entirely of huge oyster-shells +often ten inches in length and sometimes much longer. The shells belong +to a salt-water species. In some places "there is an appearance of +stratification covered by an alternation of shells and earth, as if the +deposition of shells had been from time to time interrupted, and a +vegetable mould had covered the surface." In these heaps have been found +fragments of pottery and of the bones of such edible animals as the +moose and deer. "At the very foundation of one of the highest heaps," in +a situation which must for long ages have been undisturbed, Mr. Edward +Morse "found the remains of an ancient fire-place, where he exhumed +charcoal, bones, and pottery."[2] The significant circumstance is that +"at the present time oysters are only found in very small numbers, too +small to make it an object to gather them," and so far as memory and +tradition can reach, such seems to have been the case. The great size of +the heap, coupled with the notable change in the distribution of this +mollusk since the heap was abandoned, implies a very considerable lapse +of time since the vestiges of human occupation were first left here. +Similar conclusions have been drawn from the banks or mounds of shells +on the St. John's river in Florida,[3] on the Alabama river, at Grand +Lake on the lower Mississippi, and at San Pablo in the bay of San +Francisco. Thus at various points from Maine to California, and in +connection with one particular kind of memorial, we find records of the +presence of man at a period undoubtedly prehistoric, but not necessarily +many thousands of years old. + + [Footnote 2: _Second Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of + American Archaeology_, etc., p. 18.] + + [Footnote 3: Visited in 1866-74 by Professor Jeffries Wyman, + and described in his _Fresh-Water Shell Mounds of the St. + John's River_, Cambridge, 1875.] + +[Sidenote: The Glacial Period.] + +The second group of discoveries carries us back much farther, even into +the earlier stages of that widespread glaciation which was the most +remarkable feature of the Pleistocene period. At the periods of greatest +cold "the continent of North America was deeply swathed in ice as far +south as the latitude of Philadelphia, while glaciers descended into +North Carolina."[4] The valleys of the Rocky Mountains also supported +enormous glaciers, and a similar state of things existed at the same +time in Europe. These periods of intense cold were alternated with long +interglacial periods during which the climate was warmer than it is +to-day. Concerning the antiquity of the Pleistocene age, which was +characterized by such extraordinary vicissitudes of heat and cold, there +has been, as in all questions relating to geological time, much conflict +of opinion. Twenty years ago geologists often argued as if there were an +unlimited fund of past time upon which to draw; but since Sir William +Thomson and other physicists emphasized the point that in an antiquity +very far from infinite this earth must have been a molten mass, there +has been a reaction. In many instances further study has shown that less +time was needed in order to effect a given change than had formerly been +supposed; and so there has grown up a tendency to shorten the time +assigned to geological periods. Here, as in so many other cases, the +truth is doubtless to be sought within the extremes. If we adopt the +magnificent argument of Dr. Croll, which seems to me still to hold its +ground against all adverse criticism,[5] and regard the Glacial epoch as +coincident with the last period of high eccentricity of the earth's +orbit, we obtain a result that is moderate and probable. That +astronomical period began about 240,000 years ago and came to an end +about 80,000 years ago. During this period the eccentricity was seldom +less than .04, and at one time rose to .0569. At the present time the +eccentricity is .0168, and nearly 800,000 years will pass before it +attains such a point as it reached during the Glacial epoch. For the +last 50,000 years the departure of the earth's orbit from a circular +form has been exceptionally small. + + [Footnote 4: _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, p. 39.] + + [Footnote 5: Croll, _Climate and Time in their Geological + Relations_, New York, 1875; _Discussions on Climate and + Cosmology_, New York, 1886; Archibald Geikie, _Text Book of + Geology_, pp. 23-29, 883-909, London, 1882; James Geikie, _The + Great Ice Age_, pp. 94-136, New York, 1874; _Prehistoric + Europe_, pp. 558-562, London, 1881; Wallace, _Island Life_, pp. + 101-225, New York, 1881. Some objections to Croll's theory may + be found in Wright's _Ice Age in North America_, pp. 405-505, + 585-595, New York, 1889. I have given a brief account of the + theory in my _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, pp. 57-76.] + +Now the traces of the existence of men in North America during the +Glacial epoch have in recent years been discovered in abundance, as for +example, the palaeolithic quartzite implements found in the drift near +the city of St. Paul, which date from toward the close of the Glacial +epoch[6]; the fragment of a human jaw found in the red clay deposited in +Minnesota during an earlier part of that epoch;[7] the noble collection +of palaeoliths found by Dr. C. C. Abbott in the Trenton gravels in New +Jersey; and the more recent discoveries of Dr. Metz and Mr. H. T. +Cresson. + + [Footnote 6: See Miss F. E. Babbitt, "Vestiges of Glacial Man + in Minnesota," in _Proceedings of the American Association_, + vol. xxxii., 1883.] + + [Footnote 7: See N. H. Winchell, _Annual Report of the State + Geologist of Minnesota_, 1877, p. 60.] + +[Sidenote: Discoveries in the Trenton gravel.] + +[Sidenote: Discoveries in Ohio, Indiana, and Minnesota;] + +The year 1873 marks an era in American archaeology as memorable as the +year 1841 in the investigation of the antiquity of man in Europe. With +reference to these problems Dr. Abbott occupies a position similar to +that of Boucher de Perthes in the Old World, and the Trenton valley is +coming to be classic ground, like the valley of the Somme. In April, +1873, Dr. Abbott published his description of three rude implements +which he had found some sixteen feet below the surface of the ground "in +the gravels of a bluff overlooking the Delaware river." The implements +were in place in an undisturbed deposit, and could not have found their +way thither in any recent time; Dr. Abbott assigned them to the age of +the Glacial drift. This was the beginning of a long series of +investigations, in which Dr. Abbott's work was assisted and supplemented +by Messrs. Whitney, Carr, Putnam, Shaler, Lewis, Wright, Haynes, +Dawkins, and other eminent geologists and archaeologists. By 1888 Dr. +Abbott had obtained not less than 60 implements from various recorded +depths in the gravel, while many others were found at depths not +recorded or in the talus of the banks.[8] Three human skulls and other +bones, along with the tusk of a mastodon, have been discovered in the +same gravel. Careful studies have been made of the conditions under +which the gravel-banks were deposited and their probable age; and it is +generally agreed that they date from the later portion of the Glacial +period, or about the time of the final recession of the ice-sheet from +this region. At that time, in its climate and general aspect, New York +harbour must have been much like a Greenland fiord of the present day. +In 1883 Professor Wright of Oberlin, after a careful study of the +Trenton deposits and their relations to the terrace and gravel deposits +to the westward, predicted that similar palaeolithic implements would be +found in Ohio. Two years afterward, the prediction was verified by Dr. +Metz, who found a true palaeolith of black flint at Madisonville, in the +Little Miami valley, eight feet below the surface. Since then further +discoveries have been made in the same neighbourhood by Dr. Metz, and in +Jackson county, Indiana, by Mr. H. T. Cresson; and the existence of man +in that part of America toward the close of the Glacial period may be +regarded as definitely established. The discoveries of Miss Babbitt and +Professor Winchell, in Minnesota, carry the conclusion still farther, +and add to the probability of the existence of a human population all +the way from the Atlantic coast to the upper Mississippi valley at that +remote antiquity. + + [Footnote 8: Wright's _Ice Age in North America_, p. 516.] + +[Sidenote: and in Delaware.] + +A still more remarkable discovery was made by Mr. Cresson in July, 1887, +at Claymont, in the north of Delaware. In a deep cut of the Baltimore +and Ohio Railroad, in a stratum of Philadelphia red gravel and brick +clay, Mr. Cresson obtained an unquestionable palaeolith, and a few months +afterward his diligent search was rewarded with another.[9] This +formation dates from far back in the Glacial period. If we accept Dr. +Croll's method of reckoning, we can hardly assign to it an antiquity +less than 150,000 years. + + [Footnote 9: The chipped implements discovered by Messrs. + Abbott, Metz, and Cresson, and by Miss Babbitt, are all on + exhibition at the Peabody Museum in Cambridge, whither it is + necessary to go if one would get a comprehensive view of the + relics of interglacial man in North America. The collection of + implements made by Dr. Abbott includes much more than the + palaeoliths already referred to. It is one of the most important + collections in the world, and is worth a long journey to see. + Containing more than 20,000 implements, all found within a very + limited area in New Jersey, "as now arranged, the collection + exhibits at one and the same time the sequence of peoples and + phases of development in the valley of the Delaware, from + palaeolithic man, through the intermediate period, to the recent + Indians, and the relative numerical proportion of the many + forms of their implements, each in its time.... It is doubtful + whether any similar collection exists from which a student can + gather so much information at sight as in this, where the + natural pebbles from the gravel begin the series, and the + beautifully chipped points of chert, jasper, and quartz + terminate it in one direction, and the polished celts and + grooved stone axes in the other." There are three principal + groups,--first, the interglacial palaeoliths, secondly, the + argillite points and flakes, and thirdly, the arrow-heads, + knives, mortars and pestles, axes and hoes, ornamental stones, + etc., of Indians of the recent period. Dr. Abbott's _Primitive + Industry_, published in 1881, is a useful manual for studying + this collection; and an account of his discoveries in the + glacial gravels is given in _Reports of the Peabody Museum_, + vol. ii. pp. 30-48, 225-258; see also vol. iii. p. 492. A + succinct and judicious account of the whole subject is given by + H. W. Haynes, "The Prehistoric Archaeology of North America," in + Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History_, vol. i. pp. + 329-368.] + +[Sidenote: The Calaveras skull.] + +But according to Professor Josiah Whitney there is reason for supposing +that man existed in California at a still more remote period. He holds +that the famous skull discovered in 1866, in the gold-bearing gravels of +Calaveras county, belongs to the Pliocene age.[10] If this be so, it +seems to suggest an antiquity not less than twice as great as that just +mentioned. The question as to the antiquity of the Calaveras skull is +still hotly disputed among the foremost palaeontologists, but as one +reads the arguments one cannot help feeling that theoretical +difficulties have put the objectors into a somewhat inhospitable +attitude toward the evidence so ably presented by Professor Whitney. It +has been too hastily assumed that, from the point of view of evolution, +the existence of Pliocene man is improbable. Upon general +considerations, however, we have strong reason for believing that human +beings must have inhabited some portions of the earth throughout the +whole duration of the Pliocene period, and it need not surprise us if +their remains are presently discovered in more places than one.[11] + + [Footnote 10: J. D. Whitney, "The Auriferous Gravels of the + Sierra Nevada", _Memoirs of the Museum of Comparative Zooelogy + at Harvard College_, Cambridge, 1880, vol. vi.] + + [Footnote 11: In an essay published in 1882 on "Europe before + the Arrival of Man" (_Excursions of an Evolutionist_, pp. + 1-40), I argued that if we are to find traces of the "missing + link," or primordial stock of primates from which man has been + derived, we must undoubtedly look for it in the Miocene (p. + 36). I am pleased at finding the same opinion lately expressed + by one of the highest living authorities. The case is thus + stated by Alfred Russel Wallace: "The evidence we now possess + of the exact nature of the resemblance of man to the various + species of anthropoid apes, shows us that he has little special + affinity for any one rather than another species, while he + differs from them all in several important characters in which + they agree with each other. The conclusion to be drawn from + these facts is, that his points of affinity connect him with + the whole group, while his special peculiarities equally + separate him from the whole group, and that he must, therefore, + have diverged from the common ancestral form before the + existing types of anthropoid apes had diverged from each other. + Now this divergence almost certainly took place as early as the + Miocene period, because in the Upper Miocene deposits of + western Europe remains of two species of ape have been found + allied to the gibbons, one of them, dryopithecus, nearly as + large as a man, and believed by M. Lartet to have approached + man in its dentition more than the existing apes. We seem + hardly, therefore, to have reached in the Upper Miocene the + epoch of the common ancestor of man and the anthropoids." + (_Darwinism_, p. 455, London, 1889.) Mr. Wallace goes on to + answer the objection of Professor Boyd Dawkins, "that man did + not probably exist in Pliocene times, because almost all the + known mammalia of that epoch are distinct species from those + now living on the earth, and that the same changes of the + environment which led to the modification of other mammalian + species would also have led to a change in man." This argument, + at first sight apparently formidable, quite overlooks the fact + that in the evolution of man there came a point after which + variations in his intelligence were seized upon more and more + exclusively by natural selection, to the comparative neglect of + physical variations. After that point man changed but little in + physical characteristics, except in size and complexity of + brain. This is the theorem first propounded by Mr. Wallace in + the _Anthropological Review_, May, 1864; restated in his + _Contributions to Natural Selection_, chap. ix., in 1870; and + further extended and developed by me in connection with the + theory of man's origin first suggested in my lectures at + Harvard in 1871, and worked out in _Cosmic Philosophy_, part + ii., chapters xvi., xxi., xxii.] + +[Sidenote: Pleistocene men and mammals.] + +Whatever may be the final outcome of the Calaveras controversy, there +can be no doubt as to the existence of man in North America far back in +early Pleistocene times. The men of the River-drift, who long dwelt in +western Europe during the milder intervals of the Glacial period, but +seem to have become extinct toward the end of it, are well known to +palaeontologists through their bones and their rude tools. +Contemporaneously with these Europeans of the River-drift there +certainly lived some kind of men, of a similar low grade of culture, in +the Mississippi valley and on both the Atlantic and Pacific slopes of +North America. Along with these ancient Americans lived some terrestrial +mammals that still survive, such as the elk, reindeer, prairie wolf, +bison, musk-ox, and beaver; and many that have long been extinct, such +as the mylodon, megatherium, megalonyx, mastodon, Siberian elephant, +mammoth, at least six or seven species of ancestral horse, a huge bear +similar to the cave bear of ancient Europe, a lion similar to the +European cave lion, and a tiger as large as the modern tiger of Bengal. + +[Sidenote: Elevation and subsidence.] + +Now while the general relative positions of those stupendous abysses +that hold the oceans do not appear to have undergone any considerable +change since an extremely remote geological period, their shallow +marginal portions have been repeatedly raised so as to add extensive +territories to the edges of continents, and in some cases to convert +archipelagoes into continents, and to join continents previously +separated. Such elevation is followed in turn by an era of subsidence, +and almost everywhere either the one process or the other is slowly +going on. If you look at a model in relief of the continents and +ocean-floors, such as may be seen at the Museum of Comparative Zooelogy +in Cambridge, showing the results of a vast number of soundings in all +parts of the world, you cannot fail to be struck with the shallowness of +Bering Sea; it looks like a part of the continent rather than of the +ocean, and indeed it is just that,--an area of submerged continent. So +in the northern Atlantic there is a lofty ridge running from France to +Greenland. The British islands, the Orkney, Shetland, and Faeroe groups, +and Iceland are the parts of this ridge high enough to remain out of +water. The remainder of it is shallow sea. Again and again it has been +raised, together with the floor of the German ocean, so as to become dry +land. Both before and since the time when those stone tools were dropped +into the red gravel from which Mr. Cresson took them the other day, the +northwestern part of Europe has been solid continent for more than a +hundred miles to the west of the French and Irish coasts, the Thames and +Humber have been tributaries to the Rhine, which emptied into the Arctic +ocean, and across the Atlantic ridge one might have walked to the New +World dry-shod.[12] In similar wise the northwestern corner of America +has repeatedly been joined to Siberia through the elevation of Bering +Sea. + + [Footnote 12: See, for example, the map of Europe in early + post-glacial times, in James Geikie's _Prehistoric Europe_.] + +There have therefore been abundant opportunities for men to get into +America from the Old World without crossing salt water. Probably this +was the case with the ancient inhabitants of the Delaware and Little +Miami valleys; it is not at all likely that men who used their kind of +tools knew much about going on the sea in boats. + +[Sidenote: Waves of migration.] + +Whether the Indians are descended from this ancient population or not, +is a question with which we have as yet no satisfactory method of +dealing. It is not unlikely that these glacial men may have perished +from off the face of the earth, having been crushed and supplanted by +stronger races. There may have been several successive waves of +migration, of which the Indians were the latest.[13] There is time +enough for a great many things to happen in a thousand centuries. It +will doubtless be long before all the evidence can be brought in and +ransacked, but of one thing we may feel pretty sure; the past is more +full of changes than we are apt to realize. Our first theories are +usually too simple, and have to be enlarged and twisted into all manner +of shapes in order to cover the actual complication of facts.[14] + + [Footnote 13: "There are three human crania in the Museum, + which were found in the gravel at Trenton, one several feet + below the surface, the others near the surface. These skulls, + which are of remarkable uniformity, are of small size and of + oval shape, differing from all other skulls in the Museum. In + fact they are of a distinct type, and hence of the greatest + importance. So far as they go they indicate that palaeolithic + man was exterminated, or has become lost by admixture with + others during the many thousand years which have passed since + he inhabited the Delaware valley." F. W. Putnam, "The Peabody + Museum," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, + 1889, New Series, vol. vi. p. 189.] + + [Footnote 14: An excellent example of this is the expansion and + modification undergone during the past twenty years by our + theories of the Aryan settlement of Europe. See Benfey's + preface to Fick's _Woerterbuch der Indogermanischen + Grundsprache_, 1868; Geiger, _Zur Entwickelungsgeschichte der + Menschheit_, 1871; Cuno, _Forschungen im Gebiete der alten + Voelkerkunde_, 1871; Schmidt, _Die Verwandtschaftsverhaeltnisse + der Indogermanischen Sprachen_, 1872; Poesche, _Die Arier_, + 1878; Lindenschmit, _Handbuch der deutschen Alterthumskunde_, + 1880; Penka, _Origines Ariacae_, 1883, and _Die Herkunft der + Arier_, 1886; Spiegel, _Die arische Periode und ihre Zustande_, + 1887; Rendal, _Cradle of the Aryans_, 1889; Schrader, + _Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte_, 1883, and second edition + translated into English, with the title _Prehistoric + Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_, 1890. Schrader's is an + epoch-making book. An attempt to defend the older and simpler + views is made by Max Mueller, _Biographies of Words and the Home + of the Aryas_, 1888; see also Van den Gheyn, _L'origine + europeenne des Aryas_, 1889. The whole case is well summed up + by Isaac Taylor, _Origin of the Aryans_, 1889.] + +[Sidenote: The Cave men of Europe in the Glacial Period.] + +[Sidenote: The Eskimos are probably a remnant of the Cave men.] + +In this connection the history of the Eskimos introduces us to some +interesting problems. Mention has been made of the River-drift men who +lived in Europe during the milder intervals of the Glacial period. At +such times they made their way into Germany and Britain, along with +leopards, hyaenas, and African elephants. But as the cold intervals came +on and the edge of the polar ice-sheet crept southward and mountain +glaciers filled up the valleys, these men and beasts retreated into +Africa; and their place was taken by a sub-arctic race of men known as +the Cave men, along with the reindeer and arctic fox and musk-sheep. +More than once with the secular alternations of temperature did the +River-drift men thus advance and retreat and advance again, and as they +advanced the Cave men retreated, both races yielding to an enemy +stronger than either,--to wit, the hostile climate. At length all traces +of the River-drift men vanish, but what of the Cave men? They have left +no representatives among the present populations of Europe, but the +musk-sheep, which always went and came with the Cave men, is to-day +found only in sub-arctic America among the Eskimos, and the fossilized +bones of the musk-sheep lie in a regular trail across the eastern +hemisphere, from the Pyrenees through Germany and Russia and all the +vast length of Siberia. The stone arrow-heads, the sewing-needles, the +necklaces and amulets of cut teeth, and the daggers made from antler, +used by the Eskimos, resemble so minutely the implements of the Cave +men, that if recent Eskimo remains were to be put into the Pleistocene +caves of France and England they would be indistinguishable in +appearance from the remains of the Cave men which are now found +there.[15] There is another striking point of resemblance. The Eskimos +have a talent for artistic sketching of men and beasts, and scenes in +which men and beasts figure, which is absolutely unrivalled among rude +peoples. One need but look at the sketches by common Eskimo fishermen +which illustrate Dr. Henry Rink's fascinating book on Danish Greenland, +to realize that this rude Eskimo art has a character as pronounced and +unmistakable in its way as the much higher art of the Japanese. Now +among the European remains of the Cave men are many sketches of +mammoths, cave bears, and other animals now extinct, and hunting scenes +so artfully and vividly portrayed as to bring distinctly before us many +details of daily life in an antiquity so vast that in comparison with it +the interval between the pyramids of Egypt and the Eiffel tower shrinks +into a point. Such a talent is unique among savage peoples. It exists +only among the living Eskimos and the ancient Cave men; and when +considered in connection with so many other points of agreement, and +with the indisputable fact that the Cave men were a sub-arctic race, it +affords a strong presumption in favour of the opinion of that great +palaeontologist, Professor Boyd Dawkins, that the Eskimos of North +America are to-day the sole survivors of the race that made their homes +in the Pleistocene caves of western Europe.[16] + + [Footnote 15: See Dawkins, _Early Man in Britain_, pp. + 233-245.] + + [Footnote 16: According to Dr. Rink the Eskimos formerly + inhabited the central portions of North America, and have + retreated or been driven northward; he would make the Eskimos + of Siberia an offshoot from those of America, though he freely + admits that there are grounds for entertaining the opposite + view. Dr. Abbott is inclined to attribute an Eskimo origin to + some of the palaeoliths of the Trenton gravel. On the other + hand, Mr. Clements Markham derives the American Eskimos from + those of Siberia. It seems to me that these views may be + comprehended and reconciled in a wider one. I would suggest + that during the Glacial period the ancestral Eskimos may have + gradually become adapted to arctic conditions of life; that in + the mild interglacial intervals they migrated northward along + with the musk-sheep; and that upon the return of the cold they + migrated southward again, keeping always near the edge of the + ice-sheet. Such a southward migration would naturally enough + bring them in one continent down to the Pyrenees, in the other + down to the Alleghanies; and naturally enough the modern + inquirer has his attention first directed to the indications of + their final retreat, _both_ northward in America and + northeastward from Europe through Siberia. This is like what + happened with so many plants and animals. Compare Darwin's + remarks on "Dispersal in the Glacial Period," _Origin of + Species_, chap. xii. + + The best books on the Eskimos are those of Dr. Rink, _Tales and + Traditions of the Eskimo_, Edinburgh, 1875; _Danish Greenland_, + London, 1877; _The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and + Characteristics, especially in regard to Language_, Copenhagen, + 1887. See also Franz Boas, "The Central Eskimo," _Sixth Report + of the Bureau of Ethnology_, Washington, 1888, pp. 399-669; W. + H. Dall. _Alaska and its Resources_, 1870; Markham, "Origin and + Migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux," _Journal of the Royal + Geographical Society_, 1865; Cranz, _Historie von Groenland_, + Leipsic, 1765; Petitot, _Traditions indiennes du Canada + nord-ouest_, Paris, 1886; Pilling's _Bibliography of the Eskimo + Language_, Washington, 1887; Wells and Kelly, _English-Eskimo + and Eskimo-English Vocabularies, with Ethnographical Memoranda + concerning the Arctic Eskimos in Alaska and Siberia_, + Washington, 1890; Carstensen's _Two Summers in Greenland_, + London, 1890.] + +If we have always been accustomed to think of races of men only as they +are placed on modern maps, it at first seems strange to think of England +and France as ever having been inhabited by Eskimos. Facts equally +strange may be cited in abundance from zooelogy and botany. The camel is +found to-day only in Arabia and Bactria; yet in all probability the +camel originated in America,[17] and is an intruder into what we are +accustomed to call his native deserts, just as the people of the United +States are European intruders upon the soil of America. So the giant +trees of Mariposa grove are now found only in California, but there was +once a time when they were as common in Europe[18] as maple-trees to-day +in a New England village. + + [Footnote 17: Wallace, _Geographical Distribution of Animals_, + vol. ii. p. 155.] + + [Footnote 18: Asa Gray, "Sequoia and its History," in his + _Darwiniana_, pp. 205-235.] + +[Sidenote: There was probably no connection or intercourse by water +between ancient America and the Old World.] + +Familiarity with innumerable facts of this sort, concerning the +complicated migrations and distribution of plants and animals, has +entirely altered our way of looking at the question as to the origin of +the American Indians. As already observed, we can hardly be said to +possess sufficient data for determining whether they are descended from +the Pleistocene inhabitants of America, or have come in some later wave +of migration from the Old World. Nor can we as yet determine whether +they were earlier or later comers than the Eskimos. But since we have +got rid of that feeling of speculative necessity above referred to, for +bringing the red men from Asia within the historic period, it has become +more and more clear that they have dwelt upon American soil for a very +long time. The aboriginal American, as we know him, with his language +and legends, his physical and mental peculiarities, his social +observances and customs, is most emphatically a native and not an +imported article. He belongs to the American continent as strictly as +its opossums and armadillos, its maize and its golden-rod, or any +members of its aboriginal fauna and flora belong to it. In all +probability he came from the Old World at some ancient period, whether +pre-glacial or post-glacial, when it was possible to come by land; and +here in all probability, until the arrival of white men from Europe, he +remained undisturbed by later comers, unless the Eskimos may have been +such. There is not a particle of evidence to suggest any connection or +intercourse between aboriginal America and Asia within any such period +as the last twenty thousand years, except in so far as there may perhaps +now and then have been slight surges of Eskimo tribes back and forth +across Bering strait. + +[Sidenote: There is one great American "red" race.] + +The Indians must surely be regarded as an entirely different stock from +the Eskimos. On the other hand, the most competent American ethnologists +are now pretty thoroughly agreed that all the aborigines south of the +Eskimo region, all the way from Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn, belong to +one and the same race. It was formerly supposed that the higher culture +of the Aztecs, Mayas, and Peruvians must indicate that they were of +different race from the more barbarous Algonquins and Dakotas; and a +speculative necessity was felt for proving that, whatever may have been +the case with the other American peoples, this higher culture at any +rate must have been introduced within the historic period from the Old +World.[19] This feeling was caused partly by the fact that, owing to +crude and loosely-framed conceptions of the real points of difference +between civilization and barbarism, this Central American culture was +absurdly exaggerated. As the further study of the uncivilized parts of +the world has led to more accurate and precise conceptions, this kind of +speculative necessity has ceased to be felt. There is an increasing +disposition among scholars to agree that the warrior of Anahuac and the +shepherd of the Andes were just simply Indians, and that their culture +was no less indigenous than that of the Cherokees or Mohawks. + + [Footnote 19: Illustrations may be found in plenty in the + learned works of Brasseur de Bourbourg:--_Histoire des nations + civilisees du Mexique et de l'Amerique centrale_, 4 vols., + Paris, 1857-58; _Popol Vuh_, Paris, 1861; _Quatre lettres sur + le Mexique_, Paris, 1868; _Le manuscrit Troano_, Paris, 1870, + etc.] + +[Sidenote: Different senses in which the word "race" is used.] + +To prevent any possible misconception of my meaning, a further word of +explanation may be needed at this point. The word "race" is used in such +widely different senses that there is apt to be more or less vagueness +about it. The difference is mainly in what logicians call extension; +sometimes the word covers very little ground, sometimes a great deal. We +say that the people of England, of the United States, and of New South +Wales belong to one and the same race; and we say that an Englishman, a +Frenchman, and a Greek belong to three different races. There is a sense +in which both these statements are true. But there is also a sense in +which we may say that the Englishman, the Frenchman, and the Greek +belong to one and the same race; and that is when we are contrasting +them as white men with black men or yellow men. Now we may correctly say +that a Shawnee, an Ojibwa, and a Kickapoo belong to one and the same +Algonquin race; that a Mohawk and a Tuscarora belong to one and the same +Iroquois race; but that an Algonquin differs from an Iroquois somewhat +as an Englishman differs from a Frenchman. No doubt we may fairly say +that the Mexicans encountered by Cortes differed in race from the +Iroquois encountered by Champlain, as much as an Englishman differs from +an Albanian or a Montenegrin. But when we are contrasting aboriginal +Americans with white men or yellow men, it is right to say that Mexicans +and Iroquois belong to the same great red race. + +In some parts of the world two strongly contrasted races have become +mingled together, or have existed side by side for centuries without +intermingling. In Europe the big blonde Aryan-speaking race has mixed +with the small brunette Iberian race, producing the endless varieties in +stature and complexion which may be seen in any drawing-room in London +or New York. In Africa south of Sahara, on the other hand, we find, +interspersed among negro tribes but kept perfectly distinct, that +primitive dwarfish race with yellow skin and tufted hair to which belong +the Hottentots and Bushmen, the Wambatti lately discovered by Mr. +Stanley, and other tribes.[20] Now in America south of Hudson's Bay the +case seems to have been quite otherwise, and more as it would have been +in Europe if there had been only Aryans, or in Africa if there had been +only blacks.[21] + + [Footnote 20: See Werner, "The African Pygmies," _Popular + Science Monthly_, September, 1890,--a thoughtful and + interesting article.] + + [Footnote 21: This sort of illustration requires continual + limitation and qualification. The case in ancient America was + not _quite_ as it would have been in Europe if there had been + only Aryans there. The semi-civilized people of the Cordilleras + were relatively brachycephalous as compared with the more + barbarous Indians north and east of New Mexico. It is correct + to call this a distinction of race if we mean thereby a + distinction developed upon American soil, a differentiation + within the limits of the red race, and not an intrusion from + without. In this sense the Caribs also may be regarded as a + distinct sub-race; and, in the same sense, we may call the + Kafirs a distinct sub-race of African blacks. See, as to the + latter, Tylor, _Anthropology_, p. 39.] + +[Sidenote: No necessary connection between differences in culture and +differences in race.] + +The belief that the people of the Cordilleras must be of radically +different race from other Indians was based upon the vague notion that +grades of culture have some necessary connection with likenesses and +differences of race. There is no such necessary connection.[22] Between +the highly civilized Japanese and their barbarous Mandshu cousins the +difference in culture is much greater than the difference between +Mohawks and Mexicans; and the same may be said of the people of Israel +and Judah in contrast with the Arabs of the desert, or of the imperial +Romans in comparison with their Teutonic kinsmen as described by +Tacitus. + + [Footnote 22: As Sir John Lubbock well says, "Different races + in similar stages of development often present more features of + resemblance to one another than the same race does to itself in + different stages of its history." (_Origin of Civilization_, p. + 11.) If every student of history and ethnology would begin by + learning this lesson, the world would be spared a vast amount + of unprofitable theorizing.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Grades of culture.] + +At this point, in order to prepare ourselves the more clearly to +understand sundry facts with which we shall hereafter be obliged to +deal, especially the wonderful experiences of the Spanish conquerors, it +will be well to pause for a moment and do something toward defining the +different grades of culture through which men have passed in attaining +to the grade which can properly be called civilization. Unless we begin +with clear ideas upon this head we cannot go far toward understanding +the ancient America that was first visited and described for us by +Spaniards. The various grades of culture need to be classified, and that +most original and suggestive scholar, the late Lewis Morgan of +Rochester, made a brilliant attempt in this direction, to which the +reader's attention is now invited. + +[Sidenote: Distinction between Savagery and Barbarism.] + +[Sidenote: Origin of pottery.] + +Below _Civilization_ Mr. Morgan[23] distinguishes two principal grades +or stages of culture, namely _Savagery_ and _Barbarism_. There is much +looseness and confusion in the popular use of these terms, and this is +liable to become a fruitful source of misapprehension in the case of any +statement involving either of them. When popular usage discriminates +between them it discriminates in the right direction; there is a vague +but not uncertain feeling that savagery is a lower stage than barbarism. +But ordinarily the discrimination is not made and the two terms are +carelessly employed as if interchangeable. Scientific writers long since +recognized a general difference between savagery and barbarism, but Mr. +Morgan was the first to suggest a really useful criterion for +distinguishing between them. His criterion is the making of pottery; and +his reason for selecting it is that the making of pottery is something +that presupposes village life and more or less progress in the simpler +arts. The earlier methods of boiling food were either putting it into +holes in the ground lined with skins and then using heated stones, or +else putting it into baskets coated with clay to be supported over a +fire. The clay served the double purpose of preventing liquids from +escaping and protecting the basket against the flame. It was probably +observed that the clay was hardened by the fire, and thus in course of +time it was found that the clay would answer the purpose without the +basket.[24] Whoever first made this ingenious discovery led the way from +savagery to barbarism. Throughout the present work we shall apply the +name "savages" only to uncivilized people who do not make pottery. + + [Footnote 23: See his great work on _Ancient Society_, New + York, 1877.] + + [Footnote 24: See the evidence in Tylor, _Researches into the + Early History of Mankind_, pp. 269-272; cf. Lubbock, + _Prehistoric Times_, p. 573; and see Cushing's masterly "Study + of Pueblo Pottery," etc., _Reports of Bureau of Ethnology_, + iv., 473-521.] + +[Sidenote: Lower status of savagery.] + +But within each of these two stages Mr. Morgan distinguishes three +subordinate stages, or Ethnic Periods, which may be called either lower, +middle, and upper status, or older, middle, and later periods. The lower +status of savagery was that wholly prehistoric stage when men lived in +their original restricted habitat and subsisted on fruit and nuts. To +this period must be assigned the beginning of articulate speech. All +existing races of men had passed beyond it at an unknown antiquity. + +[Sidenote: Middle status of savagery.] + +Men began to pass beyond it when they discovered how to catch fish and +how to use fire. They could then begin (following coasts and rivers) to +spread over the earth. The middle status of savagery, thus introduced, +ends with the invention of that compound weapon, the bow and arrow. The +natives of Australia, who do not know this weapon, are still in the +middle status of savagery.[25] + + [Footnote 25: Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_, London, 1889, gives + a vivid picture of aboriginal life in Australia.] + +[Sidenote: Upper status of savagery.] + +The invention of the bow and arrow, which marks the upper status of +savagery, was not only a great advance in military art, but it also +vastly increased men's supply of food by increasing their power of +killing wild game. The lowest tribes in America, such as those upon the +Columbia river, the Athabaskans of Hudson's Bay, the Fuegians and some +other South American tribes, are in the upper status of savagery. + +[Sidenote: Lower status of barbarism: it ended differently in the two +hemispheres.] + +The transition from this status to the lower status of barbarism was +marked, as before observed, by the invention of pottery. The end of the +lower status of barbarism was marked in the Old World by the +domestication of animals other than the dog, which was probably +domesticated at a much earlier period as an aid to the hunter. The +domestication of horses and asses, oxen and sheep, goats and pigs, marks +of course an immense advance. Along with it goes considerable +development of agriculture, thus enabling a small territory to support +many people. It takes a wide range of country to support hunters. In the +New World, except in Peru, the only domesticated animal was the dog. +Horses, oxen, and the other animals mentioned did not exist in America, +during the historic period, until they were brought over from Europe by +the Spaniards. In ancient American society there was no such thing as a +pastoral stage of development,[26] and the absence of domesticable +animals from the western hemisphere may well be reckoned as very +important among the causes which retarded the progress of mankind in +this part of the world. + + [Footnote 26: The case of Peru, which forms an apparent but not + real exception to this general statement, will be considered + below in chap. ix.] + +[Sidenote: Importance of Indian corn.] + +On the other hand the ancient Americans had a cereal plant peculiar to +the New World, which made comparatively small demands upon the +intelligence and industry of the cultivator. Maize or "Indian corn" has +played a most important part in the history of the New World, as +regards both the red men and the white men. It could be planted without +clearing or ploughing the soil. It was only necessary to girdle the +trees with a stone hatchet, so as to destroy their leaves and let in the +sunshine. A few scratches and digs were made in the ground with a stone +digger, and the seed once dropped in took care of itself. The ears could +hang for weeks after ripening, and could be picked off without meddling +with the stalk; there was no need of threshing and winnowing. None of +the Old World cereals can be cultivated without much more industry and +intelligence. At the same time, when Indian corn is sown in tilled land +it yields with little labour more than twice as much food per acre as +any other kind of grain. This was of incalculable advantage to the +English settlers of New England, who would have found it much harder to +gain a secure foothold upon the soil if they had had to begin by +preparing it for wheat and rye without the aid of the beautiful and +beneficent American plant.[27] The Indians of the Atlantic coast of +North America for the most part lived in stockaded villages, and +cultivated their corn along with beans, pumpkins, squashes, and tobacco; +but their cultivation was of the rudest sort,[28] and population was too +sparse for much progress toward civilization. But Indian corn, when +sown in carefully tilled and irrigated land, had much to do with the +denser population, the increasing organization of labour, and the higher +development in the arts, which characterized the confederacies of Mexico +and Central America and all the pueblo Indians of the southwest. The +potato played a somewhat similar part in Peru. Hence it seems proper to +take the regular employment of tillage with irrigation as marking the +end of the lower period of barbarism in the New World. To this Mr. +Morgan adds the use of adobe-brick and stone in architecture, which also +distinguished the Mexicans and their neighbours from the ruder tribes of +North and South America. All these ruder tribes, except the few already +mentioned as in the upper period of savagery, were somewhere within the +lower period of barbarism. Thus the Algonquins and Iroquois, the Creeks, +the Dakotas, etc., when first seen by white men, were within this +period; but some had made much further progress within it than others. +For example, the Algonquin tribe of Ojibwas had little more than emerged +from savagery, while the Creeks and Cherokees had made considerable +advance toward the middle status of barbarism. + + [Footnote 27: See Shaler, "Physiography of North America," in + Winsor's _Narr. and Crit. Hist._ vol. iv. p. xiii.] + + [Footnote 28: "No manure was used," says Mr. Parkman, speaking + of the Hurons, "but at intervals of from ten to twenty years, + when the soil was exhausted and firewood distant, the village + was abandoned and a new one built." _Jesuits in North America_, + p. xxx.] + +[Sidenote: Middle status of barbarism.] + +Let us now observe some characteristics of this extremely interesting +middle period. It began, we see, in the eastern hemisphere with the +domestication of other animals than the dog, and in the western +hemisphere with cultivation by irrigation and the use of adobe-brick and +stone for building. It also possessed another feature which +distinguished it from earlier periods, in the materials of which its +tools were made. In the periods of savagery hatchets and spear-heads +were made of rudely chipped stones. In the lower period of barbarism the +chipping became more and more skilful until it gave place to polishing. +In the middle period tools were greatly multiplied, improved polishing +gave sharp and accurate points and edges, and at last metals began to be +used as materials preferable to stone. In America the metal used was +copper, and in some spots where it was very accessible there were +instances of its use by tribes not in other respects above the lower +status of barbarism,--as for example, the "mound-builders." In the Old +World the metal used was the alloy of copper and tin familiarly known as +bronze, and in its working it called for a higher degree of intelligence +than copper. + +[Sidenote: Working of metals.] + +Toward the close of the middle period of barbarism the working of metals +became the most important element of progress, and the period may be +regarded as ending with the invention of the process of smelting iron +ore. According to this principle of division, the inhabitants of the +lake villages of ancient Switzerland, who kept horses and oxen, pigs and +sheep, raised wheat and ground it into flour, and spun and wove linen +garments, but knew nothing of iron, were in the middle status of +barbarism. The same was true of the ancient Britons before they learned +the use of iron from their neighbours in Gaul. In the New World the +representatives of the middle status of barbarism were such peoples as +the Zunis, the Aztecs, the Mayas, and the Peruvians. + +[Sidenote: Upper status of barbarism.] + +[Sidenote: Beginning of civilization.] + +The upper status of barbarism, in so far as it implies a knowledge of +smelting iron, was never reached in aboriginal America. In the Old World +it is the stage which had been reached by the Greeks of the Homeric +poems[29] and the Germans in the time of Caesar. The end of this period +and the beginning of true civilization is marked by the invention of a +phonetic alphabet and the production of written records. This brings +within the pale of civilization such people as the ancient Phoenicians, +the Hebrews after the exodus, the ruling classes at Nineveh and Babylon, +the Aryans of Persia and India, and the Japanese. But clearly it will +not do to insist too narrowly upon the phonetic character of the +alphabet. Where people acquainted with iron have enshrined in +hieroglyphics so much matter of historic record and literary interest as +the Chinese and the ancient Egyptians, they too must be classed as +civilized; and this Mr. Morgan by implication admits. + + [Footnote 29: In the interesting architectural remains + unearthed by Dr. Schliemann at Mycenae and Tiryns, there have + been found at the former place a few iron keys and knives, at + the latter one iron lance-head; but the form and workmanship of + these objects mark them as not older than the beginning of the + fifth century B. C., or the time of the Persian wars. With + these exceptions the weapons and tools found in these cities, + as also in Troy, were of bronze and stone. Bronze was in common + use, but obsidian knives and arrow-heads of fine workmanship + abound in the ruins. According to Professor Sayce, these ruins + must date from 2000 to 1700 B. C. The Greeks of that time would + accordingly be placed in the middle status of barbarism. (See + Schliemann's _Mycenae_, pp. 75, 364; _Tiryns_, p. 171.) In the + state of society described in the Homeric poems the smelting of + iron was well known, but the process seems to have been costly, + so that bronze weapons were still commonly used. (Tylor, + _Anthropology_, p. 279.) The Romans of the regal period were + ignorant of iron. (Lanciani, _Ancient Rome in the Light of + Recent Discoveries_, Boston, 1888, pp. 39-48.) The upper period + of barbarism was shortened for Greece and Rome through the + circumstance that they learned the working of iron from Egypt + and the use of the alphabet from Phoenicia. Such copying, of + course, affects the symmetry of such schemes as Mr. Morgan's, + and allowances have to be made for it. It is curious that both + Greeks and Romans seem to have preserved some tradition of the + Bronze Age:-- + + [Greek: tois d' en chalkea men teuchea, chalkeoi de te oikoi, + chalko d' eirgazonto; melas d' ouk eske sideros.] + Hesiod, _Opp. Di._ 134. + + Arma antiqua manus ungues dentesque fuerunt + Et lapides et item silvarum fragmina rami, + Et flamma atque ignes, postquam sunt cognita primum. + Posterius ferri vis est, aerisque reperta. + Et prior aeris erat, quam ferri cognitus usus, etc. + Lucretius, v. 1283. + + Perhaps, as Munro suggests, Lucretius was thinking of Hesiod; + but it does not seem improbable that in both cases there may + have been a genuine tradition that their ancestors used bronze + tools and weapons before iron, since the change was + comparatively recent, and sundry religious observances tended + to perpetuate the memory of it.] + +[Sidenote: "Civilizations" of Mexico and Peru.] + +This brilliant classification of the stages of early culture will be +found very helpful if we only keep in mind the fact that in all wide +generalizations of this sort the case is liable to be somewhat unduly +simplified. The story of human progress is really not quite so easy to +decipher as such descriptions would make it appear, and when we have +laid down rules of this sort we need not be surprised if we now and then +come upon facts that will not exactly fit into them. In such an event +it is best not to try to squeeze or distort the unruly facts, but to +look and see if our rules will not bear some little qualification. The +faculty for generalizing is a good servant but a bad master. If we +observe this caution we shall find Mr. Morgan's work to be of great +value. It will be observed that, with one exception, his restrictions +leave the area of civilization as wide as that which we are accustomed +to assign to it in our ordinary speaking and thinking. That exception is +the case of Mexico, Central America, and Peru. We have so long been +accustomed to gorgeous accounts of the civilization of these countries +at the time of their discovery by the Spaniards that it may at first +shock our preconceived notions to see them set down as in the "middle +status of barbarism," one stage higher than Mohawks, and one stage lower +than the warriors of the Iliad. This does indeed mark a change since Dr. +Draper expressed the opinion that the Mexicans and Peruvians were +morally and intellectually superior to the Europeans of the sixteenth +century.[30] The reaction from the state of opinion in which such an +extravagant remark was even possible has been attended with some +controversy; but on the whole Mr. Morgan's main position has been +steadily and rapidly gaining ground, and it is becoming more and more +clear that if we are to use language correctly when we speak of the +civilizations of Mexico and Peru we really mean civilizations of an +extremely archaic type, considerably more archaic than that of Egypt in +the time of the Pharaohs. A "civilization" like that of the Aztecs, +without domestic animals or iron tools, with trade still in the +primitive stage of barter, with human sacrifices, and with cannibalism, +has certainly some of the most vivid features of barbarism. Along with +these primitive features, however, there seem to have been--after making +all due allowances--some features of luxury and splendour such as we are +wont to associate with civilization. The Aztecs, moreover, though +doubtless a full ethnical period behind the ancient Egyptians in general +advancement, had worked out a system of hieroglyphic writing, and had +begun to put it to some literary use. It would seem that a people may in +certain special points reach a level of attainment higher than the level +which they occupy in other points. The Cave men of the Glacial period +were ignorant of pottery, and thus had not risen above the upper status +of savagery; but their artistic talent, upon which we have remarked, was +not such as we are wont to associate with savagery. Other instances will +occur to us in the proper place. + + [Footnote 30: See his _Intellectual Development of Europe_, New + York, 1863, pp. 448, 464.] + +[Sidenote: Loose use of the words "savagery" and "civilization".] + +The difficulty which people usually find in realizing the true position +of the ancient Mexican culture arises partly from the misconceptions +which have until recently distorted the facts, and partly from the loose +employment of terms above noticed. It is quite correct to speak of the +Australian blackfellows as "savages," but nothing is more common than to +hear the same epithet employed to characterize Shawnees and Mohawks; +and to call those Indians "savages" is quite misleading. So on the other +hand the term "civilization" is often so loosely used as to cover a +large territory belonging to "barbarism." One does not look for +scientific precision in newspapers, but they are apt to reflect popular +habits of thought quite faithfully, and for that reason it is proper +here to quote from one. In a newspaper account of Mr. Cushing's recent +discoveries of buried towns, works of irrigation, etc., in Arizona, we +are first told that these are the remains of a "splendid prehistoric +civilization," and the next moment we are told, in entire +unconsciousness of the contradiction, that the people who constructed +these works had only stone tools. Now to call a people "civilized" who +have only stone tools is utterly misleading. Nothing but confusion of +ideas and darkening of counsel can come from such a misuse of words. +Such a people may be in a high degree interesting and entitled to credit +for what they have achieved, but the grade of culture which they have +reached is not "civilization." + +[Sidenote: Value and importance of the term "barbarism."] + +With "savagery" thus encroaching upon its area of meaning on the one +side, and "civilization" encroaching on the other, the word "barbarism," +as popularly apprehended, is left in a vague and unsatisfactory plight. +If we speak of Montezuma's people as barbarians one stage further +advanced than Mohawks, we are liable to be charged with calling them +"savages." Yet the term "barbarism" is a very useful one; indispensable, +indeed, in the history of human progress. There is no other word which +can serve in its stead as a designation of the enormous interval which +begins with the invention of pottery and ends with the invention of the +alphabet. The popular usage of the word is likely to become more +definite as it comes to be more generally realized how prodigious that +interval has been. When we think what a considerable portion of man's +past existence has been comprised within it, and what a marvellous +transformation in human knowledge and human faculty has been gradually +wrought between its beginning and its end, the period of barbarism +becomes invested with most thrilling interest, and its name ceases to +appear otherwise than respectable. It is Mr. Morgan's chief title to +fame that he has so thoroughly explored this period and described its +features with such masterly skill. + +[Sidenote: The status of barbarism is most completely exemplified in +ancient America.] + +[Sidenote: Survivals of bygone epochs of culture.] + +It is worth while to observe that Mr. Morgan's view of the successive +stages of culture is one which could not well have been marked out in +all its parts except by a student of American archaeology. Aboriginal +America is the richest field in the world for the study of barbarism. +Its people present every gradation in social life during three ethnical +periods--the upper period of savagery and the lower and middle periods +of barbarism--so that the process of development may be most +systematically and instructively studied. Until we have become familiar +with ancient American society, and so long as our view is confined to +the phases of progress in the Old World, the demarcation between +civilized and uncivilized life seems too abrupt and sudden; we do not +get a correct measure of it. The oldest European tradition reaches back +only through the upper period of barbarism.[31] The middle and lower +periods have lapsed into utter oblivion, and it is only modern +archaeological research that is beginning to recover the traces of them. +But among the red men of America the social life of ages more remote +than that of the lake villages of Switzerland is in many particulars +preserved for us to-day, and when we study it we begin to realize as +never before the continuity of human development, its enormous duration, +and the almost infinite accumulation of slow efforts by which progress +has been achieved. Ancient America is further instructive in presenting +the middle status of barbarism in a different form from that which it +assumed in the eastern hemisphere. Its most conspicuous outward +manifestations, instead of tents and herds, were strange and imposing +edifices of stone, so that it was quite natural that observers +interpreting it from a basis of European experience should mistake it +for civilization. Certain aspects of that middle period may be studied +to-day in New Mexico and Arizona, as phases of the older periods may +still be found among the wilder tribes, even after all the contact they +have had with white men. These survivals from antiquity will not +permanently outlive that contact, and it is important that no time +should be lost in gathering and putting on record all that can be +learned of the speech and arts, the customs and beliefs, everything that +goes to constitute the philology and anthropology of the red men. For +the intelligent and vigorous work of this sort now conducted by the +Bureau of Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution, under the direction +of Major Powell, no praise can be too strong and no encouragement too +hearty. + + [Footnote 31: Now and then, perhaps, but very rarely, it just + touches the close of the middle period, as, e. g., in the lines + from Hesiod and Lucretius above quoted.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Tribal society and multiplicity of languages in aboriginal +America.] + +A brief enumeration of the principal groups of Indians will be helpful +in enabling us to comprehend the social condition of ancient America. +The groups are in great part defined by differences of language, which +are perhaps a better criterion of racial affinity in the New World than +in the Old, because there seems to have been little or nothing of that +peculiar kind of conquest with incorporation resulting in complete +change of speech which we sometimes find in the Old World; as, for +example, when we see the Celto-Iberian population of Spain and the +Belgic, Celtic, and Aquitanian populations of Gaul forgetting their +native tongues, and adopting that of a confederacy of tribes in Latium. +Except in the case of Peru there is no indication that anything of this +sort went on, or that there was anything even superficially analogous to +"empire," in ancient America. What strikes one most forcibly at first is +the vast number of American languages. Adelung, in his "Mithridates," +put the number at 1,264, and Ludewig, in his "Literature of the American +Languages," put it roundly at 1,100. Squier, on the other hand, was +content with 400.[32] The discrepancy arises from the fact that where +one scholar sees two or three distinct languages another sees two or +three dialects of one language and counts them as one; it is like the +difficulty which naturalists find in agreeing as to what are species and +what are only varieties. The great number of languages and dialects +spoken by a sparse population is one mark of the universal prevalence of +a rude and primitive form of tribal society.[33] + + [Footnote 32: Winsor, "Bibliographical Notes on American + Linguistics," in his _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, vol. i. pp. + 420-428, gives an admirable survey of the subject. See also + Pilling's bibliographical bulletins of Iroquoian, Siouan, and + Muskhogean languages, published by the Bureau of Ethnology.] + + [Footnote 33: _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, pp. 147-174.] + +[Sidenote: Tribes in the upper status of savagery.] + +The lowest tribes in North America were those that are still to be found +in California, in the valley of the Columbia river, and on the shores of +Puget Sound. The Athabaskans of Hudson's Bay were on about the same +level of savagery. They made no pottery, knew nothing of horticulture, +depended for subsistence entirely upon bread-roots, fish, and game, and +thus had no village life. They were mere prowlers in the upper status of +savagery.[34] The Apaches of Arizona, preeminent even among red men for +atrocious cruelty, are an offshoot from the Athabaskan stock. Very +little better are the Shoshones and Bannocks that still wander among +the lonely bare mountains and over the weird sage-brush plains of Idaho. +The region west of the Rocky Mountains and north of New Mexico is thus +the region of savagery. + + [Footnote 34: For a good account of Indians in the upper status + of savagery until modified by contact with civilization, see + Myron Eells, "The Twana, Chemakum, and Klallam Indians of + Washington Territory," _Smithsonian Report_, 1887, pp. + 605-681.] + +[Sidenote: The Dakota family of tribes.] + +Between the Rocky Mountains and the Atlantic coast the aborigines, at +the time of the Discovery, might have been divided into six or seven +groups, of which three were situated mainly to the east of the +Mississippi river, the others mainly to the west of it. All were in the +lower period of barbarism. Of the western groups, by far the most +numerous were the Dakotas, comprising the Sioux, Poncas, Omahas, Iowas, +Kaws, Otoes, and Missouris. From the headwaters of the Mississippi their +territory extended westward on both sides of the Missouri for a thousand +miles. One of their tribes, the Winnebagos, had crossed the Mississippi +and pressed into the region between that river and Lake Michigan. + +[Sidenote: The Minnitarees and Mandans.] + +A second group, very small in numbers but extremely interesting to the +student of ethnology, comprises the Minnitarees and Mandans on the upper +Missouri.[35] The remnants of these tribes now live together in the same +village, and in personal appearance, as well as in intelligence, they +are described as superior to any other red men north of New Mexico. +From their first discovery, by the brothers La Verendrye in 1742, down +to Mr. Catlin's visit nearly a century later, there was no change in +their condition,[36] but shortly afterward, in 1838, the greater part of +them were swept away by small-pox. The excellence of their horticulture, +the framework of their houses, and their peculiar religious ceremonies +early attracted attention. Upon Mr. Catlin they made such an impression +that he fancied there must be an infusion of white blood in them; and +after the fashion of those days he sought to account for it by a +reference to the legend of Madoc, a Welsh prince who was dimly imagined +to have sailed to America about 1170. He thought that Madoc's party +might have sailed to the Mississippi and founded a colony which ascended +that river and the Ohio, built the famous mounds of the Ohio valley, and +finally migrated to the upper Missouri.[37] To this speculation was +appended the inevitable list of words which happen to sound somewhat +alike in Mandan and in Welsh. In the realm of free fancy everything is +easy. That there was a Madoc who went somewhere in 1170 is quite +possible, but as shrewd old John Smith said about it, "where this place +was no history can show."[38] But one part of Mr. Catlin's speculation +may have hit somewhat nearer the truth. It is possible that the +Minnitarees or the Mandans, or both, may be a remnant of some of those +Mound-builders in the Mississippi valley concerning whom something will +presently be said. + + [Footnote 35: An excellent description of them, profusely + illustrated with coloured pictures, may be found in Catlin's + _North American Indians_, vol. i. pp. 66-207, 7th ed., London, + 1848; the author was an accurate and trustworthy observer. Some + writers have placed these tribes in the Dakota group because of + the large number of Dakota words in their language; but these + are probably borrowed words, like the numerous French words in + English.] + + [Footnote 36: See Francis Parkman's paper, "The Discovery of + the Rocky Mountains," _Atlantic Monthly_, June, 1888. I hope + the appearance of this article, two years ago, indicates that + we have not much longer to wait for the next of that + magnificent series of volumes on the history of the French in + North America.] + + [Footnote 37: _North American Indians_, vol. ii., Appendix A.] + + [Footnote 38: Smith's _Generall Historie of Virginia, New + England and the Summer Isles_, p. 1, London, 1626.] + +[Sidenote: Pawnees, etc.] + +The third group in this western region consists of the Pawnees and +Arickarees,[39] of the Platte valley in Nebraska, with a few kindred +tribes farther to the south. + + [Footnote 39: For the history and ethnology of these + interesting tribes, see three learned papers by J. B. Dunbar, + in _Magazine of American History_, vol. iv. pp. 241-281; vol. + v. pp. 321-342; vol. viii. pp. 734-756; also Grinnell's _Pawnee + Hero Stories and Folk-Tales_, New York, 1889.] + +[Sidenote: Maskoki family.] + +Of the three groups eastward of the Mississippi we may first mention the +Maskoki, or Muskhogees, consisting of the Choctaws, Chickasaws, +Seminoles, and others, with the Creek confederacy.[40] These tribes were +intelligent and powerful, with a culture well advanced toward the end of +the lower period of barbarism. + + [Footnote 40: These tribes of the Gulf region were formerly + grouped, along with others not akin to them, as "Mobilians." + The Cherokees were supposed to belong to the Maskoki family, + but they have lately been declared an intrusive offshoot from + the Iroquois stock. The remnants of another alien tribe, the + once famous Natchez, were adopted into the Creek confederacy. + For a full account of these tribes, see Gatschet, _A Migration + Legend of the Creek Indians_, vol. i., Philadelphia, 1884.] + +[Sidenote: Algonquin family of tribes.] + +The Algonquin family, bordering at its southern limits upon the Maskoki, +had a vast range northeasterly along the Atlantic coast until it reached +the confines of Labrador, and northwesterly through the region of the +Great Lakes and as far as the Churchill river[41] to the west of +Hudson's Bay. In other words, the Algonquins were bounded on the south +by the Maskoki,[42] on the west by the Dakotas, on the northwest by the +Athabaskans, on the northeast by Eskimos, and on the east by the ocean. +Between Lake Superior and the Red River of the North the Crees had their +hunting grounds, and closely related to them were the Pottawatomies, +Ojibwas, and Ottawas. One offshoot, including the Blackfeet, Cheyennes, +and Arrapahos, roamed as far west as the Rocky Mountains. The great +triangle between the upper Mississippi and the Ohio was occupied by the +Menomonees and Kickapoos, the Sacs and Foxes, the Miamis and Illinois, +and the Shawnees. Along the coast region the principal Algonquin tribes +were the Powhatans of Virginia, the Lenape or Delawares, the Munsees or +Minisinks of the mountains about the Susquehanna, the Mohegans on the +Hudson, the Adirondacks between that river and the St. Lawrence, the +Narragansetts and their congeners in New England, and finally the +Micmacs and Wabenaki far down East, as the last name implies. There is a +tradition, supported to some extent by linguistic evidence,[43] that the +Mohegans, with their cousins the Pequots, were more closely related to +the Shawnees than to the Delaware or coast group. While all the +Algonquin tribes were in the lower period of barbarism, there was a +noticeable gradation among them, the Crees and Ojibwas of the far North +standing lowest in culture, and the Shawnees, at their southernmost +limits, standing highest. + + [Footnote 41: Howse, _Grammar of the Cree Language_, London, + 1865, p. vii.] + + [Footnote 42: Except in so far as the Cherokees and Tuscaroras, + presently to be mentioned, were interposed.] + + [Footnote 43: Brinton, _The Lenape and their Legends_, p. 30.] + +[Sidenote: Huron-Iroquois family of tribes.] + +We have observed the Dakota tribes pressing eastward against their +neighbours and sending out an offshoot, the Winnebagos, across the +Mississippi river. It has been supposed that the Huron-Iroquois group of +tribes was a more remote offshoot from the Dakotas. This is very +doubtful; but in the thirteenth or fourteenth century the general trend +of the Huron-Iroquois movement seems to have been eastward, either in +successive swarms, or in a single swarm, which became divided and +scattered by segmentation, as was common with all Indian tribes. They +seem early to have proved their superiority over the Algonquins in +bravery and intelligence. Their line of invasion seems to have run +eastward to Niagara, and thereabouts to have bifurcated, one line +following the valley of the St. Lawrence, and the other that of the +Susquehanna. The Hurons established themselves in the peninsula between +the lake that bears their name and Lake Ontario. South of them and along +the northern shore of Lake Erie were settled their kindred, afterward +called the "Neutral Nation."[44] On the southern shore the Eries planted +themselves, while the Susquehannocks pushed on in a direction +sufficiently described by their name. Farthest of all penetrated the +Tuscaroras, even into the pine forests of North Carolina, where they +maintained themselves in isolation from their kindred until 1715. These +invasions resulted in some displacement of Algonquin tribes, and began +to sap the strength of the confederacy or alliance in which the +Delawares had held a foremost place. + + [Footnote 44: Because they refused to take part in the strife + between the Hurons and the Five Nations. Their Indian name was + Attiwandarons. They were unsurpassed for ferocity. See Parkman, + _Jesuits in North America_, p. xliv.] + +[Sidenote: The Five Nations.] + +But by far the most famous and important of the Huron-Iroquois were +those that followed the northern shore of Lake Ontario into the valley +of the St. Lawrence. In that direction their progress was checked by the +Algonquin tribe of Adirondacks, but they succeeded in retaining a +foothold in the country for a long time; for in 1535 Jacques Cartier +found on the site which he named Montreal an Iroquois village which had +vanished before Champlain's arrival seventy years later. Those Iroquois +who were thrust back in the struggle for the St. Lawrence valley, early +in the fifteenth century, made their way across Lake Ontario and +established themselves at the mouth of the Oswego river. They were then +in three small tribes,--the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas,--but as +they grew in numbers and spread eastward to the Hudson and westward to +the Genesee, the intermediate tribes of Oneidas and Cayugas were formed +by segmentation.[45] About 1450 the five tribes--afterwards known as the +Five Nations--were joined in a confederacy in pursuance of the wise +counsel which Hayowentha, or Hiawatha,[46] according to the legend, +whispered into the ears of the Onondaga sachem, Daganoweda. This union +of their resources combined, with their native bravery and cunning, and +their occupation of the most commanding military position in eastern +North America, to render them invincible among red men. They +exterminated their old enemies the Adirondacks, and pushed the Mohegans +over the mountains from the Hudson river to the Connecticut. When they +first encountered white men in 1609 their name had become a terror in +New England, insomuch that as soon as a single Mohawk was caught sight +of by the Indians in that country, they would raise the cry from hill to +hill, "A Mohawk! a Mohawk!" and forthwith would flee like sheep before +wolves, never dreaming of resistance.[47] + + [Footnote 45: Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 125.] + + [Footnote 46: Whether there was ever such a person as Hiawatha + is, to say the least, doubtful. As a traditional culture-hero + his attributes are those of Ioskeha, Michabo, Quetzalcoatl, + Viracocha, and all that class of sky-gods to which I shall + again have occasion to refer. See Brinton's _Myths of the New + World_, p. 172. When the Indian speaks of Hiawatha whispering + advice to Daganoweda, his meaning is probably the same as that + of the ancient Greek when he attributed the wisdom of some + mortal hero to whispered advice from Zeus or his messenger + Hermes. Longfellow's famous poem is based upon Schoolcraft's + book entitled _The Hiawatha Legends_, which is really a + misnomer, for the book consists chiefly of Ojibwa stories about + Manabozho, son of the West Wind. There was really no such + legend of Hiawatha as that which the poet has immortalized. See + Hale, _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, pp. 36, 180-183.] + + [Footnote 47: Cadwallader Colden, _History of the Five + Nations_, New York, 1727.] + +After the Five Nations had been supplied with firearms by the Dutch +their power increased with portentous rapidity.[48] At first they sought +to persuade their neighbours of kindred blood and speech, the Eries and +others, to join their confederacy; and failing in this they went to war +and exterminated them.[49] Then they overthrew one Algonquin tribe after +another until in 1690 their career was checked by the French. By that +time they had reduced to a tributary condition most of the Algonquin +tribes, even to the Mississippi river. Some writers have spoken of the +empire of the Iroquois, and it has been surmised that, if they had not +been interfered with by white men, they might have played a part +analogous to that of the Romans in the Old World; but there is no real +similarity between the two cases. The Romans acquired their mighty +strength by incorporating vanquished peoples into their own body +politic.[50] No American aborigines ever had a glimmering of the process +of state-building after the Roman fashion. No incorporation resulted +from the victories of the Iroquois. Where their burnings and massacres +stopped short of extermination, they simply took tribute, which was as +far as state-craft had got in the lower period of barbarism. General +Walker has summed up their military career in a single sentence: "They +were the scourge of God upon the aborigines of the continent."[51] + + [Footnote 48: Morgan, _League of the Iroquois_, p. 12.] + + [Footnote 49: All except the distant Tuscaroras, who in 1715 + migrated from North Carolina to New York, and joining the + Iroquois league made it the Six Nations. All the rest of the + outlying Huron-Iroquois stock was wiped out of existence before + the end of the seventeenth century, except the remnant of + Hurons since known as Wyandots.] + + [Footnote 50: See my _Beginnings of New England_, chap. i.] + + [Footnote 51: F. A. Walker, "The Indian Question," _North + American Review_, April, 1873, p. 370.] + +[Sidenote: Horticulture must be distinguished from field agriculture.] + +[Sidenote: Perpetual warfare.] + +The six groups here enumerated--Dakota, Mandan, Pawnee, Maskoki, +Algonquin, Iroquois--made up the great body of the aborigines of North +America who at the time of the Discovery lived in the lower status of +barbarism. All made pottery of various degrees of rudeness. Their tools +and weapons were of the Neolithic type,--stone either polished or +accurately and artistically chipped. For the most part they lived in +stockaded villages, and cultivated maize, beans, pumpkins, squashes, +sunflowers, and tobacco. They depended for subsistence partly upon such +vegetable products, partly upon hunting and fishing, the women generally +attending to the horticulture, the men to the chase. _Horticulture_ is +an appropriate designation for this stage in which the ground is merely +scratched with stone spades and hoes. It is incipient agriculture, but +should be carefully distinguished from the _field agriculture_ in which +extensive pieces of land are subdued by the plough. The assistance of +domestic animals is needed before such work can be carried far, and it +does not appear that there was an approach to field agriculture in any +part of pre-Columbian America except Peru, where men were harnessed to +the plough, and perhaps occasionally llamas were used in the same +way.[52] Where subsistence depended upon rude horticulture eked out by +game and fish, it required a large territory to support a sparse +population. The great diversity of languages contributed to maintain the +isolation of tribes and prevent extensive confederation. Intertribal +warfare was perpetual, save now and then for truces of brief duration. +Warfare was attended by wholesale massacre. As many prisoners as could +be managed were taken home by their captors; in some cases they were +adopted into the tribe of the latter as a means of increasing its +fighting strength, otherwise they were put to death with lingering +torments.[53] There was nothing which afforded the red men such +exquisite delight as the spectacle of live human flesh lacerated with +stone knives or hissing under the touch of firebrands, and for elaborate +ingenuity in devising tortures they have never been equalled.[54] +Cannibalism was quite commonly practised.[55] The scalps of slain +enemies were always taken, and until they had attained such trophies the +young men were not likely to find favour in the eyes of women. The +Indian's notions of morality were those that belong to that state of +society in which the tribe is the largest well-established political +aggregate. Murder without the tribe was meritorious unless it entailed +risk of war at an obvious disadvantage; murder within the tribe was +either revenged by blood-feud or compounded by a present given to the +victim's kinsmen. Such rudimentary _wergild_ was often reckoned in +wampum, or strings of beads made of a kind of mussel shell, and put to +divers uses, as personal ornament, mnemonic record, and finally money. +Religious thought was in the fetishistic or animistic stage,[56] while +many tribes had risen to a vague conception of tutelar deities embodied +in human or animal forms. Myth-tales abounded, and the folk-lore of the +red men is found to be extremely interesting and instructive.[57] Their +religion consisted mainly in a devout belief in witchcraft. No +well-defined priestly class had been evolved; the so-called "medicine +men" were mere conjurers, though possessed of considerable influence. + + [Footnote 52: See Humboldt, _Ansichten der Natur_, 3d ed., + Stuttgart, 1849, vol. i. p. 203.] + + [Footnote 53: "Women and children joined in these fiendish + atrocities, and when at length the victim yielded up his life, + his heart, if he were brave, was ripped from his body, cut in + pieces, broiled, and given to the young men, under the belief + that it would increase their courage; they drank his blood, + thinking it would make them more wary; and finally his body was + divided limb from limb, roasted or thrown into the seething + pot, and hands and feet, arms and legs, head and trunk, were + all stewed into a horrid mess and eaten amidst yells, songs, + and dances." Jeffries Wyman, in _Seventh Report of Peabody + Museum_, p. 37. For details of the most appalling character, + see Butterfield's _History of the Girtys_, pp. 176-182; Stone's + _Life of Joseph Brant_, vol. ii. pp. 31, 32; Dodge's _Plains of + the Great West_, p. 418, and _Our Wild Indians_, pp. 525-529; + Parkman's _Jesuits in North America_, pp. 387-391; and many + other places in Parkman's writings.] + + [Footnote 54: One often hears it said that the cruelty of the + Indians was not greater than that of mediaeval Europeans, as + exemplified in judicial torture and in the horrors of the + Inquisition. But in such a judgment there is lack of due + discrimination. In the practice of torture by civil and + ecclesiastical tribunals in the Middle Ages, there was a + definite moral purpose which, however lamentably mistaken or + perverted, gave it a very different character from torture + wantonly inflicted for amusement. The atrocities formerly + attendant upon the sack of towns, as e. g. Beziers, Magdeburg, + etc., might more properly be regarded as an illustration of the + survival of a spirit fit only for the lowest barbarism: and the + Spanish conquerors of the New World themselves often exhibited + cruelty such as even Indians seldom surpass. See below, vol. + ii. p. 444. In spite of such cases, however, it must be held + that for artistic skill in inflicting the greatest possible + intensity of excruciating pain upon every nerve in the body, + the Spaniard was a bungler and a novice as compared with the + Indian. See Dodge's _Our Wild Indians_, pp. 536-538. Colonel + Dodge was in familiar contact with Indians for more than thirty + years, and writes with fairness and discrimination. + + In truth the question as to comparative cruelty is not so much + one of race as of occupation, except in so far as race is + moulded by long occupation. The "old Adam," i. e. the + inheritance from our brute ancestors, is very strong in the + human race. Callousness to the suffering of others than self is + part of this brute-inheritance, and under the influence of + certain habits and occupations this germ of callousness may be + developed to almost any height of devilish cruelty. In the + lower stages of culture the lack of political aggregation on a + large scale is attended with incessant warfare in the shape in + which it comes home to everybody's door. This state of things + keeps alive the passion of revenge and stimulates cruelty to + the highest degree. As long as such a state of things endures, + as it did in Europe to a limited extent throughout the Middle + Ages, there is sure to be a dreadful amount of cruelty. The + change in the conditions of modern warfare has been a very + important factor in the rapidly increasing mildness and + humanity of modern times. See my _Beginnings of New England_, + pp. 226-229. Something more will be said hereafter with + reference to the special causes concerned in the cruelty and + brutality of the Spaniards in America. Meanwhile it may be + observed in the present connection, that the Spanish + taskmasters who mutilated and burned their slaves were not + representative types of their own race to anything like the + same extent as the Indians who tortured Brebeuf or Crawford. If + the fiendish Pedrarias was a Spaniard, so too was the saintly + Las Casas. The latter type would be as impossible among + barbarians as an Aristotle or a Beethoven. Indeed, though there + are writers who would like to prove the contrary, it may be + doubted whether that type has ever attained to perfection + except under the influence of Christianity.] + + [Footnote 55: See the evidence collected by Jeffries Wyman, in + _Seventh Report of Peabody Museum_, pp. 27-37; cf. Wake, + _Evolution of Morality_, vol. i. p. 243. Many illustrations are + given by Mr. Parkman. In this connection it may be observed + that the name "Mohawk" means "Cannibal." It is an Algonquin + word, applied to this Iroquois tribe by their enemies in the + Connecticut valley and about the lower Hudson. The name by + which the Mohawks called themselves was "Caniengas," or + "People-at-the-Flint." See Hale, _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, + p. 173.] + + [Footnote 56: For accounts and explanations of animism see + Tylor's _Primitive Culture_, London, 1871, 2 vols.; Caspari, + _Urgeschichte der Menschheit_, Leipsic, 1877, 2 vols.; + Spencer's _Principles of Sociology_, part i.; and my _Myths and + Mythmakers_, chap. vii.] + + [Footnote 57: No time should be lost in gathering and recording + every scrap of this folk-lore that can be found. The American + Folk-Lore Society, founded chiefly through the exertions of my + friend Mr. W. W. Newell, and organized January 4, 1888, is + already doing excellent work and promises to become a valuable + aid, within its field, to the work of the Bureau of Ethnology. + Of the _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, published for the + society by Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., nine numbers have + appeared, and the reader will find them full of valuable + information. One may also profitably consult Knortz's _Maerchen + und Sagen der nordamerikanischen Indianer_, Jena, 1871; + Brinton's _Myths of the New World_, N. Y., 1868, and his + _American Hero-Myths_, Phila., 1882; Leland's _Algonquin + Legends of New England_, Boston, 1884; Mrs. Emerson's _Indian + Myths_, Boston, 1884. Some brief reflections and criticisms of + much value, in relation to aboriginal American folk-lore, may + be found in Curtin's _Myths and Folk-Lore of Ireland_, pp. + 12-27.] + +But none of the characteristics of barbarous society above specified +will carry us so far toward realizing the gulf which divides it from +civilized society as the imperfect development of its domestic +relations. The importance of this subject is such as to call for a few +words of special elucidation. + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Ancient Law.] + +Thirty years ago, when Sir Henry Maine published that magnificent +treatise on Ancient Law, which, when considered in all its potency of +suggestiveness, has perhaps done more than any other single book of our +century toward placing the study of history upon a scientific basis, he +began by showing that in primitive society the individual is nothing and +the state nothing, while the family-group is everything, and that the +progress of civilization politically has consisted on the one hand in +the aggregation and building up of family-groups through intermediate +tribal organizations into states, and on the other hand in the +disentanglement of individuals from the family thraldom. In other words, +we began by having no political communities larger than clans, and no +bond of political union except blood relationship, and in this state of +things the individual, as to his rights and obligations, was submerged +in the clan. We at length come to have great nations like the English or +the French, in which blood-relationship as a bond of political union is +no longer indispensable or even much thought of, and in which the +individual citizen is the possessor of legal rights and subject to legal +obligations. No one in our time can forget how beautifully Sir Henry +Maine, with his profound knowledge of early Aryan law and custom, from +Ireland to Hindustan, delineated the slow growth of individual ownership +of property and individual responsibility for delict and crime out of an +earlier stage in which ownership and responsibility belonged only to +family-groups or clans. + +[Sidenote: The patriarchal family not primitive.] + +[Sidenote: "Mother-right."] + +[Sidenote: Primitive marriage.] + +[Sidenote: The system of reckoning kinship through females only.] + +In all these brilliant studies Sir Henry Maine started with the +patriarchal family as we find it at the dawn of history among all +peoples of Aryan and Semitic speech,--the patriarchal family of the +ancient Roman and the ancient Jew, the family in which kinship is +reckoned through males, and in which all authority centres in the eldest +male, and descends to his eldest son. Maine treated this patriarchal +family as primitive; but his great book had hardly appeared when other +scholars, more familiar than he with races in savagery or in the lower +status of barbarism, showed that his view was too restricted. We do not +get back to primitive society by studying Greeks, Romans, and Jews, +peoples who had nearly emerged from the later period of barbarism when +we first know them.[58] Their patriarchal family was perfected in shape +during the later period of barbarism, and it was preceded by a much +ruder and less definite form of family-group in which kinship was +reckoned only through the mother, and the headship never descended from +father to son. As so often happens, this discovery was made almost +simultaneously by two investigators, each working in ignorance of what +the other was doing. In 1861, the same year in which "Ancient Law" was +published, Professor Bachofen, of Basel, published his famous book, "Das +Mutterrecht," of which his co-discoverer and rival, after taking +exception to some of his statements, thus cordially writes: "It remains, +however, after all qualifications and deductions, that Bachofen, before +any one else, discovered the fact that a system of kinship through +mothers only, had anciently everywhere prevailed before the tie of blood +between father and child had found a place in systems of relationships. +And the honour of that discovery, the importance of which, as affording +a new starting-point for all history, cannot be overestimated, must +without stint or qualification be assigned to him."[59] Such are the +generous words of the late John Ferguson McLennan, who had no knowledge +of Bachofen's work when his own treatise on "Primitive Marriage" was +published in 1865. Since he was so modest in urging his own claims, it +is due to the Scotch lawyer's memory to say that, while he was inferior +in point of erudition to the Swiss professor, his book is characterized +by greater sagacity, goes more directly to the mark, and is less +encumbered by visionary speculations of doubtful value.[60] Mr. McLennan +proved, from evidence collected chiefly from Australians and South Sea +Islanders, and sundry non-Aryan tribes of Hindustan and Thibet, that +systems of kinship in which the father is ignored exist to-day, and he +furthermore discovered unmistakable and very significant traces of the +former existence of such a state of things among the Mongols, the Greeks +and Phoenicians, and the ancient Hebrews. By those who were inclined to +regard Sir Henry Maine's views as final, it was argued that Mr. +McLennan's facts were of a sporadic and exceptional character. But when +the evidence from this vast archaic world of America began to be +gathered in and interpreted by Mr. Morgan, this argument fell to the +ground, and as to the point chiefly in contention, Mr. McLennan was +proved to be right. Throughout aboriginal America, with one or two +exceptions, kinship was reckoned through females only, and in the +exceptional instances the vestiges of that system were so prominent as +to make it clear that the change had been but recently effected. During +the past fifteen years, evidence has accumulated from various parts of +the world, until it is beginning to appear as if it were the patriarchal +system that is exceptional, having been reached only by the highest +races.[61] Sir Henry Maine's work has lost none of its value, only, +like all human work, it is not final; it needs to be supplemented by the +further study of savagery as best exemplified in Australia and some +parts of Polynesia, and of barbarism as best exemplified in America. The +subject is, moreover, one of great and complicated difficulty, and leads +incidentally to many questions for solving which the data at our command +are still inadequate. It is enough for us now to observe in general that +while there are plenty of instances of change from the system of +reckoning kinship only through females, to the system of reckoning +through males, there do not appear to have been any instances of change +in the reverse direction; and that in ancient America the earlier system +was prevalent. + + [Footnote 58: Until lately our acquaintance with human history + was derived almost exclusively from literary memorials, among + which the Bible, the Homeric poems, and the Vedas, carried us + back about as far as literature could take us. It was natural, + therefore, to suppose that the society of the times of Abraham + or Agamemnon was "primitive," and the wisest scholars reasoned + upon such an assumption. With vision thus restricted to + civilized man and his ideas and works, people felt free to + speculate about uncivilized races (generally grouped together + indiscriminately as "savages") according to any _a priori_ whim + that might happen to captivate their fancy. But the discoveries + of the last half-century have opened such stupendous vistas of + the past that the age of Abraham seems but as yesterday. The + state of society described in the book of Genesis had five + entire ethnical periods, and the greater part of a sixth, + behind it; and its institutions were, comparatively speaking, + modern.] + + [Footnote 59: McLennan's _Studies in Ancient History, + comprising a reprint of Primitive Marriage_, etc. London, 1876, + p. 421.] + + [Footnote 60: There is much that is unsound in it, however, as + is often inevitably the case with books that strike boldly into + a new field of inquiry.] + + [Footnote 61: A general view of the subject may be obtained + from the following works: Bachofen, _Das Mutterrecht_, + Stuttgart, 1871, and _Die Sage von Tanaquil_, Heidelberg, 1870; + McLennan's _Studies in Ancient History_, London, 1876, and _The + Patriarchal Theory_, London, 1884; Morgan's _Systems of + Consanguinity_ (Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. + xvii.), Washington, 1871, and _Ancient Society_, New York, + 1877; Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_, + Cambridge, Eng., 1885; Lubbock, _Origin of Civilization_, 5th + ed., London, 1889; Giraud-Teulon, _La Mere chez certains + peuples de l'antiquite_, Paris, 1867, and _Les Origines de la + Famille_, Geneva, 1874; Starcke (of Copenhagen), _The Primitive + Family_, London, 1889. Some criticisms upon McLennan and Morgan + may be found in Maine's later works, _Early History of + Institutions_, London, 1875, and _Early Law and Custom_, + London, 1883. By far the ablest critical survey of the whole + field is that in Spencer's _Principles of Sociology_, vol. i. + pp. 621-797.] + +[Sidenote: Original reason for the system.] + +[Sidenote: The primeval human horde.] + +[Sidenote: Earliest family-group: the clan.] + +[Sidenote: "Exogamy."] + +If now we ask the reason for such a system of reckoning kinship and +inheritance, so strange according to all our modern notions, the true +answer doubtless is that which was given by prudent ([Greek: +Pepnymenos]) Telemachus to the goddess Athene when she asked him to tell +her truly if he was the son of Odysseus:--"My mother says I am his son, +for my part, I don't know; one never knows of one's self who one's +father is."[62] Already, no doubt, in Homer's time there was a gleam of +satire about this answer, such as it would show on a modern page; but in +more primitive times it was a very serious affair. From what we know of +the ideas and practices of uncivilized tribes all over the world, it is +evident that the sacredness of the family based upon indissoluble +marriage is a thing of comparatively modern growth. If the sexual +relations of the Australians, as observed to-day,[63] are an improvement +upon an antecedent state of things, that antecedent state must have been +sheer promiscuity. There is ample warrant for supposing, with Mr. +McLennan, that at the beginning of the lower status of savagery, long +since everywhere extinct, the family had not made itself distinctly +visible, but men lived in a horde very much like gregarious brutes.[64] +I have shown that the essential difference between this primeval human +horde and a mere herd of brutes consisted in the fact that the gradual +but very great prolongation of infancy had produced two effects: the +lengthening of the care of children tended to differentiate the horde +into family-groups, and the lengthening of the period of youthful mental +plasticity made it more possible for a new generation to improve upon +the ideas and customs of its predecessors.[65] In these two concomitant +processes--the development of the family and the increase of mental +plasticity, or ability to adopt new methods and strike out into new +paths of thought--lies the whole explanation of the moral and +intellectual superiority of men over dumb animals. But in each case the +change was very gradual.[66] The true savage is only a little less +unteachable than the beasts of the field. The savage family is at first +barely discernible amid the primitive social chaos in which it had its +origin. Along with polyandry and polygyny in various degrees and forms, +instances of exclusive pairing, of at least a temporary character, are +to be found among the lowest existing savages, and there are reasons for +supposing that such may have been the case even in primeval times. But +it was impossible for strict monogamy to flourish in the ruder stages of +social development; and the kind of family-group that was first clearly +and permanently differentiated from the primeval horde was not at all +like what civilized people would recognize as a family. It was the +_gens_ or _clan_, as we find it exemplified in all stages from the +middle period of savagery to the middle period of barbarism. The _gens_ +or _clan_ was simply--to define it by a third synonym--the _kin_; it was +originally a group of males and females who were traditionally aware of +their common descent reckoned in the female line. At this stage of +development there was quite generally though not universally prevalent +the custom of "exogamy," by which a man was forbidden to marry a woman +of his own clan. Among such Australian tribes as have been studied, this +primitive restriction upon promiscuity seems to be about the only one. + + [Footnote 62: [Greek: + All' age moi tode eipe kai atrekeos katalexon, + ei de ex autoio tosos pais eis Odyseos. + ainos gar kephalen te kai ommata kala eoikas + keino, epei thama toion emisgometh' alleloisin, + prin ge ton es Troien anabemenai, entha per alloi + Argeion hoi aristoi eban koiles epi neusin + ek tou d' out' Odysea egon idon out' eme keinos. + + Ten d' au Telemachos pepnymenos antion euda + toigar ego toi, xeine, mal' atrekeos agoreuso. + meter men t' eme phesi tou emmenai, autar egoge + ouk oid'; ou gar po tis heon gonon autos anegno.] + _Odyssey_, i. 206.] + + [Footnote 63: Lumholtz, _Among Cannibals_, p. 213; Lubbock, + _Origin of Civilization_, p. 107; Morgan, _Ancient Society_, + part iii., chap. iii. "After battle it frequently happens among + the native tribes of Australia that the wives of the conquered, + of their own free-will, go over to the victors; reminding us of + the lioness which, quietly watching the fight between two + lions, goes off with the conqueror." Spencer, _Principles of + Sociology_, vol. i. p. 632.] + + [Footnote 64: The notion of the descent of the human race from + a single "pair," or of different races from different "pairs," + is a curious instance of transferring modern institutions into + times primeval. Of course the idea is absurd. When the elder + Agassiz so emphatically declared that "pines have originated in + forests, heaths in heaths, grasses in prairies, bees in hives, + herrings in shoals, buffaloes in herds, men in nations" (_Essay + on Classification_, London, 1859, p. 58), he made, indeed, a + mistake of the same sort, so far as concerns the origin of Man, + for the nation is a still more modern institution than the + family; but in the other items of his statement he was right, + and as regards the human race he was thinking in the right + direction when he placed _multitude_ instead of _duality_ at + the beginning. If instead of that extremely complex and highly + organized multitude called "nation" (in the plural), he had + started with the extremely simple and almost unorganized + multitude called "horde" (in the singular), the statement for + Man would have been correct. Such views were hardly within the + reach of science thirty years ago.] + + [Footnote 65: _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy_, part ii., chaps. + xvi., xxi., xxii.; _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, pp. + 306-319; _Darwinism, and other Essays_, pp. 40-49; _The Destiny + of Man_, Sec.Sec. iii.-ix.] + + [Footnote 66: The slowness of the development has apparently + been such as befits the transcendent value of the result. + Though the question is confessedly beyond the reach of science, + may we not hold that civilized man, the creature of an infinite + past, is the child of eternity, maturing for an inheritance of + immortal life?] + +[Sidenote: Phratry and tribe.] + +Throughout all the earlier stages of culture, and even into the +civilized period, we find society organized with the clan for its +ultimate unit, although in course of time its character becomes greatly +altered by the substitution of kinship in the paternal, for that in the +maternal line. By long-continued growth and repeated segmentation the +primitive clan was developed into a more complex structure, in which a +group of clans constituted a _phratry_ or brotherhood, and a group of +phratries constituted a _tribe_. This threefold grouping is found so +commonly in all parts of the world as to afford good ground for the +belief that it has been universal. It was long ago familiar to +historians in the case of Greece and Rome, and of our Teutonic +forefathers,[67] but it also existed generally in ancient America, and +many obscure points connected with the history of the Greek and Roman +groups have been elucidated through the study of Iroquois and Algonquin +institutions. Along with the likenesses, however, there are numerous +unlikenesses, due to the change of kinship, among the European groups, +from the female line to the male. + + [Footnote 67: The Teutonic _hundred_ and Roman _curia_ answered + to the Greek _phratry_.] + +[Sidenote: Effect of pastoral life upon property and upon the family.] + +This change, as it occurred among Aryan and Semitic peoples, marked one +of the most momentous revolutions in the history of mankind. It probably +occurred early in the upper period of barbarism, or late in the middle +period, after the long-continued domestication of animals had resulted +in the acquisition of private property (_pecus, peculium, pecunia_) in +large amounts by individuals. In primitive society there was very little +personal property except in weapons, clothing (such as it was), and +trinkets. Real estate was unknown. Land was simply _occupied_ by the +tribe. There was general communism and social equality. In the Old +World the earliest instance of extensive "adverse possession" on the +part of individuals, as against other individuals in the clan-community, +was the possession of flocks and herds. Distinctions in wealth and rank +were thus inaugurated; slavery began to be profitable and personal +retainers and adherents useful in new ways. As in earlier stages the +community in marital relations had been part of the general community in +possessions, so now the exclusive possession of a wife or wives was part +of the system of private property that was coming into vogue. The man of +many cattle, the man who could attach subordinates to him through +motives of self-interest as well as personal deference, the man who +could defend his property against robbers, could also have his separate +household and maintain its sanctity. In this way, it is believed, +indissoluble marriage, in its two forms of monogamy and polygamy, +originated. That it had already existed sporadically is not denied, but +it now acquired such stability and permanence that the older and looser +forms of alliance, hitherto prevalent, fell into disfavour. A natural +result of the growth of private wealth and the permanence of the marital +relation was the change in reckoning kinship from the maternal to the +paternal line. This change was probably favoured by the prevalence of +polygamy among those who were coming to be distinguished as "upper +classes," since a large family of children by different mothers could be +held together only by reckoning the kinship through the father. Thus, we +may suppose, originated the patriarchal family. Even in its rudest form +it was an immense improvement upon what had gone before, and to the +stronger and higher social organization thus acquired we must largely +ascribe the rise of the Aryan and Semitic peoples to the foremost rank +of civilization.[68] + + [Footnote 68: Fenton's _Early Hebrew Life_, London, 1880, is an + interesting study of the upper period of barbarism; see also + Spencer, _Princip. of Sociol._, i. 724-737.] + +It is not intended to imply that there is no other way in which the +change to the male line may have been brought about among other peoples. +The explanation just given applies very well to the Aryan and Semitic +peoples, but it is inapplicable to the state of things which seems to +have existed in Mexico at the time of the Discovery.[69] The subject is +a difficult one, and sometimes confronts us with questions much easier +to ask than to answer. The change has been observed among tribes in a +lower stage than that just described.[70] On the other hand, as old +customs die hard, no doubt inheritance has in many places continued in +the maternal line long after paternity is fully known. Symmetrical +regularity in the development of human institutions has by no means been +the rule, and there is often much difficulty in explaining particular +cases, even when the direction of the general drift can be discerned. + + [Footnote 69: See below, p. 122.] + + [Footnote 70: As among the Hervey Islanders; Gill, _Myths and + Songs of the South Pacific_, p. 36. Sir John Lubbock would + account for the curious and widely spread custom of the + _Couvade_ as a feature of this change. _Origin of + Civilization_, pp. 14-17, 159; cf. Tylor, _Early Hist. of + Mankind_, pp. 288, 297.] + +[Sidenote: The exogamous clan in ancient America.] + +In aboriginal America, as already observed, kinship through females only +was the rule, and exogamy was strictly enforced,--the wife must be taken +from a different clan. Indissoluble marriage, whether monogamous or +polygamous, seems to have been unknown. The marriage relation was +terminable at the will of either party.[71] The abiding unit upon which +the social structure was founded was not the family but the exogamous +clan. + + [Footnote 71: "There is no embarrassment growing out of + problems respecting the woman's future support, the division of + property, or the adjustment of claims for the possession of the + children. The independent self-support of every adult healthy + Indian, male or female, and the gentile relationship, which is + more wide-reaching and authoritative than that of marriage, + have already disposed of these questions, which are usually so + perplexing for the white man. So far as personal maintenance is + concerned, a woman is, as a rule, just as well off without a + husband as with one. What is hers, in the shape of property, + remains her own whether she is married or not. In fact, + marriage among these Indians seems to be but the natural mating + of the sexes, to cease at the option of either of the + interested parties." Clay MacCauley, "The Seminole Indians of + Florida", in _Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, + Washington, 1887, p. 497. For a graphic account of the state of + things among the Cheyennes and Arrapahos, see Dodge, _Our Wild + Indians_, pp. 204-220.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Intimate connection of aboriginal architecture with social +life.] + +I have been at some pains to elucidate this point because the house-life +of the American aborigines found visible, and in some instances very +durable, expression in a remarkable style of house-architecture. The +manner in which the Indians built their houses grew directly out of the +requirements of their life. It was an unmistakably characteristic +architecture, and while it exhibits manifold unlikenesses in detail, +due to differences in intelligence as well as to the presence or absence +of sundry materials, there is one underlying principle always manifest. +That underlying principle is adaptation to a certain mode of communal +living such as all American aborigines that have been carefully studied +are known to have practised. Through many gradations, from the sty of +the California savage up to the noble sculptured ruins of Uxmal and +Chichen-Itza, the principle is always present. Taken in connection with +evidence from other sources, it enables us to exhibit a gradation of +stages of culture in aboriginal North America, with the savages of the +Sacramento and Columbia valleys at the bottom, and the Mayas of Yucatan +at the top; and while in going from one end to the other a very long +interval was traversed, we feel that the progress of the aborigines in +crossing that interval was made along similar lines.[72] + + [Footnote 72: See Morgan's _Houses and House-Life of the + American Aborigines_, Washington, 1881, an epoch-making book of + rare and absorbing interest.] + +[Illustration: Seneca-Iroquois long house.] + +[Illustration: Ground-plan of long house.] + +[Sidenote: The long houses of the Iroquois.] + +The principle was first studied and explained by Mr. Morgan in the case +of the famous "long houses" of the Iroquois. "The long house ... was +from fifty to eighty and sometimes one hundred feet long. It consisted +of a strong frame of upright poles set in the ground, which was +strengthened with horizontal poles attached with withes, and surmounted +with a triangular, and in some cases with a round roof. It was covered +over, both sides and roof, with long strips of elm bark tied to the +frame with strings or splints. An external frame of poles for the sides +and of rafters for the roof were then adjusted to hold the bark shingles +between them, the two frames being tied together. The interior of the +house was comparted[73] at intervals of six or eight feet, leaving each +chamber entirely open like a stall upon the passageway which passed +through the centre of the house from end to end. At each end was a +doorway covered with suspended skins. Between each four apartments, two +on a side, was a fire-pit in the centre of the hall, used in common by +their occupants. Thus a house with five fires would contain twenty +apartments and accommodate twenty families, unless some apartments were +reserved for storage. They were warm, roomy, and tidily-kept +habitations. Raised bunks were constructed around the walls of each +apartment for beds. From the roof-poles were suspended their strings of +corn in the ear, braided by the husks, also strings of dried squashes +and pumpkins. Spaces were contrived here and there to store away their +accumulations of provisions. Each house, as a rule, was occupied by +related families, the mothers and their children belonging to the same +gens, while their husbands and the fathers of these children belonged to +other gentes; consequently the gens or clan of the mother largely +predominated in the household. Whatever was taken in the hunt or raised +by cultivation by any member of the household ... was for the common +benefit. Provisions were made a common stock within the household."[74] + + [Footnote 73: This verb of Mr. Morgan's at first struck me as + odd, but though rarely used, it is supported by good authority; + see _Century Dictionary_, s. v.] + + [Footnote 74: The Iroquois ceased to build such houses before + the beginning of the present century. I quote Mr. Morgan's + description at length, because his book is out of print and + hard to obtain. It ought to be republished, and in octavo, like + his _Ancient Society_, of which it is a continuation.] + +"Over every such household a matron presided, whose duty it was to +supervise its domestic economy. After the single daily meal had been +cooked at the different fires within the house, it was her province to +divide the food from the kettle to the several families according to +their respective needs. What remained was placed in the custody of +another person until she again required it."[75] + + [Footnote 75: Lucien Carr, "On the Social and Political + Position of Woman among the Huron-Iroquois Tribes," _Reports of + Peabody Museum_, vol. iii. p. 215.] + +[Sidenote: Summary divorce.] + +Not only the food was common property, but many chattels, including the +children, belonged to the gens or clan. When a young woman got married +she brought her husband home with her. Though thenceforth an inmate of +this household he remained an alien to her clan. "If he proved lazy and +failed to do his share of the providing, woe be to him. No matter how +many children, or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at +any time be ordered to pick up his blanket and budge; and after such +orders it would not be healthful for him to disobey; the house would be +too hot for him; and unless saved by the intercession of some aunt or +grandmother [of his wife] he must retreat to his own clan, or, as was +often done, go and start a new matrimonial alliance in some other.... +The female portion ruled the house."[76] + + [Footnote 76: This was not incompatible with the subjection of + women to extreme drudgery and ill-treatment. For an instructive + comparison with the case among the tribes of the Far West, see + Dodge, _Our Wild Indians_, chap. xvi.] + +[Sidenote: Hospitality.] + +Though there was but one freshly-cooked meal, taken about the middle of +the day, any member of the household when hungry could be helped from +the common stock. Hospitality was universal. If a person from one of the +other communal households, or a stranger from another tribe (in time of +peace), were to visit the house, the women would immediately offer him +food, and it was a breach of etiquette to decline to eat it. This custom +was strictly observed all over the continent and in the West India +Islands, and was often remarked upon by the early discoverers, in whose +minds it was apt to implant idyllic notions that were afterward rudely +disturbed. The prevalence of hospitality among uncivilized races has +long been noted by travellers, and is probably in most cases, as it +certainly was in ancient America, closely connected with communism in +living. + +[Sidenote: Structure of the clan.] + +The clan, which practised this communism, had its definite organization, +officers, rights, and duties. Its official head was the "sachem," whose +functions were of a civil nature. The sachem was elected by the clan and +must be a member of it, so that a son could not be chosen to succeed his +father, but a sachem could be succeeded by his uterine brother or by his +sister's son, and in this way customary lines of succession could and +often did tend to become established. The clan also elected its +"chiefs," whose functions were military; the number of chiefs was +proportionate to that of the people composing the clan, usually one +chief to every fifty or sixty persons. The clan could depose its sachem +or any of its chiefs. Personal property, such as weapons, or trophies, +or rights of user in the garden-plots, was inheritable in the female +line, and thus stayed within the clan. The members were reciprocally +bound to help, defend, and avenge one another. The clan had the right of +adopting strangers to strengthen itself. It had the right of naming its +members, and these names were always obviously significant, like Little +Turtle, Yellow Wolf, etc.; of names like our Richard or William, with +the meaning lost, or obvious only to scholars, no trace is to be found +in aboriginal America. The clan itself, too, always had a name, which +was usually that of some animal,--as Wolf, Eagle, or Salmon, and a rude +drawing or pictograph of the creature served as a "totem" or primitive +heraldic device. A mythological meaning was attached to this emblem. The +clan had its own common religious rites and common burial place. There +was a clan-council, of which women might be members; there were +instances, indeed, of its being composed entirely of women, whose +position was one of much more dignity and influence than has commonly +been supposed. Instances of squaw sachems were not so very rare.[77] + + [Footnote 77: Among the Wyandots there is in each clan a + council composed of four squaws, and this council elects the + male sachem who is its head. Therefore the tribal council, + which is the aggregate of the clan-councils, consists one fifth + of men and four fifths of women. See Powell, "Wyandot + Government: a Short Study of Tribal Society," in _First Annual + Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, Washington, 1881, pp. + 59-69; and also Mr. Carr's interesting essay above cited.] + +[Sidenote: Origin and structure of the phratry.] + +The number of clans in a tribe naturally bore some proportion to the +populousness of the tribe, varying from three, in the case of the +Delawares, to twenty or more, as in the case of the Ojibwas and Creeks. +There were usually eight or ten, and these were usually grouped into two +or three phratries. The phratry seems to have originated in the +segmentation of the overgrown clan, for in some cases exogamy was +originally practised as between the phratries and afterward the custom +died out while it was retained as between their constituent clans.[78] +The system of naming often indicates this origin of the phratry, though +seldom quite so forcibly as in the case of the Mohegan tribe, which was +thus composed:[79]-- + +I. WOLF PHRATRY. + +_Clans:_ 1. Wolf, 2. Bear, 3. Dog, 4. Opossum. + +II. TURTLE PHRATRY. + +_Clans:_ 5. Little Turtle, 6. Mud Turtle, 7. Great Turtle, 8. Yellow +Eel. + +III. TURKEY PHRATRY. + +_Clans:_ 9. Turkey, 10. Crane, 11. Chicken. + +Here the senior clan in the phratry tends to keep the original +clan-name, while the junior clans have been guided by a sense of kinship +in choosing their new names. This origin of the phratry is further +indicated by the fact that the phratry does not always occur; sometimes +the clans are organized directly into the tribe. The phratry was not so +much a governmental as a religious and social organization. Its most +important function seems to have been supplementing or reinforcing the +action of the single clan in exacting compensation for murder; and this +point is full of interest because it helps us to understand how among +our Teutonic forefathers the "hundred" (the equivalent of the phratry) +became charged with the duty of prosecuting criminals. The Greek phratry +had a precisely analogous function.[80] + + [Footnote 78: H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific + States_, vol. i. p. 109.] + + [Footnote 79: Morgan, _Houses and House-Life_, p. 16.] + + [Footnote 80: See Freeman, _Comparative Politics_, p. 117; + Stubbs, _Const. Hist._, vol. i. pp. 98-104; Grote, _History of + Greece_, vol. iii. pp. 74, 88. It is interesting to compare + Grote's description with Morgan's (_Anc. Soc._, pp. 71, 94) and + note both the closeness of the general parallelism and the + character of the specific variations.] + +[Sidenote: Structure of the tribe.] + +The Indian tribe was a group of people distinguished by the exclusive +possession of a dialect in common. It possessed a tribal name and +occupied a more or less clearly defined territory; there were also +tribal religious rites. Its supreme government was vested in the council +of its clan-chiefs and sachems; and as these were thus officers of the +tribe as well as of the clan, the tribe exercised the right of investing +them with office, amid appropriate solemnities, after their election by +their respective clans. The tribal-council had also the right to depose +chiefs and sachems. In some instances, not always, there was a head +chief or military commander for the tribes, elected by the tribal +council. Such, was the origin of the office which, in most societies of +the Old World, gradually multiplied its functions and accumulated power +until it developed into true kingship. Nowhere in ancient North America +did it quite reach such a stage. + +[Sidenote: Cross-relationships between clans and tribes: the Iroquois +Confederacy.] + +Among the greater part of the aborigines no higher form of social +structure was attained than the tribe. There were, however, several +instances of permanent confederation, of which the two most interesting +and most highly developed were the League of the Iroquois, mentioned +above, and the Mexican Confederacy, presently to be considered. The +principles upon which the Iroquois league was founded have been +thoroughly and minutely explained by Mr. Morgan.[81] It originated in a +union of five tribes composed of clans in common, and speaking five +dialects of a common language. These tribes had themselves arisen +through the segmentation of a single overgrown tribe, so that portions +of the original clans survived in them all. The Wolf, Bear, and Turtle +clan were common to all the five tribes; three other clans were common +to three of the five. "All the members of the same gens [clan], whether +Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, or Senecas, were brothers and +sisters to each other in virtue of their descent from the same common +[female] ancestor, and they recognized each other as such with the +fullest cordiality. When they met, the first inquiry was the name of +each other's gens, and next the immediate pedigree of each other's +sachems; after which they were able to find, under their peculiar system +of consanguinity, the relationship in which they stood to each other.... +This cross-relationship between persons of the same gens in the +different tribes is still preserved and recognized among them in all its +original force. It explains the tenacity with which the fragments of the +old confederacy still cling together."[82] Acknowledged consanguinity +is to the barbarian a sound reason, and the only one conceivable, for +permanent political union; and the very existence of such a confederacy +as that of the Five Nations was rendered possible only through the +permanence of the clans or communal households which were its ultimate +units. We have here a clue to the policy of these Indians toward the +kindred tribes who refused to join their league. These tribes, too, so +far as is known, would seem to have contained the same clans. After a +separation of at least four hundred years the Wyandots have still five +of their eight clans in common with the Iroquois. When the Eries and +other tribes would not join the league of their kindred, the refusal +smacked of treason to the kin, and we can quite understand the deadly +fury with which the latter turned upon them and butchered every man, +woman, and child except such as they saw fit to adopt into their own +clans. + + [Footnote 81: In his _League of the Iroquois_, Rochester, 1851, + a book now out of print and excessively rare. A brief summary + is given in his _Ancient Society_, chap. v., and in his _Houses + and House-Life_, pp. 23-41. Mr. Morgan was adopted into the + Seneca tribe, and his life work was begun by a profound and + exhaustive study of this interesting people.] + + [Footnote 82: _Houses and House-Life_, p. 33. At the period of + its greatest power, about 1675, the people of the confederacy + were about 25,000 in number. In 1875, according to official + statistics (see table appended to Dodge's _Plains of the Great + West_, pp. 441-448), there were in the state of New York 198 + Oneidas, 203 Onondagas, 165 Cayugas, 3,043 Senecas, and 448 + Tuscaroras,--in all 4,057. Besides these there were 1,279 + Oneidas on a reservation in Wisconsin, and 207 Senecas in the + Indian Territory. The Mohawks are not mentioned in the list. + During the Revolutionary War, and just afterward, the Mohawks + migrated into Upper Canada (Ontario), for an account of which + the reader may consult the second volume of Stone's _Life of + Brant_. Portions of the other tribes also went to Canada. In + New York the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were converted to + Christianity by Samuel Kirkland and withheld from alliance with + the British during the Revolution; the others still retain + their ancient religion. They are for the most part farmers and + are now increasing in numbers. Their treatment by the state of + New York has been honourably distinguished for justice and + humanity.] + +[Sidenote: Structure of the confederacy.] + +Each of the Five Tribes retained its local self-government. The supreme +government of the confederacy was vested in a General Council of fifty +sachems, "equal in rank and authority." The fifty sachemships were +created in perpetuity in certain clans of the several tribes; whenever a +vacancy occurred, it was filled by the clan electing one of its own +members; a sachem once thus elected could be deposed by the clan-council +for good cause; "but the right to invest these sachems with office was +reserved to the General Council." These fifty sachems of the confederacy +were likewise sachems in their respective tribes, "and with the chiefs +of these tribes formed the council of each, which was supreme over all +matters pertaining to the tribe exclusively." The General Council could +not convene itself, but could be convened by any one of the five tribal +councils. The regular meeting was once a year in the autumn, in the +valley of Onondaga, but in stirring times extra sessions were frequent. +The proceedings were opened by an address from one of the sachems, "in +the course of which he thanked the Great Spirit [i. e. Ioskeha, the +sky-god] for sparing their lives and permitting them to meet together;" +after this they were ready for business. It was proper for any orator +from among the people to address the Council with arguments, and the +debates were sometimes very long and elaborate. When it came to voting, +the fifty sachems voted by tribes, each tribe counting as a unit, and +unanimity was as imperative as in an English jury, so that one tribe +could block the proceedings. The confederacy had no head-sachem, or +civil chief-magistrate; but a military commander was indispensable, and, +curiously enough, without being taught by the experience of a Tarquin, +the Iroquois made this a dual office, like the Roman consulship. There +were two permanent chieftainships, one in the Wolf, the other in the +Turtle clan, and both in the Seneca tribe, because the western border +was the most exposed to attack.[83] The chiefs were elected by the clan, +and inducted into office by the General Council; their tenure was during +life or good behaviour. This office never encroached upon the others in +its powers, but an able warrior in this position could wield great +influence. + + [Footnote 83: Somewhat on the same principle that in mediaeval + Europe led an earl or count, commanding an exposed border + district or _march_ to rise in power and importance and become + a "margrave" [_mark_ + _graf_ = march-count] or "marquis." + Compare the increase of sovereignty accorded to the earls of + Chester and bishops of Durham as rulers of the two principal + march counties of England.] + +[Sidenote: The "Long House."] + +Such was the famous confederacy of the Iroquois. They called it the Long +House, and by this name as commonly as any other it is known in history. +The name by which they called themselves was Hodenosaunee, or "People of +the Long House." The name was picturesquely descriptive of the long and +narrow strip of villages with its western outlook toward the Niagara, +and its eastern toward the Hudson, three hundred miles distant. But it +was appropriate also for another and a deeper reason than this. We have +seen that in its social and political structure, from top to bottom and +from end to end, the confederacy was based upon and held together by the +gentes, clans, communal households, or "long houses," which were its +component units. They may be compared to the hypothetical indestructible +atoms of modern physics, whereof all material objects are composed. The +whole institutional fabric was the outgrowth of the group of ideas and +habits that belong to a state of society ignorant of and incapable of +imagining any other form of organization than the clan held together by +the tie of a common maternal ancestry. The house architecture was as +much a constituent part of the fabric as the council of sachems. There +is a transparency about the system that is very different from the +obscurity we continually find in Europe and Asia, where different strata +of ideas and institutions have been superimposed one upon another and +crumpled and distorted with as little apparent significance or purpose +as the porches and gables of a so-called "Queen Anne" house.[84] +Conquest in the Old World has resulted in the commingling and manifold +fusion of peoples in very different stages of development. In the New +World there has been very little of that sort of thing. Conquest in +ancient America was pretty much all of the Iroquois type, entailing in +its milder form the imposition of tribute, in its more desperate form +the extermination of a tribe with the adoption of its remnants into the +similarly-constituted tribe of the conquerors. There was therefore but +little modification of the social structure while the people, gradually +acquiring new arts, were passing through savagery and into a more or +less advanced stage of barbarism. The symmetry of the structure and the +relation of one institution to another is thus distinctly apparent. + + [Footnote 84: For instance, the whole discussion in Gomme's + _Village Community_, London, 1890, an excellent book, abounds + with instances of this crumpling.] + +The communal household and the political structure built upon it, as +above described in the case of the Iroquois, seem to have existed all +over ancient North America, with agreement in fundamental +characteristics and variation in details and degree of development. +There are many corners as yet imperfectly explored, but hitherto, in so +far as research has been rewarded with information, it all points in the +same general direction. Among the tribes above enumerated as either in +savagery or in the lower status of barbarism, so far as they have been +studied, there seems to be a general agreement, as to the looseness of +the marriage tie the clan with descent in the female line, the phratry, +the tribe, the officers and councils, the social equality, the community +in goods (with exceptions already noted), and the wigwam or house +adapted to communal living. + +[Illustration: View, Cross-section, and Ground-plan of Mandan round +house.] + +[Sidenote: Circular houses of the Mandans.] + +The extreme of variation consistent with adherence to the common +principle was to be found in the shape and material of the houses. Those +of the savage tribes were but sorry huts. The long house was used by the +Powhatans and other Algonquin tribes. The other most highly developed +type may be illustrated by the circular frame-houses of the +Mandans.[85] These houses were from forty to sixty feet in diameter. A +dozen or more posts, each about eight inches in diameter, were set in +the ground, "at equal distances in the circumference of a circle, and +rising about six feet above the level of the floor." The tops of the +posts were connected by horizontal stringers; and outside each post a +slanting wooden brace sunk in the ground about four feet distant served +as a firm support to the structure. The spaces between these braces were +filled by tall wooden slabs, set with the same slant and resting against +the stringers. Thus the framework of the outer wall was completed. To +support the roof four posts were set in the ground about ten feet apart +in the form of a square, near the centre of the building. They were from +twelve to fifteen feet in height, and were connected at the top by four +stringers forming a square. The rafters rested upon these stringers and +upon the top of the circular wall below. The rafters were covered with +willow matting, and upon this was spread a layer of prairie grass. Then +both wall and roof, from the ground up to the summit, were covered with +earth, solid and hard, to a thickness of at least two feet. The rafters +projected above the square framework at the summit, so as to leave a +circular opening in the centre about four feet in diameter. This hole +let in a little light, and let out some of the smoke from the fire which +blazed underneath in a fire-pit lined with stone slabs set on edge. +The only other aperture for light was the doorway, which was a kind of +vestibule or passage some ten feet in length. Curtains of buffalo robes +did duty instead of doors. The family compartments were triangles with +base at the outer wall, and apex opening upon the central hearth; and +the partitions were hanging mats or skins, which were tastefully fringed +and ornamented with quill-work and pictographs.[86] In the lower Mandan +village, visited by Catlin, there were about fifty such houses, each +able to accommodate from thirty to forty persons. The village, situated +upon a bold bluff at a bend of the Missouri river, and surrounded by a +palisade of stout timbers more than ten feet in height, was very strong +for defensive purposes. Indeed, it was virtually impregnable to Indian +methods of attack, for the earth-covered houses could not be set on fire +by blazing arrows, and just within the palisade ran a trench in which +the defenders could securely skulk, while through the narrow chinks +between the timbers they could shoot arrows fast enough to keep their +assailants at a distance. This purpose was further secured by rude +bastions, and considering the structure as a whole one cannot help +admiring the ingenuity which it exhibits. It shows a marked superiority +over the conceptions of military defence attained by the Iroquois or any +other Indians north of New Mexico. Besides the communal houses the +village contained its "medicine lodge," or council house, and an open +area for games and ceremonies. In the spaces between the houses were +the scaffolds for drying maize, buffalo meat, etc., ascended by +well-made portable ladders. Outside the village, at a short distance on +the prairie, was a group of such scaffolds upon which the dead were left +to moulder, somewhat after the fashion of the Parsees.[87] + + [Footnote 85: Morgan, _Houses and House-life_, pp. 126-129; + Catlin's _North Amer. Indians_, i. 81 _ff._] + + [Footnote 86: Catlin, i. 83.] + + [Footnote 87: Catlin, i. 90.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The Indians of the pueblos,--in the middle status of +barbarism.] + +We are now prepared to understand some essential points in the life of +the groups of Indians occupying the region of the Cordilleras, both +north and south of the Isthmus of Darien, all the way from Zuni to +Quito. The principal groups are the Moquis and Zunis of Arizona and New +Mexico, the Nahuas or Nahuatlac tribes of Mexico, the Mayas, Quiches, +and kindred peoples of Central America; and beyond the isthmus, the +Chibchas of New Granada, and sundry peoples comprised within the domain +of the Incas. With regard to the ethnic relationships of these various +groups, opinion is still in a state of confusion; but it is not +necessary for our present purpose that we should pause to discuss the +numerous questions thus arising. Our business is to get a clear notion +in outline of the character of the culture to which these peoples had +attained at the time of the Discovery. Here we observe, on the part of +all, a very considerable divergence from the average Indian level which +we have thus far been describing. + +This divergence increases as we go from Zuni toward Cuzco, reaching its +extreme, on the whole, among the Peruvians, though in some respects the +nearest approach to civilization was made by the Mayas. All these +peoples were at least one full ethnical period nearer to true +civilization than the Iroquois,--and a vast amount of change and +improvement is involved in the conception of an entire ethnical period. +According to Mr. Morgan, one more such period would have brought the +average level of these Cordilleran peoples to as high a plane as that of +the Greeks described in the Odyssey. Let us now observe the principal +points involved in the change, bearing in mind that it implies a +considerable lapse of time. While the date 1325, at which the city of +Mexico was founded, is the earliest date in the history of that country +which can be regarded as securely established, it was preceded by a long +series of generations of migration and warfare, the confused and +fragmentary record of which historians have tried--hitherto with scant +success--to unravel. To develop such a culture as that of the Aztecs out +of an antecedent culture similar to that of the Iroquois must of course +have taken a long time. + +[Sidenote: Horticulture with irrigation, and architecture with adobe.] + +It will be remembered that the most conspicuous distinctive marks of the +grade of culture attained by the Cordilleran peoples were two,--the +cultivation of maize in large quantities by irrigation, and the use of +adobe-brick or stone in building. Probably there was at first, to some +extent, a causal connection between the former and the latter. The +region of the Moqui-Zuni culture is a region in which arid plains become +richly fertile when water from neighbouring cliffs or peaks is +directed down upon them. It is mainly an affair of sluices, not of pump +or well, which seem to have been alike beyond the ken of aboriginal +Americans of whatever grade. The change of occupation involved in +raising large crops of corn by the aid of sluices would facilitate an +increase in density of population, and would encourage a preference for +agricultural over predatory life. Such changes would be likely to favour +the development of defensive military art. The Mohawk's surest defence +lay in the terror which his prowess created hundreds of miles away. One +can easily see how the forefathers of our Moquis and Zunis may have come +to prefer the security gained by living more closely together and +building impregnable fortresses. + +[Sidenote: Possible origin of adobe architecture.] + +The earthen wall of the Mandan, supported on a framework of posts and +slabs, seems to me curiously and strikingly suggestive of the incipient +pottery made by surrounding a basket with a coating of clay.[88] When it +was discovered how to make the earthen bowl or dish without the basket, +a new era in progress was begun. So when it was discovered that an +earthen wall could be fashioned to answer the requirements of +house-builders without the need of a permanent wooden framework, another +great step was taken. Again the consequences were great enough to make +it mark the beginning of a new ethnical period. If we suppose the +central portion of our continent, the Mississippi and Missouri valleys, +to have been occupied at some time by tribes familiar with the Mandan +style of building; and if we further suppose a gradual extension or +migration of this population, or some part of it, westward into the +mountain region; that would be a movement into a region in which timber +was scarce, while adobe clay was abundant. Under such circumstances the +useful qualities of that peculiar clay could not fail to be soon +discovered. The simple exposure to sunshine would quickly convert a +Mandan house built with it into an adobe house; the coating of earth +would become a coating of brick. It would not then take long to +ascertain that with such adobe-brick could be built walls at once light +and strong, erect and tall, such as could not be built with common clay. +In some such way as this I think the discovery must have been made by +the ancestors of the Zunis, and others who have built pueblos. After the +pueblo style of architecture, with its erect walls and terraced stories, +had become developed, it was an easy step, when the occasion suggested +it, to substitute for the adobe-brick coarse rubble-stones embedded in +adobe. The final stage was reached in Mexico and Yucatan, when soft +coralline limestone was shaped into blocks with a flint chisel and laid +in courses with adobe-mortar. + + [Footnote 88: See above, p. 25.] + +[Sidenote: Mr. Cushing at Zuni.] + +The pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona are among the most interesting +structures in the world. Several are still inhabited by the descendants +of the people who were living in them at the time of the Spanish +Discovery, and their primitive customs and habits of thought have been +preserved to the present day with but little change. The long sojourn +of Mr. Cushing, of the Bureau of Ethnology, in the Zuni pueblo, has +already thrown a flood of light upon many points in American +archaeology.[89] As in the case of American aborigines generally, the +social life of these people is closely connected with their +architecture, and the pueblos which are still inhabited seem to furnish +us with the key to the interpretation of those that we find deserted or +in ruins, whether in Arizona or in Guatemala. + + [Footnote 89: See his articles in the _Century Magazine_, Dec., + 1882, Feb., 1883, May, 1883; and his papers on "Zuni Fetiches," + _Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology_, ii. 9-45; "A Study of + Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuni Culture Growth," id. iv. + 473-521; see also Mrs. Stevenson's paper, "Religious Life of a + Zuni Child," id. v. 539-555; Sylvester Baxter, "An Aboriginal + Pilgrimage," _Century Magazine_, Aug., 1882.] + +[Illustration: Pueblo Hungo Pavie. Chaco Canon N. M.] + +[Sidenote: Typical structure of the pueblo.] + +In the architecture of the pueblos one typical form is reproduced with +sundry variations in detail. The typical form is that of a solid block +of buildings making three sides of an extensive rectangular enclosure +or courtyard. On the inside, facing upon the courtyard, the structure +is but one story in height; on the outside, looking out upon the +surrounding country, it rises to three, or perhaps even five or six +stories. From inside to outside the flat roofs rise in a series of +terraces, so that the floor of the second row is continuous with the +roof of the first, the floor of the third row is continuous with the +roof of the second, and so on. The fourth side of the rectangle is +formed by a solid block of one-story apartments, usually with one or two +narrow gateways overlooked by higher structures within the enclosure. +Except these gateways there is no entrance from without; the only +windows are frowning loop-holes, and access to the several apartments is +gained through skylights reached by portable ladders. Such a structure +is what our own forefathers would have naturally called a "burgh," or +fortress; it is in one sense a house, yet in another sense a town;[90] +its divisions are not so much houses as compartments; it is a +joint-tenement affair, like the Iroquois long houses, but in a higher +stage of development. + + [Footnote 90: Cf. [Greek: oikos], "house," with Latin _vicus_, + "street" or "village," Sanskrit _vesa_, "dwelling-place," + English _wick_, "mansion" or "village."] + +[Illustration: Restoration of Pueblo Hungo Pavie.] + +[Sidenote: Pueblo society.] + +So far as they have been studied, the pueblo Indians are found to be +organized in clans, with descent in the female line, as in the case of +the ruder Indians above described. In the event of marriage the young +husband goes to live with his wife, and she may turn him out of doors if +he deserves it.[91] The ideas of property seem still limited to that +of possessory right, with the ultimate title in the clan, except that +portable articles subject to individual ownership have become more +numerous. In government the council of sachems reappears with a +principal sachem, or cacique, called by the Spaniards "gobernador." +There is an organized priesthood, with distinct orders, and a ceremonial +more elaborate than those of the ruder Indians. In every pueblo there is +to be found at least one "estufa," or council-house, for governmental or +religious transactions. Usually there are two or three or more such +estufas. In mythology, in what we may call pictography or rudimentary +hieroglyphics, as well as in ordinary handicrafts, there is a marked +advance beyond the Indians of the lower status of barbarism, after +making due allowances for such things as the people of the pueblos have +learned from white men.[92] + + [Footnote 91: "With the woman rests the security of the + marriage ties; and it must be said, in her high honour, that + she rarely abuses the privilege; that is, never sends her + husband 'to the home of his fathers,' unless he richly deserves + it." But should not Mr. Cushing have said "home of his + mothers," or perhaps, of "his sisters and his cousins and his + aunts?" For a moment afterward he tells us, "To her belong all + the children; and descent, including inheritance, is on her + side." _Century Magazine_, May, 1883, p. 35.] + + [Footnote 92: For example, since the arrival of the Spaniards + some or perhaps all of the pueblos have introduced chimneys + into their apartments; but when they were first visited by + Coronado, he found the people wearing cotton garments, and + Franciscan friars in 1581 remarked upon the superior quality of + their shoes. In spinning and weaving, as well as in the + grinding of meal, a notable advance had been made.] + +[Illustration: Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.] + +[Illustration: Pueblo Penasca Blanca.] + +[Sidenote: Wonderful ancient pueblos in the Chaco valley.] + +[Sidenote: The Moqui pueblos.] + +[Sidenote: The cliff pueblos.] + +From the pueblos still existing, whether inhabited or in ruins, we may +eventually get some sort of clue to the populations of ancient towns +visited by the Spanish discoverers.[93] The pueblo of Zuni seems to have +had at one time a population of 5,000, but it has dwindled to less than +2,000. Of the ruined pueblos, built of stone with adobe mortar, in the +valley of the Rio Chaco, the Pueblo Hungo Pavie contained 73 apartments +in the first story, 53 in the second, and 29 in the third, with an +average size of 18 feet by 13; and would have accommodated about 1,000 +Indians. In the same valley Pueblo Bonito, with four stories, contained +not less than 640 apartments, with room enough for a population of +3,000; within a third of a mile from this huge structure stood Pueblo +Chettro Kettle, with 506 apartments. The most common variation from the +rectangular shape was that in which a terraced semicircle was +substituted for the three terraced sides, as in Pueblo Bonito, or the +whole rectangular design was converted into an ellipse, as in Pueblo +Penasca Blanca. There are indications that these fortresses were not in +all cases built at one time, but that, at least in some cases, they grew +by gradual accretions.[94] The smallness of the distances between those +in the Chaco valley suggests that their inhabitants must have been +united in a confederation; and one can easily see that an actual +juxtaposition or partial coalescence of such communities would have +made a city of very imposing appearance. The pueblos are always found +situated near a river, and their gardens, lying outside, are easily +accessible to sluices from neighbouring cliffs or mesas. But in some +cases, as the Wolpi pueblo of the Moquis, the whole stronghold is built +upon the summit of the cliff; there is a coalescence of communal +structures, each enclosing a courtyard, in which there is a spring for +the water-supply; and the irrigated gardens are built in terrace-form +just below on the bluff, and protected by solid walls. From this curious +pueblo another transition takes us to the extraordinary cliff-houses found +in the Chelly, Mancos, and McElmo canons, and elsewhere,--veritable +human eyries perched in crevices or clefts of the perpendicular rock, +accessible only by dint of a toilsome and perilous climb; places of +refuge, perhaps for fragments of tribes overwhelmed by more barbarous +invaders, yet showing in their dwelling-rooms and estufas marks of +careful building and tasteful adornment.[95] + + [Footnote 93: At least a better one than Mr. Prescott had when + he naively reckoned five persons to a household, _Conquest of + Mexico_, ii. 97.] + + [Footnote 94: Morgan, _Houses and House-Life_, chap. vii.] + + [Footnote 95: For careful descriptions of the ruined pueblos + and cliff-houses, see Nadaillac's _Prehistoric America_, chap. + v., and Short's _North Americans of Antiquity_, chap. vii. The + latter sees in them the melancholy vestiges of a people + gradually "succumbing to their unpropitious surroundings--a + land which is fast becoming a howling wilderness, with its + scourging sands and roaming savage Bedouin--the Apaches."] + +[Sidenote: Pueblo of Zuni.] + +The pueblo of Zuni is a more extensive and complex structure than the +ruined pueblos on the Chaco river. It is not so much an enormous +communal house as a small town formed of a number of such houses crowded +together, with access from one to another along their roof-terraces. +Some of the structures are of adobe brick, others of stone embedded in +adobe mortar and covered with plaster. There are two open plazas or +squares in the town, and several streets, some of which are covered ways +passing beneath the upper stories of houses. The effect, though not +splendid, must be very picturesque, and would doubtless astonish and +bewilder visitors unprepared for such a sight. When Coronado's men +discovered Zuni in 1540, although that style of building was no longer a +novelty to them, they compared the place to Granada. + +[Sidenote: Pueblo of Tlascala.] + +Now it is worthy of note that Cortes made the same comparison in the +case of Tlascala, one of the famous towns at which he stopped on his +march from Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico. In his letter to the emperor +Charles V., he compared Tlascala to Granada, "affirming that it was +larger, stronger, and more populous than the Moorish capital at the time +of the conquest, and quite as well built."[96] Upon this Mr. Prescott +observes, "we shall be slow to believe that its edifices could have +rivalled those monuments of Oriental magnificence, whose light aerial +forms still survive after the lapse of ages, the admiration of every +traveller of sensibility and taste. The truth is that Cortes, like +Columbus, saw objects through the warm medium of his own fond +imagination, giving them a higher tone of colouring and larger +dimensions than were strictly warranted by the fact." Or, as Mr. +Bandelier puts it, when it comes to general statements about numbers +and dimensions, "the descriptions of the conquerors cannot be taken as +facts, only as the expression of feelings, honestly entertained but +uncritical." From details given in various Spanish descriptions, +including those of Cortes himself, it is evident that there could not +have been much difference in size between Tlascala and its neighbour +Cholula. The population of the latter town has often been given as from +150,000 to 200,000; but, from elaborate archaeological investigations +made on the spot in 1881, Mr. Bandelier concludes that it cannot have +greatly exceeded 30,000, and this number really agrees with the +estimates of two very important Spanish authorities, Las Casas and +Torquemada, when correctly understood.[97] We may therefore suppose that +the population of Tlascala was about 30,000. Now the population of the +city of Granada, at the time of its conquest by Ferdinand and Isabella, +is said by the greatest of Spanish historians[98] to have been about +200,000. It would thus appear that Cortes sometimes let his feelings run +away with him; and, all things considered, small blame to him if he did! +In studying the story of the Spanish conquest of America, liberal +allowance must often be made for inaccuracies of statement that were +usually pardonable and sometimes inevitable. + + [Footnote 96: "La qual ciudad ... es muy mayor que Granada, y + muy mas fuerte, y de tan buenos edificios, y de mucha mas + gente, que Granada tenia al tiempo que se gano." Cortes, + _Relacion segunda al Emperador_, ap. Lorenzana, p. 58, cited in + Prescott's _Conquest of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 401 (7th ed., + London, 1855).] + + [Footnote 97: See Bandelier's _Archaeological Tour in Mexico_, + Boston, 1885, pp. 160-164. Torquemada's words, cited by + Bandelier, are "Quando entraron los Espanoles, dicen que tenia + mas de quarenta mil vecinos esta ciudad." _Monarquia Indiana_, + lib. iii. cap. xix. p. 281. A prolific source of error is the + ambiguity in the word _vecinos_, which may mean either + "inhabitants" or "householders." Where Torquemada meant 40,000 + inhabitants, uncritical writers fond of the marvellous have + understood him to mean 40,000 houses, and multiplying this + figure by 5, the average number of persons _in a modern + family_, have obtained the figure 200,000. But 40,000 houses + peopled after the old Mexican fashion, with at least 200 + persons in a house (to put it as low as possible), would make a + city of 8,000,000 inhabitants! Las Casas, in his _Destruycion + de las Indias_, vii., puts the population of Cholula at about + 30,000. I observe that Llorente (in his _Oeuvres de Las Casas_, + tom. i. p. 38) translates the statement correctly. I shall + recur to this point below, vol. ii. p. 264.] + + [Footnote 98: Mariana, _Historia de Espana_, Valencia, 1795, + tom. viii. p. 317.] + +But when Cortes described Tlascala as "quite as well built" as Granada, +it is not at all likely that he was thinking about that exquisite +Moorish architecture which in the mind of Mr. Prescott or any cultivated +modern writer is the first thing to be suggested by the name. The +Spaniards of those days did not admire the artistic work of "infidels;" +they covered up beautiful arabesques with a wash of dirty plaster, and +otherwise behaved very much like the Puritans who smashed the +"idolatrous" statues in English cathedrals. When Cortes looked at +Tlascala, and Coronado looked at Zuni, and both soldiers were reminded +of Granada, they were probably looking at those places with a +professional eye as fortresses hard to capture; and from this point of +view there was doubtless some justice in the comparison. + +[Sidenote: The ancient city of Mexico was a great composite pueblo.] + +In the description of Tlascala by the Spaniards who first saw it, with +its dark and narrow streets, its houses of adobe, or "the better sort" +of stone laid in adobe mortar, and its flat and terraced roofs, one is +irresistibly reminded of such a pueblo as Zuni. Tlascala was a town of +a type probably common in Mexico. In some respects, as will hereafter +appear, the city of Mexico showed striking variations from the common +type. Yet there too were to be seen the huge houses, with terraced +roofs, built around a square courtyard; in one of them 450 Spaniards, +with more than 1,000 Tlascalan allies, were accommodated; in another, +called "Montezuma's palace," one of the conquerors, who came several +times intending to see the whole of it, got so tired with wandering +through the interminable succession of rooms that at length he gave it +up and never saw them all.[99] This might have happened in such a +building as Pueblo Bonito; and a suspicion is raised that Montezuma's +city was really a vast composite pueblo, and that its so-called palaces +were communal buildings in principle like the pueblos of the Chaco +valley. + + [Footnote 99: "Et io entrai piu di quattro volte in una casa + del gran Signor non por altro effetto che per vederla, et ogni + volta vi camminauo tanto che mi stancauo, et mai la fini di + vedere tutta." _Relatione fatta per un gentil' huomo del Signor + Fernando Cortese_, apud Ramusio, _Navigationi et Viaggi_, + Venice, 1556, tom. iii. fol. 309.] + +[Sidenote: Natural mistake of the Spanish discoverers.] + +[Sidenote: Contrast between feudalism and gentilism.] + +[Sidenote: Change from gentile society to political society.] + +Of course the Spanish discoverers could not be expected to understand +the meaning of what they saw. It dazed and bewildered them. They knew +little or nothing of any other kind of society than feudal monarchy, and +if they made such mistakes as to call the head war-chief a "king" (i. e. +feudal king) or "emperor," and the clan-chiefs "lords" or "noblemen," if +they supposed that these huge fortresses were like feudal castles and +palaces in Europe, they were quite excusable. Such misconceptions were +common enough before barbarous societies had been much studied; and many +a dusky warrior, without a tithe of the pomp and splendour about him +that surrounded Montezuma, has figured in the pages of history as a +mighty potentate girt with many of the trappings of feudalism.[100] +Initial misconceptions that were natural enough, indeed unavoidable, +found expression in an absurdly inappropriate nomenclature; and then the +use of wrong names and titles bore fruit in what one cannot properly +call a theory but rather an incoherent medley of notions about barbaric +society. Nothing could be further from _feudalism_, in which the +relation of landlord and tenant is a fundamental element, than the +society of the American aborigines, in which that relation was utterly +unknown and inconceivable. This more primitive form of society is not +improperly called _gentilism_, inasmuch as it is based upon the gens or +clan, with communism in living, and with the conception of individual +ownership of property undeveloped. It was gentilism that everywhere +prevailed throughout the myriads of unrecorded centuries during which +the foremost races of mankind struggled up through savagery and +barbarism into civilization, while weaker and duller races lagged behind +at various stages on the way. The change from "gentile" society to +political society as we know it was in some respects the most important +change that has occurred in human affairs since men became human. It +might be roughly defined as the change from personal to territorial +organization. It was accomplished when the stationary clan became +converted into the township, and the stationary tribe into the small +state;[101] when the conception of individual property in land was fully +acquired; when the tie of physical kinship ceased to be indispensable as +a bond for holding a society together; when the _clansman_ became a +_citizen_. This momentous change was accomplished among the Greeks +during a period beginning shortly before the first Olympiad (B. C. +776), and ending with the reforms of Kleisthenes at Athens (B. C. 509); +among the Romans it was accomplished by the series of legislative +changes beginning with those ascribed to Servius Tullius (about B. C. +550), and perfected by the time of the first Punic War (B. C. 264-241). +In each case about three centuries was required to work the change.[102] +If now the reader, familiar with European history, will reflect upon the +period of more than a thousand years which intervened between the date +last named and the time when feudalism became thoroughly established, if +he will recall to mind the vast and powerful complication of causes +which operated to transform civil society from the aspect which it wore +in the days of Regulus and the second Ptolemy to that which it had +assumed in the times of Henry the Fowler or Fulk of Anjou, he will begin +to realize how much "feudalism" implies, and what a wealth of experience +it involves, above and beyond the change from "gentile" to "civil" +society. It does not appear that any people in ancient America ever +approached very near to this earlier change. None had fairly begun to +emerge from gentilism; none had advanced so far as the Greeks of the +first Olympiad or the Romans under the rule of the Tarquins. + + [Footnote 100: When Pocahontas visited London in 1616 she was + received at court as befitted a "king's daughter," and the old + Virginia historian, William Stith (born in 1689), says it was a + "constant tradition" in his day that James I. "became jealous, + and was highly offended at Mr. Rolfe for marrying a princess." + The notion was that "if Virginia descended to Pocahontas, as it + might do at Powhatan's death, at her own death the kingdom + would be vested in Mr. Rolfe's posterity." Esten Cooke's + _Virginia_, p. 100. Powhatan (i. e. Wahunsunakok, chief of the + Powhatan tribe) was often called "emperor" by the English + settlers. To their intense bewilderment he told one of them + that his office would descend to his [maternal] brothers, even + though he had sons living. It was thought that this could not + be true.] + + [Footnote 101: The small states into which tribes were at first + transformed have in many cases survived to the present time as + portions of great states or nations. The shires or counties of + England, which have been reproduced in the United States, + originated in this way, as I have briefly explained in my + little book on _Civil Government in the United States_, p. 49. + When you look on the map of England, and see the town of + _Icklingham_ in the county of _Suffolk_, it means that this + place was once the "home" of the "Icklings" or "children of + Ickel," a clan which formed part of the tribe of Angles known + as "South folk." So the names of Gaulish tribes survived as + names of French provinces, e. g. _Auvergne_ from the _Arverni_, + _Poitou_ from the _Pictavi_, _Anjou_ from the _Andecavi_, + _Bearn_ from the _Bigerrones_, etc.] + + [Footnote 102: "It was no easy task to accomplish such a + fundamental change, however simple and obvious it may now + seem.... Anterior to experience, a township, as the unit of a + political system, was abstruse enough to tax the Greeks and + Romans to the depths of their capacities before the conception + was formed and set in practical operation." Morgan, _Ancient + Society_, p. 218.] + +[Sidenote: Suspicions as to the erroneousness of the Spanish accounts.] + +[Sidenote: Detection and explanation of the errors, by Lewis Morgan.] + +The first eminent writer to express a serious doubt as to the +correctness of the earlier views of Mexican civilization was that +sagacious Scotchman, William Robertson.[103] The illustrious statesman +and philologist, Albert Gallatin, founder of the American Ethnological +Society, published in the first volume of its "Transactions" an essay +which recognized the danger of trusting the Spanish narratives without +very careful and critical scrutiny.[104] It is to be observed that Mr. +Gallatin approached the subject with somewhat more knowledge of +aboriginal life in America than had been possessed by previous writers. +A similar scepticism was expressed by Lewis Cass, who also knew a great +deal about Indians.[105] Next came Mr. Morgan,[106] the man of +path-breaking ideas, whose minute and profound acquaintance with Indian +life was joined with a power of penetrating the hidden implications of +facts so keen and so sure as to amount to genius. Mr. Morgan saw the +nature of the delusion under which the Spaniards laboured; he saw that +what they mistook for feudal castles owned by great lords, and inhabited +by dependent retainers, were really huge communal houses, owned and +inhabited by clans, or rather by segments of overgrown clans. He saw +this so vividly that it betrayed him now and then into a somewhat +impatient and dogmatic manner of statement; but that was a slight fault, +for what he saw was not the outcome of dreamy speculation but of +scientific insight. His researches, which reduced "Montezuma's empire" +to a confederacy of tribes dwelling in pueblos, governed by a council of +chiefs, and collecting tribute from neighbouring pueblos, have been +fully sustained by subsequent investigation. + + [Footnote 103: Robertson's _History of America_, 9th ed. vol. + iii. pp. 274, 281.] + + [Footnote 104: "Notes on the Semi-civilized Nations of Mexico, + Yucatan, and Central America," _American Ethnological Society's + Transactions_, vol. i., New York, 1852. There is a brief + account of Mr. Gallatin's pioneer work in American philology + and ethnology in Stevens's _Albert Gallatin_, pp. 386-396.] + + [Footnote 105: Cass, "Aboriginal Structures," _North Amer. + Review_, Oct., 1840.] + + [Footnote 106: Mr. R. A. Wilson's _New History of the Conquest + of Mexico_, Philadelphia, 1859, denounced the Spanish + conquerors as wholesale liars, but as his book was ignorant, + uncritical, and full of wild fancies, it produced little + effect. It was demolished, with neatness and despatch, in two + articles in the _Atlantic Monthly_, April and May, 1859, by the + eminent historian John Foster Kirk, whose _History of Charles + the Bold_ is in many respects a worthy companion to the works + of Prescott and Motley. Mr. Kirk had been Mr. Prescott's + secretary.] + +[Sidenote: Adolf Bandelier's researches.] + +The state of society which Cortes saw has, indeed, passed away, and its +monuments and hieroglyphic records have been in great part destroyed. +Nevertheless some monuments and some hieroglyphic records remain, and +the people are still there. Tlascalans and Aztecs, descendants in the +eleventh or twelfth generation from the men whose bitter feuds gave such +a golden opportunity to Cortes, still dwell upon the soil of Mexico, and +speak the language in which Montezuma made his last harangue to the +furious people. There is, moreover, a great mass of literature in +Spanish, besides more or less in Nahuatl, written during the century +following the conquest, and the devoted missionaries and painstaking +administrators, who wrote books about the country in which they were +working, were not engaged in a wholesale conspiracy for deceiving +mankind. From a really critical study of this literature, combined with +archaeological investigation, much may be expected; and a noble beginning +has already been made. A more extensive acquaintance with Mexican +literature would at times have materially modified Mr. Morgan's +conclusions, though without altering their general drift. At this point +the work has been taken up by Mr. Adolf Bandelier, of Highland, +Illinois, to whose rare sagacity and untiring industry as a field +archaeologist is joined such a thorough knowledge of Mexican literature +as few men before him have possessed. Armed with such resources, Mr. +Bandelier is doing for the ancient history of America work as +significant as that which Mommsen has done for Rome, or Baur for the +beginnings of Christianity. When a sufficient mass of facts and +incidents have once been put upon record, it is hard for ignorant +misconception to bury the truth in a pit so deep but that the delving +genius of critical scholarship will sooner or later drag it forth into +the light of day.[107] + + [Footnote 107: A summary of Mr. Bandelier's principal results, + with copious citation and discussion of original Spanish and + Nahuatl sources, is contained in his three papers, "On the art + of war and mode of warfare of the ancient Mexicans,"--"On the + distribution and tenure of land, and the customs with respect + to inheritance, among the ancient Mexicans,"--"On the social + organization and mode of government of the ancient Mexicans," + _Peabody Museum Reports_, vol. ii., 1876-79, pp. 95-161, + 385-448, 557-699.] + +[Sidenote: The Aztec confederacy.] + +At this point in our exposition a very concise summary of Mr. +Bandelier's results will suffice to enable the reader to understand +their import. What has been called the "empire of Montezuma" was in +reality a confederacy of three tribes, the Aztecs, Tezcucans, and +Tlacopans,[108] dwelling in three large composite pueblos situated very +near together in one of the strongest defensive positions ever occupied +by Indians. This Aztec confederacy extended its "sway" over a +considerable portion of the Mexican peninsula, but that "sway" could not +correctly be described as "empire," for it was in no sense a military +occupation of the country. The confederacy did not have garrisons in +subject pueblos or civil officials to administer their affairs for them. +It simply sent some of its chiefs about from one pueblo to another to +collect tribute. This tax consisted in great part of maize and other +food, and each tributary pueblo reserved a certain portion of its tribal +territory to be cultivated for the benefit of the domineering +confederacy. If a pueblo proved delinquent or recalcitrant, Aztec +warriors swooped down upon it in stealthy midnight assault, butchered +its inhabitants and emptied its granaries, and when the paroxysm of rage +had spent itself, went exulting homeward, carrying away women for +concubines, men to be sacrificed, and such miscellaneous booty as could +be conveyed without wagons or beasts to draw them.[109] If the sudden +assault, with scaling ladders, happened to fail, the assailants were +likely to be baffled, for there was no artillery, and so little food +could be carried that a siege meant starvation for the besiegers. + + [Footnote 108: In the Iroquois confederacy the Mohawks enjoyed + a certain precedence or seniority, the Onondagas had the + central council-fire, and the Senecas, who had the two head + war-chiefs, were much the most numerous. In the Mexican + confederacy the various points of superiority seem to have been + more concentrated in the Aztecs; but spoils and tribute were + divided into five portions, of which Mexico and Tezcuco each + took two, and Tlacopan one.] + + [Footnote 109: The wretched prisoners were ordinarily compelled + to carry the booty.] + +The tributary pueblos were also liable to be summoned to furnish a +contingent of warriors to the war-parties of the confederacy, under the +same penalties for delinquency as in the case of refusal of tribute. In +such cases it was quite common for the confederacy to issue a peremptory +summons, followed by a declaration of war. When a pueblo was captured, +the only way in which the vanquished people could stop the massacre was +by holding out signals of submission; a parley then sometimes adjusted +the affair, and the payment of a year's tribute in advance induced the +conquerors to depart, but captives once taken could seldom if ever be +ransomed. If the parties could not agree upon terms, the slaughter was +renewed, and sometimes went on until the departing victors left nought +behind them but ruined houses belching from loop-hole and doorway lurid +clouds of smoke and flame upon narrow silent streets heaped up with +mangled corpses. + +The sway of the Aztec confederacy over the Mexican peninsula was thus +essentially similar to the sway of the Iroquois confederacy over a great +part of the tribes between the Connecticut river and the Mississippi. +It was simply the levying of tribute,--a system of plunder enforced by +terror. The so-called empire was "only a partnership formed for the +purpose of carrying on the business of warfare, and that intended, not +for the extension of territorial ownership, but only for an increase of +the means of subsistence."[110] There was none of that coalescence and +incorporation of peoples which occurs after the change from gentilism to +civil society has been effected. Among the Mexicans, as elsewhere +throughout North America, the tribe remained intact as the highest +completed political integer. + + [Footnote 110: Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 563.] + +[Sidenote: Aztec clans.] + +The Aztec tribe was organized in clans and phratries, and the number of +clans would indicate that the tribe was a very large one.[111] There +were twenty clans, called in the Nahuatl language "calpullis." We may +fairly suppose that the average size of a clan was larger than the +average tribe of Algonquins or Iroquois; but owing to the compact "city" +life, this increase of numbers did not result in segmentation and +scattering, as among Indians in the lower status. Each Aztec clan seems +to have occupied a number of adjacent communal houses, forming a kind of +precinct, with its special house or houses for official purposes, +corresponding to the _estufas_ in the New Mexican pueblos. The houses +were the common property of the clan, and so was the land which its +members cultivated; and such houses and land could not be sold or +bartered away by the clan, or in anywise alienated. The idea of "real +estate" had not been developed; the clan simply exercised a right of +occupancy, and--as among some ruder Indians--its individual members +exercised certain limited rights of user in particular garden-plots. + + [Footnote 111: The notion of an immense population groaning + under the lash of taskmasters, and building huge palaces for + idle despots must be dismissed. The statements which refer to + such a vast population are apt to be accompanied by + incompatible statements. Mr. Morgan is right in throwing the + burden of proof upon those who maintain that a people without + domestic animals or field agriculture could have been so + numerous (_Anc. Soc._, p. 195). On the other hand, I believe + Mr. Morgan makes a grave mistake in the opposite direction, in + underestimating the numbers that could be supported upon Indian + corn even under a system of horticulture without the use of the + plough. Some pertinent remarks on the extraordinary + reproductive power of maize in Mexico may be found in Humboldt, + _Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne_, Paris, 1811, tom. + iii. pp. 51-60; the great naturalist is of course speaking of + the yield of maize in ploughed lands, but, after making due + allowances, the yield under the ancient system must have been + well-nigh unexampled in barbaric agriculture.] + +[Sidenote: Clan officers.] + +The clan was governed by a clan council, consisting of chiefs +(_tecuhtli_) elected by the clan, and inducted into office after a cruel +religious ordeal, in which the candidate was bruised, tortured, and half +starved. An executive department was more clearly differentiated from +the council than among the Indians of the lower status. The clan +(_calpulli_) had an official head, or sachem, called the _calpullec_; +and also a military commander called the _ahcacautin_, or "elder +brother." The _ahcacautin_ was also a kind of peace officer, or +constable, for the precinct occupied by the clan, and carried about with +him a staff of office; a tuft of white feathers attached to this staff +betokened that his errand was one of death. The clan elected its +_calpullec_ and _ahcacautin_, and could depose them for cause.[112] + + [Footnote 112: Compare this description with that of the + institutions of Indians in the lower status, above, p. 69.] + +[Sidenote: Rights and duties of the clan.] + +The members of the clan were reciprocally bound to aid, defend, and +avenge one another; but wergild was no longer accepted, and the penalty +for murder was death. The clan exercised the right of naming its +members. Such names were invariably significant (as _Nezahualcoyotl_, +"Hungry Coyote," _Axayacatl_, "Face-in-the-Water," etc.), and more or +less "medicine," or superstitious association, was attached to the name. +The clans also had their significant names and totems. Each clan had its +peculiar religious rites, its priests or medicine-men who were members +of the clan council, and its temple or medicine-house. Instead of +burying their dead the Mexican tribes practised cremation; there was, +therefore, no common cemetery, but the funeral ceremonies were conducted +by the clan. + +[Sidenote: Aztec phratries.] + +The clans of the Aztecs, like those of many other Mexican tribes, were +organized into four phratries; and this divided the city of Mexico, as +the Spaniards at once remarked, into four quarters. The phratry had +acquired more functions than it possessed in the lower status. Besides +certain religious and social duties, and besides its connection with the +punishment of criminals, the Mexican phratry was an organization for +military purposes.[113] The four phratries were four divisions of the +tribal host, each with its captain. In each of the quarters was an +arsenal, or "dart-house," where weapons were stored, and from which they +were handed out to war-parties about to start on an expedition. + + [Footnote 113: In this respect it seems to have had some + resemblance to the Roman _centuria_ and Teutonic _hundred_. So + in prehistoric Greece we may perhaps infer from Nestor's advice + to Agamemnon that a similar organization existed:-- + + [Greek: krin' andras kata phyla, kata phretras, Agamemnon, + hos phretre phretrephin arege, phyla de phylois.] + _Iliad_, ii. 362. + + But the phratry seems never to have reached so high a + development among the Greeks as among the Romans and the early + English.] + +[Sidenote: The tribal council.] + +The supreme government of the Aztecs was vested in the tribal council +composed of twenty members, one for each clan. The member, representing +a clan, was not its _calpullec_, or "sachem;" he was one of the +_tecuhtli_, or clan-chiefs, and was significantly called the "speaker" +(_tlatoani_). The tribal council, thus composed of twenty speakers, was +called the _tlatocan_, or "place of speech."[114] At least as often as +once in ten days the council assembled at the _tecpan_, or official +house of the tribe, but it could be convened whenever occasion required, +and in cases of emergency was continually in session. Its powers and +duties were similar to those of an ancient English shiremote, in so far +as they were partly directive and partly judicial. A large part of its +business was settling disputes between the clans. It superintended the +ceremonies of investiture with which the chiefs and other officers of +the clans were sworn into office. At intervals of eighty days there was +an "extra session" of the _tlatocan_, attended also by the twenty "elder +brothers," the four phratry-captains, the two executive chiefs of the +tribe, and the leading priests, and at such times a reconsideration of +an unpopular decision might be urged; but the authority of the +_tlatocan_ was supreme, and from its final decision there could be no +appeal.[115] + + [Footnote 114: Compare _parliament_ from _parler_. These twenty + were the "grandees," "counsellors," and "captains" mentioned by + Bernal Diaz as always in Montezuma's company; "y siempre a la + contina estaban en su compania veinte grandes senores y + consejeros y capitanes," etc. _Historia verdadera_, ii. 95. See + Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 646.] + + [Footnote 115: Mr. Bandelier's note on this point gives an + especially apt illustration of the confusion of ideas and + inconsistencies of statement amid which the early Spanish + writers struggled to understand and describe this strange + society: _op. cit._ p. 651.] + +[Sidenote: The "snake-woman."] + +The executive chiefs of the tribe were two in number, as was commonly +the case in ancient America. The tribal sachem, or civil executive, bore +the grotesque title of _cihuacoatl_, or "snake-woman."[116] His relation +to the tribe was in general like that of the _calpullec_ to the clan. He +executed the decrees of the tribal council, of which he was _ex officio_ +a member, and was responsible for the housing of tribute and its proper +distribution among the clans. He was also chief judge, and he was +lieutenant to the head war-chief in command of the tribal host.[117] +He was elected for life by the tribal council, which could depose him +for misconduct. + + [Footnote 116: In Aztec mythology Cihuacoatl was wife of the + supreme night deity, Tezcatlipoca. Squier, _Serpent Symbol in + America_, pp. 159-166, 174-183. On the connection between + serpent worship and human sacrifices, see Fergusson's _Tree and + Serpent Worship_, pp. 3-5, 38-41. Much evidence as to American + serpent worship is collected in J. G. Mueller's _Geschichte der + amerikanischen Urreligionen_, Basel, 1855. The hieroglyphic + emblem of the Aztec tribal sachem was a female head surmounted + by a snake.] + + [Footnote 117: Other tribes besides the Aztec had the + "snake-woman." In the city of Mexico the Spaniards mistook him + for a "second-king," or "royal lieutenant." In other towns they + regarded him, somewhat more correctly, as "governor," and + called him _gobernador_,--a title still applied to the tribal + sachem of the pueblo Indians, as e. g. in Zuni heretofore + mentioned; see above p. 89.] + +[Sidenote: The "chief-of men."] + +[Sidenote: Evolution of kingship in Greece and Rome.] + +The office of head war-chief was an instance of primitive royalty in a +very interesting stage of development. The title of this officer was +_tlacatecuhtli_, or "chief-of-men."[118] He was primarily head war-chief +of the Aztec tribe, but about 1430 became supreme military commander of +the three confederate tribes, so that his office was one of peculiar +dignity and importance. When the Spaniards arrived upon the scene +Montezuma was _tlacatecuhtli_, and they naturally called him "king." To +understand precisely how far such an epithet could correctly be applied +to him, and how far it was misleading, we must recall the manner in +which early kingship arose in Europe. The Roman _rex_ was an officer +elected for life; the typical Greek _basileus_ was a somewhat more fully +developed king, inasmuch as his office was becoming practically +hereditary; otherwise _rex_ was about equivalent to _basileus_. Alike in +Rome and in Greece the king had at least three great functions, and +possibly four.[119] He was, primarily, chief commander, secondly, chief +priest, thirdly, chief judge; whether he had reached the fourth stage +and added the functions of chief civil executive, is matter of dispute. +Kingship in Rome and in most Greek cities was overthrown at so early a +date that some questions of this sort are difficult to settle. But in +all probability the office grew up through the successive acquisition of +ritual, judicial, and civil functions by the military commander. The +paramount necessity of consulting the tutelar deities before fighting +resulted in making the general a priest competent to perform sacrifices +and interpret omens;[120] he thus naturally became the most important +among priests; an increased sanctity invested his person and office; and +by and by he acquired control over the dispensation of justice, and +finally over the whole civil administration. One step more was needed to +develop the _basileus_ into a despot, like the king of Persia, and that +was to let him get into his hands the law-making power, involving +complete control over taxation. When the Greeks and Romans became +dissatisfied with the increasing powers of their kings, they destroyed +the office. The Romans did not materially diminish its functions, but +put them into commission, by entrusting them to two consuls of equal +authority elected annually. The Greeks, on the other hand, divided the +royal functions among different officers, as e. g. at Athens among the +nine archons.[121] + + [Footnote 118: This title seems precisely equivalent to [Greek: + anax andron], commonly applied to Agamemnon, and sometimes to + other chieftains, in the Iliad.] + + [Footnote 119: Ramsay's _Roman Antiquities_, p. 64; Hermann's + _Political Antiquities of Greece_, p. 105; Morgan, _Anc. Soc._, + p. 248.] + + [Footnote 120: Such would naturally result from the + desirableness of securing unity of command. If Demosthenes had + been in sole command of the Athenian armament in the harbour of + Syracuse, and had been a _basileus_, with priestly authority, + who can doubt that some such theory of the eclipse as that + suggested by Philochorus would have been adopted, and thus one + of the world's great tragedies averted? See Grote, _Hist. + Greece_, vol. vii. chap. lx. M. Fustel de Coulanges, in his + admirable book _La Cite antique_, pp. 205-210, makes the + priestly function of the king primitive, and the military + function secondary; which is entirely inconsistent with what we + know of barbarous races.] + + [Footnote 121: It is worthy of note that the archon who + retained the priestly function was called _basileus_, showing + perhaps that at that time this had come to be most prominent + among the royal functions, or more likely that it was the one + with which reformers had some religious scruples about + interfering. The Romans, too, retained part of the king's + priestly function in an officer called _rex sacrorum_, whose + duty was at times to offer a sacrifice in the forum, and then + run away as fast as legs could carry him,--[Greek: hen thysas + ho basileus, kata tachos apeisi pheugon ex agoras] (!) + Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 63.] + +[Sidenote: Mediaeval kingship.] + +The typical kingship in mediaeval Europe, after the full development of +the feudal system, was very different indeed from the kingship in early +Greece and Rome. In the Middle Ages all priestly functions had passed +into the hands of the Church.[122] A king like Charles VII. of France, +or Edward III. of England, was military commander, civil magistrate, +chief judge, and _supreme landlord_; the people were his tenants. That +was the kind of king with which the Spanish discoverers of Mexico were +familiar. + + [Footnote 122: Something of the priestly quality of "sanctity," + however, surrounded the king's person; and the ceremony of + anointing the king at his coronation was a survival of the + ancient rite which invested the head war-chief with priestly + attributes.] + +[Sidenote: Montezuma was a "priest-commander."] + +Now the Mexican _tlacatecuhtli_, or "chief-of-men," was much more like +Agamemnon in point of kingship than like Edward III. He was not supreme +landlord, for landlordship did not exist in Mexico. He was not chief +judge or civil magistrate; those functions belonged to the +"snake-woman." Mr. Bandelier regards the "chief-of-men" as simply a +military commander; but for reasons which I shall state hereafter,[123] +it seems quite clear that he exercised certain very important priestly +functions, although beside him there was a kind of high-priest or +medicine-chief. If I am right in holding that Montezuma was a +"priest-commander," then incipient royalty in Mexico had advanced at +least one stage beyond the head war-chief of the Iroquois, and remained +one stage behind the _basileus_ of the Homeric Greeks. + + [Footnote 123: They can be most conveniently stated in + connection with the story of the conquest of Mexico; see below, + vol. ii. p. 278. When Mr. Bandelier completes his long-promised + paper on the ancient Mexican religion, perhaps it will appear + that he has taken these facts into the account.] + +[Sidenote: Mode of succession to the office.] + +The _tlacatecuhtli_, or "chief-of-men," was elected by an assembly +consisting of the tribal council, the "elder brothers" of the several +clans, and certain leading priests. Though the office was thus elective, +the choice seems to have been practically limited to a particular clan, +and in the eleven chiefs who were chosen from 1375 to 1520 a certain +principle or custom of succession seems to be plainly indicated.[124] +There was a further limit to the order of succession. Allusion has been +made to the four phratry-captains commanding the quarters of the city. +Their cheerful titles were "man of the house of darts," "cutter of men," +"bloodshedder," and "chief of the eagle and cactus." These captains were +military chiefs of the phratries, and also magistrates charged with the +duty of maintaining order and enforcing the decrees of the council in +their respective quarters. The "chief of the eagle and cactus" was chief +executioner,--Jack Ketch. He was not eligible for the office of +"chief-of-men;" the three other phratry-captains were eligible. Then +there was a member of the priesthood entitled "man of the dark house." +This person, with the three eligible captains, made a quartette, and one +of this privileged four _must_ succeed to the office of "chief-of-men." + + [Footnote 124: I cannot follow Mr. Bandelier in discrediting + Clavigero's statement that the office of _tlacatecuhtli_ + "should always remain in the house of Acamapitzin," inasmuch as + the eleven who were actually elected were all closely akin to + one another. In point of fact it _did_ remain "in the house of + Acamapitzin."] + +The eligibility of the "man of the dark house" may be cited here as +positive proof that sometimes the "chief-of-men" could be a +"priest-commander." That in all cases he acquired priestly functions +after election, even when he did not possess them before, is indicated +by the fact that at the ceremony of his induction into office he +ascended to the summit of the pyramid sacred to the war-god +Huitzilopochtli, where he was anointed by the high-priest with a black +ointment, and sprinkled with sanctified water; having thus become +consecrated he took a censer of live coals and a bag of copal, and as +his first official act offered incense to the war-god.[125] + + [Footnote 125: H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific + States_, vol. ii. p. 145. Hence the accounts of the reverent + demeanour of the people toward Montezuma, though perhaps + overcoloured, are not so absurd as Mr. Morgan deemed them. Mr. + Morgan was sometimes too anxious to reduce Montezuma to the + level of an Iroquois war-chief.] + +[Sidenote: Manner of collecting tribute.] + +As the "chief-of-men" was elected, so too he could be deposed for +misbehaviour. He was _ex officio_ a member of the tribal council, and he +had his official residence in the _tecpan_, or tribal house, where the +meetings of the council were held, and where the hospitalities of the +tribe were extended to strangers. As an administrative officer, the +"chief-of-men" had little to do within the limits of the tribe; that, as +already observed, was the business of the "snake-woman." But outside of +the confederacy the "chief-of-men" exercised administrative functions. +He superintended the collection of tribute. Each of the three +confederate tribes appointed, through its tribal council, agents to +visit the subjected pueblos and gather in the tribute. These agents were +expressively termed _calpixqui_, "crop-gatherers." As these men were +obliged to spend considerable time in the vanquished pueblos in the +double character of tax-collectors and spies, we can imagine how hateful +their position was. Their security from injury depended upon the +reputation of their tribes for ruthless ferocity.[126] The tiger-like +confederacy was only too ready to take offence; in the lack of a decent +pretext it often went to war without one, simply in order to get human +victims for sacrifice. + + [Footnote 126: As I have elsewhere observed in a similar + case:--"Each summer there came two Mohawk elders, secure in the + dread that Iroquois prowess had everywhere inspired; and up and + down the Connecticut valley they seized the tribute of weapons + and wampum, and proclaimed the last harsh edict issued from the + savage council at Onondaga." _Beginnings of New England_, p. + 121.] + +Once appointed, the tax-gatherers were directed by the "chief-of-men." +The tribute was chiefly maize, but might be anything the conquerors +chose to demand,--weapons, fine pottery or featherwork, gold ornaments, +or female slaves. Sometimes the tributary pueblo, instead of sacrificing +all its prisoners of war upon its own altars, sent some of them up to +Mexico as part of its tribute. The ravening maw of the horrible deities +was thus appeased, not by the pueblo that paid the blackmail, but by the +power that extorted it, and thus the latter obtained a larger share of +divine favour. Generally the unhappy prisoners were forced to carry the +corn and other articles. They were convoyed by couriers who saw that +everything was properly delivered at the _tecpan_, and also brought +information by word of mouth and by picture-writing from the _calpixqui_ +to the "chief-of-men." When the newly-arrived Spaniards saw these +couriers coming and going they fancied that they were "ambassadors." +This system of tribute-taking made it necessary to build roads, and this +in turn facilitated, not only military operations, but trade, which had +already made some progress albeit of a simple sort. These "roads" might +perhaps more properly be called Indian trails,[127] but they served +their purpose. + + [Footnote 127: See Salmeron's letter of August 13, 1531, to the + Council of the Indies, cited in Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 696. + The letter recommends that to increase the security of the + Spanish hold upon the country the roads should be made + practicable for beasts and wagons. They were narrow paths + running straight ahead up hill and down dale, sometimes + crossing narrow ravines upon heavy stone culverts.] + +[Sidenote: Aztec and Iroquois confederacies contrasted.] + +The general similarity of the Aztec confederacy to that of the +Iroquois, in point of social structure, is thus clearly manifest. Along +with this general similarity we have observed some points of higher +development, such as one might expect to find in traversing the entire +length of an ethnical period. Instead of stockaded villages, with houses +of bark or of clay supported upon a wooden framework, we have pueblos of +adobe-brick or stone, in various stages of evolution, the most advanced +of which present the appearance of castellated cities. Along with the +systematic irrigation and increased dependence upon horticulture, we +find evidences of greater density of population; and we see in the +victorious confederacy a more highly developed organization for adding +to its stock of food and other desirable possessions by the systematic +plunder of neighbouring weaker communities. Naturally such increase in +numbers and organization entails some increase in the number of officers +and some differentiation of their functions, as illustrated in the +representation of the clans (_calpulli_) in the tribal council +(_tlatocan_), by speakers (_tlatoani_) chosen for the purpose, and not +by the official heads (_calpullec_) of the clan. Likewise in the +military commander-in-chief (_tlacatecuhtli_) we observe a marked +increase in dignity, and--as I have already suggested and hope to +maintain--we find that his office has been clothed with sacerdotal +powers, and has thus taken a decided step toward kingship of the ancient +type, as depicted in the Homeric poems. + +[Sidenote: Aztec priesthood: human sacrifices.] + +No feature of the advance is more noteworthy than the development of +the medicine-men into an organized priesthood.[128] The presence of this +priesthood and its ritual was proclaimed to the eyes of the traveller in +ancient Mexico by the numerous tall truncated pyramids (_teocallis_), on +the flat summits of which men, women, and children were sacrificed to +the gods. This custom of human sacrifice seems to have been a +characteristic of the middle period of barbarism, and to have survived, +with diminishing frequency, into the upper period. There are abundant +traces of its existence throughout the early Aryan world, from Britain +to Hindustan, as well as among the ancient Hebrews and their +kindred.[129] But among all these peoples, at the earliest times at +which we can study them with trustworthy records, we find the custom of +human sacrifice in an advanced stage of decline, and generally no longer +accompanied by the custom of cannibalism in which it probably +originated.[130] Among the Mexicans, however, when they were first +visited by the Spaniards, cannibalism flourished as nowhere else in the +world except perhaps in Fiji, and human sacrifices were conducted on +such a scale as could not have been witnessed in Europe without going +back more than forty centuries. + + [Footnote 128: The priesthood was not hereditary, nor did it + form a caste. There was no hereditary nobility in ancient + Mexico, nor were there any hereditary vocations, as "artisans," + "merchants," etc. See Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 599.] + + [Footnote 129: See the copious references in Tylor's _Primitive + Culture_, ii. 340-371; Mackay, _Religious Development of the + Greeks and Hebrews_, ii. 406-434; Oort and Hooykaas, _The Bible + for Young People_, i. 30, 189-193; ii. 102, 220; iii. 21, 170, + 316, 393, 395; iv. 85, 226. Ghillany, _Die Menschenopfer der + alten Hebraeer_, Nuremberg, 1842, treats the subject with much + learning.] + + [Footnote 130: Spencer, _Princip. Sociol._, i. 287; Tylor, _op. + cit._ ii. 345.] + +The custom of sacrificing captives to the gods was a marked advance upon +the practice in the lower period of barbarism, when the prisoner, unless +saved by adoption into the tribe of his captors, was put to death with +lingering torments. There were occasions on which the Aztecs tortured +their prisoners before sending them to the altar,[131] but in general +the prisoner was well-treated and highly fed,--fatted, in short, for the +final banquet in which the worshippers participated with their savage +deity.[132] In a more advanced stage of development than that which the +Aztecs had reached, in the stage when agriculture became extensive +enough to create a steady demand for servile labour, the practice of +enslaving prisoners became general; and as slaves became more and more +valuable, men gradually succeeded in compounding with their deities for +easier terms,--a ram, or a kid, or a bullock, instead of the human +victim.[133] + + [Footnote 131: Mr. Prescott, to avoid shocking the reader with + details, refers him to the twenty-first canto of Dante's + Inferno, _Conquest of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 64.] + + [Footnote 132: See below, vol. ii. p. 283.] + + [Footnote 133: The victim, by the offer of which the wrath of + the god was appeased or his favour solicited, must always be + some valued possession of the sacrificer. Hence, e. g., among + the Hebrews "wild animals, as not being property, were + generally considered unfit for sacrifice." (Mackay, _op. cit._ + ii. 398.) Among the Aztecs (Prescott, _loc. cit._) on certain + occasions of peculiar solemnity the clan offered some of its + own members, usually children. In the lack of prisoners such + offerings would more often be necessary, hence one powerful + incentive to war. The use of prisoners to buy the god's favour + was to some extent a substitute for the use of the clan's own + members, and at a later stage the use of domestic animals was a + further substitution. The legend of Abraham and Isaac + (_Genesis_, xxii. 1-14) preserves the tradition of this latter + substitution among the ancient Hebrews. Compare the Boeotian + legend of the temple of Dionysos Aigobolos:--[Greek: thyontes + gar to theo proechthesan pote hypo methes es hybrin, hoste kai + tou Dionysou ton hierea apokteinousin; apokteinantas de autika + epelabe nosos loimodes; kai sphisin aphiketo hama ek Delphon, + to Dionyso thyein paida horaion; etesi de ou pollois hysteron + ton theon phasin aiga hiereion hypallaxai sphisin anti tou + paidos.] + +Pausanias, ix. 8. A further stage of progress was the substitution of a +mere inanimate symbol for a living victim, whether human or brute, as +shown in the old Roman custom of appeasing "Father Tiber" once a year by +the ceremony of drowning a lot of dolls in that river. Of this +significant rite Mommsen aptly observes, "Die Ideen goettlicher Gnade und +Versoehnbarkeit sind hier ununterscheidbar gemischt mit der frommen +Schlauigkeit, welche es versucht den gefaehrlichen Herrn durch +scheinhafte Befriedigung zu beruecken und abzufinden." _Roemische +Geschichte_, 4e Aufl., 1865, Bd. i. p. 176. After reading such a remark +it may seem odd to find the writer, in a footnote, refusing to accept +the true explanation of the custom; but that was a quarter of a century +ago, when much less was known about ancient society than now.] + +[Sidenote: Aztec slaves.] + +The ancient Mexicans had not arrived at this stage, which in the Old +World characterized the upper period of barbarism. Slavery had, however, +made a beginning among the Aztecs. The nucleus of the small +slave-population of Mexico consisted of _outcasts_, persons expelled +from the clan for some misdemeanour. The simplest case was that in which +a member of a clan failed for two years to cultivate his +garden-plot.[134] The delinquent member was deprived, not only of his +right of user, but of all his rights as a clansman, and the only way to +escape starvation was to work upon some other lot, either in his own or +in some other clan, and be paid in such pittance from its produce as the +occupant might choose to give him. This was slavery in embryo. The +occupant did not own this outcast labourer, any more than he owned his +lot; he only possessed a limited right of user in both labourer and lot. +To a certain extent it was "adverse" or exclusive possession. If the +slave ran away or was obstinately lazy, he could be made to wear a +wooden collar and sold without his consent; if it proved too troublesome +to keep him, the collared slave could be handed over to the priests for +sacrifice.[135] In this class of outcasts and their masters we have an +interesting illustration of a rudimentary phase of slavery and of +private property. + + [Footnote 134: Bandelier, _op. cit._ p. 611.] + + [Footnote 135: There was, however, in this extreme case, a + right of sanctuary. If the doomed slave could flee and hide + himself in the _tecpan_ before the master or one of his sons + could catch him, he became free and recovered his clan-rights; + and no third person was allowed to interfere in aid of the + pursuer. Torquemada, _Monarquia indiana_, ii. 564-566.] + +[Sidenote: The Aztec family.] + +At this point it is worthy of note that in the development of the family +the Aztecs had advanced considerably beyond the point attained by +Shawnees and Mohawks, and a little way toward the point attained in the +patriarchal family of the ancient Romans and Hebrews. In the Aztec clan +(which was exogamous[136]) the change to descent in the male line seems +to have been accomplished before the time of the Discovery. Apparently +it had been recently accomplished. Names for designating family +relationships remained in that primitive stage in which no distinction +is made between father and uncle, grandchildren and cousins. The family +was still too feebly established to count for much in the structure of +society, which still rested firmly upon the clan.[137] Nevertheless the +marriage bonds were drawn much tighter than among Indians of the lower +status, and penalties for incontinence were more severe. The wife became +her husband's property and was entitled to the protection of his clan. +All matrimonial arrangements were controlled by the clan, and no member +of it, male or female, was allowed to remain unmarried, except for +certain religious reasons. The penalty for contumacy was expulsion from +the clan, and the same penalty was inflicted for such sexual +irregularities as public opinion, still in what we should call quite a +primitive stage, condemned. Men and women thus expelled went to swell +the numbers of that small class of outcasts already noted. With men the +result, as we have seen, was a kind of slavery; with women it was +prostitution; and it is curious to see that the same penalty, entailing +such a result, was visited alike upon unseemly frailty and upon refusal +to marry. In either case the sin consisted in rebellion against the +clan's standards of proper or permissible behaviour. + + [Footnote 136: Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, + vol. ii. p. 251.] + + [Footnote 137: Bandelier, _op. cit._ pp. 429, 570, 620.] + +[Sidenote: Aztec property.] + +The inheritance in the male line, the beginnings of individual property +in slaves, the tightening of the marriage bond, accompanied by the +condemnation of sundry irregularities heretofore tolerated, are +phenomena which we might expect to find associated together. They are +germs of the upper status of barbarism, as well as of the earliest +status of civilization more remotely to follow. The common cause, of +which they are the manifestations, is an increasing sense of the value +and importance of personal property. In the Old World this sense grew up +during a pastoral stage of society such as the New World never knew, and +by the ages of Abraham and Agamemnon[138] it had produced results such +as had not been reached in Mexico at the time of the Discovery. Still +the tendency in the latter country was in a similar direction. Though +there was no notion of real estate, and the house was still +clan-property, yet the number and value of articles of personal +ownership had no doubt greatly increased during the long interval which +must have elapsed since the ancestral Mexicans entered upon the middle +status. The mere existence of large and busy market-places with regular +and frequent fairs, even though trade had scarcely begun to emerge from +the stage of barter, is sufficient proof of this. Such fairs and markets +do not belong to the Mohawk chapter in human progress. They imply a +considerable number and diversity of artificial products, valued as +articles of personal property. A legitimate inference from them is the +existence of a certain degree of luxury, though doubtless luxury of a +barbaric type. + + [Footnote 138: I here use these world-famous names without any + implication as to their historical character, or their precise + date, which are in themselves interesting subjects for + discussion. I use them as best symbolizing the state of society + which existed about the northern and eastern shores of the + eastern Mediterranean, several centuries before the + Olympiads.] + +[Sidenote: Mr. Morgan's rules.] + +It is at this point, I think, that a judicious critic will begin to part +company with Mr. Morgan. As regards the outward aspect of the society +which the Spaniards found in Mexico, that eminent scholar more than once +used arguments that were inconsistent with principles of criticism laid +down by himself. At the beginning of his chapter on the Aztec +confederacy Mr. Morgan proposed the following rules:-- + +"The histories of Spanish America may be trusted in whatever relates to +the acts of the Spaniards, and to the acts and personal characteristics +of the Indians; in whatever relates to their weapons, implements and +utensils, fabrics, food and raiment, and things of a similar character. + +"But in whatever relates to Indian society and government, their social +relations and plan of life, they are nearly worthless, because they +learned nothing and knew nothing of either. We are at full liberty to +reject them in these respects and commence anew; using any facts they +may contain which harmonize with what is known of Indian society."[139] + + [Footnote 139: Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 186, note.] + +Perhaps it would have been better if the second of these rules had been +somewhat differently worded; for even with regard to the strange society +and government, the Spanish writers have recorded an immense number of +valuable facts, without which Mr. Bandelier's work would have been +impossible. It is not so much the _facts_ as the _interpretations_ of +the Spanish historians that are "nearly worthless," and even their +misinterpretations are interesting and instructive when once we rightly +understand them. Sometimes they really help us toward the truth. + +[Sidenote: Mr. Morgan sometimes disregarded his own rules: "Montezuma's +Dinner."] + +The broad distinction, however, as stated in Mr. Morgan's pair of rules, +is well taken. In regard to such a strange form of society the Spanish +discoverers of Mexico could not help making mistakes, but in regard to +utensils and dress their senses were not likely to deceive them, and +their statements, according to Mr. Morgan, may be trusted. Very good. +But as soon as Mr. Morgan had occasion to write about the social life of +the Aztecs, he forgot his own rules and paid as little respect to the +senses of eye-witnesses as to their judgment. This was amusingly +illustrated in his famous essay on "Montezuma's Dinner."[140] When +Bernal Diaz describes Montezuma as sitting on a low chair at a table +covered with a white cloth, Mr. Morgan declares that it could not have +been so,--there were no chairs or tables! On second thought he will +admit that there may have been a wooden block hollowed out for a stool, +but in the matter of a table he is relentless. So when Cortes, in his +despatch to the emperor, speaks of the "wine-cellar" and of the presence +of "secretaries" at dinner, Mr. Morgan observes, "Since cursive writing +was unknown among the Aztecs, the presence of these secretaries is an +amusing feature in the account. The wine-cellar also is remarkable for +two reasons: firstly, because the level of the streets and courts was +but four feet above the level of the water, which made cellars +impossible; and, secondly, because the Aztecs had no knowledge of wine. +An acid beer (_pulque_), made by fermenting the juice of the maguey, was +a common beverage of the Aztecs; but it is hardly supposable that even +this was used at dinner."[141] + + [Footnote 140: _North Amer. Review_, April, 1876. The substance + of it was reproduced in his _Houses and House-Life_, chap. x.] + + [Footnote 141: _Houses and House-Life_, p. 241.] + +To this I would reply that the fibre of that same useful plant from +which the Aztecs made their "beer" supplied them also with paper, upon +which they were in the habit of writing, not indeed in cursive +characters, but in hieroglyphics. This kind of writing, as well as any +other, accounts for the presence of secretaries, which seems to me, by +the way, a very probable and characteristic feature in the narrative. +From the moment the mysterious strangers landed, every movement of +theirs had been recorded in hieroglyphics, and there is no reason why +notes of what they said and did should not have been taken at dinner. As +for the place where the _pulque_ was kept, it was a venial slip of the +pen to call it a "wine-cellar," even if it was not below the ground. The +language of Cortes does not imply that he visited the "cellar;" he saw a +crowd of Indians drinking the beverage, and supposing the great house he +was in to be Montezuma's, he expressed his sense of that person's +hospitality by saying that "his wine-cellar was open to all." And +really, is it not rather a captious criticism which in one breath chides +Cortes for calling the beverage "wine," and in the next breath goes on +to call it "beer"? The _pulque_ was neither the one nor the other; for +want of any other name a German might have called it beer, a Spaniard +would be more likely to call it wine. And why is it "hardly supposable" +that _pulque_ was used at dinner? Why should Mr. Morgan, who never dined +with Montezuma, know so much more about _such things_ than Cortes and +Bernal Diaz, who did?[142] + + [Footnote 142: Mr. Andrew Lang asks some similar questions in + his _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, vol. ii. p. 349, but in a + tone of impatient contempt which, as applied to a man of Mr. + Morgan's calibre, is hardly becoming.] + +[Sidenote: The reaction against uncritical and exaggerated statements.] + +The Spanish statements of facts are, of course, not to be accepted +uncritically. When we are told of cut slabs of porphyry inlaid in the +walls of a room, we have a right to inquire how so hard a stone could be +cut with flint or copper chisels,[143] and are ready to entertain the +suggestion that some other stone might easily have been mistaken for +porphyry. Such a critical inquiry is eminently profitable, and none the +less so when it brings us to the conclusion that the Aztecs did succeed +in cutting porphyry. Again, when we read about Indian armies of 200,000 +men, pertinent questions arise as to the commissariat, and we are led to +reflect that there is nothing about which old soldiers spin such +unconscionable yarns as about the size of the armies they have +thrashed. In a fairy tale, of course, such suggestions are impertinent; +things can go on anyhow. In real life it is different. The trouble with +most historians of the conquest of Mexico has been that they have made +it like a fairy tale, and the trouble with Mr. Morgan was that, in a +wholesome and much-needed spirit of reaction, he was too much inclined +to dismiss the whole story as such. He forgot the first of his pair of +rules, and applied the second to everything alike. He felt "at full +liberty to reject" the testimony of the discoverers as to what they saw +and tasted, and to "commence anew," reasoning from "what is known of +Indian society." And here Mr. Morgan's mind was so full of the kind of +Indian society which he knew more minutely and profoundly than any other +man, that he was apt to forget that there could be any other kind. He +overlooked his own distinction between the lower and middle periods of +barbarism in his attempt to ignore or minimize the points of difference +between Aztecs and Iroquois.[144] In this way he did injustice to his +own brilliant and useful classification of stages of culture, and in +particular to the middle period of barbarism, the significance of which +he was the first to detect, but failed to realize fully because his +attention had been so intensely concentrated upon the lower period. + + [Footnote 143: For an excellent account of ancient Mexican + knives and chisels, see Dr. Valentini's paper on "Semi-Lunar + and Crescent-Shaped Tools," in _Proceedings of Amer. Antiq. + Soc._, New Series, vol. iii. pp. 449-474. Compare the very + interesting Spanish observations on copper hatchets and flint + chisels in Clavigero, _Historia antigua_, tom. i. p. 242; + Mendieta, _Historia ecclesiastica indiana_, tom. iv. cap. xii.] + + [Footnote 144: It often happens that the followers of a great + man are more likely to run to extremes than their master, as, + for example, when we see the queen of pueblos rashly described + as "a collection of mud huts, such as Cortes found and + dignified with the name of a city." _Smithsonian Report_, 1887, + part i. p. 691. This is quite inadmissible.] + +[Sidenote: Importance of the middle period of barbarism.] + +In truth, the middle period of barbarism was one of the most important +periods in the career of the human race, and full of fascination to the +student, as the unfading interest in ancient Mexico and the huge mass of +literature devoted to it show. It spanned the interval between such +society as that of Hiawatha and such as that of the Odyssey. One more +such interval (and, I suspect, a briefer one, because the use of iron +and the development of inheritable wealth would accelerate progress) led +to the age that could _write_ the Odyssey, one of the most beautiful +productions of the human mind. If Mr. Morgan had always borne in mind +that, on his own classification, Montezuma must have been at least as +near to Agamemnon as to Powhatan, his attitude toward the Spanish +historians would have been less hostile. A Moqui pueblo stands near the +lower end of the middle period of barbarism; ancient Troy stood next the +upper end. Mr. Morgan found apt illustrations in the former; perhaps if +he had lived long enough to profit by the work of Schliemann and +Bandelier, he might have found equally apt ones in the latter. Mr. +Bandelier's researches certainly show that the ancient city of Mexico, +in point of social development, stood somewhere between the two. + +How that city looked may best be described when we come to tell what its +first Spanish visitors saw. Let it suffice here to say that, upon a +reasonable estimate of their testimony, pleasure-gardens, menageries and +aviaries, fountains and baths, tessellated marble floors, finely wrought +pottery, exquisite featherwork, brilliant mats and tapestries, silver +goblets, dainty spices burning in golden censers, varieties of highly +seasoned dishes, dramatic performances, jugglers and acrobats, ballad +singers and dancing girls,--such things were to be seen in this city of +snake-worshipping cannibals. It simulated civilization as a tree-fern +simulates a tree. + + * * * * * + +[Illustration: Ground-plan of so-called "House of the Nuns" at Uxmal.] + +[Sidenote: Mexicans and Mayas.] + +In its general outlines the account here given of Aztec society and +government at the time of the Discovery will probably hold true of all +the semi-civilized communities of the Mexican peninsula and Central +America. The pueblos of Mexico were doubtless of various grades of size, +strength, and comfort, ranging from such structures as Zuni up to the +city of Mexico. The cities of Chiapas, Yucatan, and Guatemala, whose +ruins, in those tropical forests, are so impressive, probably belong to +the same class. The Maya-Quiche tribes, who dwelt and still dwell in +this region, were different in stock-language from their neighbours of +Mexico; but there are strong reasons for believing that the two great +groups, Mexicans and Mayas, arose from the expansion and segmentation of +one common stock, and there is no doubt as to the very close similarity +between the two in government, religion, and social advancement. In some +points the Mayas were superior. They possessed a considerable +literature, written in highly developed hieroglyphic characters upon +maguey paper and upon deerskin parchment, so that from this point of +view they stood upon the threshold of civilization as strictly +defined.[145] But, like the Mexicans, they were ignorant of iron, their +society was organized upon the principle of gentilism, they were +cannibals and sacrificed men and women to idols, some of which were +identical with those of Mexico. The Mayas had no conception of property +in land; their buildings were great communal houses, like pueblos; in +some cases these so-called palaces, at first supposed to be scanty +remnants of vast cities, were themselves the entire "cities;" in other +cases there were doubtless large composite pueblos fit to be called +cities. + + [Footnote 145: This writing was at once recognized by learned + Spaniards, like Las Casas, as entirely different from anything + found elsewhere in America. He found in Yucatan "letreros de + ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguna parte," Las Casas, + _Historia apologetica_, cap. cxxiii. For an account of the + hieroglyphics, see the learned essays of Dr. Cyrus Thomas, _A + Study of the Manuscript Troano_, Washington, 1882; "Notes on + certain Maya and Mexican MSS.," _Third Report of the Bureau of + Ethnology_, pp. 7-153; "Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices," + _Sixth Report_, pp. 259-371. (The paper last mentioned ends + with the weighty words, "The more I study these characters the + stronger becomes the conviction that they have grown out of a + pictographic system similar to that common among the Indians of + North America." Exactly so; and this is typical of every aspect + and every detail of ancient American culture. It is becoming + daily more evident that the old notion of an influence from + Asia has not a leg to stand on.) See also a suggestive paper by + the astronomer, E. S. Holden, "Studies in Central American + Picture-Writing," _First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, + pp. 205-245; Brinton, _Ancient Phonetic Alphabet of Yucatan_, + New York, 1870; _Essays of an Americanist_, Philadelphia, 1890, + pp. 193-304; Leon de Rosny, _Les ecritures figuratives_, Paris, + 1870; _L'interpretation des anciens textes Mayas_, Paris, 1875; + _Essai sur le dechiffrement de l'ecriture hieratique de + l'Amerique Centrale_, Paris, 1876; Foerstemann, _Erlaeuterungen + der Maya Handschrift_, Dresden, 1886. The decipherment is as + yet but partially accomplished. The Mexican system of writing + is clearly developed from the ordinary Indian pictographs; it + could not have arisen from the Maya system, but the latter + might well have been a further development of the Mexican + system; the Maya system had probably developed some characters + with a phonetic value, i. e. was groping toward the + alphabetical stage; but how far this groping had gone must + remain very doubtful until the decipherment has proceeded + further. Dr. Isaac Taylor is too hasty in saying that "the + Mayas employed twenty-seven characters which must be admitted + to be alphabetic" (Taylor, _The Alphabet_, vol. i. p. 24); this + statement is followed by the conclusion that the Maya system of + writing was "superior in simplicity and convenience to that + employed ... by the great Assyrian nation at the epoch of its + greatest power and glory." Dr. Taylor has been misled by Diego + de Landa, whose work (_Relation des choses de l'Yucatan_, ed. + Brasseur, Paris, 1864) has in it some pitfalls for the unwary.] + +[Sidenote: Ruined cities of Central America.] + +These noble ruins have excited great and increasing interest since the +publication of Mr. Stephens's charming book just fifty years ago.[146] +An air of profound mystery surrounded them, and many wild theories were +propounded to account for their existence. They were at first accredited +with a fabulous antiquity, and in at least one instance this notion was +responsible for what must be called misrepresentation, if not +humbug.[147] Having been placed by popular fancy at such a remote age, +they were naturally supposed to have been built, not by the Mayas,--who +still inhabit Yucatan and do not absolutely dazzle us with their exalted +civilization,--but by some wonderful people long since vanished. Now as +to this point the sculptured slabs of Uxmal and Chichen-Itza tell their +own story. They are covered with hieroglyphic inscriptions, and these +hieroglyphs are the same as those in which the Dresden Codex and other +Maya manuscripts still preserved are written; though their decipherment +is not yet complete, there is no sort of doubt as to their being written +in the Maya characters. Careful inspection, moreover, shows that the +buildings in which these inscriptions occur are not so very ancient. Mr. +Stephens, who was one of their earliest as well as sanest explorers, +believed them to be the work of the Mayas at a comparatively recent +period.[148] The notion of their antiquity was perhaps suggested by the +belief that certain colossal mahogany trees growing between and over +the ruins at Palenque must be nearly 2,000 years old. But when M. de +Charnay visited Palenque in 1859 he had the eastern side of the "palace" +cleared of its dense vegetation in order to get a good photograph; and +when he revisited the spot in 1881 he found a sturdy growth of young +mahogany the age of which he knew did not exceed twenty-two years. +Instead of making a ring once a year, as in our sluggish and temperate +zone, these trees had made rings at the rate of about one in a month; +their trunks were already more than two feet in diameter; judging from +this rate of growth the biggest giant on the place need not have been +more than 200 years old, if as much.[149] + + [Footnote 146: Stephens, _Incidents of Travel in Central + America, Chiapas, and Yucatan_, 2 vols., New York, 1841.] + + [Footnote 147: It occurred in the drawings of the artist + Frederic de Waldeck, who visited Palenque before Stephens, but + whose researches were published later. "His drawings," says Mr. + Winsor, "are exquisite; but he was not free from a tendency to + improve and restore, where the conditions gave a hint, and so + as we have them in the final publication they have not been + accepted as wholly trustworthy." _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, i. + 194. M. de Charnay puts it more strongly. Upon his drawing of a + certain panel at Palenque, M. de Waldeck "has seen fit to place + three or four elephants. What end did he propose to himself in + giving this fictitious representation? Presumably to give a + prehistoric origin to these ruins, since it is an ascertained + fact that elephants in a fossil state only have been found on + the American continent. It is needless to add that neither + Catherwood, who drew these inscriptions most minutely, nor + myself who brought impressions of them away, nor living man, + ever saw these elephants and their fine trunks. But such is the + mischief engendered by preconceived opinions. With some writers + it would seem that to give a recent date to these monuments + would deprive them of all interest. It would have been + fortunate had explorers been imbued with fewer prejudices and + gifted with a little more common sense, for then we should have + known the truth with regard to these ruins long since." + Charnay, _The Ancient Cities of the New World_, London, 1887, + p. 248. The gallant explorer's indignation is certainly quite + pardonable.] + + [Footnote 148: Some of his remarks are worth quoting in detail, + especially in view of the time when they were written: "I + repeat my opinion that we are not warranted in going back to + any ancient nation of the Old World for the builders of these + cities; that they are not the work of people who have passed + away and whose history is lost, but that there are strong + reasons to believe them the creations of the same races who + inhabited the country at the time of the Spanish conquest, or + some not very distant progenitors. And I would remark that we + began our exploration without any theory to support.... Some + are beyond doubt older than others; some are known to have been + inhabited at the time of the Spanish conquest, and others, + perhaps, were really in ruins before; ... but in regard to + Uxmal, at least, we believe that it was an existing and + inhabited city at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards." + Stephens, _Central America_, etc., vol. ii. p. 455.] + + [Footnote 149: Charnay, _The Ancient Cities of the New World_, + p. 260.] + +[Sidenote: They are probably not older than the twelfth century.] + +These edifices are not so durably constructed as those which in Europe +have stood for more than a thousand years. They do not indicate a high +civilization on the part of their builders. They do not, as Mr. Andrew +Lang says, "throw Mycenae into the shade, and rival the remains of +Cambodia."[150] In pictures they may seem to do so, but M. de Charnay, +after close and repeated examination of these buildings, assures us that +as structures they "cannot be compared with those at Cambodia, which +belong to nearly the same period, the twelfth century, and which, +notwithstanding their greater and more resisting proportions, are found +in the same dilapidated condition."[151] It seems to me that if Mr. +Lang had spoken of the Yucatan ruins as rivalling the remains of Mycenae, +instead of "throwing them into the shade," he would have come nearer the +mark. The builders of Uxmal, like those of Mycenae, did not understand +the principle of the arch, but were feeling their way toward it.[152] +And here again we are brought back, as seems to happen whatever road we +follow, to the middle status of barbarism. The Yucatan architecture +shows the marks of its origin in the adobe and rubble-stone work of the +New Mexico pueblos. The inside of the wall "is a rude mixture of friable +mortar and small irregular stones," and under the pelting tropical rains +the dislocation of the outer facing is presently effected. The large +blocks, cut with flint chisels, are of a soft stone that is soon damaged +by weather; and the cornices and lintels are beams of a very hard wood, +yet not so hard but that insects bore into it. From such considerations +it is justly inferred that the highest probable antiquity for most of +the ruins in Yucatan or Central America is the twelfth or thirteenth +century of our era.[153] Some, perhaps, may be no older than the ancient +city of Mexico, built A. D. 1325. + + [Footnote 150: Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_, vol. ii. p. + 348.] + + [Footnote 151: Charnay, _op. cit._ p. 209. "I may remark that + [the] virgin forests [here] have no very old trees, being + destroyed by insects, moisture, lianas, etc.; and old monteros + tell me that mahogany and cedar trees, which are most durable, + do not live above 200 years," id. p. 447.] + + [Footnote 152: The reader will find it suggestive to compare + portions of Schliemann's _Mycenae_ and M. de Charnay's book, + just cited, with Morgan's _Houses and House-Life_, chap. xi.] + + [Footnote 153: Charnay, _op. cit._ p. 411. Copan and Palenque + may be two or three centuries older, and had probably fallen + into ruins before the arrival of the Spaniards.] + +[Sidenote: Chronicle of Chicxulub.] + +But we are no longer restricted to purely archaeological evidence. One of +the most impressive of all these ruined cities is Chichen-Itza, which is +regarded as older than Uxmal, but not so old as Izamal. Now in recent +times sundry old Maya documents have been discovered in Yucatan, and +among them is a brief history of the Spanish conquest of that country, +written in the Roman character by a native chief, Nakuk Pech, about +1562. It has been edited, with an English translation, by that zealous +and indefatigable scholar, to whom American philology owes such a debt +of gratitude,--Dr. Daniel Brinton. This chronicle tells us several +things that we did not know before, and, among others, it refers most +explicitly to Chichen-Itza and Izamal as inhabited towns during the time +that the Spaniards were coming, from 1519 to 1542. If there could have +been any lingering doubt as to the correctness of the views of Stephens, +Morgan, and Charnay, this contemporaneous documentary testimony dispels +it once for all.[154] + + [Footnote 154: Brinton, _The Maya Chronicles_, Philadelphia, + 1882, "Chronicle of Chicxulub," pp. 187-259. This book is of + great importance, and for the ancient history of Guatemala + Brinton's _Annals of the Cakchiquels_, Philadelphia, 1885, is + of like value and interest. + + Half a century ago Mr. Stephens wrote in truly prophetic vein, + "the convents are rich in manuscripts and documents written by + the early fathers, caciques, and Indians, who very soon + acquired the knowledge of Spanish and the art of writing. These + have never been examined with the slightest reference to this + subject; _and I cannot help thinking that some precious + memorial is now mouldering in the library of a neighbouring + convent, which would determine the history of some one of these + ruined cities_." Vol. ii. p. 456. The italicizing, of course, + is mine.] + +[Sidenote: Maya culture very closely related to Mexican.] + +The Mexicans and Mayas believed themselves to be akin to each other, +they had several deities and a large stock of traditional lore in +common, and there was an essential similarity in their modes of life; so +that, since we are now assured that such cities as Izamal and +Chichen-Itza were contemporary with the city of Mexico, we shall +probably not go very far astray if we assume that the elaborately carved +and bedizened ruins of the former may give us some hint as to how things +might have looked in the latter. Indeed this complicated and grotesque +carving on walls, door-posts, and lintels was one of the first things to +attract the attention of the Spaniards in Mexico. They regarded it with +mingled indignation and awe, for serpents, coiled or uncoiled, with +gaping mouths, were most conspicuous among the objects represented. The +visitors soon learned that all this had a symbolic and religious +meaning, and with some show of reason they concluded that this strange +people worshipped the Devil. + + * * * * * + +We have now passed in review the various peoples of North America, from +the Arctic circle to the neighbourhood of the isthmus of Darien, and can +form some sort of a mental picture of the continent at the time of its +discovery by Europeans in the fifteenth century. Much more might have +been said without going beyond the requirements of an outline sketch, +but quite as much has been said as is consistent with the general plan +of this book. I have not undertaken at present to go beyond the isthmus +of Darien, because this preliminary chapter is already disproportionately +long, and after this protracted discussion the reader's attention may be +somewhat relieved by an entire change of scene. Enough has been set +forth to explain the narrative that follows, and to justify us +henceforth in taking certain things for granted. The outline description +of Mexico will be completed when we come to the story of its conquest by +Spaniards, and then we shall be ready to describe some principal +features of Peruvian society and to understand how the Spaniards +conquered that country. + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The "Mound-Builders."] + +[Sidenote: The notion that they were like the Aztecs;] + +[Sidenote: or like the Zunis.] + +There is, however, one conspicuous feature of North American antiquity +which has not yet received our attention, and which calls for a few +words before we close this chapter. I refer to the mounds that are +scattered over so large a part of the soil of the United States, and +more particularly to those between the Mississippi river and the +Alleghany mountains, which have been the subject of so much theorizing, +and in late years of so much careful study.[155] Vague and wild were +the speculations once rife about the "Mound-Builders" and their +wonderful civilization. They were supposed to have been a race quite +different from the red men, with a culture perhaps superior to our own, +and more or less eloquence was wasted over the vanished "empire" of the +mound-builders. There is no reason, however, for supposing that there +ever was an empire of any sort in ancient North America, and no relic of +the past has ever been seen at any spot on our planet which indicates +the former existence of a vanished civilization even remotely +approaching our own. The sooner the student of history gets his head +cleared of all such rubbish, the better. As for the mounds, which are +scattered in such profusion over the country west of the Alleghanies, +there are some which have been built by Indians since the arrival of +white men in America, and which contain knives and trinkets of European +manufacture. There are many others which are much older, and in which +the genuine remains sometimes indicate a culture like that of Shawnees +or Senecas, and sometimes suggest something perhaps a little higher. +With the progress of research the vast and vague notion of a distinct +race of "Mound-Builders" became narrowed and defined. It began to seem +probable that the builders of the more remarkable mounds were tribes of +Indians who had advanced beyond the average level in horticulture, and +consequently in density of population, and perhaps in political and +priestly organization. Such a conclusion seemed to be supported by the +size of some of the "ancient garden-beds," often covering more than a +hundred acres, filled with the low parallel ridges in which corn was +planted. The mound people were thus supposed to be semi-civilized red +men, like the Aztecs, and some of their elevated earthworks were +explained as places for human sacrifice, like the pyramids of Mexico and +Central America. It was thought that the "civilization" of the +Cordilleran peoples might formerly have extended northward and eastward +into the Mississippi valley, and might after a while have been pushed +back by powerful hordes of more barbarous invaders. A further +modification and reduction of this theory likened the mound-builders to +the pueblo Indians of New Mexico. Such was the opinion of Mr. Morgan, +who offered a very ingenious explanation of the extensive earthworks at +High Bank, in Ross county, Ohio, as the fortified site of a pueblo.[156] +Although there is no reason for supposing that the mound-builders +practised irrigation (which would not be required in the Mississippi +valley) or used adobe-brick, yet Mr. Morgan was inclined to admit them +into his middle status of barbarism because of the copper hatchets and +chisels found in some of the mounds, and because of the apparent +superiority in horticulture and the increased reliance upon it. He +suggested that a people somewhat like the Zunis might have migrated +eastward and modified their building habits to suit the altered +conditions of the Mississippi valley, where they dwelt for several +centuries, until at last, for some unknown reason, they retired to the +Rocky Mountain region. It seems to me that an opinion just the reverse +of Mr. Morgan's would be more easily defensible,--namely, that the +ancestors of the pueblo Indians were a people of building habits +somewhat similar to the Mandans, and that their habits became modified +in adaptation to a country which demanded careful irrigation and +supplied adobe-clay in abundance. If ever they built any of the mounds +in the Mississippi valley, I should be disposed to place their +mound-building period before their pueblo period. + + [Footnote 155: For original researches in the mounds one cannot + do better than consult the following papers in the _Reports of + the Bureau of Ethnology_:--1. by W. H. Holmes, "Art in Shell of + the Ancient Americans," ii. 181-305; "The Ancient Pottery of + the Mississippi Valley," iv. 365-436; "Prehistoric Textile + Fabrics of the United States," iii. 397-431; followed by an + illustrated catalogue of objects collected chiefly from mounds, + iii. 433-515;--2. H. W. Henshaw, "Animal Carvings from the + Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," ii. 121-166;--3. Cyrus + Thomas, "Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the United + States," v. 7-119; also three of the Bureau's "Bulletins" by + Dr. Thomas, "The Problem of the Ohio Mounds," "The Circular, + Square, and Octagonal Earthworks of Ohio," and "Work in Mound + Exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology;" also two articles by + Dr. Thomas in the _Magazine of American History_:--"The Houses + of the Mound-Builders," xi. 110-115; "Indian Tribes in + Prehistoric Times," xx. 193-201. See also Horatio Hale, "Indian + Migrations," in _American Antiquarian_, v. 18-28, 108-124; M. + F. Force, _To What Race did the Mound-Builders belong?_ + Cincinnati, 1875; Lucien Carr, _Mounds of the Mississippi + Valley historically considered_, 1883; Nadaillac's _Prehistoric + America_, ed. W. H. Dall, chaps. iii., iv. The earliest work of + fundamental importance on the subject was Squier's _Ancient + Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, Philadelphia, 1848, being + the first volume of the Smithsonian Contributions to + Knowledge.--For statements of the theory which presumes either + a race connection or a similarity in culture between the + mound-builders and the pueblo Indians, see Dawson, _Fossil + Men_, p. 55; Foster, _Prehistoric Races of the United States_, + Chicago, 1873, chaps. iii., v.-x.; Sir Daniel Wilson, + _Prehistoric Man_, chap. x. The annual _Smithsonian Reports_ + for thirty years past illustrate the growth of knowledge and + progressive changes of opinion on the subject. The + bibliographical account in Winsor's _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, i. + 397-412, is full of minute information.] + + [Footnote 156: _Houses and House-Life_, chap. ix.] + +[Sidenote: The mounds were probably built by different peoples in the +lower status of barbarism;] + +[Sidenote: by Cherokees;] + +[Sidenote: and by Shawnees, and other tribes.] + +Recent researches, however, make it more and more improbable that the +mound-builders were nearly akin to such people as the Zunis or similar +to them in grade of culture. Of late years the exploration of the +mounds has been carried on with increasing diligence. More than 2,000 +mounds have been opened, and at least 38,000 ancient relics have been +gathered from them: such as quartzite arrow-heads and spades, greenstone +axes and hammers, mortars and pestles, tools for spinning and weaving, +and cloth, made of spun thread and woven with warp and woof, somewhat +like a coarse sail-cloth. The water-jugs, kettles, pipes, and sepulchral +urns have been elaborately studied. The net results of all this +investigation, up to the present time, have been concisely summed up by +Dr. Cyrus Thomas.[157] The mounds were not all built by one people, but +by different tribes as clearly distinguishable from one another as +Algonquins are distinguishable from Iroquois. These mound-building +tribes were not superior in culture to the Iroquois and many of the +Algonquins as first seen by white men. They are not to be classified +with Zunis, still less with Mexicans or Mayas, in point of culture, but +with Shawnees and Cherokees. Nay more,--some of them _were_ Shawnees and +Cherokees. The missionary Johann Heckewelder long ago published the +Lenape tradition of the Tallegwi or Allighewi people, who have left +their name upon the Alleghany river and mountains.[158] The Tallegwi +have been identified with the Cherokees, who are now reckoned among the +most intelligent and progressive of Indian peoples.[159] The Cherokees +were formerly classed in the Muskoki group, along with the Creeks and +Choctaws, but a closer study of their language seems to show that they +were a somewhat remote offshoot of the Huron-Iroquois stock. For a long +time they occupied the country between the Ohio river and the Great +Lakes, and probably built the mounds that are still to be seen there. +Somewhere about the thirteenth or fourteenth century they were gradually +pushed southward into the Muskoki region by repeated attacks from the +Lenape and Hurons. The Cherokees were probably also the builders of the +mounds of eastern Tennessee and western North Carolina. They retained +their mound-building habits some time after the white men came upon the +scene. On the other hand the mounds and box-shaped stone graves of +Kentucky, Tennessee, and northern Georgia were probably the work of +Shawnees, and the stone graves in the Delaware valley are to be ascribed +to the Lenape. There are many reasons for believing that the mounds of +northern Mississippi were constructed by Chickasaws, and the burial +tumuli and "effigy mounds" of Wisconsin by Winnebagos. The Minnitarees +and Mandans were also very likely at one time a mound-building people. + + [Footnote 157: _Work in Mound Exploration of the Bureau of + Ethnology_, Washington, 1887. For a sight of the thousands of + objects gathered from the mounds, one should visit the Peabody + Museum at Cambridge and the Smithsonian Institution at + Washington.] + + [Footnote 158: Heckewelder, _History of the Indian Nations of + Pennsylvania_, etc., Philadelphia, 1818; cf. Squier, + _Historical and Mythological Traditions of the Algonquins_, a + paper read before the New York Historical Society in June, + 1848; also Brinton, _The Lenape and their Legends_, + Philadelphia, 1885.] + + [Footnote 159: For a detailed account of their later history, + see C. C. Royce, "The Cherokee Nation," _Reports of Bureau of + Ethnology_, v. 121-378.] + +If this view, which is steadily gaining ground, be correct, our +imaginary race of "Mound-Builders" is broken up and vanishes, and +henceforth we may content ourselves with speaking of the authors of the +ancient earthworks as "Indians." There were times in the career of +sundry Indian tribes when circumstances induced them to erect mounds as +sites for communal houses or council houses, medicine-lodges or +burial-places; somewhat as there was a period in the history of our own +forefathers in England when circumstances led them to build moated +castles, with drawbridge and portcullis; and there is no more occasion +for assuming a mysterious race of "Mound-Builders" in America than for +assuming a mysterious race of "Castle-Builders" in England. + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Society in America at the time of the Discovery had reached +stages similar to stages reached by eastern Mediterranean peoples fifty +or sixty centuries earlier.] + +Thus, at whatever point we touch the subject of ancient America, we +find scientific opinion tending more and more steadily toward the +conclusion that its people and their culture were indigenous. One of the +most important lessons impressed upon us by a long study of comparative +mythology is that human minds in different parts of the world, but under +the influence of similar circumstances, develop similar ideas and clothe +them in similar forms of expression. It is just the same with political +institutions, with the development of the arts, with social customs, +with culture generally. To repeat the remark already quoted from Sir +John Lubbock,--and it is well worth repeating,--"Different races in +similar stages of development often present more features of resemblance +to one another than the same race does to itself in different stages of +its history." When the zealous Abbe Brasseur found things in the history +of Mexico that reminded him of ancient Egypt, he hastened to the +conclusion that Mexican culture was somehow "derived" from that of +Egypt. It was natural enough for him to do so, but such methods of +explanation are now completely antiquated. Mexican culture was no more +Egyptian culture than a prickly-pear is a lotus. It was an outgrowth of +peculiar American conditions acting upon the aboriginal American mind, +and such of its features as remind us of ancient Egypt or prehistoric +Greece show simply that it was approaching, though it had not reached, +the standard attained in those Old World countries. From this point of +view the resemblances become invested with surpassing interest. Ancient +America, as we have seen, was a much more archaic world than the world +of Europe and Asia, and presented in the time of Columbus forms of +society that on the shores of the Mediterranean had been outgrown before +the city of Rome was built. Hence the intense and peculiar fascination +of American archaeology, and its profound importance to the student of +general history. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +PRE-COLUMBIAN VOYAGES. + + +There is something solemn and impressive in the spectacle of human life +thus going on for countless ages in the Eastern and Western halves of +our planet, each all unknown to the other and uninfluenced by it. The +contact between the two worlds practically begins in 1492. + +[Sidenote: The Chinese.] + +[Sidenote: The Irish.] + +[Sidenote: Cousin, of Dieppe.] + +By this statement it is not meant to deny that occasional visitors may +have come and did come before that famous date from the Old World to the +New. On the contrary I am inclined to suspect that there may have been +more such occasional visits than we have been wont to suppose. For the +most part, however, the subject is shrouded in the mists of obscure +narrative and fantastic conjecture. When it is argued that in the fifth +century of the Christian era certain Buddhist missionary priests came +from China by way of Kamtchatka and the Aleutian islands, and kept on +till they got to a country which they called Fusang, and which was +really Mexico, one cannot reply that such a thing was necessarily and +absolutely impossible; but when other critics assure us that, after all, +Fusang was really Japan, perhaps one feels a slight sense of +relief.[160] So of the dim whispers of voyages to America undertaken by +the Irish, in the days when the cloisters of sweet Innisfallen were a +centre of piety and culture for northwestern Europe,[161] we may say +that this sort of thing has not much to do with history, or history with +it. Irish anchorites certainly went to Iceland in the seventh +century,[162] and in the course of this book we shall have frequent +occasion to observe that first and last there has been on all seas a +good deal of blowing and drifting done. It is credibly reported that +Japanese junks have been driven ashore on the coasts of Oregon and +California;[163] and there is a story that in 1488 a certain Jean +Cousin, of Dieppe, while sailing down the west coast of Africa, was +caught in a storm and blown across to Brazil.[164] This was certainly +quite possible, for it was not so very unlike what happened in 1500 to +Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, as we shall hereafter see;[165] nevertheless, +the evidence adduced in support of the story will hardly bear a critical +examination.[166] + + [Footnote 160: This notion of the Chinese visiting Mexico was + set forth by the celebrated Deguignes in 1761, in the _Memoires + de l'Academie des Inscriptions_, tom. xxviii. pp. 506-525. Its + absurdity was shown by Klaproth, "Recherches sur le pays de Fou + Sang," _Nouvelles annales des voyages_, Paris, 1831, 2e serie, + tom. xxi. pp. 58-68; see also Klaproth's introduction to + _Annales des empereurs du Japon_, Paris, 1834, pp. iv.-ix.; + Humboldt, _Examen critique de l'histoire de la geographie du + nouveau continent_, Paris, 1837, tom. ii. pp. 62-84. The fancy + was revived by C. G. Leland ("Hans Breitmann"), in his + _Fusang_, London, 1875, and was again demolished by the + missionary, S. W. Williams, in the _Journal of the American + Oriental Society_, vol. xi., New Haven, 1881.] + + [Footnote 161: On the noble work of the Irish church and its + missionaries in the sixth and seventh centuries, see + Montalembert, _Les moines d'Occident_, tom. ii. pp. 465-661; + tom. iii. pp. 79-332; Burton's _History of Scotland_, vol. i. + pp. 234-277; and the instructive map in Miss Sophie Bryant's + _Celtic Ireland_, London, 1889, p. 60. The notice of the + subject in Milman's _Latin Christianity_, vol. ii. pp. 236-247, + is entirely inadequate.] + + [Footnote 162: The passion for solitude led some of the + disciples of St. Columba to make their way from Iona to the + Hebrides, and thence to the Orkneys, Shetlands, Faeroes, and + Iceland, where a colony of them remained until the arrival of + the Northmen in 874. See Dicuil, _Liber de mensura Orbis Terrae_ + (A. D. 825), Paris, 1807; Innes, _Scotland in the Middle Ages_, + p. 101; Lanigan, _Ecclesiastical History of Ireland_, chap. + iii.; Maurer, _Beitraege zur Rechtsgeschichte des Germanischen + Nordens_, i. 35. For the legend of St. Brandan, see Gaffarel, + _Les voyages de St. Brandan_, Paris, 1881.] + + [Footnote 163: C. W. Brooks, of San Francisco, cited in + Higginson, _Larger History of the United States_, p. 24.] + + [Footnote 164: Desmarquets, _Memoires chronologiques pour + servir a l'histoire de Dieppe_, Paris, 1785, tom. i. pp. 91-98; + Estancelin, _Recherches sur les voyages et decouvertes des + navigateurs normands_, etc., Paris, 1832, pp. 332-361.] + + [Footnote 165: See below, vol. ii. p. 96.] + + [Footnote 166: As Harrisse says, concerning the alleged voyages + of Cousin and others, "Quant aux voyages du Dieppois Jean + Cousin en 1488, de Joao Ramalho en 1490, et de Joao Vaz + Cortereal en 1464 ou 1474, le lecteur nous pardonnera de les + passer sous silence." _Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1884, tom. i. + p. 307.] + +[Sidenote: Those stories are of little value;] + +It is not my purpose to weary the reader with a general discussion of +these and some other legends or rumours of pre-Columbian visitors to +America. We may admit, at once, that "there is no good reason why any +one of them may not have done" what is claimed, but at the same time the +proof that any one of them _did_ do it is very far from +satisfactory.[167] Moreover the questions raised are often of small +importance, and belong not so much to the serious workshop of history as +to its limbo prepared for learned trifles, whither we will hereby +relegate them.[168] + + [Footnote 167: Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, i. 59.] + + [Footnote 168: Sufficiently full references may be found in + Watson's _Bibliography of the Pre-Columbian Discoveries of + America_, appended to Anderson's _America not discovered by + Columbus_, 3d ed., Chicago, 1883, pp. 121-164; and see the + learned chapters by W. H. Tillinghast on "The Geographical + Knowledge of the Ancients considered in relation to the + Discovery of America," and by Justin Winsor on "Pre-Columbian + Explorations," in _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, vol. i.] + +[Sidenote: but the case of the Northmen is entirely different.] + +[Sidenote: The Viking exodus from Norway.] + +[Sidenote: Founding of Iceland, A. D. 874.] + +But when we come to the voyages of the Northmen in the tenth and +eleventh centuries, it is quite a different affair. Not only is this a +subject of much historic interest, but in dealing with it we stand for a +great part of the time upon firm historic ground. The narratives which +tell us of Vinland and of Leif Ericsson are closely intertwined with the +authentic history of Norway and Iceland. In the ninth century of our era +there was a process of political consolidation going on in Norway, +somewhat as in England under Egbert and his successors. After a war of +twelve years, King Harold Fairhair overthrew the combined forces of the +Jarls, or small independent princes, in the decisive naval battle of +Hafursfiord in the year 872. This resulted in making Harold the feudal +landlord of Norway. Allodial tenures were abolished, and the Jarls were +required to become his vassals. This consolidation of the kingdom was +probably beneficial in its main consequences, but to many a proud spirit +and crafty brain it made life in Norway unendurable. These bold Jarls +and their Viking[169] followers, to whom, as to the ancient Greeks, the +sea was not a barrier, but a highway,[170] had no mind to stay at home +and submit to unwonted thraldom. So they manned their dragon-prowed +keels, invoked the blessing of Wodan, god of storms, upon their +enterprise, and sailed away. Some went to reinforce their kinsmen who +were making it so hot for Alfred in England[171] and for Charles the +Bald in Gaul; some had already visited Ireland and were establishing +themselves at Dublin and Limerick; others now followed and found homes +for themselves in the Hebrides and all over Scotland north of glorious +Loch Linnhe and the Murray frith; some made their way through the blue +Mediterranean to "Micklegard," the Great City of the Byzantine Emperor, +and in his service wielded their stout axes against Magyar and +Saracen;[172] some found their amphibious natures better satisfied upon +the islands of the Atlantic ridge,--the Orkneys, Shetlands, and +Faeroes, and especially noble Iceland. There an aristocratic republic +soon grew up, owning slight and indefinite allegiance to the kings of +Norway.[173] The settlement of Iceland was such a wholesale colonization +of communities of picked men as had not been seen since ancient Greek +times, and was not to be seen again until Winthrop sailed into +Massachusetts Bay. It was not long before the population of Iceland +exceeded 50,000 souls. Their sheep and cattle flourished, hay crops were +heavy, a lively trade--with fish, oil, butter, skins, and wool, in +exchange for meal and malt--was kept up with Norway, Denmark, and the +British islands, political freedom was unimpaired,[174] justice was (for +the Middle Ages) fairly well administered, naval superiority kept all +foes at a distance; and under such conditions the growth of the new +community in wealth[175] and culture was surprisingly rapid. In the +twelfth century, before literature had begun to blossom in the modern +speech of France or Spain or Italy, there was a flourishing literature +in prose and verse in Iceland. Especial attention was paid to history, +and the "Landnama-bok," or statistical and genealogical account of the +early settlers, was the most complete and careful work of the kind which +had ever been undertaken by any people down to quite recent times. Few +persons in our day adequately realize the extent of the early Icelandic +literature or its richness. The poems, legends, and histories earlier +than the date when Dante walked and mused in the streets of Florence +survive for us now in some hundreds of works, for the most part of rare +and absorbing interest. The "Heimskringla," or chronicle of Snorro +Sturleson, written about 1215, is one of the greatest history books in +the world.[176] + + [Footnote 169: The proper division of this Old Norse word is + not into _v[=i]-king_, but into _v[)i]k-ing_. The first + syllable means a "bay" or "fiord," the second is a patronymic + termination, so that "vikings" are "sons of the fiord,"--an + eminently appropriate and descriptive name.] + + [Footnote 170: Curtius (_Griechische Etymologie_, p. 237) + connects [Greek: pontos] with [Greek: patos]; compare the + Homeric expressions [Greek: hygra keleutha, ichthyoenta + keleutha], etc.] + + [Footnote 171: The descendants of these Northmen formed a very + large proportion of the population of the East Anglian + counties, and consequently of the men who founded New England. + The East Anglian counties have been conspicuous for resistance + to tyranny and for freedom of thought. See my _Beginnings of + New England_, p. 62.] + + [Footnote 172: They were the Varangian guard at Constantinople, + described by Sir Walter Scott in _Count Robert of Paris_. About + this same time their kinsmen, the Russ, moving eastward from + Sweden, were subjecting Slavic tribes as far as Novgorod and + Kief, and laying the foundations of the power that has since, + through many and strange vicissitudes, developed into Russia. + See Thomsen, _The Relations between Ancient Russia and + Scandinavia_, Oxford, 1877.] + + [Footnote 173: Fealty to Norway was not formally declared until + 1262.] + + [Footnote 174: The settlement of Iceland is celebrated by + Robert Lowe in verses which show that, whatever his opinion may + have been in later years as to the use of a classical + education, his own early studies must always have been a source + of comfort to him:-- + + [Greek: Chaire kai en nephelaisi kai en niphadessi bareiais + Kai pyri kai seismois nese saleuomene + Enthade gar basileos hyperbion hybrin alyxas + Demos Hyperboreon, kosmou ep' eschatie, + Autarke bioton theion t' erethismata Mouson + Kai thesmous hagnes heuren eleutherias.] + + These verses are thus rendered by Sir Edmund Head (_Viga Glums + Saga_, p. v.):-- + + "Hail, Isle! with mist and snowstorms girt around, + Where fire and earthquake rend the shattered ground,-- + Here once o'er furthest ocean's icy path + The Northmen fled a tyrant monarch's wrath: + Here, cheered by song and story, dwelt they free, + And held unscathed their laws and liberty." + + Laing (_Heimskringla_, vol. i. p. 57) couples Iceland and New + England as the two modern colonies most distinctly "founded on + principle and peopled at first from higher motives than want or + gain."] + + [Footnote 175: Just what was then considered wealth, for an + individual, may best be understood by a concrete instance. The + historian Snorro Sturleson, born in 1178, was called a rich + man. "In one year, in which fodder was scarce, he lost 120 head + of oxen without being seriously affected by it." The fortune + which he got with his first wife Herdisa, in 1199, was + equivalent nominally to $4,000, or, according to the standard + of to-day, about $80,000. Laing, _Heimskringla_, vol. i. pp. + 191, 193.] + + [Footnote 176: Laing's excellent English translation of it was + published in London in 1844. The preliminary dissertation, in + five chapters, is of great value. A new edition, revised by + Prof. Rasmus Anderson, was published in London in 1889. Another + charming book is Sir George Dasent's _Story of Burnt Njal_, + Edinburgh, 1861, 2 vols., translated from the _Njals Saga_. + Both the saga itself and the translator's learned introduction + give an admirable description of life in Iceland at the end of + the tenth century, the time when the voyages to America were + made. It is a very instructive chapter in history. + + The Icelanders of the present day retain the Old Norse + language, while on the Continent it has been modified into + Swedish and Norwegian-Danish. They are a well-educated people, + and, in proportion to their numbers, publish many books.] + +[Sidenote: Discovery of Greenland, 876.] + +[Sidenote: Eric's Colony in Greenland, 986.] + +Now from various Icelandic chronicles[177] we learn that in 876, only +two years after the island commonwealth was founded, one of the +settlers named Gunnbjoern was driven by foul weather to some point on the +coast of Greenland, where he and his crew contrived to pass the winter, +their ship being locked in ice; when the spring set them free, they +returned to Iceland. In the year 983 Eric the Red, a settler upon Oexney +(Ox-island) near the mouth of Breidafiord, was outlawed for killing a +man in a brawl. Eric then determined to search for the western land +which Gunnbjoern had discovered. He set out with a few followers, and in +the next three years these bold sailors explored the coasts of Greenland +pretty thoroughly for a considerable distance on each side of Cape +Farewell. At length they found a suitable place for a home, at the head +of Igaliko fiord, not far from the site of the modern Julianeshaab.[178] +It was fit work for Vikings to penetrate so deep a fiord and find out +such a spot, hidden as it is by miles upon miles of craggy and +ice-covered headlands. They proved their sagacity by pitching upon one +of the pleasantest spots on the gaunt Greenland coast; and there upon a +smooth grassy plain may still be seen the ruins of seventeen houses +built of rough blocks of sandstone, their chinks caulked up with clay +and gravel. In contrast with most of its bleak surroundings the place +might well be called Greenland, and so Eric named it, for, said he, it +is well to have a pleasant name if we would induce people to come +hither. The name thus given by Eric to this chosen spot has been +extended in modern usage to the whole of the vast continental region +north of Davis strait, for the greater part of which it is a flagrant +misnomer.[179] In 986 Eric ventured back to Iceland, and was so +successful in enlisting settlers for Greenland that on his return voyage +he started with five and twenty ships. The loss from foul weather and +icebergs was cruel. Eleven vessels were lost; the remaining fourteen, +carrying probably from four to five hundred souls, arrived safely at the +head of Igaliko fiord, and began building their houses at the place +called Brattahlid. Their settlement presently extended over the head of +Tunnudliorbik fiord, the next deep inlet to the northwest; they called +it Ericsfiord. After a while it extended westward as far as Immartinek, +and eastward as far as the site of Friedrichsthal; and another distinct +settlement of less extent was also made about four hundred miles to the +northwest, near the present site of Godthaab. The older settlement, +which began at Igaliko fiord, was known as the East Bygd;[180] the +younger settlement, near Godthaab, was called the West Bygd. + + [Footnote 177: A full collection of these chronicles is given + in Rafn's _Antiquitates Americanae_, Copenhagen, 1837, in the + original Icelandic, with Danish and Latin translations. This + book is of great value for its full and careful reproduction of + original texts; although the rash speculations and the want of + critical discernment shown in the editor's efforts to determine + the precise situation of Vinland have done much to discredit + the whole subject in the eyes of many scholars. That is, + however, very apt to be the case with first attempts, like + Rafn's, and the obvious defects of his work should not be + allowed to blind us to its merits. In the footnotes to the + present chapter I shall cite it simply as "Rafn;" as the exact + phraseology is often important, I shall usually cite the + original Icelandic, and (for the benefit of readers unfamiliar + with that language) shall also give the Latin version, which + has been well made, and quite happily reflects the fresh and + pithy vigour of the original. An English translation of all the + essential parts may be found in De Costa, _Pre-Columbian + Discovery of America by the Northmen_, 2d ed., Albany, 1890; + see also Slafter, _Voyages of the Northmen to America_, Boston, + 1877 (Prince Society). An Icelandic version, interpolated in + Peringskiold's edition of the _Heimskringla_, 1697, is + translated in Laing, vol. iii. pp. 344-361. + + The first modern writer to call attention to the Icelandic + voyages to Greenland and Vinland was Arngrim Jonsson, in his + _Crymogoea_, Hamburg, 1610, and more explicitly in his + _Specimen Islandiae historicum_, Amsterdam, 1643. The voyages + are also mentioned by Campanius, in his _Kort beskrifning om + provincien Nya Swerige uti America_, Stockholm, 1702. The + first, however, to bring the subject prominently before + European readers was that judicious scholar Thormodus Torfaeus, + in his two books _Historia Vinlandiae antiquae_, and _Historia + Gronlandiae antiquae_, Copenhagen, 1705 and 1706. Later writers + have until very recently added but little that is important to + the work of Torfaeus. In the voluminous literature of the + subject the discussions chiefly worthy of mention are Forster's + _Geschichte der Entdeckungen und Schiffahrten im Norden_, + Frankfort, 1784, pp. 44-88; and Humboldt, _Examen critique_, + etc., Paris, 1837, tom. i. pp. 84-104; see, also, Major, + _Select Letters of Columbus_, London, 1847 (Hakluyt Soc.) pp. + xii.-xxi. The fifth chapter of Samuel Laing's preliminary + dissertation to the _Heimskringla_, which is devoted to this + subject, is full of good sense; for the most part the shrewd + Orkneyman gets at the core of the thing, though now and then a + little closer knowledge of America would have been useful to + him. The latest critical discussion of the sources, marking a + very decided advance since Rafn's time, is the paper by Gustav + Storm, professor of history in the University of Christiania, + "Studier over Vinlandsreiserne," in _Aarboger for Nordisk + Oldkyndighed og Historie_, Copenhagen, 1887, pp. 293-372. + + Since this chapter was written I have seen an English + translation of the valuable paper just mentioned, "Studies on + the Vineland Voyages," in _Memoires de la societe royale des + antiquaires du Nord_, Copenhagen, 1888, pp. 307-370. I have + therefore in most cases altered my footnote references below, + making the page-numbers refer to the English version (in which, + by the way, some parts of the Norwegian original are, for no + very obvious reason, omitted). By an odd coincidence there + comes to me at the same time a book fresh from the press, whose + rare beauty of mechanical workmanship is fully equalled by its + intrinsic merit, _The Finding of Wineland the Good--the History + of the Icelandic Discovery of America_, edited and translated + from the earliest records by Arthur Middleton Reeves, London, + 1890. This beautiful quarto contains phototype plates of the + original Icelandic vellums in the _Hauks-bok_, the MS. AM. 557, + and the _Flateyar-bok_, together with the texts carefully + edited, an admirable English translation, and several chapters + of critical discussion decidedly better than anything that has + gone before it. On reading it carefully through, it seems to me + the best book we have on the subject in English, or perhaps in + any language. + + Since the above was written, the news has come of the sudden + and dreadful death of Mr. Reeves, in the railroad disaster at + Hagerstown, Indiana, February 25, 1891. Mr. Reeves was an + American scholar of most brilliant promise, only in his + thirty-fifth year.] + + [Footnote 178: Rink, _Danish Greenland_, p. 6.] + + [Footnote 179: We thus see the treacherousness of one of the + arguments cited by the illustrious Arago to prove that the + Greenland coast must be colder now than in the tenth century. + The Icelanders, he thinks, called it "a green land" because of + its verdure, and therefore it must have been warmer than at + present. But the land which Eric called green was evidently + nothing more than the region about Julianeshaab, which still + has plenty of verdure; and so the argument falls to the ground. + See Arago, _Sur l'etat thermometrique du globe terrestre_, in + his _Oeuvres_, tom. v. p. 243. There are reasons, however, for + believing that Greenland was warmer in the tenth century than + at present. See below, p. 176.] + + [Footnote 180: The map is reduced from Rafn's _Antiquitates + Americanae_, tab. xv. The ruins dotted here and there upon it + have been known ever since the last rediscovery of Greenland in + 1721, but until after 1831 they were generally supposed to be + the ruins of the West Bygd. After the fifteenth century, when + the old colony had perished, and its existence had become a + mere literary tradition, there grew up a notion that the names + East Bygd and West Bygd indicated that the two settlements must + have been respectively eastward and westward of Cape Farewell; + and after 1721 much time was wasted in looking for vestiges of + human habitations on the barren and ice-bound eastern coast. At + length, in 1828-31, the exploring expedition sent out by the + Danish government, under the very able and intelligent Captain + Graah, demonstrated that both settlements were west of Cape + Farewell, and that the ruins here indicated upon the map are + the ruins of the East Bygd. It now became apparent that a + certain description of Greenland by Ivar Bardsen--written in + Greenland in the fourteenth century, and generally accessible + to European scholars since the end of the sixteenth, but not + held in much esteem before Captain Graah's expedition--was + quite accurate and extremely valuable. From Bardsen's + description, about which we shall have more to say hereafter, + we can point out upon the map the ancient sites with much + confidence. Of those mentioned in the present work, the + bishop's church, or "cathedral" (a view of which is given + below, p. 222), was at Kakortok. The village of Gardar, which + gave its name to the bishopric, was at Kaksiarsuk, at the + northeastern extremity of Igaliko fiord. Opposite Kaksiarsuk, + on the western fork of the fiord, the reader will observe a + ruined church; that marks the site of Brattahlid. The fiord of + Igaliko was called by the Northmen Einarsfiord; and that of + Tunnudliorbik was their Ericsfiord. The monastery of St. Olaus, + visited by Nicolo Zeno (see below, p. 240), is supposed by Mr. + Major to have been situated near the Iisblink at the bottom of + Tessermiut fiord, between the east shore of the fiord and the + small lake indicated on the map.] + +[Illustration: The East Bygd, or Eastern Settlement of the Northmen in +Greenland.] + +This colonization of Greenland by the Northmen in the tenth century is +as well established as any event that occurred in the Middle Ages. For +four hundred years the fortunes of the Greenland colony formed a part, +albeit a very humble part, of European history. Geographically speaking, +Greenland is reckoned as a part of America, of the western +hemisphere, and not of the eastern. The Northmen who settled in +Greenland had, therefore, in this sense found their way to America. +Nevertheless one rightly feels that in the history of geographical +discovery an arrival of Europeans in Greenland is equivalent merely to +reaching the vestibule or ante-chamber of the western hemisphere. It is +an affair begun and ended outside of the great world of the red men. + +But the story does not end here. Into the world of the red men the +voyagers from Iceland did assuredly come, as indeed, after once getting +a foothold upon Greenland, they could hardly fail to do. Let us pursue +the remainder of the story as we find it in our Icelandic sources of +information, and afterwards it will be proper to inquire into the +credibility of these sources. + +[Sidenote: Voyage of Bjarni Herjulfson, 986.] + +One of the men who accompanied Eric to Greenland was named Herjulf, +whose son Bjarni, after roving the seas for some years, came home to +Iceland in 986 to drink the Yuletide ale with his father. Finding him +gone, he weighed anchor and started after him to Greenland, but +encountered foggy weather, and sailed on for many days by guess-work +without seeing sun or stars. When at length he sighted land it was a +shore without mountains, showing only small heights covered with dense +woods. It was evidently not the land of fiords and glaciers for which +Bjarni was looking. So without stopping to make explorations he turned +his prow to the north and kept on. The sky was now fair, and after +scudding nine or ten days with a brisk breeze astern, Bjarni saw the +icy crags of Greenland looming up before him, and after some further +searching found his way to his father's new home.[181] On the route he +more than once sighted land on the larboard. + + [Footnote 181: In Herjulfsfiord, at the entrance to which the + modern Friedrichsthal is situated. Across the fiord from + Friedrichsthal a ruined church stands upon the cape formerly + known as Herjulfsness. See map.] + +[Sidenote: Conversion of the Northmen to Christianity.] + +This adventure of Bjarni's seems not to have excited general curiosity +or to have awakened speculation. Indeed, in the dense geographical +ignorance of those times there is no reason why it should have done so. +About 994 Bjarni was in Norway, and one or two people expressed some +surprise that he did not take more pains to learn something about the +country he had seen; but nothing came of such talk till it reached the +ears of Leif, the famous son of Eric the Red. This wise and stately +man[182] spent a year or two in Norway about 998. Roman missionary +priests were then preaching up and down the land, and had converted the +king, Olaf Tryggvesson, great-grandson of Harold Fairhair. Leif became a +Christian and was baptised, and when he returned to Greenland he took +priests with him who converted many people, though old Eric, it is said, +preferred to go in the way of his fathers, and deemed boisterous +Valhalla, with its cups of wassail, a place of better cheer than the New +Jerusalem, with its streets of gold. + + [Footnote 182: "Leifr var mikill madhr ok sterkr, manna + skoeruligastr at sja, vitr madhr ok godhr hofsmadhr um alla + hluti," i. e. "Leif was a large man and strong, of noble + aspect, prudent and moderate in all things." Rafn, p. 33.] + +[Sidenote: Leif Ericsson's voyage, 1000.] + +[Sidenote: Helluland.] + +[Sidenote: Markland.] + +[Sidenote: Vinland.] + +Leif's zeal for the conversion of his friends in Greenland did not so +far occupy his mind as to prevent him from undertaking a voyage of +discovery. His curiosity had been stimulated by what he had heard about +Bjarni's experiences, and he made up his mind to go and see what the +coasts to the south of Greenland were like. He sailed from +Brattahlid--probably in the summer or early autumn of the year +1000[183]--with a crew of five and thirty men. Some distance to the +southward they came upon a barren country covered with big flat stones, +so that they called it Helluland, or "slate-land." There is little room +for doubt that this was the coast opposite Greenland, either west or +east of the strait of Belle Isle; in other words, it was either Labrador +or the northern coast of Newfoundland. Thence, keeping generally to the +southward, our explorers came after some days to a thickly wooded coast, +where they landed and inspected the country. What chiefly impressed them +was the extent of the forest, so that they called the place Markland, or +"wood-land." Some critics have supposed that this spot was somewhere +upon the eastern or southern coast of Newfoundland, but the more general +opinion places it somewhere upon the coast of Cape Breton island or +Nova Scotia. From this Markland our voyagers stood out to sea, and +running briskly before a stiff northeaster it was more than two days +before they came in sight of land. Then, after following the coast for a +while, they went ashore at a place where a river, issuing from a lake, +fell into the sea. They brought their ship up into the lake and cast +anchor. The water abounded in excellent fish, and the country seemed so +pleasant that Leif decided to pass the winter there, and accordingly his +men put up some comfortable wooden huts or booths. One day one of the +party, a "south country" man, whose name was Tyrker,[184] came in from a +ramble in the neighbourhood making grimaces and talking to himself in +his own language (probably German), which his comrades did not +understand. On being interrogated as to the cause of his excitement, +he replied that he had discovered vines loaded with grapes, and was much +pleased at the sight inasmuch as he had been brought up in a vine +country. Wild grapes, indeed, abounded in this autumn season, and Leif +accordingly called the country Vinland. The winter seems to have passed +off very comfortably. Even the weather seemed mild to these visitors +from high latitudes, and they did not fail to comment on the unusual +length of the winter day. Their language on this point has been so +construed as to make the length of the shortest winter day exactly nine +hours, which would place their Vinland in about the latitude of Boston. +But their expressions do not admit of any such precise construction; and +when we remember that they had no accurate instruments for measuring +time, and that a difference of about fourteen minutes between sunrise +and sunset on the shortest winter day would make all the difference +between Boston and Halifax, we see how idle it is to look for the +requisite precision in narratives of this sort, and to treat them as one +would treat the reports of a modern scientific exploring expedition. + + [Footnote 183: The year seems to have been that in which + Christianity was definitely established by law in Iceland, + viz., A. D. 1000. The chronicle _Thattr Eireks Raudha_ is + careful about verifying its dates by checking one against + another. See Rafn, p. 15. The most masterly work on the + conversion of the Scandinavian people is Maurer's _Die + Bekehrung des Norwegischen Stammes zum Christenthume_, Munich, + 1855; for an account of the missionary work in Iceland and + Greenland, see vol. i. pp. 191-242, 443-452.] + + [Footnote 184: The name means "Turk," and has served as a + touchstone for the dullness of commentators. To the Northmen a + "Southman" would naturally be a German, and why should a German + be called a Turk? or how should these Northmen happen to have + had a Turk in their company? Mr. Laing suggests that he may + have been a Magyar. Yes; or he may have visited the Eastern + Empire and taken part in a fight _against_ Turks, and so have + got a soubriquet, just as Thorhall Gamlason, after returning + from Vinland to Iceland, was ever afterward known as "the + Vinlander." That did not mean that he was an American redskin. + See below, p. 203. From Tyrker's grimaces one commentator + sagely infers that he had been eating grapes and got drunk; and + another (even Mr. Laing!) thinks it necessary to remind us that + all the grape-juice in Vinland would not fuddle a man unless it + had been fermented,--and then goes on to ascribe the absurdity + to our innocent chronicle, instead of the stupid annotator. See + _Heimskringla_, vol. i. p. 168.] + +[Sidenote: Voyages of Thorvald and Thorstein, 1002-05.] + +In the spring of 1001 Leif returned to Greenland with a cargo of +timber.[185] The voyage made much talk. Leif's brother Thorvald caught +the inspiration,[186] and, borrowing Leif's ship, sailed in 1002, and +succeeded in finding Vinland and Leif's huts, where his men spent two +winters. In the intervening summer they went on an exploring expedition +along the coast, fell in with some savages in canoes, and got into a +fight in which Thorvald was killed by an arrow. In the spring of 1004 +the ship returned to Brattahlid. Next year the third brother, Thorstein +Ericsson, set out in the same ship, with his wife Gudrid and a crew of +thirty-five men; but they were sore bestead with foul weather, got +nowhere, and accomplished nothing. Thorstein died on the voyage, and his +widow returned to Greenland. + + [Footnote 185: On the homeward voyage he rescued some + shipwrecked sailors near the coast of Greenland, and was + thenceforward called Leif the Lucky (et postea cognominatus est + Leivus Fortunatus). The pleasant reports from the newly found + country gave it the name of "Vinland the Good." In the course + of the winter following Leif's return his father died.] + + [Footnote 186: "Jam crebri de Leivi in Vinlandiam profectione + sermones serebantur, Thorvaldus vero, frater ejus, nimis pauca + terrae loca explorata fuisse judicavit." Rafn, p. 39.] + +[Sidenote: Thorfinn Karlsefni, and his unsuccessful attempt to found a +colony in Vinland, 1007-10.] + +In the course of the next summer, 1006, there came to Brattahlid from +Iceland a notable personage, a man of craft and resource, wealthy withal +and well born, with the blood of many kinglets or jarls flowing in his +veins. This man, Thorfinn Karlsefni, straightway fell in love with the +young and beautiful widow Gudrid, and in the course of the winter there +was a merry wedding at Brattahlid. Persuaded by his adventurous bride, +whose spirit had been roused by the reports from Vinland and by her +former unsuccessful attempt to find it, Thorfinn now undertook to visit +that country in force sufficient for founding a colony there. +Accordingly in the spring of 1007 he started with three or four +ships,[187] carrying one hundred and sixty men, several women, and quite +a cargo of cattle. In the course of that year his son Snorro was born in +Vinland,[188] and our chronicle tells us that this child was three years +old before the disappointed company turned their backs upon that land of +promise and were fain to make their way homeward to the fiords of +Greenland. It was the hostility of the natives that compelled Thorfinn +to abandon his enterprise. At first they traded with him, bartering +valuable furs for little strips of scarlet cloth which they sought most +eagerly; and they were as terribly frightened by his cattle as the +Aztecs were in later days by the Spanish horses.[189] The chance +bellowing of a bull sent them squalling to the woods, and they did not +show themselves again for three weeks. After a while quarrels arose, the +natives attacked in great numbers, many Northmen were killed, and in +1010 the survivors returned to Greenland with a cargo of timber and +peltries. On the way thither the ships seem to have separated, and one +of them, commanded by Bjarni Grimolfsson, found itself bored by worms +(the _teredo_) and sank, with its commander and half the crew.[190] + + [Footnote 187: Three is the number usually given, but at least + four of their ships would be needed for so large a company; and + besides Thorfinn himself, three other captains are + mentioned,--Snorro Thorbrandsson, Bjarni Grimolfsson, and + Thorhall Gamlason. The narrative gives a picturesque account of + this Thorhall, who was a pagan and fond of deriding his + comrades for their belief in the new-fangled Christian notions. + He seems to have left his comrades and returned to Europe + before they had abandoned their enterprise. A further reference + to him will be made below, p. 203.] + + [Footnote 188: To this boy Snorro many eminent men have traced + their ancestry,--bishops, university professors, governors of + Iceland, and ministers of state in Norway and Denmark. The + learned antiquarian Finn Magnusson and the celebrated sculptor + Thorwaldsen regarded themselves as thus descended from Thorfinn + Karlsefni.] + + [Footnote 189: Compare the alarm of the Wampanoag Indians in + 1603 at the sight of Martin Pring's mastiff. Winsor, _Narr. and + Crit. Hist._, iii. 174.] + + [Footnote 190: The fate of Bjarni was pathetic and noble. It + was decided that as many as possible should save themselves in + the stern boat. "Then Bjarni ordered that the men should go in + the boat by lot, and not according to rank. As it would not + hold all, they accepted the saying, and when the lots were + drawn, the men went out of the ship into the boat. The lot was + that Bjarni should go down from the ship to the boat with one + half of the men. Then those to whom the lot fell went down from + the ship to the boat. When they had come into the boat, a young + Icelander, who was the companion of Bjarni, said: 'Now thus do + you intend to leave me, Bjarni?' Bjarni replied, 'That now + seems necessary.' He replied with these words: 'Thou art not + true to the promise made when I left my father's house in + Iceland.' Bjarni replied: 'In this thing I do not see any other + way'; continuing, 'What course can you suggest?' He said: 'I + see this, that we change places and thou come up here and I go + down there.' Bjarni replied: 'Let it be so, since I see that + you are so anxious to live, and are frightened by the prospect + of death.' Then they changed places, and he descended into the + boat with the men, and Bjarni went up into the ship. It is + related that Bjarni and the sailors with him in the ship + perished in the worm sea. Those who went in the boat went on + their course until they came to land, where they told all these + things." De Costa's version from _Saga Thorfinns Karlsefnis_, + Rafn, pp. 184-186.] + +[Sidenote: Freydis, and her evil deeds in Vinland, 1011-12.] + +Among Karlsefni's companions on this memorable expedition was one +Thorvard, with his wife Freydis, a natural daughter of Eric the Red. +About the time of their return to Greenland in the summer of 1010, a +ship arrived from Norway, commanded by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi. +During the winter a new expedition was planned, and in the summer of +1011 two ships set sail for Vinland, one with Freydis, Thorvard, and a +crew of 30 men, the other with Helgi and Finnbogi, and a crew of 35 men. +There were also a number of women. The purpose was not to found a colony +but to cut timber. The brothers arrived first at Leif's huts and had +begun carrying in their provisions and tools, when Freydis, arriving +soon afterward, ordered them off the premises. They had no right, she +said, to occupy her brother's houses. So they went out and built other +huts for their party a little farther from the shore. Before their +business was accomplished "winter set in, and the brothers proposed to +have some games for amusement to pass the time. So it was done for a +time, till discord came among them, and the games were given up, and +none went from one house to the other; and things went on so during a +great part of the winter." At length came the catastrophe. Freydis one +night complained to her husband that the brothers had given her evil +words and struck her, and insisted that he should forthwith avenge the +affront. Presently Thorvard, unable to bear her taunts, was aroused to a +deed of blood. With his followers he made a night attack upon the huts +of Helgi and Finnbogi, seized and bound all the occupants, and killed +the men one after another in cold blood. Five women were left whom +Thorvard would have spared; as none of his men would raise a hand +against them, Freydis herself took an axe and brained them one and all. +In the spring of 1012 the party sailed for Brattahlid in the ship of +the murdered brothers, which was the larger and better of the two. +Freydis pretended that they had exchanged ships and left the other party +in Vinland. With gifts to her men, and dire threats for any who should +dare tell what had been done, she hoped to keep them silent. Words were +let drop, however, which came to Leif's ears, and led him to arrest +three of the men and put them to the torture until they told the whole +story. "'I have not the heart,' said Leif, 'to treat my wicked sister as +she deserves; but this I will foretell them [Freydis and Thorvard] that +their posterity will never thrive.' So it went that nobody thought +anything of them save evil from that time." + +[Sidenote: The whole story is eminently probable.] + +With this grewsome tale ends all account of Norse attempts at exploring +or colonizing Vinland, though references to Vinland by no means end +here.[191] Taking the narrative as a whole, it seems to me a sober, +straightforward, and eminently probable story. We may not be able to say +with confidence exactly where such places as Markland and Vinland were, +but it is clear that the coasts visited on these southerly and +southwesterly voyages from Brattahlid must have been parts of the coast +of North America, unless the whole story is to be dismissed as a figment +of somebody's imagination. But for a figment of the imagination, and of +European imagination withal, it has far too many points of +verisimilitude, as I shall presently show. + + [Footnote 191: The stories of Gudleif Gudlaugsson and Ari + Marsson, with the fanciful speculations about "Hvitramannaland" + and "Irland it Mikla," do not seem worthy of notice in this + connection. They may be found in De Costa, _op. cit._ pp. + 159-177; and see Reeves, _The Finding of Wineland the Good_, + chap. v.] + +[Sidenote: Voyage into Baffin's Bay, 1135.] + +In the first place, it is an extremely probable story from the time that +Eric once gets settled in Brattahlid. The founding of the Greenland +colony is the only strange or improbable part of the narrative, but that +is corroborated in so many other ways that we know it to be true; as +already observed, no fact in mediaeval history is better established. +When I speak of the settlement of Greenland as strange, I do not mean +that there is anything strange in the Northmen's accomplishing the +voyage thither from Iceland. That island is nearer to Greenland than to +Norway, and we know, moreover, that Norse sailors achieved more +difficult things than penetrating the fiords of southern Greenland. Upon +the island of Kingitorsook in Baffin's Bay (72 deg. 55' N., 56 deg. 5' W.) near +Upernavik, in a region supposed to have been unvisited by man before the +modern age of Arctic exploration, there were found in 1824 some small +artificial mounds with an inscription upon stone:--"Erling Sighvatson +and Bjarni Thordharson and Eindrid Oddson raised these marks and cleared +ground on Saturday before Ascension Week, 1135." That is to say, they +took symbolic possession of the land.[192] + + [Footnote 192: Laing, _Heimskringla_, i. 152.] + +[Sidenote: A Viking ship discovered at Sandefiord, in Norway.] + +In order to appreciate how such daring voyages were practicable, we must +bear in mind that the Viking "ships" were probably stronger and more +seaworthy, and certainly much swifter, than the Spanish vessels of the +time of Columbus. One was unearthed a few years ago at Sandefiord in +Norway, and may be seen at the museum in Christiania. Its pagan owner +had been buried in it, and his bones were found amidships, along with +the bones of a dog and a peacock, a few iron fish-hooks and other +articles. Bones of horses and dogs, probably sacrificed at the funeral +according to the ancient Norse custom, lay scattered about. This craft +has been so well described by Colonel Higginson,[193] that I may as well +quote the passage in full:-- + + [Footnote 193: See his _Larger History of the United States_, + pp. 32-34.] + +[Sidenote: Description of the ship.] + +She "was seventy-seven feet eleven inches at the greatest length, and +sixteen feet eleven inches at the greatest width, and from the top of +the keel to the gunwale amidships she was five feet nine inches deep. +She had twenty ribs, and would draw less than four feet of water. She +was clinker-built; that is, had plates slightly overlapped, like the +shingles on the side of a house. The planks and timbers of the frame +were fastened together with withes made of roots, but the oaken boards +of the side were united by iron rivets firmly clinched. The bow and +stern were similar in shape, and must have risen high out of water, but +were so broken that it was impossible to tell how they originally ended. +The keel was deep and made of thick oak beams, and there was no trace of +any metallic sheathing; but an iron anchor was found almost rusted to +pieces. There was no deck and the seats for rowers had been taken out. +The oars were twenty feet long, and the oar-holes, sixteen on each side, +had slits sloping towards the stern to allow the blades of the oars to +be put through from inside. The most peculiar thing about the ship was +the rudder, which was on the starboard or right side, this side being +originally called 'steerboard' from this circumstance. The rudder was +like a large oar, with long blade and short handle, and was attached, +not to the side of the boat, but to the end of a conical piece of wood +which projected almost a foot from the side of the vessel, and almost +two feet from the stern. This piece of wood was bored down its length, +and no doubt a rope passing through it secured the rudder to the ship's +side. It was steered by a tiller attached to the handle, and perhaps +also by a rope fastened to the blade. As a whole, this disinterred +vessel proved to be anything but the rude and primitive craft which +might have been expected; it was neatly built and well preserved, +constructed on what a sailor would call beautiful lines, and eminently +fitted for sea service. Many such vessels may be found depicted on the +celebrated Bayeux tapestry; and the peculiar position of the rudder +explains the treaty mentioned in the Heimskringla, giving to Norway all +lands lying west of Scotland between which and the mainland a vessel +could pass with her rudder shipped.... This was not one of the very +largest ships, for some of them had thirty oars on each side, and +vessels carrying from twenty to twenty-five were not uncommon. The +largest of these were called Dragons, and other sizes were known as +Serpents or Cranes. The ship itself was often so built as to represent +the name it bore: the dragon, for instance, was a long low vessel, with +the gilded head of a dragon at the bow, and the gilded tail at the +stern; the moving oars at the side might represent the legs of the +imaginary creature, the row of shining red and white shields that were +hung over the gunwale looked like the monster's scales, and the sails +striped with red and blue might suggest his wings. The ship preserved at +Christiania is described as having had but a single mast, set into a +block of wood so large that it is said no such block could now be cut in +Norway. Probably the sail was much like those still carried by large +open boats in that country,--a single square on a mast forty feet +long.[194] These masts have no standing rigging, and are taken down when +not in use; and this was probably the practice of the Vikings." + + [Footnote 194: Perhaps it may have been a square-headed lug, + like those of the Deal galley-punts; see Leslie's _Old Sea + Wings, Ways, and Words, in the Days of Oak and Hemp_, London, + 1890, p. 21.] + +[Sidenote: The climate of Greenland.] + +In such vessels, well stocked with food and weapons, the Northmen were +accustomed to spend many weeks together on the sea, now and then +touching land. In such vessels they made their way to Algiers and +Constantinople, to the White Sea, to Baffin's Bay. It is not, therefore, +their voyage to Greenland that seems strange, but it is their success in +founding a colony which could last for more than four centuries in that +inhospitable climate. The question is sometimes asked whether the +climate of Greenland may not have undergone some change within the last +thousand years.[195] If there has been any change, it must have been +very slight; such as, perhaps, a small variation in the flow of ocean +currents might occasion. I am inclined to believe that there may have +been such a change, from the testimony of Ivar Bardsen, steward of the +Gardar bishopric in the latter half of the fourteenth century, or about +halfway between the time of Eric the Red and our own time. According to +Bardsen there had long been a downward drifting of ice from the north +and a consequent accumulation of bergs and floes upon the eastern coast +of Greenland, insomuch that the customary route formerly followed by +ships coming from Iceland was no longer safe, and a more southerly route +had been generally adopted.[196] This slow southward extension of the +polar ice-sheet upon the east of Greenland seems still to be going on at +the present day.[197] It is therefore not at all improbable, but on the +contrary quite probable, that a thousand years ago the mean annual +temperature of the tip end of Greenland, at Cape Farewell, was a few +degrees higher than now.[198] But a slight difference of this sort +might have an important bearing upon the fortunes of a colony planted +there. For example, it would directly affect the extent of the hay crop. +Grass grows very well now in the neighbourhood of Julianeshaab. In +summer it is still a "green land," with good pasturage for cattle, but +there is difficulty in getting hay enough to last through the nine +months of winter. In 1855 "there were in Greenland 30 to 40 head of +horned cattle, about 100 goats, and 20 sheep;" but in the ancient +colony, with a population not exceeding 6,000 persons, "herds of cattle +were kept which even yielded produce for exportation to Europe."[199] So +strong a contrast seems to indicate a much more plentiful grass crop +than to-day, although some hay might perhaps have been imported from +Iceland in exchange for Greenland exports, which were chiefly whale oil, +eider-down, and skins of seals, foxes, and white bears. + + [Footnote 195: Some people must have queer notions about the + lapse of past time. I have more than once had this question put + to me in such a way as to show that what the querist really had + in mind was some vague impression of the time when oaks and + chestnuts, vines and magnolias, grew luxuriantly over a great + part of Greenland! But that was in the Miocene period, probably + not less than a million years ago, and has no obvious bearing + upon the deeds of Eric the Red.] + + [Footnote 196: Bardsen, _Descriptio Groenlandiae_, appended to + Major's _Voyages of the Venetian Brothers_, etc., pp. 40, 41; + and see below, p. 242.] + + [Footnote 197: Zahrtmann, _Journal of Royal Geographical + Society_, London, 1836, vol. v. p. 102. On this general subject + see J. D. Whitney, "The Climate Changes of Later Geological + Times," in _Memoirs of the Museum of Comparative Zooelogy at + Harvard College_, Cambridge, 1882, vol. vii. According to + Professor Whitney there has also been a deterioration in the + climate of Iceland.] + + [Footnote 198: One must not too hastily infer that the mean + temperature of points on the American coast south of Davis + strait would be affected in the same way. The relation between + the phenomena is not quite so simple. For example, a warm early + spring on the coast of Greenland increases the discharge of + icebergs from its fiords to wander down the Atlantic ocean; and + this increase of floating ice tends to chill and dampen the + summers at least as far South as Long Island, if not farther.] + + [Footnote 199: Rink's _Danish Greenland_, pp. 27, 96, 97.] + +[Sidenote: With the Northmen once in Greenland, the discovery of the +American continent was almost inevitable.] + +[Sidenote: Voyages for timber.] + +When once the Northmen had found their way to Cape Farewell, it would +have been marvellous if such active sailors could long have avoided +stumbling upon the continent of North America. Without compass or +astrolabe these daring men were accustomed to traverse long stretches of +open sea, trusting to the stars; and it needed only a stiff +northeasterly breeze, with persistent clouds and fog, to land a westward +bound "dragon" anywhere from Cape Race to Cape Cod. This is what appears +to have happened to Bjarni Herjulfsson in 986, and something quite like +it happened to Henry Hudson in 1609.[200] Curiosity is a motive quite +sufficient to explain Leif's making the easy summer voyage to find out +what sort of country Bjarni had seen. He found it thickly wooded, and as +there was a dearth of good timber both in Greenland and in Iceland, it +would naturally occur to Leif's friends that voyages for timber, to be +used at home and also to be exported to Iceland, might turn out to be +profitable.[201] As Laing says, "to go in quest of the wooded countries +to the southwest, from whence driftwood came to their shores, was a +reasonable, intelligible motive for making a voyage in search of the +lands from whence it came, and where this valuable material could be got +for nothing."[202] + + [Footnote 200: See Read's _Historical Inquiry concerning Henry + Hudson_, Albany, 1866, p. 160.] + + [Footnote 201: "Nu tekst umraedha at nyju um Vinlandsferdh, + thviat su ferdh thikir baedhi godh til fjar ok virdhingar," i. + e. "Now they began to talk again about a voyage to Vinland, for + the voyage thither was both gainful and honourable." Rafn, p. + 65.] + + [Footnote 202: _Heimskringla_, i, 168.] + +[Sidenote: Ear-marks of truth in the narrative.] + +If now we look at the details of the story we shall find many ear-marks +of truth in it. We must not look for absolute accuracy in a narrative +which--as we have it--is not the work of Leif or Thorfinn or any of +their comrades, but of compilers or copyists, honest and careful as it +seems to me, but liable to misplace details and to call by wrong names +things which they had never seen. Starting with these modest +expectations we shall find the points of verisimilitude numerous. To +begin with the least significant, somewhere on our northeastern coast +the voyagers found many foxes.[203] These animals, to be sure, are found +in a great many countries, but the point for us is that in a southerly +and southwesterly course from Cape Farewell these sailors are said to +have found them. If our narrators had been drawing upon their +imaginations or dealing with semi-mythical materials, they would as +likely as not have lugged into the story elephants from Africa or +hippogriffs from Dreamland; mediaeval writers were blissfully ignorant of +all canons of probability in such matters.[204] But our narrators simply +mention an animal which has for ages abounded on our northeastern +coasts. One such instance is enough to suggest that they were following +reports or documents which emanated ultimately from eye-witnesses and +told the plain truth. A dozen such instances, if not neutralized by +counter-instances, are enough to make this view extremely probable; and +then one or two instances which could not have originated in the +imagination of a European writer will suffice to prove it. + + [Footnote 203: "Fjoeldi var thar melrakka," i. e. "ibi vulpium + magnus numerus erat," Rafn, p. 138.] + + [Footnote 204: It is extremely difficult for an impostor to + concoct a narrative without making blunders that can easily be + detected by a critical scholar. For example, the Book of + Mormon, in the passage cited (see above, p. 3), in supremely + blissful ignorance introduces oxen, sheep, and silk-worms, as + well as the knowledge of smelting iron, into pre-Columbian + America.] + +Let us observe, then, that on coming to Markland they "slew a +bear;"[205] the river and lake (or bay) in Vinland abounded with salmon +bigger than Leif's people had ever seen;[206] on the coast they caught +halibut;[207] they came to an island where there were so many eider +ducks breeding that they could hardly avoid treading on their eggs;[208] +and, as already observed, it was because of the abundance of wild grapes +that Leif named the southernmost country he visited Vinland. + + [Footnote 205: "Thar i drapu their einn bjoern," i. e. "in qua + ursum interfecerunt," id. p. 138.] + + [Footnote 206: "Hvorki skorti thar lax i anni ne i vatninu, ok + staerra lax enn their hefdhi fyrr sedh," i. e. "ibi neque in + fluvio neque in lacu deerat salmonum copia, et quidem majoris + corporis quam antea vidissent," id. p. 32.] + + [Footnote 207: "Helgir fiskar," i. e. "sacri pisces," id. p. + 148. The Danish phrase is "helleflyndre," i. e. "holy + flounder." The English _halibut_ is _hali_ = _holy_ + _but_ = + _flounder_. This word _but_ is classed as Middle English, but + may still be heard in the north of England. The fish may have + been so called "from being eaten particularly on holy days" + (_Century Dict._ s.v.); or possibly from a pagan superstition + that water abounding in flat fishes is especially safe for + mariners (Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ ix. 70); or possibly from some + lost folk-tale about St. Peter (Maurer, _Islaendische Volkssagen + der Gegenwart_, Leipsic, 1860, p. 195).] + + [Footnote 208: "Sva var moerg aedhr i eynni, at varla matti ganga + fyri eggjum," i. e. "tantus in insula anatum mollissimarum + numerus erat, ut prae ovis transiri fere non posset," id. p. + 141. Eider ducks breed on our northeastern coasts as far south + as Portland, and are sometimes in winter seen as far south as + Delaware. They also abound in Greenland and Iceland, and, as + Wilson observes, "their nests are crowded so close together + that a person can scarcely walk without treading on them.... + The Icelanders have for ages known the value of eider down, and + have done an extensive business in it." See Wilson's _American + Ornithology_, vol. iii. p. 50.] + +[Sidenote: Northern limit of the vine.] + +From the profusion of grapes--such that the ship's stern boat is said on +one occasion to have been filled with them[209]--we get a clue, though +less decisive than could be wished, to the location of Vinland. The +extreme northern limit of the vine in Canada is 47 deg., the parallel which +cuts across the tops of Prince Edward and Cape Breton islands on the +map.[210] Near this northern limit, however, wild grapes are by no means +plenty; so that the coast upon which Leif wintered must apparently have +been south of Cape Breton. Dr. Storm, who holds that Vinland was on the +southern coast of Nova Scotia, has collected some interesting testimony +as to the growth of wild grapes in that region, but on the whole the +abundance of this fruit seems rather to point to the shores of +Massachusetts Bay.[211] + + [Footnote 209: + {"Sva er sagt at eptirbatr theirra var fylldr + af vinberjurn."} + { So it-is-said that afterboat their was filled + of vine-berries.} + Rafn, p. 36.] + + [Footnote 210: Storm, "Studies on the Vinland Voyages," + _Memoires de la societe royale des antiquaires du Nord_, + Copenhagen, 1888, p. 351. The limit of the vine at this + latitude is some distance inland; near the shore the limit is a + little farther south, and in Newfoundland it does not grow at + all. Id. p. 308.] + + [Footnote 211: The attempt of Dr. Kohl (_Maine Hist. Soc._, New + Series, vol. i.) to connect the voyage of Thorfinn with the + coast of Maine seems to be successfully refuted by De Costa, + _Northmen in Maine_, etc., Albany, 1870.] + +[Sidenote: Length of the winter day.] + +We may now observe that, while it is idle to attempt to determine +accurately the length of the winter day, as given in our chronicles, +nevertheless since that length attracted the attention of the voyagers, +as something remarkable, it may fairly be supposed to indicate a +latitude lower than they were accustomed to reach in their trading +voyages in Europe. Such a latitude as that of Dublin, which lies +opposite Labrador, would have presented no novelty to them, for voyages +of Icelanders to their kinsmen in Dublin, and in Rouen as well, were +common enough. Halifax lies about opposite Bordeaux, and Boston a little +south of opposite Cape Finisterre, in Spain, so that either of these +latitudes would satisfy the conditions of the case; either would show a +longer winter day than Rouen, which was about the southern limit of +ordinary trading voyages from Iceland. At all events, the length of day +indicates for Vinland a latitude south of Cape Breton. + +[Sidenote: Indian corn.] + +The next point to be observed is the mention of "self-sown +wheat-fields."[212] This is not only an important ear-mark of truth in +the narrative, but it helps us somewhat further in determining the +position of Vinland. The "self-sown" cereal, which these Icelanders +called "wheat," was in all probability what the English settlers six +hundred years afterward called "corn," in each case applying to a new +and nameless thing the most serviceable name at hand. In England "corn" +means either wheat, barley, rye, and oats collectively, or more +specifically wheat; in Scotland it generally means oats; in America it +means maize, the "Indian corn," the cereal peculiar to the western +hemisphere. The beautiful waving plant, with its exquisitely tasselled +ears, which was one of the first things to attract Champlain's +attention, could not have escaped the notice of such keen observers as +we are beginning to find Leif and Thorfinn to have been. A cereal like +this, requiring so little cultivation that without much latitude of +speech it might be described as growing wild, would be interesting to +Europeans visiting the American coast; but it would hardly occur to +European fancy to invent such a thing. The mention of it is therefore a +very significant ear-mark of the truth of the narrative. As regards the +position of Vinland, the presence of maize seems to indicate a somewhat +lower latitude than Nova Scotia. Maize requires intensely hot summers, +and even under the most careful European cultivation does not flourish +north of the Alps. In the sixteenth century its northern-most limit on +the American coast seems to have been at the mouth of the Kennebec +(44 deg.), though farther inland it was found by Cartier at Hochelaga, on +the site of Montreal (45 deg. 30'). A presumption is thus raised in favour +of the opinion that Vinland was not farther north than Massachusetts +Bay.[213] + + [Footnote 212: + {"Sjalfsana hveitiakra" } + { } Rafn, p. 147. + { Self-sown wheat-acres }] + + [Footnote 213: Dr. Storm makes perhaps too much of this + presumption. He treats it as decisive against his own opinion + that Vinland was the southern coast of Nova Scotia, and + accordingly he tries to prove that the self-sown corn was not + maize, but "wild rice" (_Zizania aquatica_). _Memoires_, etc., + p. 356. But his argument is weakened by excess of ingenuity.] + +[Sidenote: Winter weather in Vinland.] + +This presumption is supported by what is said about the climate of +Vinland, though it must be borne in mind that general statements about +climate are apt to be very loose and misleading. We are told that it +seemed to Leif's people that cattle would be able to pass the winter out +of doors there, for there was no frost and the grass was not much +withered.[214] On the other hand, Thorfinn's people found the winter +severe, and suffered from cold and hunger.[215] Taken in connection with +each other, these two statements would apply very well to-day to our +variable winters on the coast southward from Cape Ann. The winter of +1889-90 in Cambridge, for example, might very naturally have been +described by visitors from higher latitudes as a winter without frost +and with grass scarcely withered. Indeed, we might have described it so +ourselves. On Narragansett and Buzzard's bays such soft winter weather +is still more common; north of Cape Ann it is much less common. The +severe winter (_magna hiems_) is of course familiar enough anywhere +along the northeastern coast of America. + + [Footnote 214: "Thar var sva godhr landskostr at thvi er theim + syndist, at thar mundi eingi fenadhr fodhr thurfa a vetrum; + thar kvomu eingi frost a vetrum, ok litt renudhu thar groes," i. + e. "tanta autem erat terrae bonitas, ut inde intelligere esset, + pecora hieme pabulo non indigere posse, nullis incidentibus + algoribus hiemalibus, et graminibus parum flaccescentibus." + Rafn, p. 32.] + + [Footnote 215: "Thar voru their um vetrinn; ok gjoerdhist vetr + mikill, en ekki fyri unnit ok gjoerdhist illt til matarins, ok + tokust af veidhirnar," i. e. "hic hiemarunt; cum vero magna + incideret hiems, nullumque provisum esset alimentum, cibus + coepit deficere capturaque cessabat," Id. p. 174.] + +[Sidenote: Probable situation of Vinland.] + +On the whole, we may say with some confidence that the place described +by our chroniclers as Vinland was situated somewhere between Point +Judith and Cape Breton; possibly we may narrow our limits and say that +it was somewhere between Cape Cod and Cape Ann. But the latter +conclusion is much less secure than the former. In such a case as this, +the more we narrow our limits the greater our liability to error.[216] +While by such narrowing, moreover, the question may acquire more +interest as a bone of contention among local antiquarians, its value for +the general historian is not increased. + + [Footnote 216: A favourite method of determining the exact + spots visited by the Northmen has been to compare their + statements regarding the shape and trend of the coasts, their + bays, headlands, etc., with various well-known points on the + New England coast. It is a tempting method, but unfortunately + treacherous, because the same general description will often + apply well enough to several different places. It is like + summer boarders in the country struggling to tell one another + where they have been to drive,--past a school-house, down a + steep hill, through some woods, and by a saw-mill, etc.] + +[Sidenote: "Savages" unknown to mediaeval Europeans.] + +[Sidenote: The natives of Vinland.] + +But we have not yet done with the points of verisimilitude in our story. +We have now to cite two or three details that are far more striking than +any as yet mentioned,--details that could never have been conjured up by +the fancy of any mediaeval European. We must bear in mind that "savages," +whether true savages or people in the lower status of barbarism, were +practically unknown to Europeans before the fifteenth century. There +were no such people in Europe or in any part of Asia or Africa visited +by Europeans before the great voyages of the Portuguese. Mediaeval +Europeans knew nothing whatever about people who would show surprise at +the sight of an iron tool[217] or frantic terror at the voice of a +bull, or who would eagerly trade off valuable property for worthless +trinkets. Their imagination might be up to inventing hobgoblins and +people with heads under their shoulders,[218] but it was not up to +inventing such simple touches of nature as these. Bearing this in mind, +let us observe that Thorfinn found the natives of Vinland eager to give +valuable furs[219] in exchange for little strips of scarlet cloth to +bind about their heads. When the Northmen found the cloth growing scarce +they cut it into extremely narrow strips, but the desire of the natives +was so great that they would still give a whole skin for the smallest +strip. They wanted also to buy weapons, but Thorfinn forbade his men to +sell them. One of the natives picked up an iron hatchet and cut wood +with it; one after another tried and admired it; at length one tried it +on a stone and broke its edge, and then they scornfully threw it +down.[220] One day while they were trading, Thorfinn's bull ran out +before them and bellowed, whereupon the whole company was instantly +scattered in headlong flight. After this, when threatened with an attack +by the natives, Thorfinn drew up his men for a fight and put the bull in +front, very much as Pyrrhus used elephants--at first with success--to +frighten the Romans and their horses.[221] + + [Footnote 217: It is not meant that stone implements did not + continue to be used in some parts of Europe far into the Middle + Ages. But this was not because iron was not perfectly well + known, but because in many backward regions it was difficult to + obtain or to work, so that stone continued in use. As my + friend, Mr. T. S. Perry, reminds me, Helbig says that + stone-pointed spears were used by some of the English at the + battle of Hastings, and stone battle-axes by some of the Scots + under William Wallace at the end of the thirteenth century. + _Die Italiker in der Poebene_, Leipsic, 1879, p. 42. Helbig's + statement as to Hastings is confirmed by Freeman, _Norman + Conquest of England_, vol. iii. p. 473.] + + [Footnote 218: My use of the word "inventing" is, in this + connection, a slip of the pen. Of course the tales of "men + whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders," the Sciopedae, + etc., as told by Sir John Mandeville, were not invented by the + mediaeval imagination, but copied from ancient authors. They may + be found in Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, lib. vii., and were mentioned + before his time by Ktesias, as well as by Hecataeus, according + to Stephanus of Byzantium. Cf. Aristophanes, _Aves_, 1553; + Julius Solinus, _Polyhistor_, ed. Salmasius, cap. 240. Just as + these sheets are going to press there comes to me Mr. Perry's + acute and learned _History of Greek Literature_, New York, + 1890, in which this subject is mentioned in connection with the + mendacious and medical Ktesias:--These stories have probably + acquired a literary currency "by exercise of the habit, not + unknown even to students of science, of indiscriminate copying + from one's predecessors, so that in reading Mandeville we have + the ghosts of the lies of Ktesias, almost sanctified by the + authority of Pliny, who quoted them and thereby made them a + part of mediaeval folk-lore--and from folk-lore, probably, they + took their remote start" (p. 522).] + + [Footnote 219: "En that var gravara ok safvali ok allskonar + skinnavara" (Rafn, p. 59),--i. e. gray fur and sable and all + sorts of skinwares; in another account, "skinnavoeru ok algra + skinn," which in the Danish version is "skindvarer og aegte + graaskind" (id. p. 150),--i. e. skinwares and genuine gray + furs. Cartier in Canada and the Puritans in Massachusetts were + not long in finding that the natives had good furs to sell.] + + [Footnote 220: Rafn, p. 156.] + + [Footnote 221: Much curious information respecting the use of + elephants in war may be found in the learned work of the + Chevalier Armandi, _Histoire militaire des elephants_, Paris, + 1843. As regards Thorfinn's bull, Mr. Laing makes the kind of + blunder that our British cousins are sometimes known to make + when they get the Rocky Mountains within sight of Bunker Hill + monument. "A continental people in that part of America," says + Mr. Laing, "could not be strangers to the much more formidable + bison." _Heimskringla_, p. 169. Bisons on the Atlantic coast, + Mr. Laing?! And then his comparison quite misses the point; a + bison, if the natives had been familiar with him, would not + have been at all formidable as compared to the bull which they + had never before seen. A horse is much less formidable than a + cougar, but Aztec warriors who did not mind a cougar were + paralyzed with terror at the sight of men on horseback. It is + the unknown that frightens in such cases. Thorfinn's natives + were probably familiar with such large animals as moose and + deer, but a deer isn't a bull.] + +[Sidenote: Meaning of the epithet "Skraelings."] + +These incidents are of surpassing interest, for they were attendant upon +the first meeting (in all probability) that ever took place between +civilized Europeans and any people below the upper status of +barbarism.[222] Who were these natives encountered by Thorfinn? The +Northmen called them "Skraelings," a name which one is at first sight +strongly tempted to derive from the Icelandic verb _skraekja_, identical +with the English _screech_. A crowd of excited Indians might most +appropriately be termed Screechers.[223] This derivation, however, is +not correct. The word _skraeling_ survives in modern Norwegian, and means +a feeble or puny or _insignificant_ person. Dr. Storm's suggestion is in +all probability correct, that the name "Skraelings," as applied to the +natives of America, had no ethnological significance, but simply meant +"inferior people;" it gave concise expression to the white man's opinion +that they were "a bad lot." In Icelandic literature the name is usually +applied to the Eskimos, and hence it has been rashly inferred that +Thorfinn found Eskimos in Vinland. Such was Rafn's opinion, and since +his time the commentators have gone off upon a wrong trail and much +ingenuity has been wasted.[224] It would be well to remember, however, +that the Europeans of the eleventh century were not ethnologists; in +meeting these inferior peoples for the first time they were more likely +to be impressed with the broad fact of their inferiority than to be nice +in making distinctions. When we call both Australians and Fuegians +"savages," we do not assert identity or relationship between them; and +so when the Northmen called Eskimos and Indians by the same disparaging +epithet, they doubtless simply meant to call them savages. + + [Footnote 222: The Phoenicians, however (who in this connection + may be classed with Europeans), must have met with some such + people in the course of their voyages upon the coasts of + Africa. I shall treat of this more fully below, p. 327.] + + [Footnote 223: As for Indians, says Cieza de Leon, they are all + noisy (alharaquientos). _Segunda Parte de la Cronica del Peru_, + cap. xxiii.] + + [Footnote 224: For example, Dr. De Costa refers to Dr. Abbott's + discoveries as indicating "that the Indian was preceded by a + people like the Eskimos, whose stone implements are found in + the Trenton gravel." _Pre-Columbian Discovery_, p. 132. Quite + so; but that was in the Glacial Period (!!), and when the edge + of the ice-sheet slowly retreated northward, the Eskimo, who is + emphatically an Arctic creature, doubtless retreated with it, + just as he retreated from Europe. See above, p. 18. There is + not the slightest reason for supposing that there were any + Eskimos south of Labrador so lately as nine hundred years ago.] + +[Sidenote: Personal appearance of the Skraelings.] + +Our chronicle describes the Skraelings of Vinland as swarthy in hue, +ferocious in aspect, with ugly hair, big eyes, and broad cheeks.[225] +This will do very well for Indians, except as to the eyes. We are +accustomed to think of Indian eyes as small; but in this connection it +is worthy of note that a very keen observer, Marc Lescarbot, in his +minute and elaborate description of the physical appearance of the +Micmacs of Acadia, speaks with some emphasis of their large eyes.[226] +Dr. Storm quite reasonably suggests that the Norse expression may refer +to the size not of the eye-ball, but of the eye-socket, which in the +Indian face is apt to be large; and very likely this is what the +Frenchman also had in mind. + + [Footnote 225: "Their voru svartir menn ok illiligir, ok havdhu + illt har a hoefdhi. Their voru mjoek eygdhir ok breidhir i + kinnum," i. e. "Hi homines erant nigri, truculenti specie, + foedam in capite comam habentes, oculis magnis et genis latis." + Rafn, p. 149. The Icelandic _svartr_ is more precisely rendered + by the identical English _swarthy_ than by the Latin _niger_.] + + [Footnote 226: "Mais quat a noz Sauvages, pour ce qui regarde + les ieux ilz ne les ont ni bleuz, ni verds, mais noirs pour la + pluspart, ainsi que les cheveux; & neantmoins ne sont petits, + come ceux des anciens Scythes, mais d'une grandeur bien + agreable." Lescarbot, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, Paris, + 1612, tom. ii. p. 714.] + +[Sidenote: The Skraelings of Vinland were Indians,--very likely +Algonquins.] + +These Skraelings were clad in skins, and their weapons were bows and +arrows, slings, and stone hatchets. In the latter we may now, I think, +be allowed to recognize the familiar tomahawk; and when we read that, in +a sharp fight with the natives, Thorbrand, son of the commander Snorro, +was slain, and the woman Freydis afterward found his corpse in the +woods, with a flat stone sticking in the head, and his naked sword lying +on the ground beside him, we seem to see how it all happened.[227] We +seem to see the stealthy Indian suddenly dealing the death-blow, and +then obliged for his own safety to dart away among the trees without +recovering his tomahawk or seizing the sword. The Skraelings came up the +river or lake in a swarm of canoes, all yelling at the top of their +voices (_et illi omnes valde acutum ululabant_), and, leaping ashore, +began a formidable attack with slings and arrows. The narrative calls +these canoes "skin-boats" (_hudhkeipar_), whence it has been inferred +that the writer had in mind the _kayaks_ and _umiaks_ of the +Eskimos.[228] I suspect that the writer did have such boats in mind, and +accordingly used a word not strictly accurate. Very likely his +authorities failed to specify a distinction between bark-boats and +skin-boats, and simply used the handiest word for designating canoes as +contrasted with their own keeled boats.[229] + + [Footnote 227: "Hun fann fyrir ser mann daudhan, thar var + Thorbrandr Snorrason, ok stodh hellusteinn i hoefdhi honum; + sverdhit la bert i hja honum," i. e. "Illa incidit in mortuum + hominem, Thorbrandum Snorrii filium, cujus capiti lapis planus + impactus stetit; nudus juxta eum gladius jacuit." Rafn, p. + 154.] + + [Footnote 228: These Eskimo skin-boats are described in Rink's + _Danish Greenland_, pp. 113, 179.] + + [Footnote 229: Cf. Storm, _op. cit._ pp. 366, 367.] + +One other point which must be noticed here in connection with the +Skraelings is a singular manoeuvre which they are said to have practised +in the course of the fight. They raised upon the end of a pole a big +ball, not unlike a sheep's paunch, and of a bluish colour; this ball +they swung from the pole over the heads of the white men, and it fell to +the ground with a horrid noise.[230] Now, according to Mr. Schoolcraft, +this was a mode of fighting formerly common among the Algonquins, in New +England and elsewhere. This big ball was what Mr. Schoolcraft calls the +"balista," or what the Indians themselves call the "demon's head." It +was a large round boulder, sewed up in a new skin and attached to a +pole. As the skin dried it enwrapped the stone tightly; and then it was +daubed with grotesque devices in various colours. "It was borne by +several warriors who acted as balisteers. Plunged upon a boat or canoe, +it was capable of sinking it. Brought down upon a group of men on a +sudden, it produced consternation and death."[231] This is a most +remarkable feature in the narrative, for it shows us the Icelandic +writer (here manifestly controlled by some authoritative source of +information) describing a very strange mode of fighting, which we know +to have been characteristic of the Algonquins. Karlsefni's men do not +seem to have relished this outlandish style of fighting; they retreated +along the river bank until they came to a favourable situation among +some rocks, where they made a stand and beat off their swarming +assailants. The latter, as soon as they found themselves losing many +warriors without gaining their point, suddenly turned and fled to their +canoes, and paddled away with astonishing celerity. Throughout the +account it seems to me perfectly clear that we are dealing with Indians. + + [Footnote 230: "That sa their Karlsefni at Skraelingar faerdhu + upp a stoeng knoett stundar mykinn thvi naer til at jafna sem + saudharvoemb, ok helzt blan at lit, ok fleygdhu af stoenginni upp + a landit yfir lidh theirra Karlsefnis, ok let illilega vidhr, + thar sem nidhr kom. Vidh thetta slo otta myklum a Karlsefni ok + allt lidh hans, sva at tha fysti engis annars enn flyja, ok + halda undan upp medh anni, thviat theim thotti lidh Skraelinga + drifa at ser allum megin, ok letta eigi, fyrr enn their koma + til hamra nokkurra, ok veittu thar vidhrtoeku hardha," i. e. + "Viderunt Karlsefniani quod Skraelingi longurio sustulerunt + globum ingentem, ventri ovillo haud absimilem, colore fere + caeruleo; hune ex longurio in terram super manum Karlsefnianorum + contorserunt, qui ut decidit, dirum sonuit. Hac re terrore + perculsus est Karlsefnius suique omnes, ut nihil aliud cuperent + quam fugere et gradum referre sursum secundum fluvium: + credebant enim se ab Skraelingis undique circumveniri. Hinc non + gradum stitere, priusquam ad rupes quasdam pervenissent, ubi + acriter resistebant." Rafn, p. 153.] + + [Footnote 231: Schoolcraft, _Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge_, + Philadelphia, 1860, 6 vols. 4to, vol. i. p. 89; a figure of + this weapon is given in the same volume, plate xv. fig. 2, from + a careful description by Chingwauk, an Algonquin chief.] + +[Sidenote: The uniped.] + +The coexistence of so many unmistakable marks of truth in our narratives +may fairly be said to amount to a demonstration that they must be +derived, through some eminently trustworthy channel, from the statements +of intelligent eye-witnesses who took part in the events related. Here +and there, no doubt, we come upon some improbable incident or a touch of +superstition, such as we need not go back to the eleventh century to +find very common among seamen's narratives; but the remarkable thing in +the present case is that there are so few such features. One fabulous +creature is mentioned. Thorfinn and his men saw from their vessel a +glittering speck upon the shore at an opening in the woods. They hailed +it, whereupon the creature proceeded to perform the quite human act of +shooting an arrow, which killed the man at the helm. The narrator calls +it a "uniped," or some sort of one-footed goblin,[232] but that is +hardly reasonable, for after the shooting it went on to perform the +further quite human and eminently Indian-like act of running away.[233] +Evidently this discreet "uniped" was impressed with the desirableness of +living to fight another day. In a narrative otherwise characterized by +sobriety, such an instance of fancy, even supposing it to have come down +from the original sources, counts for as much or as little as Henry +Hudson's description of a mermaid.[234] + + [Footnote 232: Rafn, p. 160; De Costa, p. 134; Storm, p. 330.] + + [Footnote 233: Here the narrator seems determined to give us a + genuine smack of the marvellous, for when the fleeing uniped + comes to a place where his retreat seems cut off by an arm of + the sea, he runs (glides, or hops?) across the water without + sinking. In Vigfusson's version, however, the marvellous is + eliminated, and the creature simply runs over the stubble and + disappears. The incident is evidently an instance where the + narrative has been "embellished" by introducing a feature from + ancient classical writers. The "Monocoli," or one-legged + people, are mentioned by Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, vii. 2: "Item + hominum genus qui Monocoli vocarentur, singulis cruribus, mirae + pernicitatis ad saltum." Cf. Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_, + viii. 4.] + + [Footnote 234: Between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla, June 15, + 1608. For the description, with its droll details, see _Purchas + his Pilgrimes_, iii. 575.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Misleading associations with the word "saga."] + +[Sidenote: Unfortunate comparison between Leif Ericsson and Agamemnon.] + +[Sidenote: The story of the Trojan War, as we have it, is pure +folk-lore.] + +It is now time for a few words upon the character of the records upon +which our story is based. And first, let us remark upon a possible +source of misapprehension due to the associations with which a certain +Norse word has been clothed. The old Norse narrative-writings are called +"sagas," a word which we are in the habit of using in English as +equivalent to legendary or semi-mythical narratives. To cite a "saga" as +authority for a statement seems, therefore, to some people as +inadmissible as to cite a fairy-tale; and I cannot help suspecting that +to some such misleading association of ideas is due the particular form +of the opinion expressed some time ago by a committee of the +Massachusetts Historical Society,--"that there is the same sort of +reason for believing in the existence of Leif Ericsson that there is for +believing in the existence of Agamemnon. They are both traditions +accepted by later writers, and there is no more reason for regarding as +true the details related about the discoveries of the former than there +is for accepting as historic truth the narrative contained in the +Homeric poems." The report goes on to observe that "it is antecedently +probable that the Northmen discovered America in the early part of the +eleventh century; and this discovery is confirmed by the same sort of +historical tradition, not strong enough to be called evidence, upon +which our belief in many of the accepted facts of history rests."[235] +The second of these statements is characterized by critical moderation, +and expresses the inevitable and wholesome reaction against the rash +enthusiasm of Professor Rafn half a century ago, and the vagaries of +many an uninstructed or uncritical writer since his time. But the first +statement is singularly unfortunate. It would be difficult to find a +comparison more inappropriate than that between Agamemnon and Leif, +between the Iliad and the Saga of Eric the Red. The story of the Trojan +War and its heroes, as we have it in Homer and the Athenian dramatists, +is pure folk-lore as regards form, and chiefly folk-lore as regards +contents. It is in a high degree probable that this mass of folk-lore +surrounds a kernel of plain fact, that in times long before the first +Olympiad an actual "king of men" at Mycenae conducted an expedition +against the great city by the Simois, that the Agamemnon of the poet +stands in some such relation toward this chieftain as that in which the +Charlemagne of mediaeval romance stands toward the mighty Emperor of the +West.[236] Nevertheless the story, as we have it, is simply folk-lore. +If the Iliad and Odyssey contain faint reminiscences of actual events, +these events are so inextricably wrapped up with mythical phraseology +that by no cunning of the scholar can they be construed into history. +The motives and capabilities of the actors and the conditions under +which they accomplish their destinies are such as exist only in +fairy-tales. Their world is as remote from that in which we live as the +world of Sindbad and Camaralzaman; and this is not essentially altered +by the fact that Homer introduces us to definite localities and familiar +customs as often as the Irish legends of Finn M'Cumhail.[237] + + [Footnote 235: _Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc._, December, 1887.] + + [Footnote 236: I used this argument twenty years ago in + qualification of the over-zealous solarizing views of Sir G. W. + Cox and others. See my _Myths and Mythmakers_, pp. 191-202; and + cf. Freeman on "The Mythical and Romantic Elements in Early + English History," in his _Historical Essays_, i. 1-39.] + + [Footnote 237: Curtin, _Myths and Folk-Lore of Ireland_, pp. + 12, 204, 303; Kennedy, _Legendary Fictions of the Irish Celts_, + pp. 203-311.] + +[Sidenote: The Saga of Eric the Red is not folk-lore.] + +It would be hard to find anything more unlike such writings than the +class of Icelandic sagas to which that of Eric the Red belongs. Here we +have quiet and sober narrative, not in the least like a fairy-tale, but +often much like a ship's log. Whatever such narrative may be, it is not +folk-lore. In act and motive, in its conditions and laws, its world is +the every-day world in which we live. If now and then a "uniped" happens +to stray into it, the incongruity is as conspicuous as in the case of +Hudson's mermaid, or a ghost in a modern country inn; whereas in the +Homeric fabric the supernatural is warp and woof. To assert a likeness +between two kinds of literature so utterly different is to go very far +astray. + +[Sidenote: Mythical and historical sagas.] + +As already observed, I suspect that misleading associations with the +word "saga" may have exerted an unconscious influence in producing this +particular kind of blunder,--for it is nothing less than a blunder. +Resemblance is tacitly assumed between the Iliad and an Icelandic saga. +Well, between the Iliad and _some_ Icelandic sagas there is a real and +strong resemblance. In truth these sagas are divisible into two well +marked and sharply contrasted classes. In the one class belong the Eddic +Lays, and the _mythical sagas_, such as the Volsunga, the stories of +Ragnar, Frithiof, and others; and along with these, though totally +different in source, we may for our present purpose group the _romantic +sagas_, such as Parceval, Remund, Karlamagnus, and others brought from +southern Europe. These are alike in being composed of legendary and +mythical materials; they belong essentially to the literature of +folk-lore. In the other class come the _historical sagas_, such as those +of Njal and Egil, the Sturlunga, and many others, with the numerous +biographies and annals.[238] These writings give us history, and often +very good history indeed. "Saga" meant simply any kind of literature in +narrative form; the good people of Iceland did not happen to have such a +handy word as "history," which they could keep entire when they meant it +in sober earnest and chop down into "story" when they meant it +otherwise. It is very much as if we were to apply the same word to the +Arthur legends and to William of Malmesbury's judicious and accurate +chronicles, and call them alike "stories." + + [Footnote 238: Nowhere can you find a more masterly critical + account of Icelandic literature than in Vigfusson's + "Prolegomena" to his edition of _Sturlunga Saga_, Oxford, 1878, + vol. i. pp. ix.-ccxiv. There is a good but very brief account + in Horn's _History of the Literature of the Scandinavian + North_, transl. by R. B. Anderson, Chicago, 1884, pp. 50-70.] + +[Sidenote: The western or Hauks-bok version of Eric the Red's Saga.] + +The narrative upon which our account of the Vinland voyages is chiefly +based belongs to the class of historical sagas. It is the Saga of Eric +the Red, and it exists in two different versions, of which one seems to +have been made in the north, the other in the west, of Iceland. The +western version is the earlier and in some respects the better. It is +found in two vellums, that of the great collection known as _Hauks-bok_ +(AM. 544), and that which is simply known as AM. 557 from its catalogue +number in Arni Magnusson's collection. Of these the former, which is the +best preserved, was written in a beautiful hand by Hauk Erlendsson, +between 1305 and 1334, the year of his death. This western version is +the one which has generally been printed under the title, "Saga of +Thorfinn Karlsefni." It is the one to which I have most frequently +referred in the present chapter.[239] + + [Footnote 239: It is printed in Rafn, pp. 84-187, and in + _Groenlands historiske Mindesmaerker_, i. 352-443. The most + essential part of it may now be found, under its own name, in + Vigfusson's _Icelandic Prose Reader_, pp. 123-140.] + +[Sidenote: The northern or Flateyar-bok version.] + +The northern version is that which was made about the year 1387 by the +priest Jon Thordharson, and contained in the famous compilation known as +the _Flateyar-bok_, or "Flat Island Book."[240] This priest was editing +the saga of King Olaf Tryggvesson, which is contained in that +compilation, and inasmuch as Leif Ericsson's presence at King Olaf's +court was connected both with the introduction of Christianity into +Greenland and with the discovery of Vinland, Jon paused, after the +manner of mediaeval chroniclers, and inserted then and there what he knew +about Eric and Leif and Thorfinn. In doing this, he used parts of the +original saga of Eric the Red (as we find it reproduced in the western +version), and added thereunto a considerable amount of material +concerning the Vinland voyages derived from other sources. Jon's version +thus made has generally been printed under the title, "Saga of Eric the +Red."[241] + + [Footnote 240: It belonged to a man who lived on Flat Island, + in one of the Iceland fiords.] + + [Footnote 241: It is printed in Rafn, pp. 1-76, under the title + "Thaettir af Eireki Rauda ok Graenlendingum." For a critical + account of these versions, see Storm, _op. cit._ pp. 319-325; I + do not, in all respects, follow him in his depreciation of the + Flateyar-bok version.] + +[Sidenote: Presumption against sources not contemporary.] + +Now the older version, written at the beginning of the fourteenth +century, gives an account of things which happened three centuries +before it was written. A cautious scholar will, as a rule, be slow to +consider any historical narrative as quite satisfactory authority, even +when it contains no improbable statements, unless it is nearly +contemporary with the events which it records. Such was the rule laid +down by the late Sir George Cornewall Lewis, and it is a very good rule; +the proper application of it has disencumbered history of much rubbish. +At the same time, like all rules, it should be used with judicious +caution and not allowed to run away with us. As applied by Lewis to +Roman history it would have swept away in one great cataclysm not only +kings and decemvirs, but Brennus and his Gauls to boot, and left us with +nothing to swear by until the invasion of Pyrrhus.[242] Subsequent +research has shown that this was going altogether too far. The mere fact +of distance in time between a document and the events which it records +is only negative testimony against its value, for it may be a faithful +transcript of some earlier document or documents since lost. It is so +difficult to prove a negative that the mere lapse of time simply raises +a presumption the weight of which should be estimated by a careful +survey of all the probabilities in the case. Among the many Icelandic +vellums that are known to have perished[243] there may well have been +earlier copies of Eric the Red's Saga. + + [Footnote 242: Lewis's _Inquiry into the Credibility of the + Early Roman History_, 2 vols., London, 1855.] + + [Footnote 243: And notably in that terrible fire of October, + 1728, which consumed the University Library at Copenhagen, and + broke the heart of the noble collector of manuscripts, Arni + Magnusson. The great eruption of Hecla in 1390 overwhelmed two + famous homesteads in the immediate neighbourhood. From the + local history of these homesteads and their inmates, Vigfusson + thinks it not unlikely that some records may still be there + "awaiting the spade and pickaxe of a new Schliemann." + _Sturlunga Saga_, p. cliv.] + +[Sidenote: Hauk Erlendsson and his manuscripts.] + +Hauk Erlendsson reckoned himself a direct descendant, in the eighth +generation, from Snorro, son of Thorfinn and Gudrid, born in Vinland. He +was an important personage in Iceland, a man of erudition, author of a +brief book of contemporary annals and a treatise on arithmetic in which +he introduced the Arabic numerals into Iceland. In those days the lover +of books, if he would add them to his library, might now and then obtain +an original manuscript, but usually he had to copy them or have them +copied by hand. The Hauks-bok, with its 200 skins, one of the most +extensive Icelandic vellums now in existence, is really Hauk's private +library, or what there is left of it, and it shows that he was a man who +knew how to make a good choice of books. He did a good deal of his +copying himself, and also employed two clerks in the same kind of +work.[244] + + [Footnote 244: An excellent facsimile of Hauk's handwriting is + given in Rafn, tab. iii., lower part; tab. iv. and the upper + part of tab. iii. are in the hands of his two amanuenses. See + Vigfusson, _op. cit._ p. clxi.] + +[Sidenote: The story is not likely to have been preserved to Hauk's time +by oral tradition only.] + +Now I do not suppose it will occur to any rational being to suggest that +Hauk may have written down his version of Eric the Red's Saga from an +oral tradition nearly three centuries old. The narrative could not have +been so long preserved in its integrity, with so little extravagance of +statement and so many marks of truthfulness in details foreign to +ordinary Icelandic experience, if it had been entrusted to oral +tradition alone. One might as well try to imagine Drake's "World +Encompassed" handed down by oral tradition from the days of Queen +Elizabeth to the days of Queen Victoria. Such transmission is possible +enough with heroic poems and folk-tales, which deal with a few dramatic +situations and a stock of mythical conceptions familiar at every +fireside; but in a simple matter-of-fact record of sailors' observations +and experiences on a strange coast, oral tradition would not be long in +distorting and jumbling the details into a result quite undecipherable. +The story of the Zeno brothers, presently to be cited, shows what +strange perversions occur, even in written tradition, when the copyist, +instead of faithfully copying records of unfamiliar events, tries to +edit and amend them. One cannot reasonably doubt that Hauk's vellum of +Eric the Red's Saga, with its many ear-marks of truth above mentioned, +was copied by him--and quite carefully and faithfully withal--from some +older vellum not now forthcoming. + +[Sidenote: Allusions to Vinland in other documents.] + +As we have no clue, however, beyond the internal evidence, to the age or +character of the sources from which Hauk copied, there is nothing left +for us to do but to look into other Icelandic documents, to see if +anywhere they betray a knowledge of Vinland and the voyages thither. +Incidental references to Vinland, in narratives concerned with other +matters, are of great significance in this connection; for they imply on +the part of the narrator a presumption that his readers understand such +references, and that it is not necessary to interrupt his story in order +to explain them. Such incidental references imply the existence, during +the interval between the Vinland voyages and Hauk's manuscript, of many +intermediate links of sound testimony that have since dropped out of +sight; and therefore they go far toward removing whatever presumption +may be alleged against Hauk's manuscript because of its distance from +the events. + +[Sidenote: Eyrbyggja Saga.] + +Now the Eyrbyggja Saga, written between 1230 and 1260, is largely +devoted to the settlement of Iceland, and is full of valuable notices of +the heathen institutions and customs of the tenth century. The +Eyrbyggja, having occasion to speak of Thorbrand Snorrason, observes +incidentally that he went from Greenland to Vinland with Karlsefni and +was killed in a battle with the Skraelings.[245] We have already +mentioned the death of this Thorbrand, and how Freydis found his body in +the woods. + + [Footnote 245: Vigfusson, _Eyrbyggja Saga_, pp. 91, 92. Another + of Karlsefni's comrades, Thorhall Gamlason, is mentioned in + _Grettis Saga_, Copenhagen, 1859, pp. 22, 70; he went back to + Iceland, settled on a farm there, and was known for the rest of + his life as "the Vinlander." See above, pp. 165, 168.] + +[Sidenote: The abbot Nikulas, etc.] + +Three Icelandic tracts on geography, between the twelfth and fourteenth +centuries, mention Helluland and Vinland, and in two of these accounts +Markland is interposed between Helluland and Vinland.[246] One of these +tracts mentions the voyages of Leif and Thorfinn. It forms part of an +essay called "Guide to the Holy Land," by Nikulas Saemundsson, abbot of +Thvera, in the north of Iceland, who died 1159. This Nikulas was curious +in matters of geography, and had travelled extensively. + + [Footnote 246: Werlauf, _Symbolae ad Geogr. Medii AEvi_, + Copenhagen, 1820.] + +[Sidenote: Ari Frodhi.] + +With the celebrated Ari Thorgilsson, usually known as Frodhi, "the +learned," we come to testimony nearly contemporaneous in time and +extremely valuable in character. This erudite priest, born in 1067, was +the founder of historical writing in Iceland. He was the principal +author of the "Landnama-bok," already mentioned as a work of thorough +and painstaking research unequalled in mediaeval literature. His other +principal works were the "Konunga-bok," or chronicle of the kings of +Norway, and the "Islendinga-bok," or description of Iceland.[247] Ari's +books, written not in monkish Latin, but in a good vigorous vernacular, +were a mine of information from which all subsequent Icelandic +historians were accustomed to draw such treasures as they needed. To his +diligence and acumen they were all, from Snorro Sturlason down, very +much indebted. He may be said to have given the tone to history-writing +in Iceland, and it was a high tone. + + [Footnote 247: For a critical estimate of Ari's literary + activity and the extent of his work, the reader is referred to + Moebius, _Are's Islaenderbuch_, Leipsic, 1869; Maurer, "Ueber Ari + Thorgilsson und sein Islaenderbuch," in _Germania_, xv.; Olsen, + _Ari Thorgilsson hinn Frodhi_, Reykjavik, 1889, pp. 214-240.] + +[Sidenote: Ari's significant allusion to Vinland.] + +Unfortunately Ari's Islendinga-bok has perished. One cannot help +suspecting that it may have contained the contemporary materials from +which Eric the Red's Saga in the Hauks-bok was ultimately drawn. For +Ari made an abridgment or epitome of his great book, and this epitome, +commonly known as "Libellus Islandorum," still survives. In it Ari makes +brief mention of Greenland, and refers to his paternal uncle, Thorkell +Gellison, as authority for his statements. This Thorkell Gellison, of +Helgafell, a man of high consideration who flourished about the middle +of the eleventh century, had visited Greenland and talked with one of +the men who accompanied Eric when he went to settle in Brattahlid in +986. From this source Ari gives us the interesting information that +Eric's party found in Greenland "traces of human habitations, fragments +of boats, and stone implements; so from this one might conclude that +people of the kind who inhabited Vinland and were known by the (Norse) +Greenlanders as Skraelings must have roamed about there."[248] Observe +the force of this allusion. The settlers in Greenland did not at first +(nor for a long time) meet with barbarous or savage natives there, but +only with the vestiges of their former presence. But when Ari wrote the +above passage, the memory of Vinland and its fierce Skraelings was still +fresh, and Ari very properly inferred from the archaeological remains in +Greenland that a people similar (in point of barbarism) to the +Skraelings must have been there. Unless Ari and his readers had a +distinct recollection of the accounts of Vinland, such a reference would +have been only an attempt to explain the less obscure by the more +obscure. It is to be regretted that we have in this book no more +allusions to Vinland; but if Ari could only leave us one such allusion, +he surely could not have made that one more pointed. + + [Footnote 248: Their "fundo thar manna vister baethi austr ok + vestr a landi ok kaeiplabrot ok steinsmithi, that es af thvi ma + scilja, at thar hafdhi thessconar thjoth farith es Vinland + hefer bygt, ok Graenlendinger calla Skrelinga," i. e. + "invenerunt ibi, tam in orientali quam occidentali terrae parte, + humanae habitationis vestigia, navicularum fragmenta et opera + fabrilia ex lapide, ex quo intelligi potest, ibi versatum esse + nationem quae Vinlandiam incoluit quamque Graenlandi Skraelingos + appellant." Rafn, p. 207.] + +[Sidenote: Other references.] + +But this is not quite the only reference that Ari makes to Vinland. +There are three others that must in all probability be assigned to him. +Two occur in the Landnama-bok, the first in a passage where mention is +made of Ari Marsson's voyage to a place in the western ocean near +Vinland;[249] the only point in this allusion which need here concern us +is that Vinland is tacitly assumed to be a known geographical situation +to which others may be referred. The second reference occurs in one of +those elaborate and minutely specific genealogies in the Landnama-bok: +"Their son was Thordhr Hest-hoefdhi, father of Karlsefni, who found +Vinland the Good, Snorri's father," etc.[250] The third reference occurs +in the Kristni Saga, a kind of supplement to the Landnama-bok, giving an +account of the introduction of Christianity into Iceland; here it is +related how Leif Ericsson came to be called "Leif the Lucky," 1. from +having rescued a shipwrecked crew off the coast of Greenland, 2. from +having discovered "Vinland the Good."[251] From these brief allusions, +and from the general relation in which Ari Frodhi stood to later +writers, I suspect that if the greater Islendinga-bok had survived to +our time we should have found in it more about Vinland and its +discoverers. At any rate, as to the existence of a definite and +continuous tradition all the way from Ari down to Hauk Erlendsson, there +can be no question whatever.[252] + + [Footnote 249: _Landnama-bok_, part ii. chap. xxii.] + + [Footnote 250: Id. part iii. chap. x.] + + [Footnote 251: _Kristni Saga_, apud _Biskupa Soegur_, + Copenhagen, 1858, vol. i. p. 20.] + + [Footnote 252: Indeed, the parallel existence of the + Flateyar-bok version of Eric the Red's Saga, alongside of the + Hauks-bok version, is pretty good proof of the existence of a + written account older than Hauk's time. The discrepancies + between the two versions are such as to show that Jon + Thordharson did not copy from Hauk, but followed some other + version not now forthcoming. Jon mentions six voyages in + connection with Vinland: 1. Bjarni Herjulfsson; 2. Leif; 3. + Thorvald; 4. Thorstein and Gudrid; 5. Thorfinn Karlsefni; 6. + Freydis. Hauk, on the other hand, mentions only the two + principal voyages, those of Leif and Thorfinn; ignoring Bjarni, + he accredits his adventures to Leif on his return voyage from + Norway in 999, and he makes Thorvald a comrade of Thorfinn, and + mixes his adventures with the events of Thorfinn's voyage. Dr. + Storm considers Hauk's account intrinsically the more probable, + and thinks that in the Flateyar-bok we have a later + amplification of the tradition. But while I agree with Dr. + Storm as to the general superiority of the Hauk version, I am + not convinced by his arguments on this point. It seems to me + likely that the Flateyar-bok here preserves more faithfully the + details of an older tradition too summarily epitomized in the + Hauks-bok. As the point in no way affects the general + conclusions of the present chapter, it is hardly worth arguing + here. The main thing for us is that the divergencies between + the two versions, when coupled with their agreement in the most + important features, indicate that both writers were working + upon the basis of an antecedent written tradition, like the + authors of the first and third synoptic gospels. Only here, of + course, there are in the divergencies no symptoms of what the + Tuebingen school would call "_tendenz_," impairing and obscuring + to an indeterminate extent the general trustworthiness of the + narratives. On the whole, it is pretty clear that Hauks-bok and + Flateyar-bok were independent of each other, and collated, each + in its own way, earlier documents that have probably since + perished.] + +[Sidenote: Adam of Bremen.] + +The testimony of Adam of Bremen brings us yet one generation nearer to +the Vinland voyages, and is very significant. Adam was much interested +in the missionary work in the north of Europe, and in 1073, the same +year that Hildebrand was elected to the papacy, he published his famous +"Historia Ecclesiastica" in which he gave an account of the conversion +of the northern nations from the time of Leo III. to that of +Hildebrand's predecessor. In prosecuting his studies, Adam made a visit +to the court of Swend Estridhsen, king of Denmark, nephew of Cnut the +Great, king of Denmark and England. Swend's reign began in 1047, so that +Adam's visit must have occurred between that date and 1073. The voyage +of Leif and Thorfinn would at that time have been within the memory of +living men, and would be likely to be known in Denmark, because the +intercourse between the several parts of the Scandinavian world was +incessant; there was continual coming and going. Adam learned what he +could of Scandinavian geography, and when he published his history, he +did just what a modern writer would do under similar circumstances; he +appended to his book some notes on the geography of those remote +countries, then so little known to his readers in central and southern +Europe. After giving some account of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, he +describes the colony in Iceland, and then the further colony in +Greenland, and concludes by saying that out in that ocean there is +another country, or island, which has been visited by many persons, and +is called Vinland because of wild grapes that grow there, out of which a +very good wine can be made. Either rumour had exaggerated the virtues of +fox-grape juice, or the Northmen were not such good judges of wine as of +ale. Adam goes on to say that corn, likewise, grows in Vinland without +cultivation; and as such a statement to European readers must needs have +a smack of falsehood, he adds that it is based not upon fable and +guess-work, but upon "trustworthy reports (_certa relatione_) of the +Danes." + +[Sidenote: Adam's misconception of the situation.] + +Scanty as it is, this single item of strictly contemporary testimony is +very important, because quite incidentally it gives to the later +accounts such confirmation as to show that they rest upon a solid basis +of continuous tradition and not upon mere unintelligent hearsay.[253] +The unvarying character of the tradition, in its essential details, +indicates that it must have been committed to writing at a very early +period, probably not later than the time of Ari's uncle Thorkell, who +was contemporary with Adam of Bremen. If, however, we read the whole +passage in which Adam's mention of Vinland occurs, it is clear from the +context that his own information was not derived from an inspection of +Icelandic documents. He got it, as he tells us, by talking with King +Swend; and all that he got, or all that he thought worth telling, was +this curious fact about vines and self-sown corn growing so near to +Greenland; for Adam quite misconceived the situation of Vinland, and +imagined it far up in the frozen North. After his mention of Vinland, +the continental character of which he evidently did not suspect, he goes +on immediately to say, "After this island nothing inhabitable is to be +found in that ocean, all being covered with unendurable ice and +boundless darkness." That most accomplished king, Harold Hardrada, says +Adam, tried not long since to ascertain how far the northern ocean +extended, and plunged along through this darkness until he actually +reached the end of the world, and came near tumbling off![254] Thus the +worthy Adam, while telling the truth about fox-grapes and maize as well +as he knew how, spoiled the effect of his story by putting Vinland in +the Arctic regions. The juxtaposition of icebergs and vines was a little +too close even for the mediaeval mind so hospitable to strange yarns. +Adam's readers generally disbelieved the "trustworthy reports of the +Danes," and when they thought of Vinland at all, doubtless thought of it +as somewhere near the North Pole.[255] We shall do well to bear this in +mind when we come to consider the possibility of Columbus having +obtained from Adam of Bremen any hint in the least likely to be of use +in his own enterprise.[256] + + [Footnote 253: It is further interesting as the only undoubted + reference to Vinland in a mediaeval book written beyond the + limits of the Scandinavian world. There is also, however, a + passage in Ordericus Vitalis (_Historia Ecclesiastica_, iv. + 29), in which _Finland_ and the Orkneys, along with Greenland + and Iceland, are loosely described as forming part of the + dominions of the kings of Norway. This Finland does not appear + to refer to the country of the Finns, east of the Baltic, and + it has been supposed that it may have been meant for Vinland. + The book of Ordericus was written about 1140.] + + [Footnote 254: The passage from Adam of Bremen deserves to be + quoted in full: "Praeterea unam adhuc insulam [regionam] + recitavit [i. e. Svendus rex] a multis in eo repertam oceano, + quae dicitur Vinland, eo quod ibi vites sponte nascantur, vinum + bonum gerentes [ferentes]; nam et fruges ibi non seminatas + abundare, non fabulosa opinione, sed certa comperimus relatione + Danorum. Post quam insulam terra nulla invenitur habitabilis in + illo oceano, sed omnia quae ultra sunt glacie intolerabili ac + caligine immensa plena sunt; cujus rei Marcianus ita meminit: + ultra Thyle, inquiens, navigare unius diei mare concretum est. + Tentavit hoc nuper experientissimus Nordmannorum princeps + Haroldus, qui latitudinem septentrionalis oceani perscrutatus + navibus, tandem caligantibus ante ora deficientis mundi + finibus, immane abyssi baratrum, retroactis vestigiis, vix + salvus evasit." _Descriptio insularum aquilonis_, cap. 38, apud + _Hist. Ecclesiastica_, iv. ed. Lindenbrog, Leyden, 1595. No + such voyage is known to have been undertaken by Harold of + Norway, nor is it likely. Adam was probably thinking of an + Arctic voyage undertaken by one Thorir under the auspices of + King Harold; one of the company brought back a polar bear and + gave it to King Swend, who was much pleased with it. See Rafn, + 339. "Regionam" and "ferentes" in the above extract are variant + readings found in some editions.] + + [Footnote 255: "Det har imidlertid ikke forhindret de senere + forfattere, der benyttede Adam, fra at blive mistaenksomme, og + saalaenge Adams beretning stod alene, har man i regelen vaegret + sig for at tro den. Endog den norske forfatter, der skrev + 'Historia Norvegiae' og som foruden Adam vel ogsaa bar kjendt de + hjemlige sagn om Vinland, maa have anseet beretningen for + fabelagtig og derfor forbigaaet den; han kjendte altfor godt + Gronland som et nordligt isfyldt Polarland til at ville tro + paa, at i naerheden fandtes et Vinland." Storm, in _Aarboger for + Nordisk Oldkyndighed_, etc., Copenhagen, 1887, p. 300.] + + [Footnote 256: See below, p. 386.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Summary of the argument.] + +To sum up the argument:--we have in Eric the Red's Saga, as copied by +Hauk Erlendsson, a document for the existence of which we are required +to account. That document contains unmistakable knowledge of some +things which mediaeval Europeans could by no human possibility have +learned, except through a visit to some part of the coast of North +America further south than Labrador or Newfoundland. It tells an +eminently probable story in a simple, straightforward way, agreeing in +its details with what we know of the North American coast between Point +Judith and Cape Breton. Its general accuracy in the statement and +grouping of so many remote details is proof that its statements were +controlled by an exceedingly strong and steady tradition,--altogether +too strong and steady, in my opinion, to have been maintained simply by +word of mouth. These Icelanders were people so much given to writing +that their historic records during the Middle Ages were, as the late Sir +Richard Burton truly observed, more complete than those of any other +country in Europe.[257] It is probable that the facts mentioned in +Hauk's document rested upon some kind of a written basis as early as the +eleventh century; and it seems quite clear that the constant tradition, +by which all the allusions to Vinland and the Skraelings are controlled, +had become established by that time. The data are more scanty than we +could wish, but they all point in the same direction as surely as straws +blown by a steady wind, and their cumulative force is so great as to +fall but little short of demonstration. For these reasons it seems to me +that the Saga of Eric the Red should be accepted as history; and there +is another reason which might not have counted for much at the +beginning of this discussion, but at the end seems quite solid and +worthy of respect. The narrative begins with the colonization of +Greenland and goes on with the visits to Vinland. It is unquestionably +sound history for the first part; why should it be anything else for the +second part? What shall be said of a style of criticism which, in +dealing with one and the same document, arbitrarily cuts it in two in +the middle and calls the first half history and the last half legend? +which accepts its statements as serious so long as they keep to the +north of the sixtieth parallel, and dismisses them as idle as soon as +they pass to the south of it? Quite contrary to common sense, I should +say. + + [Footnote 257: Burton, _Ultima Thule_, London, 1875, i. 237.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Absurd speculations of zealous antiquarians.] + +[Sidenote: There is no reason for supposing that the Northmen founded a +colony in Vinland.] + +[Sidenote: No archaeological remains of the Northmen have been found +south of Davis strait.] + +The only discredit which has been thrown upon the story of the Vinland +voyages, in the eyes either of scholars or of the general public, has +arisen from the eager credulity with which ingenious antiquarians have +now and then tried to prove more than facts will warrant. It is +peculiarly a case in which the judicious historian has had frequent +occasion to exclaim, Save me from my friends! The only fit criticism +upon the wonderful argument from the Dighton inscription is a reference +to the equally wonderful discovery made by Mr. Pickwick at Cobham;[258] +and when it was attempted, some sixty years ago, to prove that Governor +Arnold's old stone windmill at Newport[259] was a tower built by the +Northmen, no wonder if the exposure of this rather laughable notion +should have led many people to suppose that the story of Leif and +Thorfinn had thereby been deprived of some part of its support. But the +story never rested upon any such evidence, and does not call for +evidence of such sort. There is nothing in the story to indicate that +the Northmen ever founded a colony in Vinland, or built durable +buildings there. The distinction implicitly drawn by Adam of Bremen, who +narrates the colonization of Iceland and Greenland, and then goes on to +speak of Vinland, not as colonized, but simply as discovered, is a +distinction amply borne out by our chronicles. Nowhere is there the +slightest hint of a colony or settlement established in Vinland. On the +contrary, our plain, business-like narrative tells us that Thorfinn +Karlsefni tried to found a colony and failed; and it tells us why he +failed. The Indians were too many for him. The Northmen of the eleventh +century, without firearms, were in much less favourable condition for +withstanding the Indians than the Englishmen of the seventeenth; and at +the former period there existed no cause for emigration from Norway and +Iceland at all comparable to the economic, political, and religious +circumstances which, in a later age, sent thousands of Englishmen to +Virginia and New England. The founding of colonies in America in the +sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was no pastime; it was a tale of +drudgery, starvation, and bloodshed, that curdles one's blood to read; +more attempts failed than succeeded. Assuredly Thorfinn gave proof of +the good sense ascribed to him when he turned his back upon Vinland. But +if he or any other Northman had ever succeeded in establishing a colony +there, can anybody explain why it should not have stamped the fact of +its existence either upon the soil, or upon history, or both, as +unmistakably as the colony of Greenland? Archaeological remains of the +Northmen abound in Greenland, all the way from Immartinek to near Cape +Farewell; the existence of one such relic on the North American +continent has never yet been proved. Not a single vestige of the +Northmen's presence here, at all worthy of credence, has ever been +found. The writers who have, from time to time, mistaken other things +for such vestiges, have been led astray because they have failed to +distinguish between the different conditions of proof in Greenland and +in Vinland. As Mr. Laing forcibly put the case, nearly half a century +ago, "Greenland was a colony with communications, trade, civil and +ecclesiastical establishments, and a considerable population," for more +than four centuries. "Vinland was only visited by flying parties of +woodcutters, remaining at the utmost two or three winters, but never +settling there permanently.... To expect here, as in Greenland, material +proofs to corroborate the documentary proofs, is weakening the latter by +linking them to a sort of evidence which, from the very nature of the +case,--the temporary visits of a ship's crew,--cannot exist in Vinland, +and, as in the case of Greenland, come in to support them."[260] + + [Footnote 258: See _Pickwick Papers_, chap. xi. I am indebted + to Mr. Tillinghast, of Harvard University Library, for calling + my attention to a letter from Rev. John Lathrop, of Boston, to + Hon. John Davis, August 10, 1809, containing George + Washington's opinion of the Dighton inscription. When President + Washington visited Cambridge in the fall of 1789, he was shown + about the college buildings by the president and fellows of the + university. While in the museum he was observed to "fix his + eye" upon a full-size copy of the Dighton inscription made by + the librarian, James Winthrop. Dr. Lathrop, who happened to be + standing near Washington, "ventured to give the opinion which + several learned men had entertained with respect to the origin + of the inscription." Inasmuch as some of the characters were + thought to resemble "oriental" characters, and inasmuch as the + ancient Phoenicians had sailed outside of the Pillars of + Hercules, it was "conjectured" that some Phoenician vessels had + sailed into Narragansett bay and up the Taunton river. "While + detained by winds, or other causes now unknown, the people, it + has been conjectured, made the inscription, now to be seen on + the face of the rock, and which we may suppose to be a record + of their fortunes or of their fate." + + "After I had given the above account, the President smiled and + said he believed the learned gentlemen whom I had mentioned + were mistaken; and added that in the younger part of his life + his business called him to be very much in the wilderness of + Virginia, which gave him an opportunity to become acquainted + with many of the customs and practices of the Indians. The + Indians, he said, had a way of writing and recording their + transactions, either in war or hunting. When they wished to + make any such record, or leave an account of their exploits to + any who might come after them, they scraped off the outer bark + of a tree, and with a vegetable ink, or a little paint which + they carried with them, on the smooth surface they wrote in a + way that was generally understood by the people of their + respective tribes. As he had so often examined the rude way of + writing practised by the Indians of Virginia, and observed many + of the characters on the inscription then before him so nearly + resembled the characters used by the Indians, he had no doubt + the inscription was made long ago by some natives of America." + _Proceedings of Massachusetts Historical Society_, vol. x. p. + 115. This pleasant anecdote shows in a new light Washington's + accuracy of observation and unfailing common-sense. Such + inscriptions have been found by the thousand, scattered over + all parts of the United States; for a learned study of them see + Garrick Mallery, "Pictographs of the North American Indians," + _Reports of Bureau of Ethnology_, iv. 13-256. "The voluminous + discussion upon the Dighton rock inscription," says Colonel + Mallery, "renders it impossible wholly to neglect it.... It is + merely a type of Algonquin rock-carving, not so interesting as + many others.... It is of purely Indian origin, and is executed + in the peculiar symbolic character of the Kekeewin," p. 20. The + characters observed by Washington in the Virginia forests would + very probably have been of the same type. Judge Davis, to whom + Dr. Lathrop's letter was addressed, published in 1809 a paper + maintaining the Indian origin of the Dighton inscription. + + A popular error, once started on its career, is as hard to kill + as a cat. Otherwise it would be surprising to find, in so + meritorious a book as Oscar Peschel's _Geschichte des + Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, Stuttgart, 1877, p. 82, an + unsuspecting reliance upon Rafn's ridiculous interpretation of + this Algonquin pictograph. In an American writer as well + equipped as Peschel, this particular kind of blunder would of + course be impossible; and one is reminded of Humboldt's remark, + "Il est des recherches qui ne peuvent s'executer que pres des + sources memes." _Examen critique_, etc., tom. ii. p. 102. + + In old times, I may add, such vagaries were usually saddled + upon the Phoenicians, until since Rafn's time the Northmen have + taken their place as the pack-horses for all sorts of + antiquarian "conjecture."] + + [Footnote 259: See Palfrey's _History of New England_, vol. i. + pp. 57-59; Mason's _Reminiscences of Newport_, pp. 392-407. + Laing (_Heimskringla_, pp. 182-185) thinks the Yankees must + have intended to fool Professor Rafn and the Royal Society of + Antiquaries at Copenhagen; "Those sly rogues of Americans," + says he, "dearly love a quiet hoax;" and he can almost hear + them chuckling over their joke in their club-room at Newport. I + am afraid these Yankees were less rogues and more fools than + Mr. Laing makes out.] + + [Footnote 260: Laing, _Heimskringla_, vol. i. p. 181.] + +[Sidenote: If the Northmen had founded a successful colony, they would +have introduced domestic cattle into the North American fauna;] + +[Sidenote: and such animals could not have vanished and left no trace of +their existence.] + +The most convincing proof that the Northmen never founded a colony in +America, south of Davis strait, is furnished by the total absence of +horses, cattle, and other domestic animals from the soil of North +America until they were brought hither by the Spanish, French, and +English settlers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. If the +Northmen had ever settled in Vinland, they would have brought cattle +with them, and if their colony had been successful, it would have +introduced such cattle permanently into the fauna of the country. +Indeed, our narrative tells us that Karlsefni's people "had with them +all kinds of cattle, having the intention to settle in the land if they +could."[261] Naturally the two things are coupled in the narrator's +mind. So the Portuguese carried livestock in their earliest expeditions +to the Atlantic islands;[262] Columbus brought horses and cows, with +vines and all kinds of grain, on his second voyage to the West +Indies;[263] when the French, under Baron Lery, made a disastrous +attempt to found a colony on or about Cape Breton in 1518, they left +behind them, upon Sable island, a goodly stock of cows and pigs, which +throve and multiplied long after their owners had gone;[264] the +Pilgrims at Plymouth had cattle, goats, and swine as early as 1623.[265] +In fact, it would be difficult to imagine a community of Europeans +subsisting anywhere for any length of time without domestic animals. We +have seen that the Northmen took pains to raise cattle in Greenland, and +were quick to comment upon the climate of Vinland as favourable for +pasturage. To suppose that these men ever founded a colony in North +America, but did not bring domestic animals thither, would be absurd. +But it would be scarcely less absurd to suppose that such animals, +having been once fairly introduced into the fauna of North America, +would afterward have vanished without leaving a vestige of their +presence. As for the few cattle for which Thorfinn could find room in +his three or four dragon-ships, we may easily believe that his people +ate them up before leaving the country, especially since we are told +they were threatened with famine. But that domestic cattle, after being +supported on American soil during the length of time involved in the +establishment of a successful colony (say, for fifty or a hundred +years), should have disappeared without leaving abundant traces of +themselves, is simply incredible. Horses and kine are not dependent upon +man for their existence; when left to themselves, in almost any part of +the world, they run wild and flourish in what naturalists call a "feral" +state. Thus we find feral horned cattle in the Falkland and in the +Ladrone islands, as well as in the ancient Chillingham Park, in +Northumberland; we find feral pigs in Jamaica; feral European dogs in La +Plata; feral horses in Turkestan, and also in Mexico, descended from +Spanish horses.[266] If the Northmen had ever founded a colony in +Vinland, how did it happen that the English and French in the +seventeenth century, and from that day to this, have never set eyes upon +a wild horse, or wild cattle, pigs, or hounds, or any such indication +whatever of the former presence of civilized Europeans? I do not +recollect ever seeing this argument used before, but it seems to me +conclusive. It raises against the hypothesis of a Norse colonization in +Vinland a presumption extremely difficult if not impossible to +overcome.[267] + + [Footnote 261: "Their hoefdhu medh ser allskonar fenadh, thviat + their aetloedhu at byggja landit, ef their maetti that," i. e., + "illi omne pecudum genus secum habuerunt, nam terram, si + liceret, coloniis frequentare cogitarunt." Rafn, p. 57.] + + [Footnote 262: Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 241.] + + [Footnote 263: Irving's _Life of Columbus_, New York, 1828, + vol. i. p. 293.] + + [Footnote 264: _Histoire chronologique de la Nouvelle France_, + pp. 40, 58; this work, written in 1689 by the Recollet friar + Sixte le Tac, has at length been published (Paris, 1888) with + notes and other original documents by Eugene Reveillaud. See, + also, Laet, _Novus Orbis_, 39.] + + [Footnote 265: John Smith, _Generall Historie_, 247.] + + [Footnote 266: Darwin, _Animals and Plants under + Domestication_, London, 1868, vol. i pp. 27, 77, 84.] + + [Footnote 267: The views of Professor Horsford as to the + geographical situation of Vinland and its supposed colonization + by Northmen are set forth in his four monographs, _Discovery of + America by Northmen--address at the unveiling of the statue of + Leif Eriksen_, etc., Boston, 1888; _The Problem of the + Northmen_, Cambridge, 1889; _The Discovery of the Ancient City + of Norumbega_, Boston, 1890; _The Defences of Norumbega_, + Boston, 1891. Among Professor Horsford's conclusions the two + principal are: 1. that the "river flowing through a lake into + the sea" (Rafn, p. 147) is Charles river, and that Leif's + booths were erected near the site of the present Cambridge + hospital; 2. that "Norumbega"--a word loosely applied by some + early explorers to some region or regions somewhere between the + New Jersey coast and the Bay of Fundy--was the Indian utterance + of "Norbega" or "Norway;" and that certain stone walls and dams + at and near Watertown are vestiges of an ancient "city of + Norumbega," which was founded and peopled by Northmen and + carried on a more or less extensive trade with Europe for more + than three centuries. + + With regard to the first of these conclusions, it is perhaps as + likely that Leif's booths were within the present limits of + Cambridge as in any of the numerous places which different + writers have confidently assigned for them, all the way from + Point Judith to Cape Breton. A judicious scholar will object + not so much to the conclusion as to the character of the + arguments by which it is reached. Too much weight is attached + to hypothetical etymologies. + + With regard to the Norse colony alleged to have flourished for + three centuries, it is pertinent to ask, what became of its + cattle and horses? Why do we find no vestiges of the + burial-places of these Europeans? or of iron tools and weapons + of mediaeval workmanship? Why is there no documentary mention, + in Scandinavia or elsewhere in Europe, of this transatlantic + trade? etc., etc. Until such points as these are disposed of, + any further consideration of the hypothesis may properly be + postponed.] + +[Illustration: Ruins of the church at Kakortok.] + +[Sidenote: Further fortunes of the Greenland colony.] + +[Sidenote: Bishop Eric's voyage in search of Vinland, 1121.] + +[Sidenote: The ship from Markland, 1347.] + +As for the colony in Greenland, while its population seems never to have +exceeded 5,000 or 6,000 souls, it maintained its existence and its +intercourse with Europe uninterruptedly from its settlement in 986, by +Eric the Red, for more than four hundred years. Early in the fourteenth +century the West Bygd, or western settlement, near Godthaab, seems to +have contained ninety farmsteads and four churches; while the East Bygd, +or eastern settlement, near Julianeshaab, contained one hundred and +ninety farmsteads, with one cathedral and eleven smaller churches, two +villages, and three or four monasteries.[268] Between Tunnudliorbik and +Igaliko fiords, and about thirty miles from the ruined stone houses of +Brattahlid, there now stands, imposing in its decay, the simple but +massive structure of Kakortok church, once the "cathedral" church of the +Gardar bishopric, where the Credo was intoned and censers swung, while +not less than ten generations lived and died. About the beginning of the +twelfth century there was a movement at Rome for establishing new +dioceses in "the islands of the ocean;" in 1106 a bishop's see was +erected in the north of Iceland, and one at about the same time in the +Faeroes. In 1112, Eric Gnupsson,[269] having been appointed by Pope +Paschal II. "bishop of Greenland and Vinland _in partibus infidelium_," +went from Iceland to organize his new diocese in Greenland. It is +mentioned in at least six different vellums that in 1121 Bishop Eric +"went in search of Vinland."[270] It is nowhere mentioned that he found +it, and Dr. Storm thinks it probable that he perished in the enterprise, +for, within the next year or next but one, the Greenlanders asked for a +new bishop, and Eric's successor, Bishop Arnold, was consecrated in +1124.[271] After Eric there was a regular succession of bishops +appointed by the papal court, down at least to 1409, and seventeen of +these bishops are mentioned by name. We do not learn that any of them +ever repeated Eric's experiment of searching for Vinland. So far as +existing Icelandic vellums know, there was no voyage to Vinland after +1121. Very likely, however, there may have been occasional voyages for +timber from Greenland to the coast of the American continent, which did +not attract attention or call for comment in Iceland. This is rendered +somewhat probable from an entry in the "Elder Skalholt Annals," a vellum +written about 1362. This informs us that in 1347 "there came a ship from +Greenland, less in size than small Icelandic trading-vessels. It was +without an anchor. There were seventeen men on board, and they had +sailed to Markland, but had afterwards been driven hither by storms at +sea."[272] This is the latest mention of any voyage to or from the +countries beyond Greenland. + + [Footnote 268: Laing, _Heimskringla_, i. 141. A description of + the ruins may be found in two papers in _Meddelelser om + Gronland_, Copenhagen, 1883 and 1889.] + + [Footnote 269: Sometimes called Eric Uppsi; he is mentioned in + the Landnama-bok as a native of Iceland.] + + [Footnote 270: Storm, _Islandske Annaler_, Christiania, 1888; + Reeves, _The Finding of Wineland the Good_, London, 1890, pp. + 79-81.] + + [Footnote 271: Storm, in _Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed_, + 1887, p. 319.] + + [Footnote 272: Reeves, _op. cit._ p. 83. In another vellum it + is mentioned that in 1347 "a ship came from Greenland, which + had sailed to Markland, and there were eighteen men on board." + As Mr. Reeves well observes: "The nature of the information + indicates that the knowledge of the discovery had not + altogether faded from the memories of the Icelanders settled in + Greenland. It seems further to lend a measure of plausibility + to a theory that people from the Greenland colony may from time + to time have visited the coast to the southwest of their home + for supplies of wood, or for some kindred purpose. The visitors + in this case had evidently intended to return directly from + Markland to Greenland, and had they not been driven out of + their course to Iceland, the probability is that this voyage + would never have found mention in Icelandic chronicles, and all + knowledge of it must have vanished as completely as did the + colony to which the Markland visitors belonged."] + +[Sidenote: The Greenland colony attacked by Eskimos.] + +If the reader is inclined to wonder why a colony could be maintained in +southern Greenland more easily than on the coasts of Nova Scotia or +Massachusetts, or even why the Northmen did not at once abandon their +fiords at Brattahlid and come in a flock to these pleasanter places, he +must call to mind two important circumstances. First, the settlers in +southern Greenland did not meet with barbarous natives, but only with +vestiges of their former presence. It was not until the twelfth century +that, in roaming the icy deserts of the far north in quest of seals and +bearskins, the Norse hunters encountered tribes of Eskimo using stone +knives and whalebone arrow-heads;[273] and it was not until the +fourteenth century that we hear of their getting into a war with these +people. In 1349 the West Bygd was attacked and destroyed by Eskimos; in +1379 they invaded the East Bygd and wrought sad havoc; and it is +generally believed that some time after 1409 they completed the +destruction of the colony. + + [Footnote 273: Storm, _Monumenta historica Norvegiae_, p. 77.] + +[Sidenote: Queen Margaret's monopoly, and its baneful effects.] + +Secondly, the relative proximity of Greenland to the mother country, +Iceland, made it much easier to sustain a colony there than in the more +distant Vinland. In colonizing, as in campaigning, distance from one's +base is sometimes the supreme circumstance. This is illustrated by the +fact that the very existence of the Greenland colony itself depended +upon perpetual and untrammelled exchange of commodities with Iceland; +and when once the source of supply was cut off, the colony soon +languished. In 1380 and 1387 the crowns of Norway and Denmark descended +upon Queen Margaret, and soon she made her precious contribution to the +innumerable swarm of instances that show with how little wisdom the +world is ruled. She made the trade to Greenland, Iceland, and the Faeroe +isles "a royal monopoly which could only be carried on in ships +belonging to, or licensed by, the sovereign.... Under the monopoly of +trade the Icelanders could have no vessels, and no object for sailing to +Greenland; and the vessels fitted out by government, or its lessees, +would only be ready to leave Denmark or Bergen for Iceland at the season +they ought to have been ready to leave Iceland to go to Greenland. The +colony gradually fell into oblivion."[274] When this prohibitory +management was abandoned after 1534 by Christian III., it was altogether +too late. Starved by the miserable policy of governmental interference +with freedom of trade, the little Greenland colony soon became too weak +to sustain itself against the natives whose hostility had, for half a +century, been growing more and more dangerous. Precisely when or how it +perished we do not know. The latest notice we have of the colony is of a +marriage ceremony performed (probably in the Kakortok church), in 1409, +by Endrede Andreasson, the last bishop.[275] When, after three +centuries, the great missionary, Hans Egede, visited Greenland, in 1721, +he found the ruins of farmsteads and villages, the population of which +had vanished. + + [Footnote 274: Laing, _Heimskringla_, i. 147. It has been + supposed that the Black Death, by which all Europe was ravaged + in the middle part of the fourteenth century, may have crossed + to Greenland, and fatally weakened the colony there; but + Vigfusson says that the Black Death never touched Iceland + (_Sturlunga Saga_, vol. i. p. cxxix.), so that it is not so + likely to have reached Greenland.] + + [Footnote 275: Laing, _op. cit._ i. 142.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The story of the Venetian brothers.] + +Our account of pre-Columbian voyages to America would be very incomplete +without some mention of the latest voyage said to have been made by +European vessels to the ancient settlement of the East Bygd. I refer to +the famous narrative of the Zeno brothers, which has furnished so many +subjects of contention for geographers that a hundred years ago John +Pinkerton called it "one of the most puzzling in the whole circle of +literature."[276] Nevertheless a great deal has been done, chiefly +through the acute researches of Mr. Richard Henry Major and Baron +Nordenskjoeld, toward clearing up this mystery, so that certain points in +the Zeno narrative may now be regarded as established;[277] and from +these essential points we may form an opinion as to the character of +sundry questionable details. + + [Footnote 276: Yet this learned historian was quite correct in + his own interpretation of Zeno's story, for in the same place + he says, "If real, his Frisland is the Ferro islands, and his + Zichmni is Sinclair." Pinkerton's _History of Scotland_, + London, 1797, vol. i. p. 261.] + + [Footnote 277: Major, _The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, + Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, to the Northern Seas in the XIVth + Century_, London, 1873 (Hakluyt Society); cf. Nordenskjoeld, _Om + broederna Zenos resor och de aeldsta kartor oefner Norden_, + Stockholm, 1883.] + +[Sidenote: The Zeno family.] + +[Sidenote: Nicolo Zeno wrecked upon one of the Faeroe islands, 1390.] + +[Sidenote: Nicolo's voyage to Greenland, cir. 1394.] + +[Sidenote: Voyage of Earl Sinclair and Antonio Zeno.] + +The Zeno family was one of the oldest and most distinguished in Venice. +Among its members in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries we find a +doge, several senators and members of the Council of Ten, and military +commanders of high repute. Of these, Pietro Dracone Zeno, about 1350, +was captain-general of the Christian league for withstanding the Turks; +and his son Carlo achieved such success in the war against Genoa that he +was called the Lion of St. Mark, and his services to Venice were +compared with those of Camillus to Rome. Now this Carlo had two +brothers,--Nicolo, known as "the Chevalier," and Antonio. After the +close of the Genoese war the Chevalier Nicolo was seized with a desire +to see the world,[278] and more particularly England and Flanders. So +about 1390 he fitted up a ship at his own expense, and, passing out from +the strait of Gibraltar, sailed northward upon the Atlantic. After some +days of fair weather, he was caught in a storm and blown along for many +days more, until at length the ship was cast ashore on one of the Faeroe +islands and wrecked, though most of the crew and goods were rescued. +According to the barbarous custom of the Middle Ages, some of the +natives of the island (Scandinavians) came swarming about the +unfortunate strangers to kill and rob them, but a great chieftain, with +a force of knights and men-at-arms, arrived upon the spot in time to +prevent such an outrage. This chief was Henry Sinclair of Roslyn, who in +1379 had been invested by King Hacon VI., of Norway, with the earldom of +the Orkneys and Caithness. On learning Zeno's rank and importance, +Sinclair treated him with much courtesy, and presently a friendship +sprang up between the two. Sinclair was then engaged with a fleet of +thirteen vessels in conquering and annexing to his earldom the Faeroe +islands, and on several occasions profited by the military and nautical +skill of the Venetian captain. Nicolo seems to have enjoyed this +stirring life, for he presently sent to his brother Antonio in Venice an +account of it, which induced the latter to come and join him in the +Faeroe islands. Antonio arrived in the course of 1391, and remained in +the service of Sinclair fourteen years, returning to Venice in time to +die there in 1406. After Antonio's arrival, his brother Nicolo was +appointed to the chief command of Sinclair's little fleet, and assisted +him in taking possession of the Shetland islands, which were properly +comprised within his earldom. In the course of these adventures, Nicolo +seems to have had his interest aroused in reports about Greenland. It +was not more than four or five years since Queen Margaret had undertaken +to make a royal monopoly of the Greenland trade in furs and whale oil, +and this would be a natural topic of conversation in the Faeroes. In +July, 1393, or 1394, Nicolo Zeno sailed to Greenland with three ships, +and visited the East Bygd. After spending some time there, not being +accustomed to such a climate, he caught cold, and died soon after his +return to the Faeroes, probably in 1395. His brother Antonio succeeded to +his office and such emoluments as pertained to it; and after a while, at +Earl Sinclair's instigation, he undertook a voyage of discovery in the +Atlantic ocean, in order to verify some fishermen's reports of the +existence of land a thousand miles or more to the west. One of these +fishermen was to serve as guide to the expedition, but unfortunately he +died three days before the ships were ready to sail. Nevertheless, the +expedition started, with Sinclair himself on board, and encountered +vicissitudes of weather and fortune. In fog and storm they lost all +reckoning of position, and found themselves at length on the western +coast of a country which, in the Italian narrative, is called "Icaria," +but which has been supposed, with some probability, to have been Kerry, +in Ireland. Here, as they went ashore for fresh water, they were +attacked by the natives and several of their number were slain. From +this point they sailed out into the broad Atlantic again, and reached a +place supposed to be Greenland, but which is so vaguely described that +the identification is very difficult.[279] Our narrative here ends +somewhat confusedly. We are told that Sinclair remained in this place, +"and explored the whole of the country with great diligence, as well as +the coasts on both sides of Greenland." Antonio Zeno, on the other hand, +returned with part of the fleet to the Faeroe islands, where he arrived +after sailing eastward for about a month, during five and twenty days of +which he saw no land. After relating these things and paying a word of +affectionate tribute to the virtues of Earl Sinclair, "a prince as +worthy of immortal memory as any that ever lived for his great bravery +and remarkable goodness," Antonio closes his letter abruptly: "But of +this I will say no more in this letter, and hope to be with you very +shortly, and to satisfy your curiosity on other subjects by word of +mouth."[280] + + [Footnote 278: "Or M. Nicolo il Caualiere ... entro in + grandissimo desiderio di ueder il mondo, e peregrinare, e farsi + capace di varij costumi e di lingue de gli huomini, accio che + con le occasioni poi potesse meglio far seruigio alla sua + patria ed a se acquistar fama e onore." The narrative gives + 1380 as the date of the voyage, but Mr. Major has shown that it + must have been a mistake for 1390 (_op. cit._ xlii.-xlviii.).] + + [Footnote 279: It appears on the Zeno map as "Trin + p[-p]montor," about the site of Cape Farewell; but how could + six days' sail W. from Kerry, followed by four days' sail N. + E., reach any such point? and how does this short outward sail + consist with the return voyage, twenty days E. and eight days + S. E., to the Faeroes? The place is also said to have had "a + fertile soil" and "good rivers," a description in nowise + answering to Greenland.] + + [Footnote 280: "Pero non ni diro altro in questa lettera, + sperando tosto di essere con uoi, e di sodisfarui di molte + altre cose con la uiua uoce." Major, p. 34.] + +[Sidenote: Publication of the remains of the documents by the younger +Nicolo Zeno.] + +The person thus addressed by Antonio was his brother, the illustrious +Carlo Zeno. Soon after reaching home, after this long and eventful +absence, Antonio died. Besides his letters he had written a more +detailed account of the affairs in the northern seas. These papers +remained for more than a century in the palace of the family at Venice, +until one of the children, in his mischievous play, got hold of them and +tore them up. This child was Antonio's great-great-great-grandson, +Nicolo, born in 1515. When this young Nicolo had come to middle age, and +was a member of the Council of Ten, he happened to come across some +remnants of these documents, and then all at once he remembered with +grief how he had, in his boyhood, pulled them to pieces.[281] In the +light of the rapid progress in geographical discovery since 1492, this +story of distant voyages had now for Nicolo an interest such as it could +not have had for his immediate ancestors. Searching the palace he found +a few grimy old letters and a map or sailing chart, rotten with age, +which had been made or at any rate brought home by his ancestor Antonio. +Nicolo drew a fresh copy of this map, and pieced together the letters as +best he could, with more or less explanatory text of his own, and the +result was the little book which he published in 1558.[282] + + [Footnote 281: "All these letters were written by Messire + Antonio to Messire Carlo, his brother; and I am grieved that + the book and many other writings on these subjects have, I + don't know how, come sadly to ruin; for, being but a child when + they fell into my hands, I, not knowing what they were, tore + them in pieces, as children will do, and sent them all to ruin: + a circumstance which I cannot now recall without the greatest + sorrow. Nevertheless, in order that such an important memorial + should not be lost, I have put the whole in order, as well as I + could, in the above narrative." Major, p. 35.] + + [Footnote 282: Nicolo Zeno, _Dello scoprimento dell' isole + Frislanda, Eslanda, Engronelanda, Estotilanda, & Icaria, fatto + per due fratelli Zeni, M. Nicolo it Caualiere, & M. Antonio. + Libro Vno, col disegno di dette Isole._ Venice, 1558. Mr. + Major's book contains the entire text, with an English + translation.] + +[Illustration: Zeno Map, cir. 1400--western half.] + +[Illustration: Zeno Map, cir. 1400--eastern half.] + +[Sidenote: Queer transformations of names.] + +[Sidenote: "Frislanda."] + +Unfortunately young Nicolo, with the laudable purpose of making it all +as clear as he could, thought it necessary not simply to reproduce +the old weather-beaten map, but to amend it by putting on here and there +such places and names as his diligent perusal of the manuscript led him +to deem wanting to its completeness.[283] Under the most favourable +circumstances that is a very difficult sort of thing to do, but in this +case the circumstances were far from favourable. Of course Nicolo got +these names and places into absurd positions, thus perplexing the map +and damaging its reputation. With regard to names, there was obscurity +enough, to begin with. In the first place, they were Icelandic names +falling upon the Italian ears of old Nicolo and Antonio, and spelled by +them according to their own notions; in the second place, these +outlandish names, blurred and defaced withal in the weather-stained +manuscript, were a puzzle to the eye of young Nicolo, who could but +decipher them according to _his_ notions. The havoc that can be wrought +upon winged words, subjected to such processes, is sometimes +marvellous.[284] Perhaps the slightest sufferer, in this case, was the +name of the group of islands upon one of which the shipwrecked Nicolo +was rescued by Sinclair. The name _Faeroislander_ sounded to Italian +ears as _Frislanda_, and was uniformly so written.[285] Then the +pronunciation of _Shetland_ was helped by prefixing a vowel sound, as is +common in Italian, and so it came to be _Estland_ and _Esland_. This led +young Nicolo's eye in two or three places to confound it with _Islanda_, +or _Iceland_, and probably in one place with _Irlanda_, or _Ireland_. +Where old Nicolo meant to say that the island upon which he was living +with Earl Sinclair was somewhat larger than Shetland, young Nicolo +understood him as saying that it was somewhat larger than Ireland; and +so upon the amended map "Frislanda" appears as one great island +surrounded by tiny islands.[286] After the publication of this map, in +1558, sundry details were copied from it by the new maps of that day, so +that even far down into the seventeenth century it was common to depict +a big "Frislanda" somewhere in mid-ocean. When at length it was proved +that no such island exists, the reputation of the Zeno narrative was +seriously damaged. The nadir of reaction against it was reached when it +was declared to be a tissue of lies invented by the younger Nicolo,[287] +apparently for the purpose of setting up a Venetian claim to the +discovery of America. + + [Footnote 283: The map is taken from Winsor's _Narr. and Crit. + Hist._, i. 127, where it is reduced from Nordenskjoeld's + _Studien ok Forskningar_. A better because larger copy may be + found in Major's _Voyages of the Venetian Brothers_. The + original map measures 12 x 15-1/2 inches. In the legend at the + top the date is given as M CCC LXXX. but evidently one X has + been omitted, for it should be 1390, and is correctly so given + by Marco Barbaro, in his _Genealogie dei nobili Veneti_; of + Antonio Zeno he says, "Scrisse con il fratello Nicolo Kav. li + viaggi dell' Isole sotto il polo artico, e di quei scoprimente + del 1390, e che per ordine di Zieno, re di Frislanda, si porto + nel continente d'Estotilanda nell' America settentrionale e che + si fermo 14 anni in Frislanda, cioe 4 con suo fratello Nicolo e + 10 solo." (This valuable work has never been published. The + original MS., in Barbaro's own handwriting, is preserved in the + Biblioteca di San Marco at Venice. There is a seventeenth + century copy of it among the Egerton MSS. in the British + Museum.)--Nicolo did not leave Italy until after December 14, + 1388 (Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_, tom. xxii. p. + 779). The map can hardly have been made before Antonio's + voyage, about 1400. The places on the map are wildly out of + position, as was common enough in old maps. Greenland is + attached to Norway according to the general belief in the + Middle Ages. In his confusion between the names "Estland" and + "Islanda," young Nicolo has tried to reproduce the Shetland + group, or something like it, and attach it to Iceland. + "Icaria," probably Kerry, in Ireland, has been made into an + island and carried far out into the Atlantic. The queerest of + young Nicolo's mistakes was in placing the monastery of St. + Olaus ("St. Thomas"). He should have placed it on the southwest + coast of Greenland, near his "Af [-p]montor;" but he has got it + on the extreme northeast, just about where Greenland is joined + to Europe.] + + [Footnote 284: "Combien de coquilles typographiques ou de + lectures defectueuses ont cree de noms boiteux, qu'il est + ensuite bien difficile, quelquefois impossible de redresser! + L'histoire et la geographie en sont pleines." Avezac, _Martin + Waltzemueller_, p. 9. + + It is interesting to see how thoroughly words can be disguised + by an unfamiliar phonetic spelling. I have seen people + hopelessly puzzled by the following bill, supposed to have been + made out by an illiterate stable-keeper somewhere in England:-- + + Osafada 7s 6d + Takinonimome 4d + ------ + 7s 10d + + Some years ago Professor Huxley told me of a letter from France + which came to the London post-office thus addressed:-- + + Sromfredevi, + Pique du lait, + Londres, + Angleterre. + + This letter, after exciting at first helpless bewilderment and + then busy speculation, was at length delivered to the right + person, _Sir Humphry Davy_, in his rooms at the Royal + Institution on Albemarle street, just off from _Piccadilly_!] + + [Footnote 285: Columbus, on his journey to Iceland in 1477, + also heard the name _Faeroislander_ as _Frislanda_, and so wrote + it in the letter preserved for us in his biography by his son + Ferdinand, hereafter to be especially noticed. See Major's + remarks on this, _op. cit._ p. xix.] + + [Footnote 286: Perhaps in the old worn-out map the archipelago + may have been blurred so as to be mistaken for one island. This + would aid in misleading young Nicolo.] + + [Footnote 287: See the elaborate paper by Admiral Zahrtmann, in + _Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed_, Copenhagen, 1834, vol. + i., and the English translation of it in _Journal of Royal + Geographical Society_, London, 1836, vol. v. All that human + ingenuity is ever likely to devise against the honesty of + Zeno's narrative is presented in this erudite essay, which has + been so completely demolished under Mr. Major's heavy strokes + that there is not enough of it left to pick up. As to this part + of the question, we may now safely cry, "finis, laus Deo!"] + +[Sidenote: The narrative nowhere makes a claim to the "discovery of +America."] + +The narrative, however, not only sets up no such claim, but nowhere +betrays a consciousness that its incidents entitle it to make such a +claim. It had evidently not occurred to young Nicolo to institute any +comparison between his ancestors' voyages to Greenland and the voyages +of Columbus to the western hemisphere, of which _we now know_ Greenland +to be a part. The knowledge of the North American coast, and of the +bearing of one fact upon another fact in relation to it, was still, in +1558, in an extremely vague and rudimentary condition. In the mind of +the Zeno brothers, as the map shows, Greenland was a European peninsula; +such was the idea common among mediaeval Northmen, as is nowhere better +illustrated than in this map. Neither in his references to Greenland, +nor to Estotiland and Drogio, presently to be considered, does young +Nicolo appear in the light of a man urging or suggesting a "claim." He +appears simply as a modest and conscientious editor, interested in the +deeds of his ancestors and impressed with the fact that he has got hold +of important documents, but intent only upon giving his material as +correctly as possible, and refraining from all sort of comment except +such as now and then seems needful to explain the text as he himself +understands it. + +[Sidenote: Earl Sinclair.] + +[Sidenote: Bardsen's "Description of Greenland."] + +The identification of "Frislanda" with the Faeroe islands was put beyond +doubt by the discovery that the "Zichmni" of the narrative means Henry +Sinclair; and, in order to make this discovery, it was only necessary to +know something about the history of the Orkneys; hence old Pinkerton, as +above remarked, got it right. The name "Zichmni" is, no doubt, a fearful +and wonderful bejugglement; but Henry Sinclair is a personage well known +to history in that corner of the world, and the deeds of "Zichmni," as +recounted in the narrative, are neither more nor less than the deeds of +Sinclair. Doubtless Antonio spelled the name in some queer way of his +own, and then young Nicolo, unable to read his ancestor's pot-hooks +where--as in the case of proper names--there was no clue to guide him, +contrived to make it still queerer. Here we have strong proof of the +genuineness of the narrative. If Nicolo had been concocting a story in +which Earl Sinclair was made to figure, he would have obtained his +knowledge from literary sources, and thus would have got his names +right; the earl might have appeared as Enrico de Santo Claro, but not as +"Zichmni." It is not at all likely, however, that any literary knowledge +of Sinclair and his doings was obtainable in Italy in the sixteenth +century. The Zeno narrative, moreover, in its references to Greenland in +connection with the Chevalier Nicolo's visit to the East Bygd, shows a +topographical knowledge that was otherwise quite inaccessible to the +younger Nicolo. Late in the fourteenth century Ivar Bardsen, steward to +the Gardar bishopric, wrote a description of Greenland, with sailing +directions for reaching it, which modern research has proved to have +been accurate in every particular. Bardsen's details and those of the +Zeno narrative mutually corroborate each other. But Bardsen's book did +not make its way down into Europe until the very end of the sixteenth +century,[288] and then amid the dense ignorance prevalent concerning +Greenland its details were not understood until actual exploration +within the last seventy years has at length revealed their meaning. The +genuineness of the Zeno narrative is thus conclusively proved by its +knowledge of Arctic geography, such as could have been obtained only by +a visit to the far North at a time before the Greenland colony had +finally lost touch with its mother country. + + [Footnote 288: It was translated into Dutch by the famous + Arctic explorer, William Barentz, whose voyages are so + graphically described in Motley's _United Netherlands_, vol. + iii. pp. 552-576. An English translation was made for Henry + Hudson. A very old Danish version may be found in Rafn's + _Antiquitates Americanae_, pp. 300-318; Danish, Latin, and + English versions in Major's _Voyages of the Venetian Brothers_, + etc., pp. 39-54; and an English version in De Costa's _Sailing + Directions of Henry Hudson_, Albany, 1869, pp. 61-96.] + +[Sidenote: The monastery of St. Olaus and its hot spring.] + +The visit of the Chevalier Nicolo, therefore, about 1394, has a peculiar +interest as the last distinct glimpse afforded us of the colony founded +by Eric the Red before its melancholy disappearance from history. +Already the West Bygd had ceased to exist. Five and forty years before +that time it had been laid waste and its people massacred by Eskimos, +and trusty Ivar Bardsen, tardily sent with a small force to the rescue, +found nothing left alive but a few cattle and sheep running wild.[289] +Nicolo Zeno, arriving in the East Bygd, found there a monastery +dedicated to St. Olaus, a name which in the narrative has become St. +Thomas. To this monastery came friars from Norway and other countries, +but for the most part from Iceland.[290] It stood "hard by a hill which +vomited fire like Vesuvius and Etna." There was also in the +neighbourhood a spring of hot water which the ingenious friars conducted +in pipes into their monastery and church, thereby keeping themselves +comfortable in the coldest weather. This water, as it came into the +kitchen, was hot enough to boil meats and vegetables. The monks even +made use of it in warming covered gardens or hot-beds in which they +raised sundry fruits and herbs that in milder climates grow out of +doors.[291] "Hither in summertime come many vessels from ... the Cape +above Norway, and from Trondheim, and bring the friars all sorts of +comforts, taking in exchange fish ... and skins of different kinds of +animals.... There are continually in the harbour a number of vessels +detained by the sea being frozen, and waiting for the next season to +melt the ice."[292] + + [Footnote 289: So he tells us himself: "Quo cum venissent, + nullum hominem, neque christianum neque paganum, invenerunt, + tantummodo fera pecora et oves deprehenderunt, ex quibus + quantum naves ferre poterant in has deportato domum redierunt." + _Descriptio Groenlandiae_, apud Major, p. 53. The glacial men + had done their work of slaughter and vanished.] + + [Footnote 290: "Ma la maggior parte sono delle Islande." Mr. + Major is clearly wrong in translating it "from the Shetland + Isles." The younger Nicolo was puzzled by the similarity of the + names Islanda and Eslanda, and sometimes confounded Iceland + with the Shetland group. But in this place Iceland is evidently + meant.] + + [Footnote 291: This application of the hot water to purposes of + gardening reminds us of the similar covered gardens or hot-beds + constructed by Albertus Magnus in the Dominican monastery at + Cologne in the thirteenth century. See Humboldt's _Kosmos_, ii. + 130.] + + [Footnote 292: Major, _op. cit._ p. 16. The narrative goes on + to give a description of the skin-boats of the Eskimo + fishermen.] + +[Sidenote: Volcanoes of the north Atlantic ridge.] + +[Sidenote: Fate of Gunnbjoern's Skerries, 1456.] + +[Sidenote: Volcanic phenomena in Greenland.] + +This mention of the volcano and the hot spring is very interesting. In +the Miocene period the Atlantic ridge was one of the principal seats of +volcanic activity upon the globe; the line of volcanoes extended all the +way from Greenland down into central France. But for several hundred +thousand years this activity has been diminishing. In France, in the +western parts of Great Britain and the Hebrides, the craters have long +since become extinct. In the far North, however, volcanic action has +been slower in dying out. Iceland, with no less than twenty active +volcanoes, is still the most considerable centre of such operations in +Europe. The huge volcano on Jan Mayen island, between Greenland and +Spitzbergen, is still in action. Among the submerged peaks in the +northern seas explosions still now and then occur, as in 1783, when a +small island was thrown up near Cape Reykianes, on the southern coast of +Iceland, and sank again after a year.[293] Midway between Iceland and +Greenland there appears to have stood, in the Middle Ages, a small +volcanic island discovered by that Gunnbjoern who first went to +Greenland. It was known as Gunnbjoern's Skerries, and was described by +Ivar Bardsen.[294] This island is no longer above the surface, and its +fate is recorded upon Ruysch's map of the world in the 1508 edition of +Ptolemy: "Insula haec anno Domini 1456 fuit totaliter combusta,"--this +island was entirely burnt (i. e. blown up in an eruption) in 1456; and +in later maps Mr. Major has found the corrupted name "Gombar Scheer" +applied to the dangerous reefs and shoals left behind by this +explosion.[295] Where volcanic action is declining geysers and boiling +springs are apt to abound, as in Iceland; where it has become extinct at +a period geologically recent, as in Auvergne and the Rhine country, its +latest vestiges are left in the hundreds of thermal and mineral springs +whither fashionable invalids congregate to drink or to bathe.[296] Now +in Greenland, at the present day, hot springs are found, of which the +most noted are those on the island of Ounartok, at the entrance to the +fiord of that name. These springs seem to be the same that were +described five hundred years ago by Ivar Bardsen. As to volcanoes, it +has been generally assumed that those of Greenland are all extinct; but +in a country as yet so imperfectly studied this only means that +eruptions have not been recorded.[297] On the whole, it seems to me that +the mention, in our Venetian narrative, of a boiling spring and an +active volcano in Greenland is an instance of the peculiar sort--too +strange to have been invented, but altogether probable in itself--that +adds to the credit of the narrative. + + [Footnote 293: Daubeny, _Description of Active and Extinct + Volcanoes_, London, 1848, pp. 307; cf. Judd, _Volcanoes_, + London, 1881, p. 234.] + + [Footnote 294: "Ab Snefelsneso Islandiae, qua brevissimus in + Gronlandiam trajectus est, duorum dierum et duarum noctium + spatio navigandum est recto cursu versus occidentem; ibique + Gunnbjoernis scopulos invenies, inter Gronlandiam et Islandiam + medio situ interjacentes. Hic cursus antiquitus frequentabatur, + nunc vero glacies ex recessu oceani euroaquilonari delata + scopulos ante memoratos tam prope attigit, ut nemo sine vitae + discrimine antiquum cursum tenere possit, quemadmodum infra + dicetur." _Descriptio Groenlandiae_, apud Major, _op. cit._ p. + 40.] + + [Footnote 295: _Op. cit._ p. lxxvi. See below, vol. ii. p. 115, + note B.] + + [Footnote 296: Judd, _op. cit._ pp. 217-220.] + + [Footnote 297: My friend, Professor Shaler, tells me that "a + volcano during eruption might shed its ice mantle and afterward + don it again in such a manner as to hide its true character + even on a near view;" and, on the other hand, "a voyager not + familiar with volcanoes might easily mistake the cloud-bonnet + of a peak for the smoke of a volcano." This, however, will not + account for Zeno's "hill that vomited fire," for he goes on to + describe the use which the monks made of the pumice and + calcareous tufa for building purposes.] + +Thus far, in dealing with the places actually visited by Nicolo or +Antonio, or by both brothers, we have found the story consistent and +intelligible. But in what relates to countries beyond Greenland, +countries which were not visited by either of the brothers, but about +which Antonio heard reports, it is quite a different thing. We are +introduced to a jumble very unlike the clear, business-like account of +Vinland voyages in the Hauks-bok. Yet in this medley there are some +statements curiously suggestive of things in North America. It will be +remembered that Antonio's voyage with Sinclair (somewhere about 1400) +was undertaken in order to verify certain reports of the existence of +land more than a thousand miles west of the Faeroe islands. + +[Sidenote: Estotiland.] + +About six and twenty years ago, said Antonio in a letter to Carlo, four +small fishing craft, venturing very far out upon the Atlantic, had been +blown upon a strange coast, where their crews were well received by the +people. The land proved to be an island rather smaller than Iceland (or +Shetland?), with a high mountain whence flowed four rivers. The +inhabitants were intelligent people, possessed of all the arts, but did +not understand the language of these Norse fishermen.[298] There +happened, however, to be one European among them, who had himself been +cast ashore in that country and had learned its language; he could speak +Latin, and found some one among the shipwrecked men who could understand +him. There was a populous city with walls, and the king had Latin books +in his library which nobody could read.[299] All kinds of metals +abounded, and especially gold.[300] The woods were of immense extent. +The people traded with Greenland, importing thence pitch(?), brimstone, +and furs. They sowed grain and made "beer." They made small boats, but +were ignorant of the loadstone and the compass. For this reason, they +held the newcomers in high estimation.[301] The name of the country was +Estotiland. + + [Footnote 298: They were, therefore, not Northmen.] + + [Footnote 299: Pruning this sentence of its magniloquence, + might it perhaps mean that there was a large palisaded village, + and that the chief had some books in Roman characters, a relic + of some castaway, which he kept as a fetish?] + + [Footnote 300: With all possible latitude of interpretation, + this could not be made to apply to any part of America north of + Mexico.] + + [Footnote 301: The magnetic needle had been used by the + mariners of western and northern Europe since the end of the + thirteenth century.] + +There is nothing so far in this vague description to show that +Estotiland was an American country, except its western direction and +perhaps its trading with Greenland. The points of unlikeness are at +least as numerous as the points of likeness. But in what follows there +is a much stronger suggestion of North America. + +[Sidenote: Drogio.] + +For some reason not specified an expedition was undertaken by people +from Estotiland to a country to the southward named Drogio, and these +Norse mariners, or some of them, because they understood the compass, +were put in charge of it.[302] But the people of Drogio were cannibals, +and the people from Estotiland on their arrival were taken prisoners and +devoured,--all save the few Northmen, who were saved because of their +marvellous skill in catching fish with nets. The barbarians seemed to +have set much store by these white men, and perhaps to have regarded +them as objects of "medicine." One of the fishermen in particular became +so famous that a neighbouring tribe made war upon the tribe which kept +him, and winning the victory took him over into its own custody. This +sort of thing happened several times. Various tribes fought to secure +the person and services of this Fisherman, so that he was passed about +among more than twenty chiefs, and "wandering up and down the country +without any fixed abode, ... he became acquainted with all those parts." + + [Footnote 302: "Fanno nauigli e nauigano, ma non hanno la + calamita ne intendeno col bossolo la tramontana. Per ilche + questi pescatori furono in gran pregio, si che il re li spedi + con dodici nauigli uerso ostro nel paese che essi chiamano + Drogio." Major, _op. cit._ p. 21.] + +[Sidenote: Inhabitants of Drogio and the countries beyond.] + +And now comes quite an interesting passage. The Fisherman "says that it +is a very great country, and, as it were, a new world; the people are +very rude and uncultivated, for they all go naked, and suffer cruelly +from the cold, nor have they the sense to clothe themselves with the +skins of the animals which they take in hunting [a gross exaggeration]. +They have no kind of metal. They live by hunting, and carry lances of +wood, sharpened at the point. They have bows, the strings of which are +made of beasts' skins. They are very fierce, and have deadly fights +amongst each other, and eat one another's flesh. They have chieftains +and certain laws among themselves, but differing in the different +tribes. The farther you go southwestwards, however, the more refinement +you meet with, because the climate is more temperate, and accordingly +there they have cities and temples dedicated to their idols, in which +they sacrifice men and afterwards eat them. In those parts they have +some knowledge and use of gold and silver. Now this Fisherman, having +dwelt so many years in these parts, made up his mind, if possible, to +return home to his own country; but his companions, despairing of ever +seeing it again, gave him God's speed, and remained themselves where +they were. Accordingly, he bade them farewell, and made his escape +through the woods in the direction of Drogio, where he was welcomed and +very kindly received by the chief of the place, who knew him, and was a +great enemy of the neighbouring chieftain; and so passing from one chief +to another, being the same with whom he had been before, after a long +time and with much toil, he at length reached Drogio, where he spent +three years. Here, by good luck, he heard from the natives that some +boats had arrived off the coast; and full of hope of being able to carry +out his intention, he went down to the seaside, and to his great delight +found that they had come from Estotiland. He forthwith requested that +they would take him with them, which they did very willingly, and as he +knew the language of the country, which none of them could speak, they +employed him as their interpreter."[303] + + [Footnote 303: Major, _op. cit._ pp. 20-22.] + +[Sidenote: The Fisherman's return to "Frislanda."] + +Whither the Fisherman was first carried in these boats or vessels, +Antonio's letter does not inform us. We are only told that he engaged in +some prosperous voyages, and at length returned to the Faeroes after +these six and twenty years of strange adventures. It was apparently the +Fisherman's description of Estotiland as a very rich country (_paese +ricchissimo_) that led Sinclair to fit out an expedition to visit it, +with Antonio as his chief captain. As we have already seen, the +Fisherman died just before the ships were ready to start, and to +whatever land they succeeded in reaching after they sailed without him, +the narrative leaves us with the impression that it was not the +mysterious Estotiland. + +To attempt to identify that country from the description of it, which +reads like a parcel of ill-digested sailors' yarns, would be idle. The +most common conjecture has identified it with Newfoundland, from its +relations to other points mentioned in the Zeno narrative, as indicated, +with fair probability, on the Zeno map. To identify it with Newfoundland +is to brand the description as a "fish story," but from such a +conclusion there seems anyway to be no escape. + +[Sidenote: Was the account of Drogio woven into the narrative by the +younger Nicolo?] + +With Drogio, however, it is otherwise. The description of Drogio and the +vast country stretching beyond it, which was like a "new world," is the +merest sketch, but it seems to contain enough characteristic details to +stamp it as a description of North America, and of no other country +accessible by an Atlantic voyage. It is a sketch which apparently must +have had its ultimate source in somebody's personal experience of +aboriginal North America. Here we are reminded that when the younger +Nicolo published this narrative, in 1558, some dim knowledge of the +North American tribes was beginning to make its way into the minds of +people in Europe. The work of Soto and Cartier, to say nothing of other +explorers, had already been done. May we suppose that Nicolo had thus +obtained some idea of North America, and wove it into his reproduction +of his ancestors' letters, for the sake of completeness and point, in +somewhat the same uncritical mood as that in which the most worthy +ancient historians did not scruple to invent speeches to put into the +mouths of their heroes? It may have been so, and in such case the +description of Drogio loses its point for us as a feature in the +pre-Columbian voyages to America. In such case we may dismiss it at +once, and pretty much all the latter part of the Zeno narrative, +relating to what Antonio heard and did, becomes valueless; though the +earlier part, relating to the elder Nicolo, still remains valid and +trustworthy. + +[Sidenote: Or does it represent actual experiences in North America?] + +But suppose we take the other alternative. As in the earlier part of the +story we feel sure that young Nicolo must have reproduced the ancestral +documents faithfully, because it shows knowledge that he could not have +got in any other way; let us now suppose that in the latter part also he +added nothing of himself, but was simply a faithful editor. It will then +follow that the Fisherman's account of Drogio, reduced to writing by +Antonio Zeno about 1400, must probably represent personal experiences in +North America; for no such happy combination of details characteristic +only of North America is likely at that date to have been invented by +any European. Our simplest course will be to suppose that the Fisherman +really had the experiences which are narrated, that he was bandied about +from tribe to tribe in North America, all the way, perhaps, from Nova +Scotia to Mexico, and yet returned to the Faeroe islands to tell the +tale! Could such a thing be possible? Was anything of the sort ever done +before or since? + +[Sidenote: The case of David Ingram, 1568.] + +Yes: something of the sort appears to have been done about ten years +after the Zeno narrative was published. In October, 1568, that great +sailor, Sir John Hawkins, by reason of scarcity of food, was compelled +to set about a hundred men ashore near the Rio de Minas, on the Mexican +coast, and leave them to their fate. The continent was a network of rude +paths or trails, as it had doubtless been for ages, and as central +Africa is to-day. Most of these Englishmen probably perished in the +wilderness. Some who took southwestern trails found their way to the +city of Mexico, where, as "vile Lutheran dogges," they were treated with +anything but kindness. Others took northeasterly trails, and one of +these men, David Ingram, made his way from Texas to Maine, and beyond to +the St. John's river, where he was picked up by a friendly French ship +and carried to France, and so got home to England. The journey across +North America took him about eleven months, but one of his comrades, Job +Hortop, had no end of adventures, and was more than twenty years in +getting back to England. Ingram told such blessed yarns about houses of +crystal and silver, and other wonderful things, that many disbelieved +his whole story, but he was subjected to a searching examination before +Sir Francis Walsingham, and as to the main fact of his journey through +the wilderness there seems to be no doubt.[304] + + [Footnote 304: Ingram's narrative was first published in + Hakluyt's folio of 1589, pp. 557-562, but in his larger work, + _Principal Navigations_, etc., London, 1600, it is omitted. As + Purchas quaintly says, "As for David Ingram's perambulation to + the north parts, Master Hakluyt in his first edition published + the same; but it seemeth some incredibilities of his reports + caused him to leaue him out in the next impression, the reward + of lying being not to be beleeued in truths." _Purchas his + Pilgrimes_, London, 1625, vol. iv. p. 1179. The examination + before Walsingham had reference to the projected voyage of Sir + Humphrey Gilbert, which was made in 1583. Ingram's relation, + "w^{ch} he reported vnto S^{r} Frauncys Walsingh[~m], Knight, + and diuers others of good judgment and creditt, in August and + Septembar, A^{o} Dni, 1582," is in the British Museum, Sloane + MS. No. 1447, fol. 1-18; it was copied and privately printed in + Plowden Weston's _Documents connected with the History of South + Carolina_, London, 1856. There is a MS. copy in the Sparks + collection in the Harvard University library. See the late Mr. + Charles Deane's note in his edition of Hakluyt's _Discourse + concerning Westerne Planting_, Cambridge, 1877, p. 229 + (_Collections of Maine Hist. Soc._, 2d series, vol. ii.); see, + also, Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, iii. 186.] + +[Sidenote: The case of Cabeza de Vaca, 1528-36.] + +Far more important, historically, and in many ways more instructive than +the wanderings of David Ingram, was the journey of Cabeza de Vaca and +his ingenious comrades, in 1528-36, from the Mississippi river to their +friends in Mexico. This remarkable journey will receive further +consideration in another place.[305] In the course of it Cabeza de Vaca +was for eight years held captive by sundry Indian tribes, and at last +his escape involved ten months of arduous travel. On one occasion he and +his friends treated some sick Indians, among other things breathing upon +them and making the sign of the cross. As the Indians happened to get +well, these Spaniards at once became objects of reverence, and different +tribes vied with one another for access to them, in order to benefit by +their supernatural gifts. In those early days, before the red men had +become used to seeing Europeans, a white captive was not so likely to be +put to death as to be cherished as a helper of vast and undetermined +value.[306] The Indians set so much store by Cabeza de Vaca that he +found it hard to tear himself away; but at length he used his influence +over them in such wise as to facilitate his moving in a direction by +which he ultimately succeeded in escaping to his friends. There seems to +be a real analogy between his strange experiences and those of the +Fisherman in Drogio, who became an object of reverence because he could +do things that the natives could not do, yet the value of which they +were able to appreciate. + + [Footnote 305: See below, vol. ii. p. 501.] + + [Footnote 306: In the first reception of the Spaniards in Peru, + we shall see a similar idea at work, vol. ii. pp. 398, 407.] + +Now if the younger Nicolo had been in the mood for adorning his +ancestors' narrative by inserting a few picturesque incidents out of his +own hearsay knowledge of North America, it does not seem likely that he +would have known enough to hit so deftly upon one of the peculiarities +of the barbaric mind. Here, again, we seem to have come upon one of +those incidents, inherently probable, but too strange to have been +invented, that tend to confirm the story. Without hazarding anything +like a positive opinion, it seems to me likely enough that this voyage +of Scandinavian fishermen to the coast of North America in the +fourteenth century may have happened. + +[Sidenote: There may have been unrecorded instances of visits to North +America.] + +It was this and other unrecorded but possible instances that I had in +mind at the beginning of this chapter, in saying that occasional visits +of Europeans to America in pre-Columbian times may have occurred oftener +than we are wont to suppose. Observe that our scanty records--naturally +somewhat perplexed and dim, as treating of remote and unknown +places--refer us to that northern Atlantic region where the ocean is +comparatively narrow, and to that northern people who, from the time of +their first appearance in history, have been as much at home upon sea as +upon land. For a thousand years past these hyperborean waters have been +furrowed in many directions by stout Scandinavian keels, and if, in +aiming at Greenland, the gallant mariners may now and then have hit upon +Labrador or Newfoundland, and have made flying visits to coasts still +farther southward, there is nothing in it all which need surprise +us.[307] + + [Footnote 307: The latest pre-Columbian voyage mentioned as + having occurred in the northern seas was that of the Polish + pilot John Szkolny, who, in the service of King Christian I. of + Denmark, is said to have sailed to Greenland in 1476, and to + have touched upon the coast of Labrador. See Gomara, _Historia + de las Indias_, Saragossa, 1553, cap. xxxvii.; Wytfliet, + _Descriptionis Ptolemaicae Augmentum_, Douay, 1603, p. 102; + Pontanus, _Rerum Danicarum Historia_, Amsterdam, 1631, p. 763. + The wise Humboldt mentions the report without expressing an + opinion, _Examen critique_, tom. ii. p. 153.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The pre-Columbian voyages made no real contributions to +geographical knowledge;] + +[Sidenote: and were in no true sense a Discovery of America.] + +Nothing can be clearer, however, from a survey of the whole subject, +than that these pre-Columbian voyages were quite barren of results of +historic importance. In point of colonization they produced the two +ill-fated settlements on the Greenland coast, and nothing more. +Otherwise they made no real addition to the stock of geographical +knowledge, they wrought no effect whatever upon the European mind +outside of Scandinavia, and even in Iceland itself the mention of +coasts beyond Greenland awakened no definite ideas, and, except for a +brief season, excited no interest. The Zeno narrative indicates that the +Vinland voyages had practically lapsed from memory before the end of the +fourteenth century.[308] Scholars familiar with saga literature of +course knew the story; it was just at this time that Jon Thordharson +wrote out the version of it which is preserved in the Flateyar-bok. But +by the general public it must have been forgotten, or else the +Fisherman's tale of Estotiland and Drogio would surely have awakened +reminiscences of Markland and Vinland, and some traces of this would +have appeared in Antonio's narrative or upon his map. The principal +naval officer of the Faeroes, and personal friend of the sovereign, after +dwelling several years among these Northmen, whose intercourse with +their brethren in Iceland was frequent, apparently knew nothing of Leif +or Thorfinn, or the mere names of the coasts which they had visited. +Nothing had been accomplished by those voyages which could properly be +called a contribution to geographical knowledge. To speak of them as +constituting, in any legitimate sense of the phrase, a Discovery of +America is simply absurd. Except for Greenland, which was supposed to be +a part of the European world, America remained as much undiscovered +after the eleventh century as before. In the midsummer of 1492 it +needed to be discovered as much as if Leif Ericsson or the whole race of +Northmen had never existed. + + [Footnote 308: Practically, but not entirely, for we have seen + Markland mentioned in the "Elder Skalholt Annals," about 1362. + See above, p. 223.] + +As these pre-Columbian voyages produced no effect in the eastern +hemisphere, except to leave in Icelandic literature a scanty but +interesting record, so in the western hemisphere they seem to have +produced no effect beyond cutting down a few trees and killing a few +Indians. In the outlying world of Greenland it is not improbable that +the blood of the Eskimos may have received some slight Scandinavian +infusion. But upon the aboriginal world of the red men, from Davis +strait to Cape Horn, it is not likely that any impression of any sort +was ever made. It is in the highest degree probable that Leif Ericsson +and his friends made a few voyages to _what we now know to have been_ +the coast of America; but it is an abuse of language to say that they +"discovered" America. In no sense was any real contact established +between the eastern and the western halves of our planet until the great +voyage of Columbus in 1492. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +EUROPE AND CATHAY. + + +[Sidenote: Why the voyages of the Northmen were not followed up.] + +The question has sometimes been asked, Why did the knowledge of the +voyages to Vinland so long remain confined to the Scandinavian people or +a portion of them, and then lapse into oblivion, insomuch that it did +not become a matter of notoriety in Europe until after the publication +of the celebrated book of Thormodus Torfaeus in 1705? Why did not the +news of the voyages of Leif and Thorfinn spread rapidly over Europe, +like the news of the voyage of Columbus? and why was it not presently +followed, like the latter, by a rush of conquerors and colonizers across +the Atlantic? + +Such questions arise from a failure to see historical events in their +true perspective, and to make the proper allowances for the manifold +differences in knowledge and in social and economic conditions which +characterize different periods of history. In the present case, the +answer is to be found, first, in the geographical ignorance which +prevented the Northmen from realizing in the smallest degree what such +voyages really signified or were going to signify to posterity; and, +secondly, in the political and commercial condition of Europe at the +close of the tenth century. + +[Sidenote: Ignorance of geography.] + +In the first place the route which the Norse voyagers pursued, from +Iceland to Greenland and thence to Vinland, was not such as to give +them, in their ignorance of the shape of the earth, and with their +imperfect knowledge of latitude and longitude, any adequate gauge +wherewith to measure their achievement. The modern reader, who has in +his mind a general picture of the shape of the northern Atlantic ocean +with its coasts, must carefully expel that picture before he can begin +to realize how things must have seemed to the Northmen. None of the +Icelandic references to Markland and Vinland betray a consciousness that +these countries belong to a geographical world outside of Europe. There +was not enough organized geographical knowledge for that. They were +simply conceived as remote places beyond Greenland, inhabited by +inferior but dangerous people. The accidental finding of such places +served neither to solve any great commercial problem nor to gratify and +provoke scientific curiosity. It was, therefore, not at all strange that +it bore no fruit. + +[Sidenote: Lack of instruments for ocean navigation.] + +Secondly, even if it had been realized, and could have been duly +proclaimed throughout Europe, that across the broad Atlantic a new world +lay open for colonization, Europe could not have taken advantage of the +fact. Now and then a ship might make its way, or be blown, across the +waste of waters without compass or astrolabe; but until these +instruments were at hand anything like systematic ocean navigation was +out of the question; and from a colonization which could only begin by +creeping up into the Arctic seas and taking Greenland on the way, not +much was to be expected, after all. + +[Sidenote: Europe in the year 1000.] + +But even if the compass and other facilities for oceanic navigation had +been at hand, the state of Europe in the days of Eric the Red was not +such as to afford surplus energy for distant enterprise of this sort. +Let us for a moment recall what was going on in Europe in the year of +grace 1000, just enough to get a suggestive picture of the time. In +England the Danish invader, fork-bearded Swend, father of the great +Cnut, was wresting the kingship from the feeble grasp of Ethelred the +Redeless. In Gaul the little duchy of France, between the Somme and the +Loire, had lately become the kingdom of France, and its sovereign, Hugh +Capet, had succeeded to feudal rights of lordship over the great dukes +and counts whose territories surrounded him on every side; and now +Hugh's son, Robert the Debonair, better hymn-writer than warrior, was +waging a doubtful struggle with these unruly vassals. It was not yet in +any wise apparent what the kingdoms of England and France were going to +be. In Germany the youthful Otto III., the "wonder of the world," had +just made his weird visit to the tomb of his mighty predecessor at +Aachen, before starting on that last journey to Rome which was so soon +to cost him his life. Otto's teacher, Gerbert, most erudite of +popes,--too learned not to have had dealings with the Devil,--was +beginning to raise the papacy out of the abyss of infamy into which the +preceding age had seen it sink, and so to prepare the way for the +far-reaching reforms of Hildebrand. The boundaries of Christendom were +as yet narrow and insecure. With the overthrow of Olaf Tryggvesson in +this year 1000, and the temporary partition of Norway between Swedes and +Danes, the work of Christianizing the North seemed, for the moment, to +languish. Upon the eastern frontier the wild Hungarians had scarcely +ceased to be a terror to Europe, and in this year Stephen, their first +Christian king, began to reign. At the same time the power of heretical +Bulgaria, which had threatened to overwhelm the Eastern Empire, was +broken down by the sturdy blows of the Macedonian emperor Basil. In this +year the Christians of Spain met woful defeat at the hands of Almansor, +and there seemed no reason why the Mussulman rule over the greater part +of that peninsula should not endure forever. + +Thus, from end to end, Europe was a scene of direst confusion, and +though, as we now look back upon it, the time seems by no means devoid +of promise, there was no such cheering outlook then. Nowhere were the +outlines of kingdoms or the ownership of crowns definitely settled. +Private war was both incessant and universal; the Truce of God had not +yet been proclaimed.[309] As for the common people, their hardships +were well-nigh incredible. Amid all this anarchy and misery, at the +close of the thousandth year from the birth of Christ, the belief was +quite common throughout Europe that the Day of Judgment was at hand for +a world grown old in wickedness and ripe for its doom. + + [Footnote 309: The "Truce of God" (_Treuga Dei_) was introduced + by the clergy in Guienne about 1032; it was adopted in Spain + before 1050, and in England by 1080. See Datt, _De pace imperii + publica_, lib. i. cap. ii. A cessation of all violent quarrels + was enjoined, under ecclesiastical penalties, during church + festivals, and from every Wednesday evening until the following + Monday morning. This left only about eighty days in the year + available for shooting and stabbing one's neighbours. The truce + seems to have accomplished much good, though it was very + imperfectly observed.] + +[Sidenote: The condition of things was not such as to favour colonial +enterprise.] + +It hardly need be argued that a period like this, in which all the vital +energy in Europe was consumed in the adjustment of affairs at home, was +not fitted for colonial enterprises. Before a people can send forth +colonies it must have solved the problem of political life so far as to +ensure stability of trade. It is the mercantile spirit that has +supported modern colonization, aided by the spirit of intellectual +curiosity and the thirst for romantic adventure. In the eleventh century +there was no intellectual curiosity outside the monastery walls, nor had +such a feeling become enlisted in the service of commerce. Of trade +there was indeed, even in western Europe, a considerable amount, but the +commercial marine was in its infancy, and on land the trader suffered +sorely at the hands of the robber baron. In those days the fashionable +method of compounding with your creditors was, not to offer them fifty +cents on the dollar, but to inveigle them into your castle and broil +them over a slow fire. + +[Sidenote: The outlook of Europe was toward Asia.] + +In so far as the attention of people in Europe was called to any +quarter of the globe outside of the seething turbulence in which they +dwelt, it was directed toward Asia. Until after 1492, Europe stood with +her back toward the Atlantic. What there might be out beyond that "Sea +of Darkness" (_Mare Tenebrosum_), as it used commonly to be called, was +a question of little interest and seems to have excited no speculation. +In the view of mediaeval Europe the inhabited world was cut off on the +west by this mysterious ocean, and on the south by the burning sands of +Sahara; but eastward it stretched out no one knew how far, and in that +direction dwelt tribes and nations which Europe, from time immemorial, +had reason to fear. As early as the time of Herodotus, the secular +antagonism between Europe and Asia had become a topic of reflection +among the Greeks, and was wrought with dramatic effect by that great +writer into the structure of his history, culminating in the grand and +stirring scenes of the Persian war. A century and a half later the +conquests of Alexander the Great added a still more impressive climax to +the story. The struggle was afterward long maintained between Roman and +Parthian, but from the fifth century after Christ onward through the +Middle Ages, it seemed as if the Oriental world would never rest until +it had inflicted the extremities of retaliation upon Europe. Whether it +was the heathen of the steppes who were in question, from Attila in the +fifth century to Batu Khan in the thirteenth, or the followers of the +Prophet, who tore away from Christendom the southern shores of the +Mediterranean, and held Spain in their iron grasp, while from age to age +they exhausted their strength in vain against the Eastern Empire, the +threatening danger was always coming with the morning sun; whatever +might be the shock that took the attention of Europe away from herself, +it directed it upon Asia. This is a fact of cardinal importance for us, +inasmuch as it was directly through the interest, more and more +absorbing, which Europe felt in Asia that the discovery of the western +hemisphere was at last effected. + +[Sidenote: Routes of trade between Europe and Asia.] + +[Sidenote: Claudius Ptolemy.] + +[Sidenote: Early mention of China.] + +It was not only in war, but in commerce, that the fortunes of Europe +were dependent upon her relations with Asia. Since prehistoric times +there has always been some commercial intercourse between the eastern +shores of the Mediterranean and the peninsula of Hindustan. Tyre and +Sidon carried on such trade by way of the Red Sea.[310] After Alexander +had led his army to Samarcand and to the river Hyphasis, the +acquaintance of the Greeks with Asia was very considerably increased, +and important routes of trade were established. One was practically the +old Phoenician route, with its western terminus moved from Tyre to +Alexandria. Another was by way of the Caspian sea, up the river Oxus, +and thence with camels to the banks of the Indus.[311] An intermediate +route was through Syria and by way of the Euphrates and the Persian +gulf; the route which at one time made the greatness of Palmyra. After +the extension of Roman sway to the Nile, the Euphrates, and the Euxine, +these same routes continued to be used. The European commodities carried +to India were light woollen cloths, linens, coral, black lead, various +kinds of glass vessels, and wine. In exchange for these the traders +brought back to Europe divers aromatic spices, black pepper, ivory, +cotton fabrics, diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, silk thread and silk +stuffs.[312] Detailed accounts of these commercial transactions, and of +the wealth of personal experiences that must have been connected with +them, are excessively scant. Of the Europeans who, during all the +centuries between Alexander and Justinian, made their way to Hindustan +or beyond, we know very few by name. The amount of geographical +information that was gathered during the first half of this period is +shown in the map representing Claudius Ptolemy's knowledge of the earth, +about the middle of the second century after Christ. Except for the +Scandinavian world, and some very important additions made to the +knowledge of Asia by Marco Polo, this map fairly represents the maximum +of acquaintance with the earth's surface possessed by Europeans previous +to the great voyages of the fifteenth century. It shows a dim knowledge +of the mouths of the Ganges, of the island of Ceylon, and of what we +sometimes call Farther India. A very dim knowledge, indeed; for the huge +peninsula of Hindustan is shrunk into insignificance, while Taprobane, +or Ceylon, unduly magnified, usurps the place belonging to the Deccan. +At the same time we see that some hearsay knowledge of China had made +its way into the Roman world before the days of Ptolemy. The two names +by which China was first known to Europeans were "Seres" or "Serica," +and "Sinae" or "Thin." These two differing names are the records of two +different methods of approach to different parts of a vast country, very +much as the Northmen called their part of eastern North America +"Vinland," while the Spaniards called their part "Florida." The name +"Seres" was given to northwestern China by traders who approached it +through the highlands of central Asia from Samarcand, while "Sinae" was +the name given to southeastern China by traders who approached it by way +of the Indian ocean, and heard of it in India, but never reached it. +Apparently no European ships ever reached China before the Portuguese, +in 1517.[313] The name "Sinae" or "Thin" seems to mean the country of the +"Tchin" dynasty, which ruled over the whole of China in the second +century before Christ, and over a portion of it for a much longer time. +The name "Seres," on the other hand, was always associated with the +trade in silks, and was known to the Romans in the time of the Emperor +Claudius,[314] and somewhat earlier. The Romans in Virgil's time set a +high value upon silk, and every scrap of it they had came from China. +They knew nothing about the silk-worm, and supposed that the fibres or +threads of this beautiful stuff grew upon trees. Of actual intercourse +between the Roman and Chinese empires there was no more than is implied +in this current of trade, passing through many hands. But that each +knew, in a vague way, of the existence of the other, there is no +doubt.[315] + + [Footnote 310: Diodorus Siculus, i. 70.] + + [Footnote 311: Strabo, xi. 7, Sec. 3.] + + [Footnote 312: Robertson, _Historical Disquisition concerning + the Knowledge which the Ancients had of India_, Dublin, 1791, + p. 55. I never have occasion to consult Dr. Robertson without + being impressed anew with his scientific habit of thought and + the solidity of his scholarship; and in none of his works are + these qualities better illustrated than in this noble essay.] + + [Footnote 313: The Polos sailed back from China to the Persian + gulf in 1292-94; see below, p. 282.] + + [Footnote 314: The name "Seres" appears on the map of Pomponius + Mela (cir. A. D. 50), while "Sinae" does not. See below, p. 304. + + Jam Tartessiaco quos solverat aequore Titan + In noctem diffusus equos, jungebat Eois + Littoribus, primique novo Phaethonte retecti + Seres lanigeris repetebant vellera lucis. + Silius Italicus, lib. vi. _ad init._] + + [Footnote 315: For this whole subject see Colonel Sir Henry + Yule's _Cathay and the Way Thither_, London, 1866, 2 vols.,--a + work of profound learning and more delightful than a novel.] + +[Sidenote: Cosmas Indicopleustes.] + +[Sidenote: Shape of the earth, according to Cosmas.] + +In the course of the reign of Justinian, we get references at first hand +to India, and coupled withal to a general theory of cosmography. This +curious information we have in the book of the monk Cosmas +Indicopleustes, written somewhere between A. D. 530 and 550. A pleasant +book it is, after its kind. In his younger days Cosmas had been a +merchant, and in divers voyages had become familiar with the coasts of +Ethiopia and the Persian gulf, and had visited India and Ceylon. After +becoming a monk at Alexandria, Cosmas wrote his book of Christian +geography,[316] maintaining, in opposition to Ptolemy, that the earth +is not a sphere, but a rectangular plane forming the floor of the +universe; the heavens rise on all four sides about this rectangle, like +the four walls of a room, and, at an indefinite height above the floor, +these blue walls support a vaulted roof or firmament, in which God +dwells with the angels. In the centre of the floor are the inhabited +lands of the earth, surrounded on all sides by a great ocean, beyond +which, somewhere out in a corner, is the Paradise from which Adam and +Eve were expelled. In its general shape, therefore, the universe +somewhat resembles the Tabernacle in the Wilderness, or a modern +"Saratoga trunk." On the northern part of the floor, under the +firmament, is a lofty conical mountain, around which the sun, moon, and +planets perform their daily revolutions. In the summer the sun takes a +turn around the apex of the cone, and is, therefore, hidden only for a +short night; but in the winter he travels around the base, which takes +longer, and, accordingly, the nights are long. Such is the doctrine +drawn from Holy Scripture, says Cosmas, and as for the vain blasphemers +who pretend that the earth is a round ball, the Lord hath stultified +them for their sins until they impudently prate of Antipodes, where +trees grow downward and rain falls upward. As for such nonsense, the +worthy Cosmas cannot abide it. + + [Footnote 316: Its title is [Greek: Christianon biblos, + hermeneia eis ten Oktateuchon], i. e. against Ptolemy's + Geography in eight books. The name Cosmas Indicopleustes seems + merely to mean "the cosmographer who has sailed to India." He + begins his book in a tone of extreme and somewhat unsavory + humility: [Greek: Anoigo ta mogilala kai bradyglossa cheile ho + hamartolos kai talas ego]--"I, the sinner and wretch, open my + stammering, stuttering lips," etc.--The book has been the + occasion of some injudicious excitement within the last half + century. Cosmas gave a description of some comparatively recent + inscriptions on the peninsula of Sinai, and because he could + not find anybody able to read them, he inferred that they must + be records of the Israelites on their passage through the + desert. (Compare the Dighton rock, above, p. 214.) Whether in + the sixth century of grace or in the nineteenth, your + unregenerate and unchastened antiquary snaps at conclusions as + a drowsy dog does at flies. Some years ago an English + clergyman, Charles Forster, started up the nonsense again, and + argued that these inscriptions might afford a clue to man's + primeval speech! Cf. Bunsen, _Christianity and Mankind_, vol. + iii. p. 231; Mueller and Donaldson, _History of Greek + Literature_, vol. iii. p. 353; Bury, _History of the Later + Roman Empire from Arcadius to Irene_, vol. ii. p. 177.] + +I cite these views of Cosmas because there can be no doubt that they +represent beliefs current among the general public until after the time +of Columbus,[317] in spite of the deference paid to Ptolemy's views by +the learned. Along with these cosmographical speculations, Cosmas shows +a wider geographical knowledge of Asia than any earlier writer. He gives +a good deal of interesting information about India and Ceylon, and has a +fairly correct idea of the position of China, which he calls Tzinista or +Chinistan. This land of silk is the remotest of all the Indies, and +beyond it "there is neither navigation nor inhabited country.... And the +Indian philosophers, called Brachmans, tell you that if you were to +stretch a straight cord from Tzinista through Persia to the Roman +territory, you would just divide the world in halves. And mayhap they +are right."[318] + + [Footnote 317: Such views have their advocates even now. There + still lives, I believe, in England, a certain John Hampden, who + with dauntless breast maintains that the earth is a circular + plane with centre at the north pole and a circumference of + nearly 30,000 miles where poor misguided astronomers suppose + the south pole to be. The sun moves across the sky at a + distance of about 800 miles. From the boundless abyss beyond + the southern circumference, with its barrier of icy mountains, + came the waters which drowned the antediluvian world; for, as + this author quite reasonably observes, "on a globular earth + such a deluge would have been physically Impossible." Hampden's + title is somewhat like that of Cosmas,--_The New Manual of + Biblical Cosmography_, London, 1877; and he began in 1876 to + publish a periodical called _The Truth-Seeker's Oracle and + Scriptural Science Review_. Similar views have been set forth + by one Samuel Rowbotham, under the pseudonym of "Parallax," + _Zetetic Astronomy. Earth not a Globe. An experimental inquiry + into the true figure of the earth, proving it a plane without + orbital or axial motion_, etc., London, 1873; and by a William + Carpenter, _One Hundred Proofs that the Earth is not a Globe_, + Baltimore, 1885. There is a very considerable quantity of such + literature afloat, the product of a kind of mental aberration + that thrives upon paradox. When I was superintendent of the + catalogue of Harvard University library, I made the class + "Eccentric Literature" under which to group such books,--the + lucubrations of circle-squarers, angle-trisectors, inventors of + perpetual motion, devisers of recipes for living forever + without dying, crazy interpreters of Daniel and the Apocalypse, + upsetters of the undulatory theory of light, the + Bacon-Shakespeare lunatics, etc.; a dismal procession of + long-eared bipeds, with very raucous bray. The late Professor + De Morgan devoted a bulky and instructive volume to an account + of such people and their crotchets. See his _Budget of + Paradoxes_, London, 1872.] + + [Footnote 318: Cosmas, ii. 138. Further mention of China was + made early in the seventh century by Theophylactus Samocatta, + vii. 7. See Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i. pp. xlix., clxviii.] + +[Sidenote: The Nestorians.] + +In the fourth and following centuries, Nestorian missionaries were very +active in Asia, and not only made multitudes of converts and established +metropolitan sees in such places as Kashgar and Herat, but even found +their way into China. Their work forms an interesting though melancholy +chapter in history, but it does not seem to have done much toward making +Asia better known to Europe. As declared heretics, the Nestorians were +themselves almost entirely cut off from intercourse with European +Christians. + +[Sidenote: Effects of the Saracen conquests.] + +[Sidenote: Constantinople in the twelfth century.] + +The immediate effect of the sudden rise of the vast Saracen empire, in +the seventh and eighth centuries, was to interpose a barrier to the +extension of intercourse between Europe and the Far East. Trade between +the eastern and western extremities of Asia went on more briskly than +ever, but it was for a long time exclusively in Mussulman hands. The +mediaeval Arabs were bold sailors, and not only visited Sumatra and Java, +but made their way to Canton. Upon the southern and middle routes the +Arab cities of Cairo and Bagdad became thriving centres of trade; but as +Spain and the whole of northern Africa were now Arab countries, most of +the trade between east and west was conducted within Mussulman +boundaries. Saracen cruisers prowled in the Mediterranean and sorely +harassed the Christian coasts. During the eighth, ninth, and tenth +centuries, Europe was more shut in upon herself than ever before or +since. In many respects these were especially the dark ages of +Europe,--the period of least comfort and least enlightenment since the +days of pre-Roman barbarism. But from this general statement +Constantinople should be in great measure excepted. The current of +mediaeval trade through the noble highway of the Dardanelles and the +Bosphorus was subject to fluctuations, but it was always great. The +city of the Byzantine emperors was before all things a commercial city, +like Venice in later days. Until the time of the Crusades Constantinople +was the centre of the Levant trade. The great northern route from Asia +remained available for commercial intercourse in this direction. Persian +and Armenian merchants sent their goods to Batoum, whence they were +shipped to Constantinople; and silk was brought from northwestern China +by caravan to the Oxus, and forwarded thence by the Caspian sea, the +rivers Cyrus and Phasis, and the Euxine sea.[319] When it was visited by +Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century, Constantinople was +undoubtedly the richest and most magnificent city, and the seat of the +highest civilization, to be found anywhere upon the globe. + + [Footnote 319: Robertson, _Historical Disquisition_, p. 93; + Pears, _The Fall of Constantinople_, p. 177,--a book of great + merit.] + +[Sidenote: The Crusades.] + +[Sidenote: Barbarizing character of Turkish conquest.] + +[Sidenote: General effects of the Crusades.] + +In the days of its strength the Eastern Empire was the staunch bulwark +of Christendom against the dangerous assaults of Persian, Saracen, and +Turk; alike in prosperity and in calamity, it proved to be the teacher +and civilizer of the western world. The events which, at the close of +the eleventh century, brought thousands upon thousands of adventurous, +keen-witted people from western Europe into this home of wealth and +refinement, were the occasion of the most remarkable intellectual +awakening that the world had ever witnessed up to that time. The +Crusades, in their beginning, were a symptom of the growing energy of +western Europe under the ecclesiastical reformation effected by the +mighty Hildebrand. They were the military response of Europe to the most +threatening, and, as time has proved, the most deadly of all the blows +that have ever been aimed at her from Asia. Down to this time the +Mahometanism with which Christendom had so long been in conflict was a +Mahometanism of civilized peoples. The Arabs and Moors were industrious +merchants, agriculturists, and craftsmen; in their society one might +meet with learned scholars, refined poets, and profound philosophers. +But at the end of the tenth century, Islam happened to make converts of +the Turks, a nomad race in the upper status of barbarism, with flocks +and herds and patriarchal families. Inspired with the sudden zeal for +conquest which has always characterized new converts to Islam, the Turks +began to pour down from the plains of central Asia like a deluge upon +the Eastern Empire. In 1016 they overwhelmed Armenia, and presently +advanced into Asia Minor. Their mode of conquest was peculiarly baleful, +for at first they deliberately annihilated the works of civilization in +order to prepare the country for their nomadic life; they pulled down +cities to put up tents. Though they long ago ceased to be nomads, they +have to this day never learned to comprehend civilized life, and they +have been simply a blight upon every part of the earth's surface which +they have touched. At the beginning of the eleventh century, Asia Minor +was one of the most prosperous and highly civilized parts of the +world;[320] and the tale of its devastation by the terrible Alp Arslan +and the robber chiefs that came after him is one of the most mournful +chapters in history. At the end of that century, when the Turks were +holding Nicaea and actually had their outposts on the Marmora, it was +high time for Christendom to rise _en masse_ in self-defence. The idea +was worthy of the greatest of popes. Imperfectly and spasmodically as it +was carried out, it undoubtedly did more than anything that had ever +gone before toward strengthening the wholesome sentiment of a common +Christendom among the peoples of western Europe. The Crusades increased +the power of the Church, which was equivalent to putting a curb upon the +propensities of the robber baron and making labour and traffic more +secure. In another way they aided this good work by carrying off the +robber baron in large numbers to Egypt and Syria, and killing him there. +In this way they did much toward ridding European society of its most +turbulent elements; while at the same time they gave fresh development +to the spirit of romantic adventure, and connected it with something +better than vagrant freebooting.[321] By renewing the long-suspended +intercourse between the minds of western Europe and the Greek culture +of Constantinople, they served as a mighty stimulus to intellectual +curiosity, and had a large share in bringing about that great thirteenth +century renaissance which is forever associated with the names of Giotto +and Dante and Roger Bacon. + + [Footnote 320: "It is difficult for the modern traveller who + ventures into the heart of Asia Minor, and finds nothing but + rude Kurds and Turkish peasants living among mountains and wild + pastures, not connected even by ordinary roads, to imagine the + splendour and rich cultivation of this vast country, with its + brilliant cities and its teeming population." Mahaffy, _The + Greek World under Roman Sway_, London, 1890, p. 229.] + + [Footnote 321: The general effects of the Crusades are + discussed, with much learning and sagacity, by + Choiseul-Daillecourt, _De l'Influence des Croisades sur l'etat + des peuples de l'Europe_, Paris, 1809.] + +[Sidenote: The Fourth Crusade.] + +There can be no doubt that in these ways the Crusades were for our +forefathers in Europe the most bracing and stimulating events that +occurred in the whole millennium between the complicated disorders of +the fifth century and the outburst of maritime discovery in the +fifteenth. How far they justified themselves from the military point of +view, it is not so easy to say. On the one hand, they had much to do +with retarding the progress of the enemy for two hundred years; they +overwhelmed the Seljukian Turks so effectually that their successors, +the Ottomans, did not become formidable until about 1300, after the last +crusading wave had spent its force. On the other hand, the Fourth +Crusade, with better opportunities than any of the others for striking a +crushing blow at the Moslem, played false to Christendom, and in 1204 +captured and despoiled Constantinople in order to gratify Venice's +hatred of her commercial rival and superior. It was a sorry piece of +business, and one cannot look with unmixed pleasure at the four superb +horses that now adorn the front of the church of St. Mark as a trophy of +this unhallowed exploit.[322] One cannot help feeling that but for this +colossal treachery, the great city of Constantine, to which our own +civilization owes more than can ever be adequately told, might, perhaps, +have retained enough strength to withstand the barbarian in 1453, and +thus have averted one of the most lamentable catastrophes in the history +of mankind. + + [Footnote 322: They were taken from Chios in the fourth century + by the emperor Theodosius, and placed in the hippodrome at + Constantinople, whence they were taken by the Venetians in + 1204. The opinion that "the results of the Fourth Crusade upon + European civilization were altogether disastrous" is ably set + forth by Mr. Pears, _The Fall of Constantinople_, London, 1885, + and would be difficult to refute. Voltaire might well say in + this case, "Ainsi le seul fruit des chretiens dans leurs + barbares croisades fut d'exterminer d'autres chretiens. Ces + croises, qui ruinaient l'empire auraient pu, bien plus aisement + que tous leurs predecesseurs, chasser les Turcs de l'Asie." + _Essai sur les Moeurs_, tom. ii. p. 158. Voltaire's general + view of the Crusades is, however, very superficial.] + +[Sidenote: Rivalry between Venice and Genoa.] + +The general effect of the Crusades upon Oriental commerce was to +increase the amount of traffic through Egypt and Syria. Of this +lucrative trade Venice got the lion's share, and while she helped +support the short-lived Latin dynasty upon the throne at Constantinople, +she monopolized a great part of the business of the Black Sea also. But +in 1261 Venice's rival, Genoa, allied herself with the Greek emperor, +Michael Palaeologus, at Nicaea, placed him upon the Byzantine throne, and +again cut off Venice from the trade that came through the Bosphorus. +From this time forth the mutual hatred between Venice and Genoa "waxed +fiercer than ever; no merchant fleet of either state could go to sea +without convoy, and wherever their ships met they fought. It was +something like the state of things between Spain and England in the +days of Drake."[323] In the one case as in the other, it was a strife +for the mastery of the sea and its commerce. Genoa obtained full control +of the Euxine, took possession of the Crimea, and thus acquired a +monopoly of the trade from central Asia along the northern route. With +the fall of Acre in 1291, and the consequent expulsion of Christians +from Syria, Venice lost her hold upon the middle route. But with the +pope's leave[324] she succeeded in making a series of advantageous +commercial treaties with the new Mameluke sovereigns of Egypt, and the +dealings between the Red Sea and the Adriatic soon came to be +prodigious. The Venetians gained control of part of the Peloponnesus, +with many islands of the AEgean and eastern Mediterranean. During the +fourteenth and fifteenth centuries their city was the most splendid and +luxurious in all Christendom. + + [Footnote 323: Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. lxxi.] + + [Footnote 324: A papal dispensation was necessary before a + commercial treaty could be made with Mahometans. See Leibnitz, + _Codex Jur. Gent. Diplomat._, i. 489.] + +[Sidenote: Centres and routes of mediaeval trade.] + +Such a development of wealth in Venice and Genoa implies a large +producing and consuming area behind them, able to take and pay for the +costly products of India and China. Before the end of the thirteenth +century the volume of European trade had swelled to great proportions. +How full of historic and literary interest are the very names of the +centres and leading routes of this trade as it was established in those +days, with its outlook upon the Mediterranean and the distant East! Far +up in the North we see Wisby, on the little isle of Gothland in the +Baltic, giving its name to new rules of international law; and the +merchants of the famous Hansa towns extending their operations as far as +Novgorod in one direction, and in another to the Steelyard in London, +where the pound of these honest "Easterlings" was adopted as the +"sterling" unit of sound money. Fats and tallows, furs and wax from +Russia, iron and copper from Sweden, strong hides and unrivalled wools +from England, salt cod and herring (much needed on meagre church +fast-days) from the North and Baltic seas, appropriately followed by +generous casks of beer from Hamburg, were sent southward in exchange for +fine cloths and tapestries, the products of the loom in Ghent and +Bruges, in Ulm and Augsburg, with delicious vintages of the Rhine, +supple chain armour from Milan, Austrian yew-wood for English long-bows, +ivory and spices, pearls and silks from Italy and the Orient. Along the +routes from Venice and Florence to Antwerp and Rotterdam we see the +progress in wealth and refinement, in artistic and literary +productiveness. We see the early schools of music and painting in Italy +meet with prompt response in Flanders; in the many-gabled streets of +Nuremberg we hear the voice of the Meistersinger, and under the low +oaken roof of a Canterbury inn we listen to joyous if sometimes naughty +tales erst told in pleasant groves outside of fever-stricken Florence. + +[Sidenote: Effects of the Mongol conquests.] + +[Sidenote: Cathay.] + +[Sidenote: Carpini and Rubruquis.] + +[Sidenote: First knowledge of an eastern ocean beyond Cathay.] + +With this increase of wealth and culture in central Europe there came a +considerable extension of knowledge and a powerful stimulus to +curiosity concerning the remote parts of Asia. The conquering career of +Jenghis Khan (1206-1227) had shaken the world to its foundations. In the +middle of that century, to adopt Colonel Yule's lively expression, +"throughout Asia and eastern Europe, scarcely a dog might bark without +Mongol leave, from the borders of Poland and the coast of Cilicia to the +Amur and the Yellow Sea." About these portentous Mongols, who had thus +in a twinkling overwhelmed China and Russia, and destroyed the Caliphate +of Bagdad, there was a refreshing touch of open-minded heathenism. They +were barbarians willing to learn. From end to end of Asia the barriers +were thrown down. It was a time when Alan chiefs from the Volga served +as police in Tunking, and Chinese physicians could be consulted at +Tabriz. For about a hundred years China was more accessible than at any +period before or since,--more even than to-day; and that country now for +the first time became really known to a few Europeans. In the northern +provinces of China, shortly before the Mongol deluge, there had reigned +a dynasty known as the _Khitai_, and hence China was (and still is) +commonly spoken of in central Asia as the country of the Khitai. When +this name reached European ears it became _Cathay_, the name by which +China was best known in Europe during the next four centuries.[325] In +1245, Friar John of Plano Carpini, a friend and disciple of St. Francis, +was sent by Pope Innocent IV. on a missionary errand to the Great Khan, +and visited him in his camp at Karakorum in the very depths of Mongolia. +In 1253 the king of France, St. Louis, sent another Franciscan monk, +Willem de Rubruquis, to Karakorum, on a mission of which the purpose is +now not clearly understood. Both these Franciscans were men of shrewd +and cultivated minds, especially Rubruquis, whose narrative, "in its +rich detail, its vivid pictures, its acuteness of observation and strong +good sense ... has few superiors in the whole library of travel."[326] +Neither Rubruquis nor Friar John visited China, but they fell in with +Chinese folk at Karakorum, and obtained information concerning the +geography of eastern Asia far more definite than had ever before been +possessed by Europeans. They both describe Cathay as bordering upon an +eastern ocean, and this piece of information constituted the first +important leap of geographical knowledge to the eastward since the days +of Ptolemy, who supposed that beyond the "Seres and Sinae" lay an unknown +land of vast extent, "full of reedy and impenetrable swamps."[327] The +information gathered by Rubruquis and Friar John indicated that there +was an end to the continent of Asia; that, not as a matter of vague +speculation, but of positive knowledge, Asia was bounded on the east, +just as Europe was bounded on the west, by an ocean. + + [Footnote 325: Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i. p. cxvi.; _Marco Polo_, + vol. i. p. xlii.] + + [Footnote 326: Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. cxxx.; cf. + Humboldt, _Examen critique_, tom. i. p. 71. The complete + original texts of the reports of both monks, with learned + notes, may be found in the _Recueil de Voyages et de Memoires, + publie par la Societe de Geographie_, Paris, 1839, tom. iv., + viz.: _Johannis de Plano Carpini Historia Mongolorum quos nos + Tartaros appellamus_, ed. M. d'Avezac; _Itinerarium Willelmi de + Rubruk_, ed. F. Michel et T. Wright.] + + [Footnote 327: Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i. p. xxxix.; Ptolemy, i. + 17. Cf. Bunbury's _History of Ancient Geography_, London, 1883, + vol. ii. p. 606.] + +[Sidenote: The data were thus prepared for Columbus;] + +[Sidenote: but as yet nobody reasoned from these data to a practical +conclusion.] + +Here we arrive at a notable landmark in the history of the Discovery of +America. Here from the camp of bustling heathen at Karakorum there is +brought to Europe the first announcement of a geographical fact from +which the poetic mind of Christopher Columbus will hereafter reap a +wonderful harvest. This is one among many instances of the way in which, +throughout all departments of human thought and action, the glorious +thirteenth century was beginning to give shape to the problems of which +the happy solution has since made the modern world so different from the +ancient.[328] Since there is an ocean east of Cathay and an ocean west +of Spain, how natural the inference--and albeit quite wrong, how +amazingly fruitful--that these oceans are one and the same, so that by +sailing westward from Spain one might go straight to Cathay! The data +for such an inference were now all at hand, but it does not appear that +any one as yet reasoned from the data to the conclusion, although we +find Roger Bacon, in 1267, citing the opinions of Aristotle and other +ancient writers to the effect that the distance by sea from the western +shores of Spain to the eastern shores of Asia cannot be so very +great.[329] In those days it took a long time for such ideas to get from +the heads of philosophers into the heads of men of action; and in the +thirteenth century, when Cathay was more accessible by land than at any +time before or since, there was no practical necessity felt for a water +route thither. Europe still turned her back upon the Atlantic and gazed +more intently than ever upon Asia. Stronger and more general grew the +interest in Cathay. + + [Footnote 328: See my _Beginnings of New England_, chap. i. How + richly suggestive to an American is the contemporaneity of + Rubruquis and Earl Simon of Leicester!] + + [Footnote 329: Roger Bacon, _Opus Majus_, ed. Jebb, London, + 1733, p. 183.] + +[Sidenote: The Polo brothers.] + +[Sidenote: Kublai Khan's message to the Pope.] + +In the middle of the thirteenth century, some members of the Polo +family, one of the aristocratic families of Venice, had a commercial +house at Constantinople. Thence, in 1260, the brothers Nicolo and Maffeo +Polo started on a trading journey to the Crimea, whence one opportunity +after another for making money and gratifying their curiosity with new +sights led them northward and eastward to the Volga, thence into +Bokhara, and so on until they reached the court of the Great Khan, in +one of the northwestern provinces of Cathay. The reigning sovereign was +the famous Kublai Khan, grandson of the all-conquering Jenghis. Kublai +was an able and benevolent despot, earnest in the wish to improve the +condition of his Mongol kinsmen. He had never before met European +gentlemen, and was charmed with the cultivated and polished Venetians. +He seemed quite ready to enlist the Roman Church in aid of his +civilizing schemes, and entrusted the Polos with a message to the Pope, +asking him for a hundred missionary teachers. The brothers reached +Venice in 1269, and found that Pope Clement IV. was dead and there was +an interregnum. After two years Gregory X. was elected and received the +Khan's message, but could furnish only a couple of Dominican friars, and +these men were seized with the dread not uncommonly felt for +"Tartareans," and at the last moment refused to go. Nicolo and his +brother then set out in the autumn of 1271 to return to China, taking +with them Nicolo's son Marco, a lad of seventeen years. From Acre they +went by way of Bagdad to Hormuz, at the mouth of the Persian gulf, +apparently with the intention of proceeding thence by sea, but for some +reason changed their course, and travelled through Kerman, Khorassan, +and Balkh, to Kashgar, and thence by way of Yarkand and Khotan, and +across the desert of Gobi into northwestern China, where they arrived in +the summer of 1275, and found the Khan at Kaipingfu, not far from the +northern end of the Great Wall. + +[Sidenote: Marco Polo and his travels in Asia.] + +[Sidenote: First recorded voyage of Europeans around the Indo-Chinese +peninsula, 1292-94.] + +[Sidenote: Return of the Polos to Venice.] + +It has been said that the failure of Kublai's mission to the Pope led +him to apply to the Grand Lama, at Thibet, who responded more +efficiently and successfully than Gregory X., so that Buddhism seized +the chance which Catholicism failed to grasp. The Venetians, however, +lost nothing in the good Khan's esteem. Young Marco began to make +himself proficient in speaking and writing several Asiatic languages, +and was presently taken into the Khan's service. His name is mentioned +in the Chinese Annals of 1277 as a newly-appointed commissioner of the +privy council.[330] He remained in Kublai's service until 1292, while +his father and uncle were gathering wealth in various ways. Marco made +many official journeys up and down the Khan's vast dominions, not only +in civilized China, but in regions of the heart of Asia seldom visited +by Europeans to this day,--"a vast ethnological garden," says Colonel +Yule, "of tribes of various race and in every stage of uncivilization." +In 1292 a royal bride for the Khan of Persia was to be sent all the way +from Peking to Tabriz, and as war that year made some parts of the +overland route very unsafe, it was decided to send her by sea. The three +Polos had for some time been looking for an opportunity to return to +Venice, but Kublai was unwilling to have them go. Now, however, as every +Venetian of that day was deemed to be from his very cradle a seasoned +seadog, and as the kindly old Mongol sovereign had an inveterate +land-lubber's misgivings about ocean voyages, he consented to part with +his dear friends, so that he might entrust the precious princess to +their care. They sailed from the port of Zaiton (Chinchow) early in +1292, and after long delays on the coasts of Sumatra and Hindustan, in +order to avoid unfavourable monsoons, they reached the Persian gulf in +1294. They found that the royal bridegroom, somewhat advanced in years, +had died before they started from China; so the young princess became +the bride of his son. After tarrying awhile in Tabriz, the Polos +returned, by way of Trebizond and the Bosphorus, to Venice, arriving in +1295. When they got there, says Ramusio, after their absence of four and +twenty years, "the same fate befel them as befel Ulysses, who, when he +returned to his native Ithaca, was recognized by nobody." Their kinsfolk +had long since given them up for dead; and when the three wayworn +travellers arrived at the door of their own palace, the middle-aged men +now wrinkled graybeards, the stripling now a portly man, all three +attired in rather shabby clothes of Tartar cut, and "with a certain +indescribable smack of the Tartar about them, both in air and accent," +some words of explanation were needed to prove their identity. After a +few days they invited a party of old friends to dinner, and bringing +forth three shabby coats, ripped open the seams and welts, and began +pulling out and tumbling upon the table such treasures of diamonds and +emeralds, rubies and sapphires, as could never have been imagined, +"which had all been stitched up in those dresses in so artful a fashion +that nobody could have suspected the fact." In such wise had they +brought home from Cathay their ample earnings; and when it became known +about Venice that the three long-lost citizens had come back, +"straightway the whole city, gentle and simple, flocked to the house to +embrace them, and to make much of them, with every conceivable +demonstration of affection and respect."[331] + + [Footnote 330: Pauthier's _Marco Polo_, p. 361; Yule's _Marco + Polo_, p. li.] + + [Footnote 331: Ramusio, _apud_ Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. + xxxvii.] + +[Sidenote: Marco Polo's book written in prison at Genoa, 1299.] + +Three years afterward, in 1298, Marco commanded a galley in the great +naval battle with the Genoese near Curzola. The Venetians were totally +defeated, and Marco was one of the 7,000 prisoners taken to Genoa, where +he was kept in durance for about a year. One of his companions in +captivity was a certain Rusticiano, of Pisa, who was glad to listen to +his descriptions of Asia, and to act as his amanuensis. French was then, +at the close of the Crusades, a language as generally understood +throughout Europe as later, in the age of Louis XIV.; and Marco's +narrative was duly taken down by the worthy Rusticiano in rather lame +and shaky French. In the summer of 1299 Marco was set free and returned +to Venice, where he seems to have led a quiet life until his death in +1324. + +[Sidenote: Its great contributions to geographical knowledge.] + +"The Book of Ser Marco Polo concerning the Kingdoms and Marvels of the +East" is one of the most famous and important books of the Middle Ages. +It contributed more new facts toward a knowledge of the earth's surface +than any book that had ever been written before. Its author was "the +first traveller to trace a route across the whole longitude of Asia;" +the first to describe China in its vastness, with its immense cities, +its manufactures and wealth, and to tell, whether from personal +experience or direct hearsay, of Thibet and Burmah, of Siam and Cochin +China, of the Indian archipelago, with its islands of spices, of Java +and Sumatra, and of the savages of Andaman. He knew of Japan and the +woful defeat of the Mongols there, when they tried to invade the island +kingdom in 1281. He gave a description of Hindustan far more complete +and characteristic than had ever before been published. From Arab +sailors, accustomed to the Indian ocean, he learned something about +Zanzibar and Madagascar and the semi-Christian kingdom of Abyssinia. To +the northward from Persia he described the country of the Golden Horde, +whose khans were then holding Russia in subjection; and he had gathered +some accurate information concerning Siberia as far as the country of +the Samoyeds, with their dog-sledges and polar bears.[332] + + [Footnote 332: Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. cxxxi.] + +[Sidenote: Prester John.] + +[Sidenote: The "Arimaspians."] + +Here was altogether too much geographical knowledge for European +ignorance in those days to digest. While Marco's book attracted much +attention, its influence upon the progress of geography was slighter +than it would have been if addressed to a more enlightened public. Many +of its sober statements of fact were received with incredulity. Many of +the places described were indistinguishable, in European imagination, +from the general multitude of fictitious countries mentioned in +fairy-tales or in romances of chivalry. Perhaps no part of Marco's story +was so likely to interest his readers as his references to Prester John. +In the course of the twelfth century the notion had somehow gained +possession of the European mind that somewhere out in the dim vastness +of the Orient there dwelt a mighty Christian potentate, known as John +the Presbyter or "Prester."[333] At different times he was identified +with various known Asiatic sovereigns. Marco Polo identified him with +one Togrul Wang, who was overcome and slain by the mighty Jenghis; but +he would not stay dead, any more than the grewsome warlock in Russian +nursery lore. The notion of Prester John and his wealthy kingdom could +no more be expelled from the European mind in the fourteenth and +fifteenth centuries than the kindred notion of El Dorado in the +sixteenth. The position of this kingdom was shifted about here and +there, as far as from Chinese Tartary to Abyssinia and back again, but +somewhere or other in people's vague mental picture of the East it was +sure to occur. Other remote regions in Asia were peopled with elves and +griffins and "one-eyed Arimaspians,"[334] and we may be sure that to +Marco's readers these beings were quite as real as the polished +citizens of Cambaluc (Peking) or the cannibals of the Andaman islands. +From such a chaos of ideas sound geographical knowledge must needs be a +slow evolution, and Marco Polo's acquisitions were altogether too far in +advance of his age to be readily assimilated. + + [Footnote 333: + "But for to speake of riches and of stones, + And men and horse, I trow the large wones + Of Prestir John, ne all his tresorie, + Might not unneth have boght the tenth partie." + Chaucer, _The Flower and the Leaf_, 200. + + The fabulous kingdom of Prester John is ably treated in Yule's + _Cathay_, vol. i. pp. 174-182; _Marco Polo_, vol. i. p. + 204-216. Colonel Yule suspects that its prototype may have been + the semi-Christian kingdom of Abyssinia. This is very likely. + As for its range, shifted hither and thither as it was, all the + way from the upper Nile to the Thian-Shan mountains, we can + easily understand this if we remember how an ignorant mind + conceives all points distant from its own position as near to + one another; i. e. if you are about to start from New York for + Arizona, your housemaid will perhaps ask you to deliver a + message to her brother in Manitoba. Nowhere more than in the + history of geography do we need to keep before us, at every + step, the limitations of the untutored mind and its feebleness + in grasping the space-relations of remote regions.] + + [Footnote 334: These Arimaspians afford an interesting example + of the uncritical statements of travellers at an early time, as + well as of their tenacious vitality. The first mention of these + mythical people seems to have been made by Greek travellers in + Scythia as early as the seventh century before Christ; and they + furnished Aristeas of Proconnesus, somewhat later, with the + theme of his poem "Arimaspeia," which has perished, all except + six verses quoted by Longinus. See Mure's _Literature of + Antient Greece_, vol. iv. p. 68. Thence the notion of the + Arimaspians seems to have passed to Herodotus (iii. 116; iv. + 27) and to AEschylus:-- + + [Greek: oxystomous gar Zenos akrageis kynas + grypas phylaxai, ton te mounopa straton + Arimaspon hippobamon', hoi chrysorrhyton + oikousin amphi nama Ploutonos porou; + toutois sy me pelaze.] + _Prometheus_, 802. + + Thence it passed on to Pausanias, i. 24; Pomponius Mela, ii. 1; + Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, vii. 2; Lucan, _Pharsalia_, iii. 280; and + so on to Milton:-- + + "As when a gryphon through the wilderness, + With winged course o'er hill or moory dale, + Pursues the Arimaspian who by stealth + Had from his wakeful custody purloined + The guarded gold." + _Paradise Lost_, ii. 944.] + +[Illustration: Two sheets of the Catalan Map, 1375.] + +[Sidenote: Other visits to China.] + +[Sidenote: Overthrow of the Mongol dynasty, and shutting up of China.] + +Nevertheless, in the Catalan map, made in 1375, and now to be seen in +the National Library at Paris, there is a thorough-going and not +unsuccessful attempt to embody the results of Polo's travels. In the +interval of three quarters of a century since the publication of Marco's +narrative, several adventurous travellers had found their way to Cathay. +There was Friar Odoric, of Pordenone, who, during the years 1316-30 +visited Hindustan, Sumatra, Java, Cochin China, the Chinese Empire, and +Thibet.[335] It was from this worthy monk that the arrant old impostor, +"Sir John Mandeville," stole his descriptions of India and Cathay, +seasoning them with yarns from Pliny and Ktesias, and grotesque conceits +of his own.[336] Several other missionary friars visited China between +1302 and 1330, and about ten years after the latter date the Florentine +merchant, Francesco Pegolotti, wrote a very useful handbook for +commercial travellers on the overland route to that country.[337] +Between 1338 and 1353 Giovanni Marignolli spent some years at Peking, as +papal legate from Benedict XI. to the Great Khan, and also travelled in +Ceylon and Hindustan.[338] That seems to have been the last of these +journeys to the Far East. In 1368, the people of China rose against the +Mongol dynasty and overthrew it. The first emperor of the native Ming +dynasty was placed upon the throne, and the Chinese retorted upon their +late conquerors by overrunning vast Mongolia and making it Chinese +Tartary. The barriers thrown down by the liberal policy of the Mongol +sovereigns were now put up again, and no more foreigners were allowed to +set foot upon the sacred soil of the Flowery Kingdom. + + [Footnote 335: Odoric mentions Juggernaut processions and the + burning of widows; in Sumatra he observed cannibalism and + community of wives; he found the kingdom of Prester John in + Chinese Tartary; "but as regards him," says wise Odoric, "not + one hundredth part is true of what is told of him as if it were + undeniable." Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i. pp. 79, 85, 146.] + + [Footnote 336: Colonel Yule gives a list of fourteen important + passages taken bodily from Odoric by Mandeville. _Op. cit._ i. + 28. It is very doubtful if that famous book, "Sir John + Mandeville's Travels," was written by a Mandeville, or by a + knight, or even by an Englishman. It seems to have been + originally written in French by Jean de Bourgogne, a physician + who lived for some years at Liege, and died there somewhere + about 1370. He may possibly have been an Englishman named John + Burgoyne, who was obliged some years before that date to flee + his country for homicide or for some political offence. He had + travelled as far as Egypt and Palestine, but no farther. His + book is almost entirely cribbed from others, among which may be + mentioned the works of Jacques de Vitry, Plano Carpini, Hayton + the Armenian, Boldensele's Itinerary, Albert of Aix's chronicle + of the first crusade, Brunetto Latini's _Tresor_, Petrus + Comestor's _Historia scholastica_, the _Speculum_ of Vincent de + Beauvais, etc., etc. It is one of the most wholesale and + successful instances of plagiarism and imposture on record. See + _The Buke of John Mandevill, from the unique copy (Egerton MS. + 1982) in the British Museum. Edited by G. F. Warner._ + Westminster, 1889. (Roxburghe Club.)] + + [Footnote 337: One piece of Pegolotti's advice is still useful + for travellers in the nineteenth century who visit benighted + heathen countries afflicted with robber tariffs: "And don't + forget that if you treat the custom-house officers with + respect, and make them something of a present in goods or + money, they will behave with great civility and always be ready + to appraise your wares below their real value." _Op. cit._ ii. + 307.] + + [Footnote 338: The works of all the writers mentioned in this + paragraph, or copious extracts from them, may be found in + Yule's _Cathay_, which comprises also the book of the + celebrated Ibn Batuta, of Tangier, whose travels, between 1325 + and 1355, covered pretty much the whole of Asia except Siberia, + besides a journey across Sahara to the river Niger. His book + does not seem to have attracted attention in Europe until early + in the present century.] + +[Sidenote: First rumours of the Molucca islands and Japan.] + +Thus, for just a century,--from Carpini and Rubruquis to +Marignolli,--while China was open to strangers as never before or since, +a few Europeans had availed themselves of the opportunity in such wise +as to mark the beginning of a new era in the history of geographical +knowledge. Though the discoveries of Marco Polo were as yet but +imperfectly appreciated, one point, and that the most significant of +all, was thoroughly established. It was shown that the continent of Asia +did not extend indefinitely eastward, nor was it bounded and barricaded +on that side, as Ptolemy had imagined, by vast impenetrable swamps. On +the contrary, its eastern shores were perfectly accessible through an +open sea, and half a dozen Europeans in Chinese ships had now actually +made the voyage between the coast of China and the Persian gulf. +Moreover, some hearsay knowledge--enough to provoke curiosity and +greed--had been gained of the existence of numerous islands in that +far-off eastern ocean, rich in the spices which from time immemorial had +formed such an important element in Mediterranean commerce. News, also, +had been brought to Europe of the wonderful island kingdom of Japan +(Cipango or Zipangu) lying out in that ocean some hundreds of miles +beyond the coast of Cathay. These were rich countries, abounding in +objects of lucrative traffic. Under the liberal Mongol rule the Oriental +trade had increased enough for Europe to feel in many ways its +beneficial effects. Now this trade began to be suddenly and severely +checked, and while access to the interior of Asia was cut off, European +merchants might begin to reflect upon the value of what they were +losing, and to consider if there were any feasible method of recovering +it. + +[Sidenote: The accustomed routes of Oriental trade cut off by the +Ottoman Turks.] + +[Sidenote: Necessity for finding an "outside route to the Indies."] + +It was not merely the shutting up of China by the first Ming emperor, +in 1368, that checked the intercourse between Europe and Asia. A still +more baleful obstacle to all such intercourse had lately come upon the +scene. In Asia Minor the beastly Turk, whose career had been for two +centuries arrested by the Crusades, now reared his head again. The +Seljukian had been only scotched, not killed; and now he sprang to life +as the Ottoman, with sharper fangs than before. In 1365 the Turks +established themselves in the Balkan peninsula, with Adrianople as their +capital, and began tightening their coils about the doomed city of +Constantine. Each point that they gained meant the strangling of just so +much Oriental trade; for, as we have seen, the alliance of +Constantinople with Genoa since 1261 had secured to the latter city, and +to western Europe, the advantages of the overland routes from Asia, +whether through the Volga country or across Armenia. When at length, in +1453, the Turks took Constantinople, the splendid commercial career of +Genoa was cut with the shears of Atropos. At the same time, as their +power was rapidly extending over Syria and down toward Egypt, +threatening the overthrow of the liberal Mameluke dynasty there, the +commercial prosperity of Venice also was seriously imperilled. Moreover, +as Turkish corsairs began to swarm in the eastern waters of the +Mediterranean, the voyage became more and more unsafe for Christian +vessels. It was thus, while the volume of trade with Asia was, in the +natural course of things, swelling year by year, that its accustomed +routes were being ruthlessly cut off. It was fast becoming necessary to +consider whether there might not be other practicable routes to "the +Indies" than those which had from time immemorial been followed. Could +there be such a thing as an "outside route" to that land of promise? A +more startling question has seldom been propounded; for it involved a +radical departure from the grooves in which the human mind had been +running ever since the days of Solomon. Two generations of men lived and +died while this question was taking shape, and all that time Cathay and +India and the islands of Spices were objects of increasing desire, +clothed by eager fancy with all manner of charms and riches. The more +effectually the eastern Mediterranean was closed, the stronger grew the +impulse to venture upon unknown paths in order to realize the vague but +glorious hopes that began to cluster about these remote countries. Such +an era of romantic enterprise as was thus ushered in, the world has +never seen before or since. It was equally remarkable as an era of +discipline in scientific thinking. In the maritime ventures of +unparalleled boldness now to be described, the human mind was groping +toward the era of enormous extensions of knowledge in space and time +represented by the names of Newton and Darwin. It was learning the right +way of putting its trust in the Unseen. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES. + +_EASTWARD OR PORTUGUESE ROUTE._ + + +[Sidenote: Question as to whether Asia could be reached by sailing +around Africa.] + +As it dawned upon men's minds that to find some oceanic route from +Europe to the remote shores of Asia was eminently desirable, the first +attempt would naturally be to see what could be done by sailing down the +western coast of Africa, and ascertaining whether that continent could +be circumnavigated. It was also quite in the natural order of things +that this first attempt should be made by the Portuguese. + +In the general history of the Middle Ages the Spanish peninsula had been +to some extent cut off from the main currents of thought and feeling +which actuated the rest of Europe. Its people had never joined the other +Christian nations in the Crusades, for the good reason that they always +had quite enough to occupy them in their own domestic struggle with the +Moors. From the throes of this prolonged warfare Portugal emerged +somewhat sooner than the Spanish kingdoms, and thus had somewhat earlier +a surplus of energy released for work of another sort. It was not +strange that the Portuguese should be the first people since the old +Northmen to engage in distant maritime adventure upon a grand scale. +Nor was it strange that Portuguese seamanship should at first have +thriven upon naval warfare with Mussulmans. It was in attempting to +suppress the intolerable nuisance of Moorish piracy that Portuguese +ships became accustomed to sail a little way down the west coast of +Africa; and such voyages, begun for military purposes, were kept up in +the interests of commerce, and presently served as a mighty stimulus to +geographical curiosity. We have now to consider at some length how grave +was the problem that came up for immediate solution. + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Views of Eratosthenes, B. C. 276-196.] + +[Sidenote: Opposing theory of Ptolemy, cir. A. D. 150.] + +With regard to the circumnavigability of Africa two opposite opinions +were maintained by the ancient Greek and Latin writers whose authority +the men of the Middle Ages were wont to quote as decisive of every vexed +question. The old Homeric notion of an ocean encompassing the +terrestrial world, although mentioned with doubt by Herodotus,[339] +continued to survive after the globular form of the earth had come to be +generally maintained by ancient geographers. The greatest of these +geographers, Eratosthenes, correctly assumed that the Indian ocean was +continuous with the Atlantic,[340] and that Africa could be +circumnavigated, just as he incorrectly assumed that the Caspian sea +was a huge gulf communicating with a northern ocean, by which it would +be possible to sail around the continent of Asia as he imagined it.[341] +A similar opinion as to Africa was held by Posidonius and by +Strabo.[342] It was called in question, however, by Polybius,[343] and +was flatly denied by the great astronomer Hipparchus, who thought that +certain observations on the tides, reported by Seleucus of Babylon, +proved that there could be no connection between the Atlantic and Indian +oceans.[344] Claudius Ptolemy, writing in the second century after +Christ, followed the opinion of Hipparchus, and carried to an extreme +the reaction against Eratosthenes. By Ptolemy's time the Caspian had +been proved to be an inland sea, and it was evident that Asia extended +much farther to the north and east than had once been supposed. This +seems to have discredited in his mind the whole conception of outside +oceans, and he not only gave an indefinite northward and eastward +extension to Asia and an indefinite southern extension to Africa, but +brought these two continents together far to the southeast, thus making +the Indian ocean a land-locked sea.[345] + + [Footnote 339: [Greek: Ton de Okeanon logo men legousi ap' + heliou anatoleon arxamenon gen peri pasan rheein, ergo de ouk + apodeiknysi.] Herodotus, iv. 8.] + + [Footnote 340: [Greek: Kai gar kat' auton Eratosthene ten ektos + thalattan hapasan syrroun einai, hoste kai ten Hesperion kai + ten Erythran thalattan mian einai.] Strabo, i. 3, Sec. 13.] + + [Footnote 341: Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. i. + p. 644.] + + [Footnote 342: Strabo, ii. 3, Sec. 4; xvii. 3, Sec. 1.] + + [Footnote 343: [Greek: Kathaper de kai tes Asias kai tes + Libyes, katho synaptousin allelais peri ten Aithiopian, oudeis + echei legein atrekos heos ton kath' hemas kairon, poteron + epeiros esti kata to syneches ta pros ten mesembrian, e + thalatte periechetai.] Polybius, iii. 38.] + + [Footnote 344: Bunbury, _op. cit._ vol. ii. p. 15.] + + [Footnote 345: See the map of Ptolemy's world, above, p. 264.] + +[Sidenote: Story of the Phoenician voyage, in the time of Necho.] + +These views of Hipparchus and Ptolemy took no heed of the story told to +Herodotus of the circumnavigation of Africa by a Phoenician squadron at +some time during the reign of Necho in Egypt (610-595 B. C.).[346] The +Phoenician ships were said to have sailed from the Red Sea and to have +returned through the Mediterranean in the third year after starting. In +each of the two autumn seasons they stopped and sowed grain and waited +for it to ripen, which in southern Africa would require ten or twelve +weeks.[347] On their return to Egypt they declared ("I for my part do +not believe them," says Herodotus, "but perhaps others may") that in +thus sailing from east to west around Africa they had the sun upon their +right hand. About this alleged voyage there has been a good deal of +controversy.[348] No other expedition in any wise comparable to it for +length and difficulty can be cited from ancient history, and a critical +scholar is inclined to look with suspicion upon all such accounts of +unique and isolated events. As we have not the details of the story, it +is impossible to give it a satisfactory critical examination. The +circumstance most likely to convince us of its truth is precisely that +which dear old Herodotus deemed incredible. The position of the sun, to +the north of the mariners, is something that could hardly have been +imagined by people familiar only with the northern hemisphere. It is +therefore almost certain that Necho's expedition sailed beyond the +equator.[349] But that is as far as inference can properly carry us; for +our experience of the uncritical temper of ancient narrators is enough +to suggest that such an achievement might easily be magnified by rumour +into the story told, more than a century after the event, to Herodotus. +The data are too slight to justify us in any dogmatic opinion. One +thing, however, is clear. Even if the circumnavigation was +effected,--which, on the whole, seems improbable,--it remained quite +barren of results. It produced no abiding impression upon men's +minds[350] and added nothing to geographical knowledge. The veil of +mystery was not lifted from southern Africa. The story was doubted by +Strabo and Posidonius, and passed unheeded, as we have seen, by +Hipparchus and Ptolemy. + + [Footnote 346: Ptolemy expressly declares that the equatorial + regions had never been visited by people from the northern + hemisphere: [Greek: Tines de eisin hai oikeseis ouk an echoimen + pepeismenos eipein. Atriptoi gar eisi mechri tou deuro tois apo + tes kath' hemas oikoumenes, kai eikasian mallon an tis e + historian hegesaito ta legomena peri auton.] _Syntaxis_, ii. + 6.] + + [Footnote 347: Rawlinson's _Herodotus_, vol. iii. p. 29, note + 8.] + + [Footnote 348: The story is discredited by Mannert, _Geographie + der Griechen und Roemer_, bd. i. pp. 19-26; Gossellin, + _Recherches sur la geographie des Anciens_, tom. i. p. 149; + Lewis, _Astronomy of the Ancients_, pp. 508-515; Vincent, + _Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients in the Indian Ocean_, + vol. i. pp. 303-311, vol. ii. pp. 13-15; Leake, _Disputed + Questions of Ancient Geography_, pp. 1-8. It is defended by + Heeren, _Ideen ueber die Politik, den Verkehr_, etc., 3e aufl., + Goettingen, 1815, bd. i. abth. ii. pp. 87-93; Rennell, + _Geography of Herodotus_, pp. 672-714; Grote, _History of + Greece_, vol. iii. pp. 377-385. The case is ably presented in + Bunbury's _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. i. pp. 289-296, + where it is concluded that the story "cannot be disproved or + pronounced to be absolutely impossible; but the difficulties + and improbabilities attending it are so great that they cannot + reasonably be set aside without better evidence than the mere + statement of Herodotus, upon the authority of unknown + informants." Mr. Bunbury (vol. i. p. 317) says that he has + reasons for believing that Mr. Grote afterwards changed his + opinion and came to agree with Sir George Lewis.] + + [Footnote 349: In reading the learned works of Sir George + Cornewall Lewis, one is often reminded of what Sainte-Beuve + somewhere says of the great scholar Letronne, when he had spent + the hour of his lecture in demolishing some pretty or popular + belief: "Il se frotta les mains et s'en alla bien content." + When it came to ancient history, Sir George was undeniably fond + of "the everlasting No." In the present case his skepticism + seems on the whole well-judged, but some of his arguments + savour of undue haste toward a negative conclusion. He thus + strangely forgets that what we call autumn is springtime in the + southern hemisphere (_Astronomy of the Ancients_, p. 511). His + argument that the time alleged was insufficient for the voyage + is fully met by Major Rennell, who has shown that the time was + amply sufficient, and that the direction of winds and ocean + currents would make the voyage around southern Africa from east + to west much easier than from west to east.] + + [Footnote 350: "No trace of it could be found in the + Alexandrian library, either by Eratosthenes in the third, or by + Marinus of Tyre in the second, century before Christ, although + both of them were diligent examiners of ancient records." + Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 90.] + +[Sidenote: Voyage of Hanno.] + +Of Phoenician and other voyages along the Atlantic coast of Africa we +have much more detailed and trustworthy information. As early as the +twelfth century before Christ traders from Tyre had founded Cadiz +(Gades),[351] and at a later date the same hardy people seem to have +made the beginnings of Lisbon (Olisipo). From such advanced stations +Tyrian and Carthaginian ships sometimes found their way northward as far +as Cornwall, and in the opposite direction fishing voyages were made +along the African coast. The most remarkable undertaking in this quarter +was the famous voyage of the Carthaginian commander Hanno, whose own +brief but interesting account of it has been preserved.[352] This +expedition consisted of sixty penteconters (fifty-oared ships), and its +chief purpose was colonization. Upon the Mauritanian coast seven small +trading stations were founded, one of which--Kerne, at the mouth of the +Rio d' Ouro[353]--existed for a long time. From this point Hanno made +two voyages of exploration, the second of which carried him as far as +Sierra Leone and the neighbouring Sherboro island, where he found "wild +men and women covered with hair," called by the interpreters +"gorillas."[354] At that point the ships turned back, apparently for +want of provisions. + + [Footnote 351: Rawlinson's _History of Phoenicia_, pp. 105, + 418; Pseudo-Aristotle, _Mirab. Auscult._, 146; Velleius + Paterculus, i. 2, Sec. 6.] + + [Footnote 352: Hanno, _Periplus_, in Mueller, _Geographi Graeci + Minores_, tom. i. pp. 1-14. Of two or three commanders named + Hanno it is uncertain which was the one who led this + expedition, and thus its date has been variously assigned from + 570 to 470 B. C.] + + [Footnote 353: For the determination of these localities see + Bunbury, _op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 318-335. There is an + interesting Spanish description of Hanno's expedition in + Mariana, _Historia de Espana_, Madrid, 1783, tom. i. pp. + 89-93.] + + [Footnote 354: The sailors pursued them, but did not capture + any of the males, who scrambled up the cliffs out of their + reach. They captured three females, who bit and scratched so + fiercely that it was useless to try to take them away. So they + killed them and took their skins home to Carthage. _Periplus_, + xviii. According to Pliny (_Hist. Nat._, vi. 36) these skins + were hung up as a votive offering in the temple of Juno (i. e. + Astarte or Ashtoreth: see Apuleius, _Metamorph._, xi. 257; + Gesenius, _Monumenta Phoenic._, p. 168), where they might have + been seen at any time before the Romans destroyed the city.] + +[Sidenote: Voyages of Sataspes and Eudoxus.] + +No other expedition in ancient times is known to have proceeded so far +south as Sierra Leone. Two other voyages upon this Atlantic coast are +mentioned, but without definite details. The one was that of Sataspes +(about 470 B. C.), narrated by Herodotus, who merely tells us that a +coast was reached where undersized men, clad in palm-leaf garments, fled +to the hills at sight of the strange visitors.[355] The other was that +of Eudoxus (about 85 B. C.), related by Posidonius, the friend and +teacher of Cicero. The story is that this Eudoxus, in a voyage upon the +east coast of Africa, having a philological turn of mind, wrote down the +words of some of the natives whom he met here and there along the shore. +He also picked up a ship's prow in the form of a horse's head, and upon +his return to Alexandria some merchants professed to recognize it as +belonging to a ship of Cadiz. Eudoxus thereupon concluded that Africa +was circumnavigable, and presently sailed through the Mediterranean and +out upon the Atlantic. Somewhere upon the coast of Mauritania he found +natives who used some words of similar sound to those which he had +written down when visiting the eastern coast, whence he concluded that +they were people of the same race. At this point he turned back, and the +sequel of the story was unknown to Posidonius.[356] + + [Footnote 355: Herodotus, iv. 43.] + + [Footnote 356: The story is preserved by Strabo, ii. 3, Sec.Sec. 4, + 5, who rejects it with a vehemence for which no adequate reason + is assigned.] + +[Sidenote: Wild exaggerations.] + +It is worthy of note that both Pliny and Pomponius Mela, quoting +Cornelius Nepos as their authority, speak of Eudoxus as having +circumnavigated Africa from the Red Sea to Cadiz; and Pliny, moreover, +tells us that Hanno sailed around that continent as far as +Arabia,[357]--a statement which is clearly false. These examples show +how stories grow when carelessly and uncritically repeated, and they +strongly tend to confirm the doubt with which one is inclined to regard +the tale of Necho's sailors above mentioned. In truth, the island of +Gorillas, discovered by Hanno, was doubtless the most southerly point on +that coast reached by navigators in ancient times. Of the islands in the +western ocean the Carthaginians certainly knew the Canaries (where they +have left undoubted inscriptions), probably also the Madeiras, and +possibly the Cape Verde group.[358] + + [Footnote 357: Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, ii. 67; Mela, _De Situ + Orbis_, iii. 9.] + + [Footnote 358: After the civil war of Sertorius (B. C. 80-72), + the Romans became acquainted with the Canaries, which, because + of their luxuriant vegetation and soft climate, were identified + with the Elysium described by Homer, and were commonly known as + the Fortunate islands. "Contra Fortunatae Insulae abundant sua + sponte genitis, et subinde aliis super aliis innascentibus + nihil sollicitos alunt, beatius quam aliae urbes excultae." Mela, + iii. 10. + + [Greek: Alla s' es Elysion pedion kai peirata gaies + athanatoi pempsousin, hothi xanthos Rhadamanthys, + teper rheiste biote pelei anthropoisin; + ou niphetos, out' ar cheimon polys oute pot' ombros, + all' aiei Zephyroio ligy pneiontas aetas + Okeanos aniesin anapsychein anthropous.] + _Odyssey_, iv. 563. + + Since Horace's time (_Epod._ vi. 41-66) the Canary islands have + been a favourite theme for poets. It was here that Tasso placed + the loves of Rinaldo and Armida, in the delicious garden where + + Vezzosi augelli infra le verde fronde + Temprano a prova lascivette note. + Mormora l' aura, e fa le foglie e l' onde + Garrir, che variamente ella percote. + _Gerusalemme Liberata_, xvi. 12.] + +[Illustration: Pomponius Mela's World, cir. A. D. 50.] + +[Sidenote: Views of Pomponius Mela, cir. A. D. 50.] + +The extent of the knowledge which the ancients thus had of western +Africa is well illustrated in the map representing the geographical +theories of Pomponius Mela, whose book was written about A. D. 50. Of +the eastern coast and the interior Mela knew less than Ptolemy a +century later, but of the Atlantic coast he knew more than Ptolemy. The +fact that the former geographer was a native of Spain and the latter a +native of Egypt no doubt had something to do with this. Mela had +profited by the Carthaginian discoveries. His general conception of the +earth was substantially that of Eratosthenes. It was what has been +styled the "oceanic" theory, in contrast with the "continental" theory +of Ptolemy. In the unvisited regions on all sides of the known world +Eratosthenes imagined vast oceans, Ptolemy imagined vast deserts or +impenetrable swamps. The former doctrine was of course much more +favourable to maritime enterprise than the latter. The works of Ptolemy +exercised over the mediaeval mind an almost despotic sway, which, in +spite of their many merits, was in some respects a hindrance to +progress; so that, inasmuch as the splendid work of Strabo, the most +eminent follower of Eratosthenes, was unknown to mediaeval Europe until +about 1450, it was fortunate that the Latin treatise of Mela was +generally read and highly esteemed. People in those days were such +uncritical readers that very likely the antagonism between Ptolemy and +Mela may have failed to excite comment,[359] especially in view of the +lack of suitable maps such as emphasize that antagonism to our modern +minds. But in the fifteenth century, when men were getting their first +inklings of critical scholarship, and when the practical question of an +ocean voyage to Asia was pressing for solution, such a point could no +longer fail to attract attention; and it happened fortunately that the +wet theory, no less than the dry theory, had a popular advocate among +those classical authors to whose authority so much deference was paid. + + [Footnote 359: Just as our grandfathers used to read the Bible + without noticing such points as the divergences between the + books of Kings and Chronicles, the contradictions between the + genealogies of Jesus in Matthew and Luke, the radically + different theories of Christ's personality and career in the + Fourth Gospel as compared with the three Synoptics, etc.] + +[Sidenote: Ancient theory of the five zones.] + +[Sidenote: The Inhabited World and the Antipodes.] + +If the Portuguese mariners of the generation before Columbus had +acquiesced in Ptolemy's views as final, they surely would not have +devoted their energies to the task of circumnavigating Africa. But there +were yet other theoretical or fanciful obstacles in the way. When you +look at a modern map of the world, the "five zones" may seem like a mere +graphic device for marking conveniently the relations of different +regions to the solar source of heat; but before the great Portuguese +voyages and the epoch-making third voyage of Vespucius, to be described +hereafter, a discouraging doctrine was entertained with regard to these +zones. Ancient travellers in Scythia and voyagers to "Thule"--which in +Ptolemy's scheme perhaps meant the Shetland isles[360]--had learned +something of Arctic phenomena. The long winter nights,[361] the snow and +ice, and the bitter winds, made a deep impression upon visitors from the +Mediterranean;[362] and when such facts were contrasted with the +scorching blasts that came from Sahara, the resulting theory was +undeniably plausible. In the extreme north the ocean must be frozen and +the country uninhabitable by reason of the cold; contrariwise, in the +far south the ocean must be boiling hot and the country inhabitable only +by gnomes and salamanders. Applying these ideas to the conception of the +earth as a sphere, Pomponius Mela tells us that the surface of the +sphere is divided into five zones, of which only two are fit to support +human life. About each pole stretches a dead and frozen zone; the +southern and northern hemispheres have each a temperate zone, with the +same changes of seasons, but not occurring at the same (but opposite) +times; the north temperate zone is the seat of the Oecumene ([Greek: +oikoumene]), or Inhabited World; the south temperate zone is also +inhabited by the Antichthones or Antipodes, but about these people we +know nothing, because between us and them there intervenes the burning +zone, which it is impossible to cross.[363] + + [Footnote 360: Bunbury, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 492, 527. The + name is used in different geographical senses by various + ancient writers, as is well shown in Lewis's _Astronomy of the + Ancients_, pp. 467-481.] + + [Footnote 361: The Romans, at least by the first century A. D., + knew also of the shortness of northern nights in summer. + + Arma quidem ultra + Littora Invernae promovimus, et modo captas + Orcadas, ac minima contentos nocte Britannos. + Juvenal, ii. 159. + + See also Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, iv. 30; Martianus Capella, vi. + 595; Achilles Tatius, XXXV.] + + [Footnote 362: The reader will remember Virgil's magnificent + description of a Scythian winter (_Georg._, iii. 352):-- + + Illic clausa tenent stabulis armenta; neque ullae + Aut herbae campo apparent, aut arbore frondes: + Sed jacet aggeribus niveis informis, et alto + Terra gelu late, septemque assurgit in ulnas; + Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri. + Tum Sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras; + Nec cum invectus equis altum petit aethera, nec cum + Praecipitem Oceani rubro lavit aequore currum. + Concrescunt subitae currenti in flumine crustae; + Undaque jam tergo ferratos sustinet orbes, + Puppibus illa prius patulis, nunc hospita plaustris, + AEraque dissiliunt vulgo, vestesque rigescunt + Indutae, caeduntque securibus humida vina + Et totae solidam in glaciem vertere lacunae, + Stiriaque impexis induruit horrida barbis. + Interea toto non secius aere ningit; + Intereunt pecudes; stant circumfusa pruinis + Corpora magna boum; confertoque agmine cervi + Torpent mole nova, et summis vix cornibus exstant. + ................................................. + Ipsi in defossis specubus, secura sub alta + Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora, totasque + Advolvere focis ulmos, ignique dedere. + Hic noctem ludo ducunt, et pocula laeti + Fermento atque acidis imitantur vitea sorbis. + Talis Hyperboreo Septem subjecta trioni + Gens effraena virum Rhipaeo tunditur Euro, + Et pecudum fulvis velantur corpora saetis. + + The Roman conception of the situation of these "Hyperboreans" + and of the Rhipaean mountains may be seen in the map of Mela's + world.] + + [Footnote 363: "Huic medio terra sublimis cingitur undique + mari: eodemque in duo latera, quae hemisphaeria nominantur, ab + oriente divisa ad occasum, zonis quinque distinguitur. Mediam + aestus infestat, frigus ultimas: reliquae habitabiles paria agunt + anni tempora, verum non pariter. Antichthones alteram, nos + alteram incolimus. Illius situ ab ardorem intercedentis plagae + incognito, hujus dicendus est," etc. _De Situ Orbis_, i. 1. A + similar theory is set forth by Ovid (_Metamorph._, i. 45), and + by Virgil (_Georg._, i. 233):-- + + Quinque tenent coelum zonae; quarum una corusco + Semper Sole rubens, et torrida semper ab igni; + Quam circum extremae dextra laevaque trahuntur, + Caerulea glacie concretae atque imbribus atris. + Has inter mediamque, duae mortalibus aegris + Munere concessae Divum; et via secta per ambas, + Obliquus qua se signorum verteret ordo.] + +[Sidenote: Curious notions about Ceylon.] + +This notion of an antipodal world in the southern hemisphere will have +especial interest for us when we come to deal with the voyages of +Vespucius. The idea seems to have originated in a guess of Hipparchus +that Taprobane--the island of Ceylon, about which the most absurd +reports were brought to Europe--might be the beginning of another world. +This is very probable, says Mela, with delightful _naivete_, because +Taprobane is inhabited, and still we do not know of anybody who has ever +made the tour of it.[364] Mela's contemporary, the elder Pliny, +declares that Taprobane "has long been regarded" as part of another +world, the name of which is Antichthon, or Opposite-Earth;[365] at the +same time Pliny vouchsafes three closely-printed pages of information +about this mysterious country. Throughout the Middle Ages the conception +of some sort of an antipodal inhabited world was vaguely entertained by +writers here and there, but many of the clergy condemned it as implying +the existence of people cut off from the knowledge of the gospel and not +included in the plan of salvation. + + [Footnote 364: "Taprobane aut grandis admodum insula aut prima + pars orbis alterius Hipparcho dicitur; sed quia habitata, nec + quisquam circummeasse traditur, prope verum est." _De Situ + Orbis_, iii. 7.] + + [Footnote 365: "Taprobanen alterum orbem terrarum esse, diu + existimatum est, Antichthonum appellatione." _Hist. Nat._, vi. + 24.] + +[Sidenote: The fiery zone.] + +As to the possibility of crossing the torrid zone, opinion was not +unanimous. Greek explorers from Alexandria (cir. B. C. 100) seem to have +gone far up the Nile toward the equator, and the astronomer Geminus +quotes their testimony in proof of his opinion that the torrid zone is +inhabitable.[366] Panaetius, the friend of the younger Scipio Africanus, +had already expressed a similar opinion. But the flaming theory +prevailed. Macrobius, writing about six hundred years later, maintained +that the southernmost limit of the habitable earth was 850 miles south +of Syene, which lies just under the tropic of Cancer.[367] Beyond this +point no man could go without danger from the fiery atmosphere. Beyond +some such latitude on the ocean no ship could venture without risk of +being engulfed in some steaming whirlpool.[368] Such was the common +belief before the great voyages of the Portuguese. + + [Footnote 366: Geminus, _Isagoge_, cap. 13.] + + [Footnote 367: Macrobius, _Somnium Scipionis_, ii. 8. Strabo + (ii. 5, Sec.Sec. 7, 8) sets the southern boundary of the Inhabited + World 800 miles south of Syene, and the northern boundary at + the north of Ireland.] + + [Footnote 368: Another notion, less easily explicable and less + commonly entertained, but interesting for its literary + associations, was the notion of a mountain of loadstone in the + Indian ocean, which prevented access to the torrid zone by + drawing the nails from ships and thus wrecking them. This + imaginary mountain, with some variations in the description, is + made to carry a serious geographical argument by the astrologer + Pietro d' Abano, in his book _Conciliator Differentiarum_, + written about 1312. (See Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, + p. 100.) It plays an important part in one of the finest tales + in the _Arabian Nights_,--the story of the "Third Royal + Mendicant."] + +[Sidenote: Going downhill.] + +Besides this dread of the burning zone, another fanciful obstacle beset +the mariner who proposed to undertake a long voyage upon the outer +ocean. It had been observed that a ship which disappears in the offing +seems to be going downhill; and many people feared that if they should +happen thus to descend too far away from the land they could never get +back again. Men accustomed to inland sea travel did not feel this dread +within the regions of which they had experience, but it assailed them +whenever they thought of braving the mighty waters outside.[369] Thus +the master mariner, in the Middle Ages, might contemplate the possible +chance of being drawn by force of gravity into the fiery gulf, should he +rashly approach too near; and in such misgivings he would be confirmed +by Virgil, who was as much read then as he is to-day and esteemed an +authority, withal, on scientific questions; for according to Virgil the +Inhabited World descends toward the equator and has its apex in the +extreme north.[370] + + [Footnote 369: Ferdinand Columbus tells us that this objection + was urged against the Portuguese captains and afterwards + against his father: "E altri di cio quasi cosi disputavano, + come gia i Portoghesi intorno al navigare in Guinea; dicendo + che, se si allargasse alcuno a far cammino diritto al + occidente, come l' Ammiraglio diceva, non potrebbe poi tornare + in Ispagna per la rotondita della sfera; tenendo per + certissime, che qualunque uscisse del emisperio conosciuto da + Tolomeo, anderebbe in giu, e poi gli sarebbe impossibile dar la + volta; e affermando che cio sarebbe quasi uno ascendere all' + insu di un monte. Il che non potrebbono fare i navigli con + grandissimo vento." _Vita deli' Ammiraglio_, Venice, 1571, cap. + xii. The same thing is told, in almost the same words, by Las + Casas, since both writers followed the same original documents: + "Anidian mas, que quien navegase por via derecha la vuelta del + poniente, como el Cristobal Colon proferia, no podria despues + volver, suponiendo que el mundo era redondo y yendo hacia el + occidente iban cuesta abajo, y saliendo del hemisferio que + Ptolomeo escribio, a la vuelta erales necesario subir cuesta + arriba, lo que los navios era imposible hacer." The gentle but + keen sarcasm that follows is very characteristic of Las Casas: + "Esta era gentil y profunda razon, y senal de haber bien el + negocio entendido!" _Historia de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 230.] + + [Footnote 370: + Mundus, ut ad Scythiam Rhipaeasque arduus arces + Consurgit, premitur Libyae devexus in austros. + Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis; at illum + Sub pedibus Styx atra videt Manesque profundi. + _Georg._, i. 240. + + For an account of the deference paid to Virgil in the Middle + Ages, as well as the grotesque fancies about him, see Tunison's + _Master Virgil_, 2d ed., Cincinnati, 1890.] + +[Sidenote: Superstitious fancies.] + +To such notions as these, which were supposed to have some sort of +scientific basis, we must add the wild superstitious fancies that +clustered about all remote and unvisited corners of the world. In maps +made in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in such places as we +should label "Unexplored Region," there were commonly depicted uncouth +shapes of "Gorgons and Hydras and Chimaeras dire," furnishing eloquent +testimony to the feelings with which the unknown was regarded. The +barren wastes of the Sea of Darkness awakened a shuddering dread like +that with which children shrink from the gloom of a cellar. When we +remember all these things, and consider how the intelligent purpose +which urged the commanders onward was scarcely within the comprehension +of their ignorant and refractory crews, we can begin to form some idea +of the difficulties that confronted the brave mariners who first sought +an ocean route to the far-off shores of Cathay. + +[Sidenote: Clumsiness of the caravels.] + +[Sidenote: Famine and scurvy.] + +Less formidable than these obstacles based on fallacious reasoning or +superstitious whim were those that were furnished by the clumsiness of +the ships and the crudeness of the appliances for navigation. As already +observed, the Spanish and Portuguese caravels of the fifteenth century +were less swift and manageable craft than the Norwegian "dragons" of the +tenth. Mere yachts in size we should call them, but far from yachtlike +in shape or nimbleness. With their length seldom more than thrice their +width of beam, with narrow tower-like poops, with broad-shouldered bows +and bowsprit weighed down with spritsail yards, and with no canvas +higher than a topsail, these clumsy caravels could make but little +progress against head-winds, and the amount of tacking and beating to +and fro was sometimes enough to quadruple the length of the voyage. For +want of metallic sheathing below the waterline the ship was liable to be +sunk by the terrible worm which, in Hakluyt's phrase, "many times +pearceth and eateth through the strongest oake." For want of vegetable +food in the larder, or anything save the driest of bread and beef +stiffened with brine, the sailors were sure to be attacked by scurvy, +and in a very long voyage the crew was deemed fortunate that did not +lose half its number from that foul disease. Often in traversing unknown +seas the sturdy men who survived all other perils were brought face to +face with starvation when they had ventured too far without turning +back.[371] We need not wonder that the first steps in oceanic discovery +were slow and painful. + + [Footnote 371: Or simply because a wrong course happened to be + taken, through ignorance of atmospheric conditions, as in the + second homeward and third outward voyages of Columbus. See + below, pp. 485, 490.] + +[Sidenote: The mariner's compass.] + +First among the instruments without which systematic ocean navigation +would have been impossible, the magnetic compass had been introduced +into southern Europe and was used by Biscayan and Catalan sailors before +the end of the twelfth century.[372] Parties of Crusaders had learned +the virtues of the suspended needle from the Arabs, who are said to have +got their knowledge indirectly from China in the course of their eastern +voyages.[373] It seems to have been at Amalfi that the needle was first +enclosed in a box and connected with a graduated compass-card. +Apparently it had not come into general use in the middle of the +thirteenth century, for in 1258 the famous Brunetto Latini, afterwards +tutor of Dante, made a visit to Roger Bacon, of which he gives a +description in a letter to his friend the poet Guido Cavalcanti: "The +Parliament being summoned to assemble at Oxford, I did not fail to see +Friar Bacon as soon as I arrived, and (among other things) he showed me +a black ugly stone called a magnet, which has the surprising property of +drawing iron to it; and upon which, if a needle be rubbed, and +afterwards fastened to a straw so that it shall swim upon water, the +needle will instantly turn toward the Pole-star: therefore, be the night +ever so dark, so that neither moon nor star be visible, yet shall the +mariner be able, by the help of this needle, to steer his vessel aright. +This discovery, which appears useful in so great a degree to all who +travel by sea, must remain concealed until other times; because no +master mariner dares to use it lest he should fall under the imputation +of being a magician; nor would the sailors venture themselves out to sea +under his command, if he took with him an instrument which carries so +great an appearance of being constructed under the influence of some +infernal spirit.[374] A time may arrive when these prejudices, which +are of such great hindrance to researches into the secrets of nature, +will be overcome; and it will be then that mankind shall reap the +benefit of the labours of such learned men as Friar Bacon, and do +justice to that industry and intelligence for which he and they now meet +with no other return than obloquy and reproach."[375] + + [Footnote 372: Navarrete, _Discurso historico sobre los + progresos del arte de navegar en Espana_, p. 28; see also + Raymond Lully's treatise, _Libro felix, o Maravillas del mundo_ + (A. D. 1286).] + + [Footnote 373: See Humboldt's _Kosmos_, bd. i. p. 294; + Klaproth, _Lettre a M. de Humboldt sur l'invention de la + boussole_, pp. 41, 45, 50, 66, 79, 90. But some of Klaproth's + conclusions have been doubted: "Pour la boussole, rien ne + prouve que les Chinois l'aient employee pour la navigation, + tandis que nous la trouvons des le xi^{e} siecle chez les + Arabes qui s'en servent non seulement dans leurs traversees + maritimes, mais dans les voyages de caravanes au milieu des + deserts," etc. Sedillot, _Histoire des Arabes_, tom. ii. p. + 130.] + + [Footnote 374: Is it not a curious instance of human perversity + that while customary usage from time immemorial has + characterized as "acts of God" such horrible events as famines, + pestilences, and earthquakes, on the other hand when some + purely beneficent invention has appeared, such as the mariner's + compass or the printing press, it has commonly been accredited + to the Devil? The case of Dr. Faustus is the most familiar + example.] + + [Footnote 375: This version is cited from Major's _Prince Henry + the Navigator_, p. 58.] + +[Sidenote: Latitude and longitude.] + +That time was after all not so long in arriving, for by the end of the +thirteenth century the compass had come to be quite generally used,[376] +and the direction of a ship's course could be watched continuously in +foul and fair weather alike. For taking the sun's altitude rude +astrolabes and jack-staffs were in use, very crazy affairs as compared +with the modern quadrant, but sufficiently accurate to enable a +well-trained observer, in calculating his latitude, to get somewhere +within two or three degrees of the truth. In calculating longitude the +error was apt to be much greater, for in the absence of chronometers +there were no accurate means for marking differences in time. It was +necessary to depend upon the dead-reckoning, and the custom was first to +sail due north or south to the parallel of the place of destination and +then to turn at right angles and sail due east or west. Errors of eight +or even ten degrees were not uncommon. Thus at the end of a long outward +voyage the ship might find itself a hundred miles or more to the north +or south, and six or seven hundred miles to the east or west, of the +point at which it had been aimed. Under all these difficulties, the +approximations made to correct sailing by the most skilful mariners were +sometimes wonderful. Doubtless this very poverty of resources served to +sharpen their watchful sagacity.[377] To sail the seas was in those days +a task requiring high mental equipment; it was no work for your +commonplace skipper. Human faculty was taxed to its utmost, and human +courage has never been more grandly displayed than by the glorious +sailors of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. + + [Footnote 376: Huellmann, _Staedtewesen des Mittelalters_, bd. i. + pp. 125-137.] + + [Footnote 377: Compare the remarks of Mr. Clark Russell on the + mariners of the seventeenth century, in his _William Dampier_, + p. 12.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Prince Henry the Navigator, 1394-1463.] + +[Sidenote: His idea of an ocean route to the Indies, and what it might +bring.] + +We are now prepared to appreciate the character of the work that was +done in the course of the first attempts to find an oceanic route from +Europe to Asia. Then, as in other great epochs of history, men of genius +arose to meet the occasion. In 1394 was born Prince Henry of Portugal, +since known as Henry the Navigator.[378] He was fourth son of King John +I., the valiant and prudent king under whom began the golden age of +Portugal, which lasted until the conquest of that country in 1580 by +Philip II. of Spain. Henry's mother was Philippa, daughter of John of +Gaunt. He was therefore cousin to our own Henry V. of England, whom he +quite equalled in genius, while the laurels that he won were more +glorious than those of Agincourt. In 1415, being then in his +twenty-first year, Prince Henry played a distinguished part in the +expedition which captured Ceuta from the Moors. While in Morocco he +gathered such information as he could concerning the interior of the +continent; he learned something about the oases of Sahara, the distant +river Gambia, and the caravan trade between Tunis and Timbuctoo, whereby +gold was carried from the Guinea coast to Mussulman ports on the +Mediterranean. If this coast could be reached by sea, its gold might be +brought to Lisbon as well. To divert such treasure from the infidel and +secure it for a Christian nation was an enterprise fitted to kindle a +prince's enthusiasm. While Henry felt the full force of these +considerations, his thoughts took a wider range. The views of Pomponius +Mela had always been held in high esteem by scholars of the Spanish +peninsula,[379] and down past that Gold Coast Prince Henry saw the +ocean route to the Indies, the road whereby a vast empire might be won +for Portugal and millions of wandering heathen souls might be gathered +into the fold of Christ. To doubt the sincerity of the latter motive, or +to belittle its influence, would be to do injustice to Prince +Henry,--such cynical injustice as our hard-headed age is only too apt to +mete out to that romantic time and the fresh enthusiasm which inspired +its heroic performances. Prince Henry was earnest, conscientious, +large-minded, and in the best sense devout; and there can be no question +that in his mind, as in that of Columbus, and (with somewhat more alloy) +in the minds of Cortes and others, the desire of converting the heathen +and strengthening the Church served as a most powerful incentive to the +actions which in the course of little more than a century quite changed +the face of the world. + + [Footnote 378: My chief authorities for the achievements of + Prince Henry and his successors are the Portuguese historians, + Barros and Azurara. The best edition of the former is a modern + one, Barros y Couto, _Decadas da Asia, nova edicao con Indice + geral_, Lisbon, 1778-88, 24 vols. 12mo. I also refer sometimes + to the Lisbon, 1752, edition of the _Decada primeira_, in + folio. The priceless contemporary work of Azurara, written in + 1453 under Prince Henry's direction, was not printed until the + present century; Azurara, _Chronica do Descobrimento e + Conquista de Guine_, Paris, 1841, a superb edition in royal + quarto, edited by the Viscount da Carreira, with introduction + and notes by the Viscount de Santarem.] + + [Footnote 379: Partly, perhaps, because Mela was himself a + Spaniard, and partly because his opinions had been shared and + supported by St. Isidore, of Seville (A. D. 570-636), whose + learned works exercised immense authority throughout the Middle + Ages. It is in one of St. Isidore's books (_Etymologiarum_, + xiii. 16, apud Migne, _Patrologia_, tom. lxxxii. col. 484) that + we first find the word "Mediterranean" used as a proper name + for that great land-locked sea.] + +[Sidenote: The Sacred Promontory.] + +Filled with such lofty and generous thoughts, Prince Henry, on his +return from Morocco, in 1418, chose for himself a secluded place of +abode where he could devote himself to his purposes undisturbed by the +court life at Lisbon or by political solicitations of whatever sort. In +the Morocco campaign he had won such military renown that he was now +invited by Pope Martin V. to take chief command of the papal army; and +presently he received similar flattering offers from his own cousin, +Henry V. of England, from John II. of Castile, and from the Emperor +Sigismund, who, for shamefully violating his imperial word and +permitting the burning of John Huss, was now sorely pressed by the +enraged and rebellious Bohemians. Such invitations had no charm for +Henry. Refusing them one and all, he retired to the promontory of +Sagres, in the southernmost province of Portugal, the ancient kingdom of +Algarve, of which his father now appointed him governor. That lonely and +barren rock, protruding into the ocean, had long ago impressed the +imagination of Greek and Roman writers; they called it the Sacred +Promontory, and supposed it to be the westernmost limit of the habitable +earth.[380] There the young prince proceeded to build an astronomical +observatory, the first that his country had ever seen, and to gather +about him a school of men competent to teach and men eager to learn the +mysteries of map-making and the art of navigation. There he spent the +greater part of his life; thence he sent forth his captains to plough +the southern seas; and as year after year the weather-beaten ships +returned from their venturesome pilgrimage, the first glimpse of home +that greeted them was likely to be the beacon-light in the tower where +the master sat poring over problems of Archimedes or watching the stars. +For Henry, whose motto was "Talent de bien faire," or (in the old French +usage) "Desire[381] to do well," was wont to throw himself +whole-hearted into whatever he undertook, and the study of astronomy and +mathematics he pursued so zealously as to reach a foremost place among +the experts of his time. With such tastes and such ambition, he was +singularly fortunate in wielding ample pecuniary resources; if such a +combination could be more often realized, the welfare of mankind would +be notably enhanced. Prince Henry was Grand Master of the Order of +Christ, an organization half military, half religious, and out of its +abundant revenues he made the appropriations needful for the worthy +purpose of advancing the interests of science, converting the heathen, +and winning a commercial empire for Portugal. At first he had to +encounter the usual opposition to lavish expenditure for a distant +object without hope of immediate returns; but after a while his dogged +perseverance began to be rewarded with such successes as to silence all +adverse comment. + + [Footnote 380: [Greek: Homoios de kai peri tes exo stelon + legetai; dysmikotaton men gar semeion tes oikoumenes, to ton + Iberon akroterion, ho kalousin Ieron.] Strabo, ii. 5, Sec. 14; cf. + Dionysius Periegetes, v. 161. In reality it lies not quite so + far west as the country around Lisbon.] + + [Footnote 381: See Littre, _Dictionnaire_, s. v. "Talent;" Du + Cange, _Glossarium_, "talentum, animi decretum, voluntas, + desiderium, cupiditas," etc.; cf. Raynouard, _Glossaire + Provencale_, tom. v. p. 296. French was then fashionable at + court, in Lisbon as well as in London.] + +[Sidenote: The Madeira and Canary islands.] + +The first work in hand was the rediscovery of coasts and islands that +had ceased to be visited even before the breaking up of the Roman +Empire. For more than a thousand years the Madeiras and Canaries had +been well-nigh forgotten, and upon the coast of the African continent no +ship ventured beyond Cape Non, the headland so named because it said +"No!" to the wistful mariner.[382] There had been some re-awakening of +maritime activity in the course of the fourteenth century, chiefly due, +no doubt, to the use of the compass. Between 1317 and 1351 certain +Portuguese ships, with Genoese pilots, had visited not only the Madeiras +and Canaries, but even the Azores, a thousand miles out in the Atlantic; +and these groups of islands are duly laid down upon the so-called Medici +map of 1351, preserved in the Laurentian library at Florence.[383] The +voyage to the Azores was probably the greatest feat of ocean navigation +that had been performed down to that time, but it was not followed by +colonization. Again, somewhere about 1377 Madeira seems to have been +visited by Robert Machin, an Englishman, whose adventures make a most +romantic story; and in 1402 the Norman knight, Jean de Bethencourt, had +begun to found a colony in the Canaries, for which, in return for aid +and supplies, he did homage to the King of Castile.[384] As for the +African coast, Cape Non had also been passed at some time during the +fourteenth century, for Cape Bojador is laid down on the Catalan map of +1375; but beyond that point no one had dared take the risks of the +unknown sea. + + [Footnote 382: The Portuguese proverb was "Quem passar o Cabo + de Nao ou voltara ou _nao_," i. e. "Whoever passes Cape _Non_ + will return or _not_." See Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, + tom. i. p. 173; Mariana, _Hist. de Espana_, tom. i. p. 91; + Barros, tom. i. p. 36.] + + [Footnote 383: An engraved copy of this map may be found in + Major's _Prince Henry the Navigator_, London, 1868, facing p. + 107. I need hardly say that in all that relates to the + Portuguese voyages I am under great obligation to Mr. Major's + profoundly learned and critical researches. He has fairly + conquered this subject and made it his own, and whoever touches + it after him, however lightly, must always owe him a tribute of + acknowledgment.] + + [Footnote 384: See Bontier and Le Verrier, _The Canarian, or, + Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canaries_, + translated and edited by R. H. Major, London, 1872 (Hakluyt + Soc). In 1414, Bethencourt's nephew, left in charge of these + islands, sold them to Prince Henry, but Castile persisted in + claiming them, and at length in 1479 her claim was recognized + by treaty with Portugal. Of all the African islands, therefore, + the Canaries alone came to belong, and still belong, to Spain.] + +[Sidenote: Gil Eannes passes Cape Bojador.] + +The first achievement under Prince Henry's guidance was the final +rediscovery and colonization of Porto Santo and Madeira in 1418-25 by +Gonsalvez Zarco, Tristam Vaz, and Bartholomew Perestrelo.[385] This work +occupied the prince's attention for some years, and then came up the +problem of Cape Bojador. The difficulty was twofold; the waves about +that headland were apt to be boisterous, and wild sailor's fancies were +apt to enkindle a mutinous spirit in the crews. It was not until 1433-35 +that Gil Eannes, a commander of unusually clear head and steady nerves, +made three attempts and fairly passed the dreaded spot. In the first +attempt he failed, as his predecessors had done, to double the cape; in +the second attempt he doubled it; in the third he sailed nearly two +hundred miles beyond. + + [Footnote 385: Perestrelo had with him a female rabbit which + littered on the voyage, and being landed, with her young, at + Porto Santo, forthwith illustrated the fearful rate of + multiplication of which organisms are capable in the absence of + enemies or other adverse circumstances to check it. (Darwin, + _Origin of Species_, chap. iii.) These rabbits swarmed all over + the island and devoured every green and succulent thing, + insomuch that they came near converting it into a desert. + Prince Henry's enemies, who were vexed at the expenditure of + money in such colonizing enterprises, were thus furnished with + a wonderful argument. They maintained that God had evidently + created those islands for beasts alone, not for men! "En este + tiempo habia en todo Portugal grandisimas murmuraciones del + Infante, viendolo tan cudicioso y poner tanta diligencia en el + descubrir de la tierra y costa de Africa, diciendo que destruia + el reino en los gastos que hacia, y consumia los vecinos del en + poner en tanto peligro y dano la gente portoguesa, donde muchos + morian, enviandolos en demanda de tierras que nunca los reyes + de Espana pasados se atrevieron a emprender, donde habia de + hacer muchas viudas y huerfanos con esta su porfia. Tomaban por + argumento, que Dios no habia criado aquellas tierras sino para + bestias, pues en tan poco tiempo en aquella isla tantos conejos + habia multiplicado, que no dejaban cosa que para sustentacion + de los hombres fuese menester." Las Casas, _Hist. de las + Indias_, tom. i. p. 180. See also Azurara, _Chronica do + descobrimento e conquista de Guine_, cap. lxxxiii.] + +[Illustration: Portuguese voyages on the coast of Africa.] + +[Sidenote: Beginning of the modern slave-trade, 1442.] + +[Sidenote: Papal grant of heathen countries to the Portuguese crown.] + +[Sidenote: Advance to Sierra Leone.] + +This achievement of Gil Eannes (_anglice_, plain Giles Jones) marks an +era. It was the beginning of great things. When we think of the +hesitation with which this step was taken, and the vociferous applause +that greeted the successful captain, it is strange to reflect that babes +were already born in 1435 who were to live to hear of the prodigious +voyages of Columbus and Gama, Vespucius and Magellan. After seven years +a further step was taken in advance; in 1442 Antonio Goncalves brought +gold and negro slaves from the Rio d' Ouro, or Rio del Oro, four hundred +miles beyond Cape Bojador. Of this beginning of the modern slave-trade I +shall treat in a future chapter.[386] Let it suffice here to observe +that Prince Henry did not discourage but sanctioned it. The first aspect +which this baleful traffic assumed in his mind was that of a means for +converting the heathen, by bringing black men and women to Portugal to +be taught the true faith and the ways of civilized people, that they +might in due season be sent back to their native land to instruct their +heathen brethren. The kings of Portugal should have a Christian empire +in Africa, and in course of time the good work might be extended to the +Indies. Accordingly a special message was sent to Pope Eugenius IV., +informing him of the discovery of the country of these barbarous people +beyond the limits of the Mussulman world, and asking for a grant in +perpetuity to Portugal of all heathen lands that might be discovered in +further voyages beyond Cape Bojador, even so far as to include the +Indies.[387] The request found favour in the eyes of Eugenius, and the +grant was solemnly confirmed by succeeding popes. To these proceedings +we shall again have occasion to refer. We have here to observe that the +discovery of gold and the profits of the slave-trade--though it was as +yet conducted upon a very small scale--served to increase the interest +of the Portuguese people in Prince Henry's work and to diminish the +obstacles in his way. A succession of gallant captains, whose names make +a glorious roll of honour, carried on the work of exploration, reaching +the farthest point that had been attained by the ancients. In 1445 Dinis +Fernandez passed Cape Verde, and two years later Lancarote found the +mouth of the Gambia. In 1456 Luigi Cadamosto--a Venetian captain in the +service of Portugal--went as far as the Rio Grande; in 1460 Diego Gomez +discovered the Cape Verde islands; and in 1462 Piedro de Cintra reached +Sierra Leone.[388] At the same time, in various expeditions between 1431 +and 1466, the Azores (i. e. "Hawk" islands) were rediscovered and +colonized, and voyages out into the Sea of Darkness began to lose +something of their manifold terrors. + + [Footnote 386: See below, vol. ii. pp. 429-431.] + + [Footnote 387: "En el ano de 1442, viendo el Infante que se + habia pasado el cabo del Boxador y que la tierra iba muy + adelante, y que todos los navios que inviaba traian muchos + esclavos moros, con que pagaba los gastos que hacia y que cada + dia crecia mas el provecho y se prosperaba su amada + negociacion, determino de inviar a suplicar al Papa Martino V., + ... que hiciese gracia a la Corona real de Portogal de los + reinos y senorios que habia y hobiese desde el cabo del Boxador + adelante, hacia el Oriente y la India inclusive; y ansi se las + concedio, ... con todas las tierras, puertos, islas, tratos, + rescates, pesquerias y cosas a esto pertenecientes, poniendo + censuras y penas a todos los reyes cristianos, principes, y + senores y comunidades que a esto le perturbasen; despues, + dicen, que los sumos pontifices, sucesores de Martino, como + Eugenio IV. y Nicolas V. y Calixto IV. lo confirmaron." Las + Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 185. The name of + Martin V. is a slip of the memory on the part of Las Casas. + That pope had died of apoplexy eleven years before. It was + Eugenius IV. who made this memorable grant to the crown of + Portugal. The error is repeated in Irving's _Columbus_, vol. i. + p. 339.] + + [Footnote 388: The first published account of the voyages of + Cadamosto and Cintra was in the _Paesi nouamente retrouati_, + Vicenza, 1507, a small quarto which can now sometimes be bought + for from twelve to fifteen hundred dollars. See also Grynaeus, + _Novus Orbis_, Basel, 1532.] + +[Sidenote: Advance to the Hottentot coast.] + +Prince Henry did not live to see Africa circumnavigated. At the time of +his death, in 1468, his ships had not gone farther than the spot where +Hanno found his gorillas two thousand years before. But the work of this +excellent prince did not end with his death. His adventurous spirit +lived on in the school of accomplished navigators he had trained. Many +voyages were made after 1462, of which we need mention only those that +marked new stages of discovery. In 1471 two knights of the royal +household, Joao de Santarem and Pedro de Escobar, sailed down the Gold +Coast and crossed the equator; three years later the line was again +crossed by Fernando Po, discoverer of the island that bears his name. In +1484 Diego Cam went on as far as the mouth of the Congo, and entered +into very friendly relations with the negroes there. In a second voyage +in 1485 this enterprising captain pushed on a thousand miles farther, +and set up a cross in 22 deg. south latitude on the coast of the Hottentot +country. Brisk trading went on along the Gold Coast, and missionaries +were sent to the Congo.[389] + + [Footnote 389: It was in the course of these voyages upon the + African coast that civilized Europeans first became familiar + with people below the upper status of barbarism. Savagery and + barbarism of the lower types were practically unknown in the + Middle Ages, and almost, though probably not quite unknown, to + the civilized peoples of the Mediterranean in ancient times. + The history of the two words is interesting. The Greek word + [Greek: barbaros], whence Eng. _barbarian_ (=Sanskrit + _barbara_, Latin _balbus_), means "a stammerer," or one who + talks gibberish, i. e. in a language we do not understand. + Aristophanes (_Aves_, 199) very prettily applies the epithet to + the inarticulate singing of birds. The names _Welsh_, + _Walloon_, _Wallachian_, and _Belooch_, given to these peoples + by their neighbours, have precisely the same meaning (Kuhn's + _Zeitschrift_, ii. 252); and in like manner the Russians call + the Germans _Nyemetch_, or people who cannot talk (Schafarik, + _Slawische Alterthumer_, i. 443; Pott, _Etym. Forsch._, ii. + 521). The Greeks called all men but themselves barbarians, + including such civilized people as the Persians. The Romans + applied the name to all tribes and nations outside the limits + of the Empire, and the Italians of the later Middle Ages + bestowed it upon all nations outside of Italy. Upon its lax use + in recent times I have already commented (above, pp. 25-35). + The tendency to apply the epithet to savages is modern. The + word _savage_, on the other hand, which came to us as the Old + French _sauvage_ or _salvage_ (Ital. _selvaggio_, _salvatico_), + is the Latin _silvaticus_, _sylvaticus_, _salvaticus_, that + which pertains to a forest and is sylvan or wild. In its + earliest usage it had reference to plants and beasts rather + than to men. Wild apples, pears, or laurels are characterized + by the epithet _sylvaticus_ in Varro, _De re rustica_, i. 40; + and either this adjective, or its equivalent _silvestris_, was + used of wild animals as contrasted with domesticated beasts, as + wild sheep and wild fowl, in Columella, vii. 2; viii. 12, or + wolves, in Propertius, iii. 7, or mice, in Pliny, xxx. 22. + (Occasionally it is used of men, as in Pliny, viii. 79.) The + meaning was the same in mediaeval Latin (Du Cange, _Glossarium_, + Niort, 1886, tom. vii. p. 686) and in Old French, as "La douce + voiz du loussignol sauvage" (Michel, _Chansons de chatelain de + Coucy_, xix.). In the romance of _Robert le Diable_, in the + verses + + Sire, se vos fustes Sauvages + Viers moi, je n'i pris mie garde, etc., + + the reference is plainly to degenerate civilized men + frequenting the forests, such as bandits or outlaws, not to + what we call savages. + + Mediaeval writers certainly had some idea of savages, but it was + not based upon any actual acquaintance with such people, but + upon imperfectly apprehended statements of ancient writers. At + the famous ball at the Hotel de Saint Pol in Paris, in 1393, + King Charles VI. and five noblemen were dressed in + close-fitting suits of linen, thickly covered from head to foot + with tow or flax, the colour of hair, so as to look like + "savages." In this attire nobody recognized them, and the Duke + of Orleans, in his eagerness to make out who they were, brought + a torch too near, so that the flax took fire, and four of the + noblemen were burned to death. See Froissart's _Chronicles_, + tr. Johnes, London, 1806, vol. xi. pp. 69-76. The point of the + story is that savages were supposed to be men covered with + hair, like beasts, and Froissart, in relating it, evidently + knew no better. Whence came this notion of hairy men? Probably + from Hanno's gorillas (see above, p. 301), through Pliny, whose + huge farrago of facts and fancies was a sort of household Peter + Parley in mediaeval monasteries. Pliny speaks repeatedly of men + covered with hair from head to foot, and scatters them about + according to his fancy, in Carmania and other distant places + (_Hist. Nat._, vi. 28, 36, vii. 2). + + Greek and Roman writers seem to have had some slight knowledge + of savagery and the lower status of barbarism as prevailing in + remote places ("Ptolomee dit que es extremites de la terre + habitable sont gens sauvages," Oresme, _Les Ethiques + d'Aristote_, Paris, 1488), but their remarks are usually vague. + Seldom do we get such a clean-cut statement as that of Tacitus + about the Finns, that they have neither horses nor houses, + sleep on the ground, are clothed in skins, live by the chase, + and for want of iron use bone-tipped arrows (_Germania_, cap. + 46). More often we have unconscionable yarns about men without + noses, or with only one eye, tailed men, solid-hoofed men, + Amazons, and parthenogenesis. The Troglodytes, or + Cave-dwellers, on the Nubian coast of the Red Sea seem to have + been in the middle status of barbarism (Diodorus, iii. 32; + Agatharchides, 61-63), and the Ichthyophagi, or Fish-eaters, + whom Nearchus found on the shores of Gedrosia (Arrian, + _Indica_, cap. 29), were probably in a lower stage, perhaps + true savages. It is exceedingly curious that Mela puts a race + of pygmies at the headwaters of the Nile (see map above, p. + 304). Is this only an echo from _Iliad_, iii. 6, or can any + ancient traveller have penetrated far enough inland toward the + equator to have heard reports of the dwarfish race lately + visited by Stanley (_In Darkest Africa_, vol. ii. pp. 100-104, + 164)? Strabo had no real knowledge of savagery in Africa (cf. + Bunbury, _Hist. Ancient Geog._, ii. 331). Sataspes may have + seen barbarians of low type, possibly on one of the Canary + isles (see description of Canarians in Major's _Prince Henry_, + p. 212). Ptolemy had heard of an island of cannibals in the + Indian ocean, perhaps one of the Andaman group, visited A. D. + 1293 by Marco Polo. The people of these islands rank among the + lowest savages on the earth, and Marco was disgusted and + horrified; their beastly faces, with huge prognathous jaws and + projecting canine teeth, he tried to describe by calling them a + dog-headed people. Sir Henry Yule suggests that the mention of + Cynocephali, or Dog-heads, in ancient writers may have had an + analogous origin (_Marco Polo_, vol. ii. p. 252). This visit of + the Venetian traveller to Andaman was one of very few real + glimpses of savagery vouchsafed to Europeans before the + fifteenth century; and a general review of the subject brings + out in a strong light the truthfulness and authenticity of the + description of American Indians in Eric the Red's Saga, as + shown above, pp. 185-192.] + +[Sidenote: Effect of these discoveries upon the theories of Ptolemy and +Mela.] + +These voyages into the southern hemisphere dealt a damaging blow to the +theory of an impassable fiery zone; but as to the circumnavigability of +the African continent, the long stretch of coast beyond the equator +seemed more in harmony with Ptolemy's views than with those of Mela. The +eastward trend of the Guinea coast was at first in favour of the latter +geographer, but when Santarem and Escobar found it turning southward to +the equator the facts began to refute him. According to Mela they +should have found it possible at once to sail eastward to the gulf of +Aden. What if it should turn out after all that there was no connection +between the Atlantic and Indian oceans? Every added league of voyaging +toward the tropic of Capricorn must have been fraught with added +discouragement, for it went to prove that, even if Ptolemy's theory was +wrong, at any rate the ocean route to Asia was indefinitely longer than +had been supposed. But was it possible to imagine any other route that +should be more direct? To a trained mariner of original and imaginative +mind, sojourning in Portugal and keenly watching the progress of African +discovery, the years just following the voyage of Santarem and Escobar +would be a period eminently fit for suggesting such a question. Let us +not forget this date of 1471 while we follow Prince Henry's work to its +first grand climax. + +[Sidenote: News of Prester John.] + +About the time that Diego Cam was visiting the tribes on the Congo, the +negro king of Benin, a country by the mouth of the Niger, sent an +embassy to John II. of Portugal (Prince Henry's nephew), with a request +that missionary priests might be sent to Benin. It has been thought that +the woolly-haired chieftain was really courting an alliance with the +Portuguese, or perhaps he thought their "medicine men" might have the +knack of confounding his foes. The negro envoy told King John that a +thousand miles or so east of Benin there was an august sovereign who +ruled over many subject peoples, and at whose court there was an order +of chivalry whose badge or emblem was a brazen cross. Such, at least, +was the king's interpretation of the negro's words, and forthwith he +jumped to the conclusion that this African potentate must be Prester +John, whose name was redolent of all the marvels of the mysterious East. +To find Prester John would be a long step toward golden Cathay and the +isles of spice. So the king of Portugal rose to the occasion, and +attacked the problem on both flanks at once. He sent Pedro de Covilham +by way of Egypt to Aden, and he sent Bartholomew Dias, with three +fifty-ton caravels, to make one more attempt to find an end to the +Atlantic coast of Africa. + +[Sidenote: Covilham's journey.] + +Covilham's journey was full of interesting experiences. He sailed from +Aden to Hindustan, and on his return visited Abyssinia, where the +semi-Christian king took such a liking to him that he would never let +him go. So Covilham spent the rest of his life, more than thirty years, +in Abyssinia, whence he was able now and then to send to Portugal items +of information concerning eastern Africa that were afterwards quite +serviceable in voyages upon the Indian ocean.[390] + + [Footnote 390: See Major's _India in the Fifteenth Century_, + pp. lxxxv.-xc.] + +[Sidenote: Bartholomew Dias passes the Cape of Good Hope and enters the +Indian ocean.] + +The daring captain, Bartholomew Dias, started in August, 1486, and after +passing nearly four hundred miles beyond the tropic of Capricorn, was +driven due south before heavy winds for thirteen days without seeing +land. At the end of this stress of weather he turned his prows eastward, +expecting soon to reach the coast. But as he had passed the southernmost +point of Africa and no land appeared before him, after a while he +steered northward and landed near the mouth of Gauritz river, more than +two hundred miles east of the Cape of Good Hope. Thence he pushed on +about four hundred miles farther eastward as far as the Great Fish river +(about 33 deg. 30' S., 27 deg. 10' E.), where the coast begins to have a steady +trend to the northeast. Dias was now fairly in the Indian ocean, and +could look out with wistful triumph upon that waste of waters, but his +worn-out crews refused to go any farther and he was compelled +reluctantly to turn back. On the way homeward the ships passed in full +sight of the famous headland which Dias called the Stormy Cape; but +after arriving at Lisbon, in December, 1487, when the report of this +noble voyage was laid before King John II., his majesty said, Nay, let +it rather be called the Cape of Good Hope, since there was now much +reason to believe that they had found the long-sought ocean route to the +Indies.[391] Though this opinion turned out to be correct, it is well +for us to remember that the proof was not yet complete. No one could +yet say with certainty that the African coast, if followed a few miles +east of Great Fish river, would not again trend southward and run all +the way to the pole. The completed proof was not obtained until Vasco da +Gama crossed the Indian ocean ten years later. + + [Footnote 391: The greatest of Portuguese poets represents the + Genius of the Cape as appearing to the storm-tossed mariners in + cloud-like shape, like the Jinni that the fisherman of the + Arabian tale released from a casket. He expresses indignation + at their audacity in discovering his secret, hitherto hidden + from mankind:-- + + Eu sou aquelle occulto e grande Cabo, + A quem chamais vos outros Tormentorio, + Que nunca a Ptolomeo, Pomponio, Estrabo, + Plinio, e quantos passaram, fui notorio: + Aqui toda a Africana costa acabo + Neste meu nunca vista promontorio, + Que para o polo Antarctico se estende, + A quem vossa ousadia tanto offende. + Camoens, _Os Lusiadas_, v. 50.] + +[Sidenote: Some effects of the discovery.] + +[Sidenote: Bartholomew Columbus.] + +This voyage of Bartholomew Dias was longer and in many respects more +remarkable than any that is known to have been made before that time. +From Lisbon back to Lisbon, reckoning the sinuosities of the coast, but +making no allowance for tacking, the distance run by those tiny craft +was not less than thirteen thousand miles. This voyage completed the +overthrow of the fiery-zone doctrine, so far as Africa was concerned; it +penetrated far into the southern temperate zone where Mela had placed +his antipodal world; it dealt a staggering blow to the continental +theory of Ptolemy; and its success made men's minds readier for yet more +daring enterprises. Among the shipmates of Dias on this ever memorable +voyage was a well-trained and enthusiastic Italian mariner, none other +than Bartholomew, the younger brother of Christopher Columbus. There was +true dramatic propriety in the presence of that man at just this time; +for not only did all these later African voyages stand in a direct +causal relation to the discovery of America, but as an immediate +consequence of the doubling of the Cape of Good Hope we shall presently +find Bartholomew Columbus in the very next year on his way to England, +to enlist the aid of King Henry VII. in behalf of a scheme of +unprecedented boldness for which his elder brother had for some years +been seeking to obtain the needful funds. Not long after that +disappointing voyage of Santarem and Escobar in 1471, this original and +imaginative sailor, Christopher Columbus, had conceived (or adopted and +made his own) a new method of solving the problem of an ocean route to +Cathay. We have now to sketch the early career of this epoch-making man, +and to see how he came to be brought into close relations with the work +of the Portuguese explorers. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +THE SEARCH FOR THE INDIES. + +_WESTWARD OR SPANISH ROUTE._ + + +[Sidenote: Sources of information concerning the life of Columbus: Las +Casas and Ferdinand Columbus.] + +[Sidenote: The Biblioteca Colombina at Seville.] + +Our information concerning the life of Columbus before 1492 is far from +being as satisfactory as one could wish. Unquestionably he is to be +deemed fortunate in having had for his biographers two such men as his +friend Las Casas, one of the noblest characters and most faithful +historians of that or any age, and his own son Ferdinand Columbus, a +most accomplished scholar and bibliographer. The later years of +Ferdinand's life were devoted, with loving care, to the preparation of a +biography of his father; and his book--which unfortunately survives only +in the Italian translation of Alfonso Ulloa,[392] published in Venice in +1571--is of priceless value. As Washington Irving long ago wrote, it is +"an invaluable document, entitled to great faith, and is the cornerstone +of the history of the American continent."[393] After Ferdinand's +death, in 1539, his papers seem to have passed into the hands of Las +Casas, who, from 1552 to 1561, in the seclusion of the college of San +Gregorio at Valladolid, was engaged in writing his great "History of the +Indies."[394] Ferdinand's superb library, one of the finest in Europe, +was bequeathed to the cathedral at Seville.[395] It contained some +twenty thousand volumes in print and manuscript, four fifths of which, +through shameful neglect or vandalism, have perished or been scattered. +Four thousand volumes, however, are still preserved, and this library +(known as the "Biblioteca Colombina") is full of interest for the +historian. Book-buying was to Ferdinand Columbus one of the most +important occupations in life. His books were not only carefully +numbered, but on the last leaf of each one he wrote a memorandum of the +time and place of its purchase and the sum of money paid for it.[396] +This habit of Ferdinand's has furnished us with clues to the solution +of some interesting questions. Besides this, he was much given to making +marginal notes and comments, which are sometimes of immense value, and, +more than all, there are still to be seen in this library a few books +that belonged to Christopher Columbus himself, with very important notes +in his own handwriting and in that of his brother Bartholomew. Las Casas +was familiar with this grand collection in the days of its completeness, +he was well acquainted with all the members of the Columbus family, and +he had evidently read the manuscript sources of Ferdinand's book; for a +comparison with Ulloa's version shows that considerable portions of the +original Spanish text--or of the documents upon which it rested--are +preserved in the work of Las Casas.[397] The citation and adoption of +Ferdinand's statements by the latter writer, who was able independently +to verify them, is therefore in most cases equivalent to corroboration, +and the two writers together form an authority of the weightiest kind, +and not lightly to be questioned or set aside. + + [Footnote 392: _Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo; Nelle + quali s' ha particolare, & vera relatione della vita, & de' + fatti dell' Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo, suo padre: Et + dello scoprimento, ch' egli fece dell' Indie Occidentali, dette + Monde-Nuovo, hora possedute dal Sereniss. Re Catolico: + Nuouamente di lingua Spagnuola tradotte nell' Italiana dal S. + Alfonso Vlloa. Con. privilegio._ IN VENETIA, M D LXXI. + _Appresso Francesco de' Franceschi Sanese._ The principal + reprints are those of Milan, 1614; Venice, 1676 and 1678; + London, 1867. I always cite it as _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_.] + + [Footnote 393: Irving's _Life of Columbus_, New York, 1868, + vol. iii. p. 375. My references, unless otherwise specified, + are to this, the "Geoffrey Crayon," edition.] + + [Footnote 394: Las Casas, _Historia de las Indias, ahora por + primera vez dada a luz por el Marques de la Fuensanta del Valle + y D. Jose Sancho Rayon_, Madrid, 1875, 5 vols. 8vo.] + + [Footnote 395: "Fu questo D. Ernando di non minor valore del + padre, ma di molte piu lettere et scienze dotato che quelle non + fu; et il quale lascio alla Chiesa maggiore di Siviglia, dove + hoggi si vede honorevolmente sepolto, una, non sola + numerosissima, ma richissima libraria, et piena di molti libri + in ogni facolta et scienza rarissimi: laquale da coloro che l' + han veduta, vien stimata delle piu rare cose di tutta Europa." + Moleto's prefatory letter to _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, April 25, + 1571.] + + [Footnote 396: For example, "_Manuel de la Sancta Fe catolica_, + Sevilla, 1495, in-4. Costo en Toledo 34 maravedis, ano 1511, 9 + de Octubre, No. 3004." "_Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea_, + Sevilla, 1502, in-4. Muchas figuras. Costo en Roma 25 + cuatrines, por Junio de 1515. No. 2417," etc. See Harrisse, + _Fernand Colomb_, Paris, 1872, p. 13.] + + [Footnote 397: "L' autorita di Las Casas e d' una suprema e + vitale importanza tanto nella storia di Cristoforo Colombo, + come nell' esame delle _Historie_ di Fernando suo figlio.... E + dal confronto tra questi due scrittori emergera una omogeneita + si perfetta, che si potrebbe coi termini del frate domenicano + ritrovare o rifare per due terzi il testo originale spagnuolo + delle _Historie_ di Fernando Colombo." Peragallo, _L' + autenticita delle Historie di Fernando Colombo_, Genoa, 1884, + p. 23.] + +[Sidenote: Bernaldez and Peter Martyr.] + +[Sidenote: Letters of Columbus.] + +Besides these books of most fundamental importance, we have valuable +accounts of some parts of the life of Columbus by his friend Andres +Bernaldez, the curate of Los Palacios near Seville.[398] Peter Martyr, +of Anghiera, by Lago Maggiore, was an intimate friend of Columbus, and +gives a good account of his voyages, besides mentioning him in sundry +epistles.[399] Columbus himself, moreover, was such a voluminous writer +that his contemporaries laughed about it. "God grant," says Zuniga in a +letter to the Marquis de Pescara, "God grant that Gutierrez may never +come short for paper, for he writes more than Ptolemy, more than +Columbus, the man who discovered the Indies."[400] These writings are in +great part lost, though doubtless a good many things will yet be brought +to light in Spain by persistent rummaging. We have, however, from sixty +to seventy letters and reports by Columbus, of which twenty-three at +least are in his own handwriting; and all these have been +published.[401] + + [Footnote 398: _Historia de los Reyes Catolicos D. Fernando y + D^a Isabel. Cronica inedita del siglo XV, escrita por el + Bachiller Andres Bernaldez, cura que fue de Los Palacios_, + Granada, 1856, 2 vols. small 4to. It is a book of very high + authority.] + + [Footnote 399: _De orbe novo Decades_, Alcala, 1516; _Opus + epistolarum_, Compluti (Alcala), 1530; Harrisse, _Bibliotheca + Americana Vetustissima_, Nos. 88, 160.] + + [Footnote 400: "A Gutierrez vuestro solicitador, ruego a Dios + que nunca le falte papel, porque escribe mas que Tolomeo y que + Colon, el que hallo las Indias." Rivadeneyra, _Curiosidades + bibliograficas_, p. 59, apud Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, + tom. i. p. 1.] + + [Footnote 401: Harrisse, _loc. cit._, in 1884, gives the number + at sixty-four.] + +[Sidenote: Defects in Ferdinand's information.] + +Nevertheless, while these contemporary materials give us abundant +information concerning the great discoverer, from the year 1492 until +his death, it is quite otherwise with his earlier years, especially +before his arrival in Spain in 1484. His own allusions to these earlier +years are sometimes hard to interpret;[402] and as for his son +Ferdinand, that writer confesses, with characteristic and winning +frankness, that his information is imperfect, inasmuch as filial respect +had deterred him from closely interrogating his father on such points, +or, to tell the plain truth, being still very young when his father +died, he had not then come to recognize their importance.[403] This does +not seem strange when we reflect that Ferdinand must have seen very +little of his father until in 1502, at the age of fourteen, he +accompanied him on that last difficult and disastrous voyage, in which +the sick and harassed old man could have had but little time or strength +for aught but the work in hand. It is not strange that when, a quarter +of a century later, the son set about his literary task, he should now +and then have got a date wrong, or have narrated some incidents in a +confused manner, or have admitted some gossiping stories, the falsehood +of which can now plainly be detected. Such blemishes, which occur +chiefly in the earlier part of Ferdinand's book, do not essentially +detract from its high authority.[404] The limits which bounded the son's +accurate knowledge seem also to have bounded that of such friends as +Bernaldez, who did not become acquainted with Columbus until after his +arrival in Spain. + + [Footnote 402: Sometimes from a slip of memory or carelessness + of phrasing, on Columbus's part, sometimes from our lacking the + clue, sometimes from an error in numerals, common enough at all + times.] + + [Footnote 403: "Ora, l' Ammiraglio avendo cognizione delle + dette scienze, comincio ad attendere al mare, e a fare alcuni + viaggi in levante e in ponente; de' quali, e di molte altre + cose di quei primi di io non ho piena notizia; perciocche egli + venne a morte a tempo che io non aveva tanto ardire, o pratica, + per la riverenza filiale, che io ardissi di richiederlo di + cotali cose; o, per parlare piu veramente, allora mi ritrovava + io, come giovane, molto lontano da cotal pensiero." _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. iv.] + + [Footnote 404: Twenty years ago M. Harrisse published in + Spanish and French a critical essay maintaining that the _Vita + dell' Ammiraglio_ was not written by Ferdinand Columbus, but + probably by the famous scholar Perez de Oliva, professor in the + university of Salamanca, who died in 1530 (_D. Fernando Colon, + historiador de su padre_, Seville, 1871; _Fernand Colomb: sa + vie, ses oeuvres_, Paris, 1872). The Spanish manuscript of the + book had quite a career. As already observed, it is clear that + Las Casas used it, probably between 1552 and 1561. From + Ferdinand's nephew, Luis Columbus, it seems to have passed in + 1568 into the hands of Baliano di Fornari, a prominent citizen + of Genoa, who sent it to Venice with the intention of having it + edited and published with Latin and Italian versions. All that + ever appeared, however, was the Italian version made by Ulloa + and published in 1571. Harrisse supposes that the Spanish + manuscript, written by Oliva, was taken to Genoa by some + adventurer and palmed off upon Baliano di Fornari as the work + of Ferdinand Columbus. But inasmuch as Harrisse also supposes + that Oliva probably wrote the book (about 1525) at Seville, + under Ferdinand's eyes and with documents furnished by him, it + becomes a question, in such case, how far was Oliva anything + more than an amanuensis to Ferdinand? and there seems really to + be precious little wool after so much loud crying. If the + manuscript was actually written "sous les yeux de Fernand et + avec documents fournis par lui," most of the arguments alleged + to prove that it could not have emanated from the son of + Columbus fall to the ground. It becomes simply a question + whether Ulloa may have here and there tampered with the text, + or made additions of his own. To some extent he seems to have + done so, but wherever the Italian version is corroborated by + the Spanish extracts in Las Casas, we are on solid ground, for + Las Casas died five years before the Italian version was + published. M. Harrisse does not seem as yet to have convinced + many scholars. His arguments have been justly, if somewhat + severely, characterized by my old friend, the lamented Henry + Stevens (_Historical Collections_, London, 1881, vol. i. No. + 1379), and have been elaborately refuted by M. d'Avezac, _Le + livre de Ferdinand Colomb: revue critique des allegations + proposees contre son authenticite_, Paris, 1873; and by + Prospero Peragallo, _L' autenticita delle Historie di Fernando + Colombo_, Genoa, 1884. See also Fabie, _Vida de Fray Bartolome + de Las Casas_, Madrid, 1869, tom. i. pp. 360-372.] + +[Sidenote: Researches of Henry Harrisse.] + +In recent years elaborate researches have been made, by Henry Harrisse +and others, in the archives of Genoa, Savona, Seville, and other places +with which Columbus was connected, in the hope of supplementing this +imperfect information concerning his earlier years.[405] A number of +data have thus been obtained, which, while clearing up the subject most +remarkably in some directions, have been made to mystify and embroil it +in others. There is scarcely a date or a fact relating to Columbus +before 1492 but has been made the subject of hot dispute; and some +pretty wholesale reconstructions of his biography have been +attempted.[406] The general impression, however, which the discussions +of the past twenty years have left upon my mind, is that the more +violent hypotheses are not likely to be sustained, and that the +newly-ascertained facts do not call for any very radical interference +with the traditional lines upon which the life of Columbus has +heretofore been written.[407] At any rate there seems to be no +likelihood of such interference as to modify our views of the causal +sequence of events that led to the westward search for the Indies; and +it is this relation of cause and effect that chiefly concerns us in a +history of the Discovery of America. + + [Footnote 405: See Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1884, + 2 vols., a work of immense research, absolutely indispensable + to every student of the subject, though here and there somewhat + over-ingenious and hypercritical, and in general unduly biased + by the author's private crotchet about the work of Ferdinand.] + + [Footnote 406: One of the most radical of these reconstructions + may be found in the essay by M. d'Avezac, "Canevas + chronologique de la vie de Christophe Colomb," in _Bulletin de + la Societe de Geographie_, Paris, 1872, 6e serie, tom. iv. pp. + 5-59.] + + [Footnote 407: Washington Irving's _Life of Columbus_, says + Harrisse, "is a history written with judgment and impartiality, + which leaves far behind it all descriptions of the discovery of + the New World published before or since." _Christophe Colomb_, + tom. i. p. 136. Irving was the first to make use of the superb + work of Navarrete, _Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos + que hicieron por mar los Espanoles desde fines del siglo XV._, + Madrid, 1825-37, 5 vols. 4to. Next followed Alexander von + Humboldt, with his _Examen critique de l'histoire de la + geographie de Nouveau Continent_, Paris, 1836-39, 5 vols. 8vo. + This monument of gigantic erudition (which, unfortunately, was + never completed) will always remain indispensable to the + historian.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Date of the birth of Columbus: archives of Savona.] + +[Sidenote: Statement of Bernaldez.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus's letter of September, 1501.] + +[Sidenote: The balance of probability is in favour of 1436.] + +The date of the birth of Columbus is easy to determine approximately, +but hard to determine with precision. In the voluminous discussion upon +this subject the extreme limits assigned have been 1430 and 1456, but +neither of these extremes is admissible, and our choice really lies +somewhere between 1436 and 1446. Among the town archives of Savona is a +deed of sale executed August 7, 1473, by the father of Christopher +Columbus, and ratified by Christopher and his next brother +Giovanni.[408] Both brothers must then have attained their majority, +which in the republic of Genoa was fixed at the age of twenty-five. +Christopher, therefore, can hardly have been less than seven and twenty, +so that the latest probable date for his birth is 1446, and this is the +date accepted by Munoz, Major, Harrisse, and Avezac. There is no +documentary proof, however, to prevent our taking an earlier date; and +the curate of Los Palacios--strong authority on such a point--says +expressly that at the time of his death, in 1506, Columbus was "in a +good old age, seventy years a little more or less."[409] Upon this +statement Navarrete and Humboldt have accepted 1436 as the probable date +of birth.[410] The most plausible objection to this is a statement made +by Columbus himself in a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, written in +1501. In this letter, as first given in the biography by his son, +Columbus says that he was of "very tender age" when he began to sail the +seas, an occupation which he has kept up until the present moment; and +in the next sentence but one he adds that "now for forty years I have +been in this business and have gone to every place where there is any +navigation up to the present time."[411] The expression "very tender +age" agrees with Ferdinand's statement that his father was fourteen +years old when he first took to the sea.[412] Since 1446 + 14-40 = 1500, +it is argued that Columbus was probably born about 1446; some sticklers +for extreme precision say 1447. But now there were eight years spent by +Columbus in Spain, from 1484 to 1492, without any voyages at all; they +were years, as he forcibly says, "dragged out in disputations."[413] Did +he mean to include those eight years in his forty spent upon the sea? +Navarrete thinks he did not. When he wrote under excitement, as in this +letter, his language was apt to be loose, and it is fair to construe it +according to the general probabilities of the case. This addition of +eight years brings his statement substantially into harmony with that of +Bernaldez, which it really will not do to set aside lightly. Moreover, +in the original text of the letter, since published by Navarrete, +Columbus appears to say, "now for _more than_ forty years," so that the +agreement with Bernaldez becomes practically complete.[414] The good +curate spoke from direct personal acquaintance, and his phrases +"seventy years" and "a good old age" are borne out by the royal decree +of February 23, 1505, permitting Columbus to ride on a mule, instead of +a horse, by reason of his old age (_ancianidad_) and infirmities.[415] +Such a phrase applies much better to a man of sixty-nine than to a man +of fifty-nine. On the whole, I think that Washington Irving showed good +sense in accepting the statement of the curate of Los Palacios as +decisive, dating as it does the birth of Columbus at 1436, "a little +more or less." + + [Footnote 408: Harrisse, _op. cit._ tom. i. p. 196.] + + [Footnote 409: "In _senectute bona_, de edad de setenta anos + poco mas o menos." Bernaldez, _Reyes Catolicos_, tom. i. p. + 334.] + + [Footnote 410: M. d'Avezac (_Canevas chronologique_, etc.) + objects to this date that we have positive documentary evidence + of the birth of Christopher's youngest brother Giacomo + (afterwards spanished into Diego) in 1468, which makes an + interval of 32 years; so that if the mother were (say) 18 in + 1436 she must have borne a child at the age of 50. That would + be unusual, but not unprecedented. But M. Harrisse (tom. ii. p. + 214), from a more thorough sifting of this documentary + evidence, seems to have proved that while Giacomo cannot have + been born later than 1468 he may have been born as early as + 1460; so that whatever is left of M. d'Avezac's objection falls + to the ground.] + + [Footnote 411: "Serenissimi principi, di eta molto tenera io + entrai in mare navigando, et vi ho continovato fin' hoggi: ... + et hoggimai passano quaranta anni che io uso per tutte quelle + parti che fin hoggi si navigano." _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. + iv.] + + [Footnote 412: _Op. cit._ cap. iv. _ad fin_.] + + [Footnote 413: "Traido en disputas," Navarrete, _Coleccion_, + tom. ii. p. 254.] + + [Footnote 414: "Muy altos Reyes, de muy pequena edad entre en + la mar navegando, e lo he continuado fasta hoy.... Ya pasan de + cuarenta anos que yo voy en este uso: todo lo que hoy se + navega, todo lo he andado." Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. ii. p. + 262. Observe the lame phrase "pasan de cuarenta;" what business + has that "de" in such a place without "mas" before it? "Pasan + mas de cuarenta," i. e. "more than forty;" writing in haste and + excitement, Columbus left out a little word; or shall we blame + the proof-reader? Avezac himself translates it "il y a plus de + quarante ans," and so does Eugene Mueller, in his French version + of Ferdinand's book, _Histoire de la vie de Christophe Colomb_, + Paris, 1879, p. 15.] + + [Footnote 415: That was the golden age of sumptuary laws. + Because Alfonso XI. of Castile (1312-1350), when he tried to + impress horses for the army, found it hard to get as many as he + wanted, he took it into his head that his subjects were raising + too many mules and not enough horses. So he tried to remedy the + evil by a wholesale decree prohibiting all Castilians from + riding upon mules! In practice this precious decree, like other + villainous prohibitory laws that try to prevent honest people + from doing what they have a perfect right to do, proved so + vexatious and ineffective withal that it had to be perpetually + fussed with and tinkered. One year you could ride a mule and + the next year you couldn't. In 1492, as we shall see, Columbus + immortalized one of these patient beasts by riding it a few + miles from Granada. But in 1494 Ferdinand and Isabella decreed + that nobody except women, children, and clergymen could ride on + mules,--"dont la marche est beaucoup plus douce que celle des + chevaux" (Humboldt, _Examen critique_, tom. iii. p. 338). This + edict remained in force in 1505, so that the Discoverer of the + New World, the inaugurator of the greatest historic event since + the birth of Christ, could not choose an easygoing animal for + the comfort of his weary old weather-shaken bones without the + bother of getting a special edict to fit his case. _Eheu, quam + parva sapientia regitur mundus!_] + +[Sidenote: The family of Domenico Colombo, and its changes of +residence.] + +With regard to the place where the great discoverer was born there ought +to be no dispute, since we have his own most explicit and unmistakable +word for it, as I shall presently show. Nevertheless there has been no +end of dispute. He has been claimed by as many places as Homer,[416] but +the only real question is whether he was born in the city of Genoa or in +some neighbouring village within the boundaries of the Genoese republic. +It is easy to understand how doubt has arisen on this point, if we trace +the changes of residence of his family. The grandfather of Columbus +seems to have been Giovanni Colombo, of Terrarossa, an inland hamlet +some twenty miles east by north from Genoa. Giovanni's son, Domenico +Colombo, was probably born at Terrarossa, and moved thence with his +father, somewhere between 1430 and 1445, to Quinto al Mare, four miles +east of Genoa on the coast. All the family seem to have been weavers. +Before 1445, but how many years before is not known, Domenico married +Susanna Fontanarossa, who belonged to a family of weavers, probably of +Quezzi, four miles northeast of Genoa. Between 1448 and 1451 Domenico, +with his wife and three children, moved into the city of Genoa, where he +became the owner of a house and was duly qualified as a citizen. In 1471 +Domenico moved to Savona, thirty miles west on the Corniche road, where +he set up a weaving establishment and also kept a tavern. He had then +five children, Cristoforo, Giovanni, Bartolommeo, Giacomo, and a +daughter. Domenico lived in Savona till 1484. At that time his wife and +his son Giovanni were dead, Giacomo was an apprentice, learning the +weaver's trade, Christopher and Bartholomew had long been domiciled in +Portugal, the daughter had married a cheese merchant in Genoa, and to +that city Domenico returned in the autumn of 1484, and lived there until +his death, at a great age, in 1499 or 1500. He was always in pecuniary +difficulties, and died poor and in debt, though his sons seem to have +sent him from Portugal and Spain such money as they could spare.[417] + + [Footnote 416: "Nous avons demontre l'inanite des theories qui + le font naitre a Pradello, a Cuccaro, a Cogoleto, a Savona, a + Nervi, a Albissola, a Bogliasco, a Cosseria, a Finale, a + Oneglia, voire meme en Angleterre ou dans l'isle de Corse." + Harrisse, tom. i. p. 217. In Cogoleto, about sixteen miles west + of Genoa on the Corniche road, the visitor is shown a house + where Columbus is said first to have seen the light. Upon its + front is a quaint inscription in which the discoverer is + compared to the dove (_Colomba_) which, when sent by Noah from + the ark, discovered dry land amid the waters:-- + + Con generoso ardir dall' Arca all' onde + Ubbidiente il vol Colomba prende, + Corre, s' aggira, terren scopre, e fronde + D' olivo in segno, al gran Noe ne rende. + L' imita in cio Colombo, ne' s' asconde, + E da sua patria il mar solcando fende; + Terreno al fin scoprendo diede fondo, + Offerendo all' Ispano un Nuovo Mondo. + + This house is or has been mentioned in Baedeker's _Northern + Italy_ as the probable birthplace, along with Peschel's absurd + date 1456. It is pretty certain that Columbus was _not_ born in + that house or in Cogoleto. See Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 148-155.] + + [Footnote 417: Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 166-216.] + +[Sidenote: Christopher tells us that he was born in the city of Genoa.] + +The reader will observe that Christopher and his two next brothers were +born before the family went to live in the city of Genoa. It has hence +been plausibly inferred that they were born either in Quinto or in +Terrarossa; more likely the latter, since both Christopher and +Bartholomew, as well as their father, were called, and sometimes signed +themselves, Columbus of Terrarossa.[418] In this opinion the most +indefatigable modern investigator, Harrisse, agrees with Las Casas.[419] +Nevertheless, in a solemn legal instrument executed February 22, 1498, +establishing a _mayorazgo_, or right of succession to his estates and +emoluments in the Indies, Columbus expressly declares that he was born +in the city of Genoa: "I enjoin it upon my son, the said Don Diego, or +whoever may inherit the said _mayorazgo_, always to keep and maintain in +the City of Genoa one person of our lineage, because from thence I came +and in it I was born."[420] I do not see how such a definite and +positive statement, occurring in such a document, can be doubted or +explained away. It seems clear that the son was born while the parents +were dwelling either at Terrarossa or at Quinto, but what is to hinder +our supposing that the event might have happened when the mother was in +the city on some errand or visit? The fact that Christopher and his +brother were often styled "of Terrarossa" does not prove that they were +born in that hamlet. A family moving thence to Quinto and to Genoa would +stand in much need of some such distinctive epithet, because the name +Colombo was extremely common in that part of Italy; insomuch that the +modern historian, who prowls among the archives of those towns, must +have a care lest he get hold of the wrong person, and thus open a fresh +and prolific source of confusion. This has happened more than once. + + [Footnote 418: Harrisse, tom. i. p. 188; _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. xi.] + + [Footnote 419: "Fue este varon escogido de nacion genoves, de + algun lugar de la provincia de Genova; cual fuese, donde nacio + o que nombre tuvo el tal lugar, no consta la verdad dello mas + de que se solia llamar antes que llegase al estado que llego, + Cristobal Colombo de Terra-rubia y lo mismo su hermano + Bartolome Colon." Las Casas, _Historia de las Indias_, tom. i. + p. 42; cf. Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 217-222.] + + [Footnote 420: "Mando al dicho D. Diego, mi hijo, o a la + persona que heredare el dicho mayorazgo, que tenga y sostenga + siempre en la _Ciudad de Genova_ una persona de nuestro linage + ... pues que della sali _y en ella naci_" [italics mine]. + Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. ii. p. 232.] + +[Sidenote: Christopher's early years.] + +[Sidenote: Christopher and Bartholomew at Lisbon.] + +On the whole, then, it seems most probable that the Discoverer of +America was born in the city of Genoa in 1436, or not much later. Of his +childhood we know next to nothing. Las Casas tells us that he studied at +the University of Pavia and acquired a good knowledge of Latin.[421] +This has been doubted, as incompatible with the statement of Columbus +that he began a seafaring life at the age of fourteen. It is clear, +however, that the earlier years of Columbus, before his departure for +Portugal, were not all spent in seafaring. Somewhere, if not at Pavia, +he not only learned Latin, but found time to study geography, with a +little astronomy and mathematics, and to become an expert draughtsman. +He seems to have gone to and fro upon the Mediterranean in merchant +voyages, now and then taking a hand in sharp scrimmages with Mussulman +pirates.[422] In the intervals of this adventurous life he was probably +to be found in Genoa, earning his bread by making maps and charts, for +which there was a great and growing demand. About 1470, having become +noted for his skill in such work, he followed his younger brother +Bartholomew to Lisbon,[423] whither Prince Henry's undertakings had +attracted able navigators and learned geographers until that city had +come to be the chief centre of nautical science in Europe. Las Casas +assures us that Bartholomew was quite equal to Christopher as a sailor, +and surpassed him in the art of making maps and globes, as well as in +the beauty of his handwriting.[424] In Portugal, as before in Italy, the +work of the brothers Columbus was an alternation of map-making on land +and adventure on the sea. We have Christopher's own word for it that he +sailed with more than one of those Portuguese expeditions down the +African coast;[425] and I think it not altogether unlikely that he may +have been with Santarem and Escobar in their famous voyage of 1471. + + [Footnote 421: Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. p. 46.] + + [Footnote 422: The reader must beware, however, of some of the + stories of adventure attaching to this part of his life, even + where they are confirmed by Las Casas. They evidently rest upon + hearsay, and the incidents are so confused that it is almost + impossible to extract the kernel of truth.] + + [Footnote 423: The date 1470 rests upon a letter of Columbus to + King Ferdinand of Aragon in May, 1505. He says that God must + have directed him into the service of Spain by a kind of + miracle, since he had already been in Portugal, whose king was + more interested than any other sovereign in making discoveries, + and yet God closed his eyes, his ears, and all his senses to + such a degree that _in fourteen years_ Columbus could not + prevail upon him to lend aid to his scheme. "Dije + milagrosamente porque fui a aportar a Portugal, adonde el Rey + de alli entendia en el descubrir mas que otro: el le atajo la + vista, oido y todos los sentidos, que en catorce anos no le + pude hacer entender lo que yo dije." Las Casas, _op. cit._ tom. + iii. p. 187; Navarrete, tom. iii. p. 528. Now it is known that + Columbus finally left Portugal late in 1484, or very early in + 1485, so that fourteen years would carry us back to before 1471 + for the first arrival of Columbus in that country. M. Harrisse + (_op. cit._ tom. i. p. 263) is unnecessarily troubled by the + fact that the same person was not king of Portugal during the + whole of that period. Alfonso V. (brother of Henry the + Navigator) died in 1481, and was succeeded by his son John II.; + but during a considerable part of the time between 1475 and + 1481 the royal authority was exercised by the latter. Both + kings were more interested in making discoveries than any other + European sovereigns. Which king did Columbus mean? Obviously + his words were used loosely; he was too much preoccupied to be + careful about trifles; he probably had John in his mind, and + did not bother himself about Alfonso; King Ferdinand, to whom + he was writing, did not need to have such points minutely + specified, and could understand an elliptical statement; and + the fact stated by Columbus was simply that during a residence + of fourteen years in Portugal he had not been able to enlist + even that enterprising government in behalf of his novel + scheme. + + In the town archives of Savona we find Christopher Columbus + witnessing a document March 20, 1472, endorsing a kind of + promissory note for his father August 26, 1472, and joining + with his mother and his next brother Giovanni, August 7, 1473, + in relinquishing all claims to the house in Genoa sold by his + father Domenico by deed of that date. It will be remembered + that Domenico had moved from Genoa to Savona in 1471. From + these documents (which are all printed in his _Christophe + Colomb_, tom. ii. pp. 419, 420, 424-426) M. Harrisse concludes + that Christopher cannot have gone to Portugal until after + August 7, 1473. Probably not, so far as to be domiciled there; + but inasmuch as he had long been a sailor, why should he not + have been in Portugal, or upon the African coast in a + Portuguese ship, in 1470 and 1471, and nevertheless have been + with his parents in Savona in 1472 and part of 1473? His own + statement "fourteen years" is not to be set aside on such + slight grounds as this. Furthermore, from the fact that + Bartholomew's name is not signed to the deed of August 7, 1473, + M. Harrisse infers that he was then a minor; i. e. under five + and twenty. But it seems to me more likely that Bartholomew was + already domiciled at Lisbon, since we are expressly told by two + good contemporary authorities--both of them Genoese writers + withal--that he moved to Lisbon and began making maps there at + an earlier date than Christopher. See Antonio Gallo, _De + navigatione Columbi per inaccessum antea Oceanum + Commentariolus_, apud Muratori, tom. xxiii. col. 301-304; + Giustiniani, _Psalterium_, Milan, 1516 (annotation to Psalm + xix.); Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, No. 88. + To these statements M. Harrisse objects that he finds (in + Belloro, _Notizie_, p. 8) mention of a document dated Savona, + June 16, 1480, in which Domenico Colombo gives a power of + attorney to his son Bartholomew to act for him in some matter. + The document itself, however, is not forthcoming, and the + notice cited by M. Harrisse really affords no ground for the + assumption that Bartholomew was in 1480 domiciled at Savona or + at Genoa.] + + [Footnote 424: Las Casas, _op. cit._ tom. i. p. 224; tom. ii. + p. 80. He possessed many maps and documents by both the + brothers.] + + [Footnote 425: "Spesse volte navigando da Lisbona a Guinea," + etc. _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. iv. The original authority + is Columbus's marginal note in his copy of the _Imago Mundi_ of + Alliacus, now preserved in the Colombina at Seville: "Nota quod + sepius navigando ex Ulixbona ad austrum in Guineam, notavi cum + diligentia viam, etc." Compare the allusions to Guinea in his + letters, Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. i. pp. 55, 71, 101.] + +[Sidenote: Philippa Moniz de Perestrelo.] + +[Sidenote: Personal appearance of Columbus.] + +He had not been long in Portugal before he found a wife. We have already +met the able Italian navigator, Bartholomew Perestrelo, who was sent by +Prince Henry to the island of Porto Santo with Zarco and Vaz, about +1425. In recognition of eminent services Prince Henry afterwards, in +1446, appointed him governor of Porto Santo. Perestrelo died in 1457, +leaving a widow (his second wife, Isabella Moniz) and a charming +daughter Philippa,[426] whom Columbus is said to have first met at a +religious service in the chapel of the convent of All Saints at Lisbon. +From the accounts of his personal appearance, given by Las Casas and +others who knew him, we can well understand how Columbus should have won +the heart of this lady, so far above him at that time in social +position. He was a man of noble and commanding presence, tall and +powerfully built, with fair ruddy complexion and keen blue-gray eyes +that easily kindled; while his waving white hair must have been quite +picturesque. His manner was at once courteous and cordial and his +conversation charming, so that strangers were quickly won, and in +friends who knew him well he inspired strong affection and respect.[427] +There was an indefinable air of authority about him, as befitted a man +of great heart and lofty thoughts.[428] Out of those kindling eyes +looked a grand and poetic soul, touched with that divine spark of +religious enthusiasm which makes true genius. + + [Footnote 426: There are some vexed questions concerning this + lady and the connections between the Moniz and Perestrelo + families, for which see Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 267-292.] + + [Footnote 427: Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. p. 43. He + describes Bartholomew as not unlike his brother, but not so + tall, less affable in manner, and more stern in disposition, + _id._ tom. ii. p. 80.] + + [Footnote 428: "Christoval Colon ... persona de gran corazon y + altos pensamientos." Mariana, _Historia de Espana_, tom. viii. + p. 341.] + +[Sidenote: His marriage, and life upon the island of Porto Santo.] + +The acquaintance between Columbus and Philippa Moniz de Perestrelo was +not long in ripening into affection, for they were married in 1473. As +there was a small estate at Porto Santo, Columbus went home thither with +his bride to live for a while in quiet and seclusion. Such repose we may +believe to have been favourable to meditation, and on that little +island, three hundred miles out on the mysterious ocean, we are told +that the great scheme of sailing westward to the Indies first took shape +in the mind of Columbus.[429] His father-in-law Perestrelo had left a +quantity of sailing charts and nautical notes, and these Columbus +diligently studied, while ships on their way to and from Guinea every +now and then stopped at the island, and one can easily imagine the eager +discussions that must have been held over the great commercial problem +of the age,--how far south that African coast extended and whether there +was any likelihood of ever finding an end to it. + + [Footnote 429: Upon that island his eldest son Diego was born. + This whole story of the life upon Porto Santo and its relation + to the genesis of Columbus's scheme is told very explicitly by + Las Casas, who says that it was told to him by Diego Columbus + at Barcelona in 1519, when they were waiting upon Charles V., + just elected Emperor and about to start for Aachen to be + crowned. And yet there are modern critics who are disposed to + deny the whole story. (See Harrisse, tom. i. p. 298.) The + grounds for doubt are, however, extremely trivial when + confronted with Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. p. 54.] + +[Sidenote: Alfonso V. asks advice of the great astronomer Toscanelli.] + +How long Columbus lived upon Porto Santo is not known, but he seems to +have gone from time to time back to Lisbon, and at length to have made +his home--or in the case of such a rover we might better say his +headquarters--in that city. We come now to a document of supreme +importance for our narrative. Paolo del Pozzo dei Toscanelli, born at +Florence in 1397, was one of the most famous astronomers and +cosmographers of his time, a man to whom it was natural that questions +involving the size and shape of the earth should be referred. To him +Alfonso V. of Portugal made application, through a gentleman of the +royal household, Fernando Martinez, who happened to be an old friend of +Toscanelli. What Alfonso wanted to know was whether there could be a +shorter oceanic route to the Indies than that which his captains were +seeking by following the African coast; if so, he begged that Toscanelli +would explain the nature and direction of such a route. The Florentine +astronomer replied with the letter presently to be quoted in full, dated +June 25, 1474; and along with the letter he sent to the king a sailing +chart, exhibiting his conception of the Atlantic ocean, with Europe on +the east and Cathay on the west. The date of this letter is eloquent. It +was early in 1472 that Santarem and Escobar brought back to Lisbon the +news that beyond the Gold Coast the African shore turned southwards and +stretched away in that direction beyond the equator. As I have already +observed, this was the moment when the question as to the possibility of +a shorter route was likely to arise;[430] and this is precisely the +question we find the king of Portugal putting to Toscanelli some time +before the middle of 1474. Now about this same time, or not long +afterwards, we find Columbus himself appealing to Toscanelli. An aged +Florentine merchant, Lorenzo Giraldi, then settled in Lisbon, was going +back to his native city for a visit, and to him Columbus entrusted a +letter for the eminent astronomer. He received the following answer: + +[Sidenote: Toscanelli's first letter to Columbus.] + +"Paul, the physicist, to Christopher Columbus greeting.[431] I perceive +your great and noble desire to go to the place where the spices grow; +wherefore in reply to a letter of yours, I send you a copy of another +letter, which I wrote a few days ago [or some time ago] to a friend of +mine, a gentleman of the household of the most gracious king of Portugal +before the wars of Castile,[432] in reply to another, which by command +of His Highness he wrote me concerning that matter: and I send you +another sailing chart, similar to the one I sent him, by which your +demands will be satisfied. The copy of that letter of mine is as +follows:-- + +[Sidenote: Toscanelli's copy of his former letter to Martinez--enclosed +in his first letter to Columbus.] + +"'Paul, the physicist, to Fernando Martinez, canon, at Lisbon, +greeting.[433] I was glad to hear of your intimacy and favour with your +most noble and illustrious king. I have formerly spoken with you about a +shorter route to the places of Spices by ocean navigation than that +which you are pursuing by Guinea. The most gracious king now desires +from me some statement, or rather an exhibition to the eye, so that even +slightly educated persons can grasp and comprehend that route. Although +I am well aware that this can be proved from the spherical shape of the +earth, nevertheless, in order to make the point clearer and to +facilitate the enterprise, I have decided to exhibit that route by means +of a sailing chart. I therefore send to his majesty a chart made by my +own hands,[434] upon which are laid down your coasts, and the islands +from which you must begin to shape your course steadily westward, and +the places at which you are bound to arrive, and how far from the pole +or from the equator you ought to keep away, and through how much space +or through how many miles you are to arrive at places most fertile in +all sorts of spices and gems; and do not wonder at my calling _west_ the +parts where the spices are, whereas they are commonly called _east_, +because to persons sailing persistently westward those parts will be +found by courses on the under side of the earth. For if [you go] by land +and by routes on this upper side, they will always be found in the east. +The straight lines drawn lengthwise upon the map indicate distance from +east to west, while the transverse lines show distances from south to +north. I have drawn upon the map various places upon which you may come, +for the better information of the navigators in case of their arriving, +whether through accident of wind or what not, at some different place +from what they had expected; but partly in order that they may show the +inhabitants that they have some knowledge of their country, which is +sure to be a pleasant thing. It is said that none but merchants dwell in +the islands.[435] For so great there is the number of navigators with +their merchandise that in all the rest of the world there are not so +many as in one very splendid port called Zaiton.[436] For they say that +a hundred great ships of pepper unload in that port every year, besides +other ships bringing other spices. That country is very populous and +very rich, with a multitude of provinces and kingdoms and cities without +number, under one sovereign who is called the Great Khan, which name +signifies King of Kings, whose residence is for the most part in the +province of Cathay. His predecessors two hundred years ago desired an +alliance with Christendom; they sent to the pope and asked for a number +of persons learned in the faith, that they might be enlightened; but +those who were sent, having encountered obstacles on the way, +returned.[437] Even in the time of Eugenius[438] there came one to +Eugenius and made a declaration concerning their great goodwill toward +Christians, and I had a long talk with him about many things, about the +great size of their royal palaces and the remarkable length and breadth +of their rivers, and the multitude of cities on the banks of the rivers, +such that on one river there are about two hundred cities, with marble +bridges very long and wide and everywhere adorned with columns. This +country is worth seeking by the Latins, not only because great treasures +may be obtained from it,--gold, silver, and all sorts of jewels and +spices,--but on account of its learned men, philosophers, and skilled +astrologers, and [in order that we may see] with what arts and devices +so powerful and splendid a province is governed, and also [how] they +conduct their wars. This for some sort of answer to his request, so far +as haste and my occupations have allowed, ready in future to make +further response to his royal majesty as much as he may wish. Given at +Florence 25th June, 1474.' + + [Footnote 430: See above, p. 330.] + + [Footnote 431: I translate this prologue from the Italian text + of the _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. viii. The original Latin + has nowhere been found. A Spanish version of the whole may be + found in Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. pp. 92-96. Las Casas, + by a mere slip of the pen, calls "Paul, the physicist," _Marco + Paulo_, and fifty years later Mariana calls him _Marco Polo, + physician_: "por aviso que le dio un cierto Marco Polo medico + Florentin," etc. _Historia de Espana_, tom. viii. p. 343. Thus + step by step doth error grow.] + + [Footnote 432: He means that his friend Martinez has been a + member of King Alfonso's household ever since the time before + the civil wars that began with the attempted deposition of + Henry IV. in 1465 and can hardly be said to have come to an end + before the death of that prince in December, 1474. See + Humboldt, _Examen critique_, tom. i. p. 225.] + + [Footnote 433: I translate this enclosed letter from the + original Latin text, as found, a few years ago, in the + handwriting of Columbus upon the fly-leaves of his copy of the + _Historia rerum ubique gestarum_ of AEneas Sylvius Piccolomini + (Pope Pius II.), published at Venice in 1477, in folio, and now + preserved in the Colombina at Seville. This Latin text is given + by Harrisse, in his _Fernand Colomb_, pp. 178-180, and also + (with more strict regard to the abbreviations of the original) + in his _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima--Additions_, Paris, + 1872, pp. xvi.-xviii. Very likely Columbus had occasion to let + the original MS. go out of his hands, and so preserved a copy + of it upon the fly-leaves of one of his books. These same + fly-leaves contain extracts from Josephus and Saint Augustine. + The reader will rightly infer from my translation that the + astronomer's Latin was somewhat rugged and lacking in literary + grace. Apparently he was anxious to jot down quickly what he + had to say, and get back to his work.] + + [Footnote 434: A sketch of this most memorable of maps is given + opposite. Columbus carried it with him upon his first voyage, + and shaped his course in accordance with it. Las Casas + afterwards had it in his possession (_Hist. de las Indias_, + tom. i. pp. 96, 279). It has since been lost, that is to say, + it may still be in existence, but nobody knows where. But it + has been so well described that the work of restoring its + general outlines is not difficult and has several times been + done. The sketch here given is taken from Winsor (_Narr. and + Crit. Hist._, ii. 103), who takes it from _Das Ausland_, 1867, + p. 5. Another restoration may be found in St. Martin's _Atlas_, + pl. ix. This map was the source of the western part of Martin + Behaim's globe, as given below, p. 422.] + + [Footnote 435: All the description that follows is taken by + Toscanelli from the book of Marco Polo.] + + [Footnote 436: On modern maps usually called Chang-chow, about + 100 miles S. W. from Fou-chow.] + + [Footnote 437: I have given an account of this mission, above, + p. 281.] + + [Footnote 438: Eugenius IV., pope from 1431 to 1447.] + +[Sidenote: Conclusion of Toscanelli's first letter to Columbus.] + +"From[439] the city of Lisbon due west there are 26 spaces marked on the +map, each of which contains 250 miles, as far as the very great and +splendid city of Quinsay.[440] For it is a hundred miles in +circumference and has ten bridges, and its name means City of Heaven, +and many wonderful things are told about it and about the multitude of +its arts and revenues. This space is almost a third part of the whole +sphere. That city is in the province of Mangi, or near the province of +Cathay in which land is the royal residence. But from the island of +Antilia, which you know, to the very splendid island of Cipango[441] +there are ten spaces. For that island abounds in gold, pearls, and +precious stones, and they cover the temples and palaces with solid gold. +So through the unknown parts of the route the stretches of sea to be +traversed are not great. Many things might perhaps have been stated more +clearly, but one who duly considers what I have said will be able to +work out the rest for himself. Farewell, most esteemed one." + + [Footnote 439: This paragraph is evidently the conclusion of + the letter to Columbus, and not a part of the letter to + Martinez, which has just ended with the date. In _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_ the two letters are mixed together.] + + [Footnote 440: On modern maps Hang-chow. After 1127 that city + was for some time the capital of China, and Marco Polo's name + _Quinsay_ represents the Chinese word _King-sse_ or "capital," + now generally applied to Peking. Marco Polo calls it the finest + and noblest city in the world. It appears that he does not + overstate the circumference of its walls at 100 Chinese miles + or _li_, equivalent to about 30 English miles. It has greatly + diminished since Polo's time, while other cities have grown. + Toscanelli was perhaps afraid to repeat Polo's figure as to the + number of stone bridges; Polo says there were 12,000 of them, + high enough for ships to pass under! We thus see how his + Venetian fellow-citizens came to nickname him "Messer Marco + Milione." As Colonel Yule says, "I believe we must not bring + Marco to book for the literal accuracy of his statements as to + the bridges; but all travellers have noticed the number and + elegance of the bridges of cut stone in this part of China." + _Marco Polo_, vol. ii, p. 144.] + + [Footnote 441: For Cipango, or Japan, see Yule's _Marco Polo_, + vol. ii. pp. 195-207. The venerable astronomer's style of + composition is amusing. He sets out to demonstrate to Columbus + that the part of the voyage to be accomplished through new and + unfamiliar stretches of the Atlantic is not great; but he is so + full of the glories of Cathay and Cipango that he keeps + reverting to that subject, to the manifest detriment of his + exposition. His argument, however, is perfectly clear.] + +Some time after the receipt of this letter Columbus wrote again to +Toscanelli, apparently sending him either some charts of his own, or +some notes, or something bearing upon the subject in hand. No such +letter is preserved, but Toscanelli replied as follows:-- + +[Sidenote: Toscanelli's second letter to Columbus.] + +"Paul, the physicist, to Christopher Columbus greeting.[442] I have +received your letters, with the things which you sent me, for which I +thank you very much. I regard as noble and grand your project of sailing +from east to west according to the indications furnished by the map +which I sent you, and which would appear still more plainly upon a +sphere. I am much pleased to see that I have been well understood, and +that the voyage has become not only possible but certain,[443] fraught +with honour as it must be, and inestimable gain, and most lofty fame +among all Christian people. You cannot take in all that it means except +by actual experience, or without such copious and accurate information +as I have had from eminent and learned men who have come from those +places to the Roman court, and from merchants who have traded a long +time in those parts, persons whose word is to be believed (_persone di +grande autorita_). When that voyage shall be accomplished, it will be a +voyage to powerful kingdoms, and to cities and provinces most wealthy +and noble, abounding in all sorts of things most desired by us; I mean, +with all kinds of spices and jewels in great abundance. It will also be +advantageous for those kings and princes who are eager to have dealings +and make alliances with the Christians of our countries, and to learn +from the erudite men of these parts,[444] as well in religion as in all +other branches of knowledge. For these reasons, and many others that +might be mentioned, I do not wonder that you, who are of great courage, +and the whole Portuguese nation, which has always had men distinguished +in all such enterprises, are now inflamed with desire[445] to execute +the said voyage." + + [Footnote 442: The original of this letter is not forthcoming. + I translate from _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. viii.] + + [Footnote 443: Yet poor old Toscanelli did not live to see it + accomplished; he died in 1482, before Columbus left Portugal.] + + [Footnote 444: That is, of Europe, and especially of Italy. + Toscanelli again refers to Kublai Khan's message to the pope + which--more or less mixed up with the vague notions about + Prester John--had evidently left a deep impression upon the + European mind. In translating the above sentence I have + somewhat retrenched its excessive verbiage without affecting + the meaning.] + + [Footnote 445: In including the "whole Portuguese nation" as + feeling this desire, the good astronomer's enthusiasm again + runs away with him.] + +[Sidenote: Who first suggested the feasibleness of a westward route? Was +it Columbus?] + +These letters are intensely interesting, especially the one to Martinez, +which reveals the fact that as early as 1474 the notion that a westward +route to the Indies would be shorter than the southward route had +somehow been suggested to Alfonso V.; and had, moreover, sufficiently +arrested his attention to lead him to make inquiries of the most eminent +astronomer within reach. Who could have suggested this notion to the +king of Portugal? Was it Columbus, the trained mariner and map-maker, +who might lately have been pondering the theories of Ptolemy and Mela as +affected by the voyage of Santarem and Escobar, and whose connection +with the Moniz and Perestrelo families would now doubtless facilitate +his access to the court? On some accounts this may seem probable, +especially if we bear in mind Columbus's own statement implying that his +appeals to the crown dated almost from the beginning of his fourteen +years in Portugal. + +[Sidenote: Perhaps it was Toscanelli.] + +All the circumstances, however, seem to be equally consistent with the +hypothesis that the first suggestion of the westward route may have come +from Toscanelli himself, through the medium of the canon Martinez, who +had for so many years been a member of King Alfonso's household. The +words at the beginning of the letter lend some probability to this view: +"I have formerly spoken with you about a shorter route to the places of +Spices by ocean navigation than that which you are pursuing by Guinea." +It was accordingly earlier than 1474--how much earlier does not +appear--that such discussions between Toscanelli and Martinez must +probably have come to the ears of King Alfonso; and now, very likely +owing to the voyage of Santarem and Escobar, that monarch began to think +it worth while to seek for further information, "an exhibition to the +eye," so that mariners not learned in astronomy like Toscanelli might +"grasp and comprehend" the shorter route suggested. It is altogether +probable that the Florentine astronomer, who was seventy-seven years old +when he wrote this letter, had already for a long time entertained the +idea of a westward route; and a man in whom the subject aroused so much +enthusiasm could hardly have been reticent about it. It is not likely +that Martinez was the only person to whom he descanted[446] upon the +glory and riches to be found by sailing "straight to Cathay," and there +were many channels through which Columbus might have got some inkling of +his views, even before going to Portugal. + + [Footnote 446: Luigi Pulci, in his famous romantic poem + published in 1481, has a couple of striking stanzas in which + Astarotte says to Rinaldo that the time is at hand when + Hercules shall blush to see how far beyond his Pillars the + ships shall soon go forth to find another hemisphere, for + although the earth is as round as a wheel, yet the water at any + given point is a plane, and inasmuch as all things tend to a + common centre so that by a divine mystery the earth is + suspended in equilibrium among the stars, just so there is an + antipodal world with cities and castles unknown to men of olden + time, and the sun in hastening westwards descends to shine upon + those peoples who are awaiting him below the horizon:-- + + Sappi che questa opinione e vana + Perche piu oltre navicar si puote, + Pero che l' acqua in ogni parte e piana, + Benche la terra abbi forma di ruote; + Era piu grossa allor la gente umana, + Tal che potrebbe arrossirne le gote + Ercule ancor, d' aver posti que' segni, + Perche piu oltre passeranno i legni. + E puossi andar giu nell' altro emisperio, + Pero che al centro ogni cosa reprime: + Sicche la terra per divin misterio + Sospesa sta fra le stelle sublime, + E laggiu son citta, castella, e imperio; + Ma nol cognobbon quelle gente prime. + Vedi che il sol di camminar s' affretta, + Dove io dico che laggiu s' aspetta. + Pulci, _Morgante Maggiore_, xxv. 229, 230. + + This prophecy of western discovery combines with the + astronomical knowledge here shown, to remind us that the + Florentine Pulci was a fellow-townsman and most likely an + acquaintance of Toscanelli.] + +[Sidenote: The idea was suggested by the globular form of the earth;] + +[Sidenote: and was as old as Aristotle.] + +[Sidenote: Opinions of ancient writers.] + +However this may have been, the letter clearly proves that at that most +interesting period, in or about 1474, Columbus was already meditating +upon the westward route.[447] Whether he owed the idea to Toscanelli, +or not, is a question of no great importance so far as concerns his own +originality; for the idea was already in the air. The originality of +Columbus did not consist in his conceiving the possibility of reaching +the shores of Cathay by sailing west, but in his conceiving it in such +distinct and practical shape as to be ready to make the adventure in +his own person. As a matter of theory the possibility of such a voyage +could not fail to be suggested by the globular form of the earth; and +ever since the days of Aristotle that had been generally admitted by men +learned in physical science. Aristotle proved, from the different +altitudes of the pole-star in different places, that the earth must +necessarily be a globe. Moreover, says Aristotle, "some stars are seen +in Egypt or at Cyprus, but are not seen in the countries to the north of +these; and the stars that in the north are visible while they make a +complete circuit, there undergo a setting. So that from this it is +manifest, not only that the form of the earth is round, but also that it +is part of not a very large sphere; for otherwise the difference would +not be so obvious to persons making so small a change of place. +Wherefore we may judge that _those persons who connect the region in the +neighbourhood of the Pillars of Hercules with that towards India, and +who assert that in this way the sea is_ ONE, do not assert things very +improbable."[448] It thus appears that more than eighteen centuries +before Columbus took counsel of Toscanelli, "those persons" to whom +Aristotle alludes were discussing, as a matter of theory, this same +subject. Eratosthenes held that it would be easy enough to sail from +Spain to India on the same parallel were it not for the vast extent of +the Atlantic ocean.[449] On the other hand, Seneca maintained that the +distance was probably not so very great, and that with favouring winds a +ship might make the voyage in a few days.[450] In one of his tragedies +Seneca has a striking passage[451] which has been repeatedly quoted as +referring to the discovery of America, and is certainly one of the most +notable instances of prophecy on record. There will come a time, he +says, in the later years, when Ocean shall loosen the bonds by which we +have been confined, when an immense land shall lie revealed, and Tethys +shall disclose new worlds, and Thule will no longer be the most remote +of countries. In Strabo there is a passage, less commonly noticed, which +hits the truth--as we know it to-day--even more closely. Having argued +that the total length of the Inhabited World is only about a third part +of the circumference of the earth in the temperate zone, he suggests it +as possible, or even probable, that within this space there may be +another Inhabited World, or even more than one; but such places would be +inhabited by different races of men, with whom the geographer, whose +task it is to describe the _known_ world, has no concern.[452] Nothing +could better illustrate the philosophical character of Strabo's mind. In +such speculations, so far as his means of verification went, he was +situated somewhat as we are to-day with regard to the probable +inhabitants of Venus or Mars. + + [Footnote 447: It was formerly assumed, without hesitation, + that the letter from Toscanelli to Columbus was written and + sent in 1474. The reader will observe, however, that while the + enclosed letter to Martinez is dated June 25, 1474, the letter + to Columbus, in which it was enclosed, has no date. But + according to the text as given in _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. + viii., this would make no difference, for the letter to + Columbus was sent only a few days later than the original + letter to Martinez: "I send you a copy of another letter, which + I wrote a few days ago (_alquanti giorni fa_) to a friend of + mine, a gentleman of the household of the king of Portugal + before the wars of Castile, in reply to another," etc. This + friend, Martinez, had evidently been a gentleman of the + household of Alfonso V. since before the civil wars of Castile, + which in 1474 had been going on intermittently for nine years + under the feeble Henry IV., who did not die until December 12, + 1474. Toscanelli apparently means to say "a friend of mine who + has for ten years or more been a gentleman of the royal + household," etc.; only instead of mentioning the number of + years, he alludes less precisely (as most people, and perhaps + especially old people, are apt to do) to the most notable, + mentionable, and glaring fact in the history of the Peninsula + for that decade,--namely, the civil wars of Castile. As if an + American writer in 1864 had said, "a friend of mine, who has + been secretary to A. B. since before the war," instead of + saying "for four years or more." This is the only reasonable + interpretation of the phrase as it stands above, and it was + long ago suggested by Humboldt (_Examen critique_, tom. i. p. + 225). Italian and Spanish writers of that day, however, were + lavish with their commas and sprinkled them in pretty much at + haphazard. In this case Ferdinand's translator, Ulloa, + sprinkled in one comma too many, and it fell just in front of + the clause "before the wars of Castile;" so that Toscanelli's + sentence was made to read as follows: "I send you a copy of + another letter, which I wrote a few days ago to a friend of + mine, a gentleman of the household of the king of Portugal, + before the wars of Castile, in reply to another," etc. Now this + unhappy comma, coming after the word "Portugal," has caused + ream after ream of good paper to be inked up in discussion, for + it has led some critics to understand the sentence as follows: + "I send you a copy of another letter, which I wrote a few days + ago, before the wars of Castile, to a friend of mine," etc. + This reading brought things to a pretty pass. Evidently a + letter dated June 25, 1474, could not have been written before + the civil wars of Castile, which began in 1465. It was + therefore assumed that the phrase must refer to the "War of + Succession" between Castile and Portugal (in some ways an + outgrowth from the civil wars of Castile) which began in May, + 1475, and ended in September, 1479. M. d'Avezac thinks that the + letter to Columbus must have been written after the latter + date, or more than five years later than the enclosed letter. + M. Harrisse is somewhat less exacting, and is willing to admit + that it may have been written at any time after this war had + fairly begun,--say in the summer of 1475, not more than a year + or so later than the enclosed letter. Still he is disposed on + some accounts to put the date as late as 1482. The phrase + _alquanti giorni fa_ will not allow either of these + interpretations. It means "a few days ago," and cannot possibly + mean a year ago, still less five years ago. The Spanish + retranslator from Ulloa renders it exactly _algunos dias ha_ + (Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. ii. p. 7), and Humboldt (_loc. + cit._) has it _il y a quelques jours_. If we could be sure that + the expression is a correct rendering of the lost Latin + original, we might feel sure that the letter to Columbus must + have been written as early as the beginning of August, 1474. + But now the great work of Las Casas, after lying in manuscript + for 314 years, has at length been published in 1875. Las Casas + gives a Spanish version of the Toscanelli letters (_Historia de + las Indias_, tom. i. pp. 92-97), which is unquestionably older + than Ulloa's Italian version, though perhaps not necessarily + more accurate. The phrase in Las Casas is not _algunos dias + ha_, but _ha dias_, i. e. not "a few days ago," but "some time + ago." Just which expression Toscanelli used cannot be + determined unless somebody is fortunate enough to discover the + lost Latin original. The phrase in Las Casas admits much more + latitude of meaning than the other. I should suppose that _ha + dias_ might refer to an event a year or two old, which would + admit of the interpretation considered admissible by M. + Harrisse. I should hardly suppose that it could refer to an + event five or six years old; if Toscanelli had been referring + in 1479 or 1480 to a letter written in 1474, his phrase would + probably have appeared in Spanish as _algunos anos ha_, i. e. + "a few years ago," not as _ha dias_. M. d'Avezac's hypothesis + seems to me not only inconsistent with the phrase _ha dias_, + but otherwise improbable. The frightful anarchy in Castile, + which began in 1465 with the attempt to depose Henry IV. and + alter the succession, was in great measure a series of ravaging + campaigns and raids, now more general, now more local, and can + hardly be said to have come to an end before Henry's death in + 1474. The war which began with the invasion of Castile by + Alfonso V. of Portugal, in May, 1475, was simply a later phase + of the same series of conflicts, growing out of disputed claims + to the crown and rivalries among great barons, in many respects + similar to the contemporary anarchy in England called the Wars + of the Roses. It is not likely that Toscanelli, writing at any + time between 1475 and 1480, and speaking of the "wars of + Castile" in the plural, could have had 1474 in his mind as a + date previous to those wars; to his mind it would have rightly + appeared as a date in the midst of them. In any case, + therefore, his reference must be to a time before 1465, and + Humboldt's interpretation is in all probability correct. The + letter from Toscanelli to Columbus was probably written within + a year or two after June 25, 1474. + + On account of the vast importance of the Toscanelli letters, + and because the early texts are found in books which the reader + is not likely to have at hand, I have given them entire in the + Appendix at the end of this work.] + + [Footnote 448: [Greek: Hoste ta hyper tes kephales astra + megalen echein ten metabolen, kai me tauta phainesthai pros + arkton te kai mesembrian metabainousin; enioi gar en Aigypto + men asteres horontai, kai peri Kypron; en tois pros arkton de + chorious ouch horontai kai ta dia pantos en tois pros arkton + phainomena ton astron, en ekeinois tois topois poieitai dysin. + Host' ou monon ek touton delon peripheres on to schema tes ges, + alla kai sphairas ou megales. Ou gar an houto tachy epidelon + epoiei methistemenois houto brachy. Dio tous hypolambanontas + synaptein ton peri tas Herakleious stelas topon to peri ten + Indiken, kai touton ton tropon einai ten Thalattan mian, me + lian hypolambanein apista dokein.] Aristotle, _De Coelo_, ii. + 14. He goes on to say that "those persons" allege the existence + of elephants alike in Mauretania and in India in proof of their + theory.] + + [Footnote 449: [Greek: Host' ei me to megethos tou Atlantikou + pelagous ekolye, kan plein hemas ek tes Iberias eis ten Indiken + dia tou autou parallelou.] Strabo, i. 4, Sec. 6.] + + [Footnote 450: "Quantum enim est, quod ab ultimis litoribus + Hispaniae usque ad Indos jacet? Paucissimorum dierum spatium, si + navem suus ventus implevit." Seneca, _Nat. Quaest._, i. praef. Sec. + 11.] + + [Footnote 451: + + Venient annis saecula seris, + Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum + Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus, + Tethysque novos detegat orbes, + Nec sit terris ultima Thule. + Seneca, _Medea_, 376. + + In the copy of Seneca's tragedies, published at Venice in + 1510, bought at Valladolid by Ferdinand Columbus in March, + 1518, for 4 reals (plus 2 reals for binding), and now to be + seen at the Biblioteca Colombina, there is a marginal note + attached to these verses: "haec prophetia expleta [=e] per + patr[=e] meuz[=z] cristofor[=u] col[=o] almir[=a]t[=e] anno + 1492."] + + [Footnote 452: [Greek: Kaloumen gar oikoumenen hen oikoumen kai + gnorizomen; endeketai de kai en te aute eukrato zone kai dyo + oikoumenas einai e kai pleious.] Strabo, i. 4, Sec. 6; [Greek: kai + gar ei houtos echei, ouch hypo touton ge oikeitai ton par' + hemin; all' ekeinen allen oikoumenen theteon. hoper esti + pithanon. Hemin de ta en aute tauta lekteon.] Id. ii. 5, Sec. 13. + This has always seemed to me one of the most remarkable + anticipations of modern truth in all ancient literature. Mr. + Bunbury thinks it may have suggested the famous verses of + Seneca just quoted. _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. ii. p. + 224.] + +[Sidenote: Opinions of Christian writers.] + +[Sidenote: Roger Bacon.] + +[Sidenote: The "Imago Mundi" of Petrus Alliacus.] + +Early in the Christian era we are told by an eminent Greek astronomer +that the doctrine of the earth's sphericity was accepted by all +competent persons except the Epicureans.[453] Among the Fathers of the +Church there was some difference of opinion; while in general they +denied the existence of human beings beyond the limits of their +Oecumene, or Inhabited World, this denial did not necessarily involve +disbelief in the globular figure of the earth.[454] The views of the +great mass of people, and of the more ignorant of the clergy, down to +the time of Columbus, were probably well represented in the book of +Cosmas Indicopleustes already cited.[455] Nevertheless among the more +enlightened clergy the views of the ancient astronomers were never quite +forgotten, and in the great revival of intellectual life in the +thirteenth century the doctrine of the earth's sphericity was again +brought prominently into the foreground. We find Dante basing upon it +the cosmical theory elaborated in his immortal poem.[456] In 1267 Roger +Bacon--stimulated, no doubt, by the reports of the ocean east of +Cathay--collected passages from ancient writers to prove that the +distance from Spain to the eastern shores of Asia could not be very +great. Bacon's argument and citations were copied in an extremely +curious book, the "Imago Mundi," published in 1410 by the Cardinal +Pierre d'Ailly, Bishop of Cambrai, better known by the Latinized form of +his name as Petrus Alliacus. This treatise, which throughout the +fifteenth century enjoyed a great reputation, was a favourite book with +Columbus, and his copy of it, covered with marginal annotations in his +own handwriting, is still preserved among the priceless treasures of the +Biblioteca Colombina.[457] He found in it strong confirmation of his +views, and it is not impossible that the reading of it may have first +put such ideas into his head. Such a point, however, can hardly be +determined. As I have already observed, these ideas were in the air. +What Columbus did was not to originate them, but to incarnate them in +facts and breathe into them the breath of life. It was one thing to +suggest, as a theoretical possibility, that Cathay might be reached by +sailing westward; and it was quite another thing to prove that the +enterprise was feasible with the ships and instruments then at command. + + [Footnote 453: [Greek: Hoi de hemeteroi] [i. e. the Stoics] + [Greek: kai apo mathematon pantes, kai hoi pleious ton apo tou + Sokratikou didaskaleiou sphairikon einai to schema tes ges + diebebaiosanto.] Cleomedes, i. 8; cf. Lucretius, _De Rerum + Nat._, i. 1052-1082; Stobaeus, _Eclog._ i. 19; Plutarch, _De + facie in Orbe Luna_, cap. vii.] + + [Footnote 454: See Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, xvi. 9; + Lactantius, _Inst. Div._, iii. 23; Jerome, _Comm. in Ezechiel_, + i. 6; Whewell's _History of the Inductive Sciences_, vol i. p. + 196.] + + [Footnote 455: See above, p. 266.] + + [Footnote 456: For an account of the cosmography of the Divine + Comedy, illustrated with interesting diagrams, see Artaud de + Montor, _Histoire de Dante Alighieri_, Paris, 1841.] + + [Footnote 457: It was first printed without indication of place + or date, but probably the place was Paris and the date + somewhere from 1483 to 1490. Manuscript copies were very + common, and Columbus probably knew the book long before that + time. There is a good account of it in Humboldt's _Examen + critique_, tom. i. pp. 61-76, 96-108. Humboldt thinks that such + knowledge as Columbus had of the opinions of ancient writers + was chiefly if not wholly obtained from Alliacus. It is + doubtful if Columbus had any direct acquaintance with the works + of Roger Bacon, but he knew the _Liber Cosmographicus_ of + Albertus Magnus and the _Speculum Naturale_ of Vincent de + Beauvais (both about 1250), and drew encouragement from them. + He also knew the book of Mandeville, first printed in French at + Lyons in 1480, and a Latin translation of Marco Polo, published + in 1485, a copy of which, with marginal MS. notes, is now in + the Colombina.] + +[Illustration: Annotations by Columbus.] + +[Sidenote: Ancient estimates of the size of the globe and the length of +the Oecumene.] + +The principal consideration, of course, was the distance to be +traversed; and here Columbus was helped by an error which he shared with +many geographers of his day. He somewhat underestimated the size of the +earth, and at the same time greatly overestimated the length of Asia. +The first astronomer to calculate, by scientific methods, the +circumference of our planet at the equator was Eratosthenes (B. C. +276-196), and he came--all things considered--fairly near the truth; he +made it 25,200 geographical miles (of ten stadia), or about one seventh +too great. The true figure is 21,600 geographical miles, equivalent to +24,899 English statute miles.[458] Curiously enough, Posidonius, in +revising this calculation a century later, reduced the figure to 18,000 +miles, or about one seventh too small. The circumference in the latitude +of Gibraltar he estimated at 14,000 miles; the length of the Oecumene, +or Inhabited World, he called 7,000; the distance across the Atlantic +from the Spanish strand to the eastern shores of Asia was the other +7,000. The error of Posidonius was partially rectified by Ptolemy, who +made the equatorial circumference 20,400 geographical miles, and the +length of a degree 56.6 miles.[459] This estimate, in which the error +was less than one sixteenth, prevailed until modern times. Ptolemy also +supposed the Inhabited World to extend over about half the circumference +of the temperate zone, but the other half he imagined as consisting +largely of bad lands, quagmires, and land-locked seas, instead of a vast +and open ocean.[460] + + [Footnote 458: See Herschel's _Outlines of Astronomy_, p. 140. + For an account of the method employed by Eratosthenes, see + Delambre, _Histoire de l'astronomie ancienne_, tom. i. pp. + 86-91; Lewis, _Astronomy of the Ancients_, p. 198.] + + [Footnote 459: See Bunbury's _History of Ancient Geography_, + vol. ii. pp. 95-97, 546-579; Mueller and Donaldson, _History of + Greek Literature_, vol. iii. p. 268.] + + [Footnote 460: Strabo, in arguing against this theory of bad + lands, etc., as obstacles to ocean navigation--a theory which + seems to be at least as old as Hipparchus--has a passage which + finely expresses the loneliness of the sea:--[Greek: Hoite gar + periplein epicheiresantes, eita anastrepsantes, ouch hypo + epeirou tinos antipiptouses kai kolyouses, ton epekeina ploun + anakrousthenai phasin, alla hypo aporias kai eremias, ouden + hetton tes thalattes echouses ton poron] (lib. i. cap. i. Sec. 8). + When one thinks of this [Greek: aporia] and [Greek: eremia], + one fancies oneself far out on the Atlantic, alone in an open + boat on a cloudy night, bewildered and hopeless.] + +[Sidenote: Toscanelli's calculation of the size of the earth,] + +[Sidenote: and of the position of Cipango.] + +Ptolemy's opinion as to the length of the Inhabited World was +considerably modified in the minds of those writers who toward the end +of the Middle Ages had been strongly impressed by the book of Marco +Polo. Among these persons was Toscanelli. This excellent astronomer +calculated the earth's equatorial circumference at almost exactly the +true figure; his error was less than 124 English miles in excess. The +circumference in the latitude of Lisbon he made 26 x 250 x 3 = 19,500 +miles.[461] Two thirds of this figure, or 13,000 miles, he allowed for +the length of the Oecumene, from Lisbon eastward to Quinsay (i. e. +Hang-chow), leaving 6,500 for the westward voyage from Lisbon to +Quinsay. Thus Toscanelli elongated Asia by nearly the whole width of the +Pacific ocean. His Quinsay would come about 130 deg. W., a few hundred miles +west of the mouth of the Columbia river. Zaiton (i. e. Chang-chow), the +easternmost city in Toscanelli's China, would come not far from the tip +end of Lower California. Thus the eastern coast of Cipango, about a +thousand miles east from Zaiton, would fall in the Gulf of Mexico +somewhere near the ninety-third meridian, and that island, being over a +thousand miles in length north and south, would fill up the space +between the parallel of New Orleans and that of the city of Guatemala. +The westward voyage from the Canaries to Cipango, according to +Toscanelli, would be rather more than 3,250 miles, but at a third of the +distance out he placed the imaginary island of "Antilia," with which he +seems to have supposed Portuguese sailors to be familiar.[462] "So +through the unknown parts of the route," said the venerable astronomer, +"the stretches of sea to be traversed are not great,"--not much more +than 2,000 English miles, not so long as the voyage from Lisbon to the +Guinea coast. + +[Sidenote: Columbus's opinion of the size of the globe, the length of +the Oecumene, and the width of the Atlantic ocean.] + +[Sidenote: The fourth book of Esdras.] + +While Columbus attached great importance to these calculations and +carried Toscanelli's map with him upon his first voyage, he improved +somewhat upon the estimates of distance, and thus made his case still +more hopeful. Columbus was not enough of an astronomer to adopt +Toscanelli's improved measurement of the size of the earth. He accepted +Ptolemy's figure of 20,400 geographical miles for the equatorial +girth,[463] which would make the circumference in the latitude of the +Canaries about 18,000; and Columbus, on the strength of sundry passages +from ancient authors which he found in Alliacus (cribbed from Roger +Bacon), concluded that six sevenths of this circumference must be +occupied by the Oecumene, including Cipango, so that in order to reach +that wonderful island he would only have to sail over one seventh, or +not much more than 2,500 miles from the Canaries.[464] An authority upon +which he placed great reliance in this connection was the fourth book +of Esdras, which although not a canonical part of the Bible was approved +by holy men, and which expressly asserted that six parts of the earth +(i. e. of the length of the Oecumene, or north temperate zone) are +inhabited and only the seventh part covered with water. From the general +habit of Columbus's mind it may be inferred that it was chiefly upon +this scriptural authority that he based his confident expectation of +finding land soon after accomplishing seven hundred leagues from the +Canaries. Was it not as good as written in the Bible that land was to be +found there? + + [Footnote 461: See above, p. 360. Toscanelli's mile was nearly + equivalent to the English statute mile. See the very important + note in Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, vol. i. p. 51.] + + [Footnote 462: The reader will also notice upon Toscanelli's + map the islands of Brazil and St. Brandan. For an account of + all these fabulous islands see Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, + vol. i. pp. 46-51. The name of "Antilia" survives in the name + "Antilles," applied since about 1502 to the West India islands. + All the islands west of Toscanelli's ninetieth meridian belong + in the Pacific. He drew them from his understanding of the + descriptions of Marco Polo, Friar Odoric, and other travellers. + These were the islands supposed, rightly, though vaguely, to + abound in spices.] + + [Footnote 463: Columbus was confirmed in this opinion by the + book of the Arabian astronomer Alfragan, written about A. D. + 950, a Latin translation of which appeared in 1447. There is a + concise summary of it in Delambre, _Histoire de l'astronomie du + Moyen Age_, pp. 63-73. Columbus proceeded throughout on the + assumption that the length of a degree at the equator is 56.6 + geographical miles, instead of the correct figure 60. This + would oblige him to reduce all Toscanelli's figures by about + six per cent., to begin with. Upon this point we have the + highest authority, that of Columbus himself, in an autograph + marginal note in his copy of the _Imago Mundi_, where he + expresses himself most explicitly: "Nota quod sepius navigando + ex Ulixbona ad Austrum in Guineam, notavi cum diligentia viam, + ut solitum naucleris et malineriis, et preteria accepi + altitudinem solis cum quadrante et aliis instrumentis plures + vices, et inveni concordare cum Alfragano, videlicet respondere + quemlibet gradum milliariis 56-2/3. Quare ad hanc mensuram + fidem adhibendam. Tunc igitur possumus dicere quod circuitus + Terrae sub arae equinoctiali est 20,400 milliariorum. Similiter + que id invenit magister Josephus phisicus et astrologus et alii + plures missi specialiter ad hoc per serenissimum regem + Portugaliae," etc.; _anglice_, "Observe that in sailing often + from Lisbon southward to Guinea, I carefully marked the course, + according to the custom of skippers and mariners, and moreover + I took the sun's altitude several times with a quadrant and + other instruments, and in agreement with Alfragan I found that + each degree [i. e. of longitude, measured on a great circle] + answers to 56-2/3 miles. So that one may rely upon this + measure. We may therefore say that the equatorial circumference + of the earth is 20,400 miles. A similar result was obtained by + Master Joseph, the physicist [or, perhaps, physician] and + astronomer, and several others sent for this special purpose by + the most gracious king of Portugal."--Master Joseph was + physician to John II. of Portugal, and was associated with + Martin Behaim in the invention of an improved astrolabe which + greatly facilitated ocean navigation.--The exact agreement with + Ptolemy's figures shows that by a mile Columbus meant a + geographical mile, equivalent to ten Greek stadia.] + + [Footnote 464: One seventh of 18,000 is 2,571 geographical + miles, equivalent to 2,963 English miles. The actual length of + Columbus's first voyage, from last sight of land in the + Canaries to first sight of land in the Bahamas, was according + to his own dead reckoning about 3,230 geographical miles. See + his journal in Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. i. pp. 6-20. + + I give here in parallel columns the passage from Bacon and the + one from Alliacus upon which Columbus placed so much reliance. + In the Middle Ages there was a generous tolerance of much that + we have since learned to stigmatize as plagiarism. + + From Roger Bacon, _Opus From Petrus Alliacus, _De + Majus_ (A. D. 1267), London, imagine Mundi_ (A. D. 1410), + 1733, ed. Jebb, p. 183:--"Sed Paris, cir. 1490, cap. viii. fol. + Aristoteles vult in fine secundi 13 b:--"Summus Aristoteles + Coeli et Mundi quod plus [terrae] dicit quod mare parvum est inter + habitetur quam quarta pars. Et finem Hispaniae a parte occidentis + Averroes hoc confirmat. Dicit et inter principium Indiae + Aristoteles quod mare parvum a parte orientis, et vult quod + est inter finem Hispaniae a parte plus habitetur quam quarta + occidentis et inter principium pars, et Averroes hoc confirmat. + Indiae a parte orientis. Et Seneca, Insuper Seneca libro + libro quinto Naturalium, quinto Naturalium, dicit quod + dicit quod mare hoc est navigabile mare est navigabile in paucis + in paucissimis diebus si diebus si ventus sit conveniens. + ventus sit conveniens. Et Plinius Et Plinius docet in Naturalibus, + docet in Naturalibus quod libro secundo, quod navigatum + navigatum est a sinu Arabico est a sinu Arabico usque ad + usque ad Gades: unde refert Gades Herculis non multum + quendam fugisse a rego suo magno tempore, + prae timore et intravit sinum + Maris Rubri ... qui circiter + spatium navigationis annualis + distat a Mari Indico: ... ex + quo patet principium Indiae in + oriente multum a nobis distare + et ab Hispania, postquam tantum + distat a principio Arabiae + versus Indiam. A fine Hispaniae unde concludunt + sub terra tam parvum mare est aliqui, quod mare non est + quod non potest cooperire tres tantum quod possit cooperire + quartas terrae. Et hoc per tres quartas terrae. Accedit ad + auctoritatem alterius considerationis hoc auctoritas Esdrae libro suo + probatur. Nam Esdras quarto, dicentis quod sex partes + dicit quarto libro, quod sex + partes terrae sunt habitatae et terrae sunt habitatae et septima + septima est cooperta aquis. Et est cooperta aquis, + ne aliquis impediat hanc auctoritatem, + dicens quod liber ille + est apocryphus et ignotae auctoritatis, + dicendum est quod cujus libri auctoritatem sancti + sancti habuerunt illum librum habuerunt in reverentia." + in usu et confirmant veritates + sacras per illum librum." + + Columbus must either have carried the book of Alliacus with him + on his voyages, or else have read his favourite passages until + he knew them by heart, as may be seen from the following + passage of a letter, written from Hispaniola in 1498 to + Ferdinand and Isabella (Navarrete, tom i. p. 261):--"El + Aristotel dice que este mundo es pequeno y es el agua muy poca, + y que facilmente se puede pasar de Espana a las Indias, y esto + confirma el Avenryz [Averroes], y le alega el cardenal Pedro de + Aliaco, autorizando este decir y aquel de Seneca, el qual + conforma con estos.... A esto trac una autoridad de Esdras del + tercero libro suyo, adonde dice que de siete partes del mundo + las seis son descubiertas y la una es cubierta de agua, la cual + autoridad es aprobada por Santos, los cuales dan autoridad al + 3^o e 4^o libro de Esdras, ansi come es S. Agustin e S. + Ambrosio en su _exameron_," etc.--"Singular period," exclaims + Humboldt, "when a mixture of testimonies from Aristotle and + Averroes, Esdras and Seneca, on the small extent of the ocean + compared with the magnitude of continental land, afforded to + monarchs guarantees for the safety and expediency of costly + enterprises!" _Cosmos_, tr. Sabine, vol. ii. p. 250. The + passages cited in this note may be found in Humboldt, _Examen + critique_, tom. i. pp. 65-69. Another interesting passage from + _Imago Mundi_, cap. xv., is quoted on p. 78 of the same work.] + +[Sidenote: Fortunate mixture of truth and error.] + +[Sidenote: The whole point and purport of Columbus's scheme.] + +Thus did Columbus arrive at his decisive conclusion, estimating the +distance across the Sea of Darkness to Japan at something less than the +figure which actually expresses the distance to the West Indies. Many a +hopeful enterprise has been ruined by errors in figuring, but this wrong +calculation was certainly a great help to Columbus. When we consider +how difficult he found it to obtain men and ships for a voyage supposed +to be not more than 2,500 miles in this new and untried direction, we +must admit that his chances would have been poor indeed if he had +proposed to sail westward on the Sea of Darkness for nearly 12,000 +miles, the real distance from the Canaries to Japan. It was a case where +the littleness of the knowledge was not a dangerous but a helpful thing. +If instead of the somewhat faulty astronomy of Ptolemy and the very hazy +notions prevalent about "the Indies," the correct astronomy of +Toscanelli had prevailed and had been joined to an accurate knowledge of +eastern Asia, Columbus would surely never have conceived his great +scheme, and the discovery of America would probably have waited to be +made by accident.[465] The whole point of his scheme lay in its promise +of a shorter route to the Indies than that which the Portuguese were +seeking by way of Guinea. Unless it was probable that it could furnish +such a shorter route, there was no reason for such an extraordinary +enterprise. + + [Footnote 465: See below, vol. ii. p. 96.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Columbus's speculations on climate.] + +[Sidenote: His voyage to Guinea.] + +[Sidenote: His voyage into the Arctic ocean, 1477.] + +The years between 1474 and 1480 were not favourable for new maritime +ventures on the part of the Portuguese government. The war with Castile +absorbed the energies of Alfonso V. as well as his money, and he was +badly beaten into the bargain. About this time Columbus was writing a +treatise on "the five habitable zones," intended to refute the old +notions about regions so fiery or so frozen as to be inaccessible to +man. As this book is lost we know little or nothing of its views and +speculations, but it appears that in writing it Columbus utilized sundry +observations made by himself in long voyages into the torrid and arctic +zones. He spent some time at the fortress of San Jorge de la Mina, on +the Gold Coast, and made a study of that equinoctial climate.[466] This +could not have been earlier than 1482, the year in which the fortress +was built. Five years before this he seems to have gone far in the +opposite direction. In a fragment of a letter or diary, preserved by his +son and by Las Casas, he says:--"In the month of February, 1477, I +sailed a hundred leagues beyond the island of Thule, [to?] an island of +which the south part is in latitude 73 deg., not 63 deg., as some say; and it +[i. e. Thule] does not lie within Ptolemy's western boundary, but much +farther west. And to this island, which is as big as England, the +English go with their wares, especially from Bristol. When I was there +the sea was not frozen. In some places the tide rose and fell twenty-six +fathoms. It is true that the Thule mentioned by Ptolemy lies where he +says it does, and this by the moderns is called Frislanda."[467] + + [Footnote 466: _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. iv.; Las Casas, + _Historia_, tom. i. p. 49.] + + [Footnote 467: "Io navigai l' anno M CCCC LXXVII nel mese di + Febraio oltra Tile isola cento leghe, la cui parte Australe e + lontana dall' Equinottiale settantatre gradi, e non + sessantatre, come alcuni vogliono; ne giace dentro della linea, + che include l' Occidente di Tolomeo, ma e molto piu + Occidentale. Et a questa isola, che e tanto grande, come + l'Inghilterra, vanno gl' Inglesi con le loro mercatantie, + specialmente quelli di Bristol. Et al tempo che io vi andai, + non era congelato il mare, quantunque vi fossero si grosse + maree, che in alcuni luoghi ascendeva ventisei braccia, e + discendeva altretanti in altezza. E bene il vero, che Tile, + quella, di cui Tolomeo fa mentione, giace dove egli dice; & + questa da' moderni e chiamata Frislanda." _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. iv. In the original edition of 1571, there + are no quotation-marks; and in some modern editions, where + these are supplied, the quotation is wrongly made to end just + before the last sentence, so as to make it appear like a gloss + of Ferdinand's. This is, however, impossible. Ferdinand died in + 1539, and the Zeno narrative of Frislanda was not published + till 1558, so that the only source from which that name could + have come into his book was his father's document. The + genuineness of the passage is proved by its recurrence, almost + word for word, in Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. i. p. 48.] + +[Sidenote: He may have reached Jan Mayen island,] + +[Sidenote: and stopped at Iceland.] + +Taken as it stands this passage is so bewildering that we can hardly +suppose it to have come in just this shape from the pen of Columbus. It +looks as if it had been abridged from some diary of his by some person +unfamiliar with the Arctic seas; and I have ventured to insert in +brackets a little preposition which may perhaps help to straighten out +the meaning. By Thule Columbus doubtless means Iceland, which lies +between latitudes 64 deg. and 67 deg., and it looks as if he meant to say that +he ran beyond it as far as the little island, just a hundred leagues +from Iceland and in latitude 71 deg., since discovered by Jan Mayen in 1611. +The rest of the paragraph is more intelligible. It is true that Iceland +lies thirty degrees farther west than Ptolemy placed Thule; and that for +a century before the discovery of the Newfoundland fisheries the English +did much fishing in the waters about Iceland, and carried wares +thither, especially from Bristol.[468] There can be no doubt that by +Frislanda Columbus means the Faeroe islands,[469] which do lie in the +latitude though not in the longitude mentioned by Ptolemy. As for the +voyage into the Jan Mayen waters in February, it would be dangerous but +by no means impossible.[470] In another letter Columbus mentions +visiting England, apparently in connection with this voyage,[471] and it +is highly probable that he went in an English ship from Bristol. + + [Footnote 468: See Thorold Rogers, _The Economic Interpretation + of History_, London, 1888, pp. 103, 319.] + + [Footnote 469: See above, p. 236.] + + [Footnote 470: See the graphic description of a voyage in these + waters in March, 1882, in Nansen's _The First Crossing of + Greenland_, London, 1890, vol. i. pp. 149-152.] + + [Footnote 471: "E vidi tutto il Levante, e tutto il Ponente, + che si dice per andare verso il Settentrione, cioe + l'Inghilterra, e ho camminato per la Guinea." _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. iv.] + +[Sidenote: The hypothesis that Columbus "must have" heard and understood +the story of the Vinland voyages.] + +The object of Columbus in making these long voyages to the equator and +into the polar circle was, as he tells us, to gather observations upon +climate. From the circumstance of his having made a stop at some point +in Iceland, it was conjectured by Finn Magnusson that Columbus might +have learned something about Vinland which served to guide him to his +own enterprise or to encourage him in it. Starting from this suggestion, +it has been argued[472] that Columbus must have read the geographical +appendix to Adam of Bremen's "Ecclesiastical History;" that he must +have understood, as we now do, the reference therein made to Vinland; +that he made his voyage to Iceland in order to obtain further +information; that he there not only heard about Vinland and other +localities mentioned in the sagas, but also mentally placed them about +where they were placed in 1837 by Professor Rafn; that, among other +things, he thus obtained a correct knowledge of the width of the +Atlantic ocean in latitude 28 deg. N.; and that during fifteen subsequent +years of weary endeavour to obtain ships and men for his westward +voyage, he sedulously refrained from using the most convincing argument +at his command,--namely that land of continental dimensions had actually +been found (though by a very different route) in the direction which he +indicated. + + [Footnote 472: See Anderson's _America not discovered by + Columbus_, Chicago, 1874; 3d ed. enlarged, Chicago, 1883.] + +[Sidenote: That hypothesis has no evidence in its favour.] + +I have already given an explanation of the process by which Columbus +arrived at the firm belief that by sailing not more than about 2,500 +geographical miles due west from the Canaries he should reach the coast +of Japan. Every step of that explanation is sustained by documentary +evidence, and as his belief is thus completely accounted for, the +hypothesis that he may have based it upon information obtained in +Iceland is, to say the least, superfluous. We do not need it in order to +explain his actions, and accordingly his actions do not afford a +presumption in favour of it. There is otherwise no reason, of course, +for refusing to admit that he might have obtained information in +Iceland, were there any evidence that he did. But not a scrap of such +evidence has ever been produced. Every step in the Scandinavian +hypothesis is a pure assumption. + +[Sidenote: It is not probable that Columbus knew of Adam of Bremen's +allusion to Vinland,] + +[Sidenote: or that he would have understood it if he had read it.] + +First it is assumed that Columbus _must_ have read the appendix to Adam +of Bremen's history. But really, while it is not impossible that he +should have read that document, it is, on the whole, improbable. The +appendix was first printed in Lindenbrog's edition, published at Leyden, +in 1595. The eminent Norwegian historian, Gustav Storm, finds that in +the sixteenth century just six MSS. of Adam's works can now be traced. +Of these, two were preserved in Denmark, two in Hamburg, one had +_perhaps_ already wandered southward to Leyden, and one as far as +Vienna. Dr. Storm, therefore, feels sure that Columbus never saw Adam's +mention of Vinland, and pithily adds that "had Columbus known it, it +would not have been able to show him the way to the West Indies, but +perhaps to the North Pole."[473] From the account of this mention and +its context, which I have already given,[474] it is in the highest +degree improbable that if Columbus had read the passage he could have +understood it as bearing upon his own problem. There is, therefore, no +ground for the assumption that Columbus went to Iceland in order to +make inquiries about Vinland. + + [Footnote 473: "Det er derfor sikkert, at Columbus ikke, som + nogle har formodet, kan have kjendt Adam af Bremens Beretning + on Vinland; vi kan gjerne tilfoie, at havde Columbus kjendt + den, vilde den ikke have kunnet vise ham Vei til Vesten + (Indien), men kanske til Nordpolen." _Aarboger for Nordisk + Oldkyndighed_, 1887, ii. 2, p. 301.] + + [Footnote 474: See above, p. 210.] + +[Sidenote: It is doubtful if Columbus would have stumbled upon the story +in Iceland.] + +It may be argued that even if he did not go for such a purpose, +nevertheless when once there he could hardly have failed incidentally to +get the information. This, however, is not at all clear. Observe that +our sole authority for the journey to Iceland is the passage above +quoted at second-hand from Columbus himself; and there is nothing in it +to show whether he staid a few hours or several weeks ashore, or met +with any one likely to be possessed of the knowledge in question. The +absence of any reference to Vinland in the Zeno narrative is an +indication that the memory of it had faded away before 1400, and it was +not distinctly and generally revived until the time of Torfaeus in +1705.[475] + + [Footnote 475: In 1689 the Swedish writer, Ole Rudbeck, could + not understand Adam of Bremen's allusion to Vinland. The + passage is instructive. Rudbeck declares that in speaking of a + wine-growing country near to the Arctic ocean, Adam must have + been misled by some poetical or figurative phrase; he was + deceived either by his trust in the Danes, or by his own + credulity, for he manifestly refers to _Finland_, for which the + form _Vinland_ does not once occur in Sturleson, etc.:--"Ne + tamen poetis solis hoc loquendi genus in suis regionum + laudationibus familiare fuisse quis existimet, sacras adeat + literas quae Palaestinae faecunditatem appellatione _fluentorum + lactis & mellis_ designant. Tale aliquid, sine omne dubio, + Adamo Bremensi quondam persuaserat insulam esse in ultimo + septentrione sitam, mari glaciali vicinam, vini feracem, & ea + propter fide tamen Danorum, _Vinlandiam_ dictam prout ipse ... + fateri non dubitat. Sed deceptum eum hae sive Danorum fide, + sive credulitate sua planum facit affine isti vocabulum + _Finlandiae_ provinciae ad Regnum nostrum pertinentis, pro quo + apud Snorronem & in Hist. Regum non semel occurrit _Vinlandiae_ + nomen, cujus promontorium ad ultimum septentrionem & usque ad + mare glaciale sese extendit." Rudbeck, _Atland eller Manheim_, + Upsala, cir. 1689, p. 291.] + +[Sidenote: If he had heard it, he would probably have classed it with +such tales as that of St. Brandan's isle.] + +But to hear about Vinland was one thing, to be guided by it to Japan was +quite another affair. It was not the mention of timber and peltries and +Skraelings that would fire the imagination of Columbus; his dreams were +of stately cities with busy wharves where ships were laden with silks +and jewels, and of Oriental magnates decked out with "barbaric pearl and +gold," dwelling in pavilions of marble and jasper amid flowery gardens +in "a summer fanned with spice." The mention of Vinland was no more +likely to excite Columbus's attention than that of St. Brandan's isle or +other places supposed to lie in the western ocean. He was after higher +game. + +[Sidenote: He could not have obtained from such a source his opinion of +the width of the ocean.] + +To suppose that Columbus, even had he got hold of the Saga of Eric the +Red and conned it from beginning to end, with a learned interpreter at +his elbow, could have gained from it a knowledge of the width of the +Atlantic ocean, is simply preposterous. It would be impossible to +extract any such knowledge from that document to-day without the aid of +our modern maps. The most diligent critical study of all the Icelandic +sources of information, with all the resources of modern scholarship, +enables us with some confidence to place Vinland somewhere between Cape +Breton and Point Judith, that is to say, somewhere between two points +distant from each other more than four degrees in latitude and more than +eleven degrees in longitude! When we have got thus far, knowing as we do +that the coast in question belongs to the same continental system as +the West Indies, we can look at our map and pick up our pair of +compasses and measure the width of the ocean at the twenty-eighth +parallel. But it is not the mediaeval document, but our modern map that +guides us to this knowledge. And yet it is innocently assumed that +Columbus, without any knowledge or suspicion of the existence of +America, and from such vague data concerning voyages made five hundred +years before his time, by men who had no means of reckoning latitude and +longitude, could have obtained his figure of 2,500 miles for the voyage +from the Canaries to Japan![476] The fallacy here is that which +underlies the whole Scandinavian hypothesis and many other fanciful +geographical speculations. It is the fallacy of projecting our present +knowledge into the past. + + [Footnote 476: The source of such a confusion of ideas is + probably the ridiculous map in Rafn's _Antiquitates Americanae_, + upon which North America is represented in all the accuracy of + outline attainable by modern maps, and then the Icelandic names + are put on where Rafn thought they ought to go, i. e. Markland + upon Nova Scotia, Vinland upon New England, etc. Any person + using such a map is liable to forget that it cannot possibly + represent the crude notions of locality to which the reports of + the Norse voyages must have given rise in an ignorant age. (The + reader will find the map reproduced in Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. + Hist._, i. 95.) Rafn's fault was, however, no greater than that + committed by the modern makers of so-called "ancient + atlases"--still current and in use in schools--when, for + example, they take a correct modern map of Europe, with parts + of Africa and Asia, and upon countries so dimly known to the + ancients as Scandinavia and Hindustan, but now drawn with + perfect accuracy, they simply print the ancient names!! Nothing + but confusion can come from using such wretched maps. The only + safe way to study the history of geography is to reproduce the + ancient maps themselves, as I have done in the present work. + Many of the maps given below in the second volume will + illustrate the slow and painful growth of the knowledge of the + North American coast during the two centuries after Columbus.] + +[Sidenote: If he had known and understood the Vinland story, he had the +strongest motives for proclaiming it and no motive for concealing it.] + +We have next to inquire, if Columbus had heard of Vinland and +comprehended its relation to his own theory about land at the west, why +in the world should he have concealed this valuable knowledge? The +notion seems to be that he must have kept it secret through an unworthy +desire to claim a priority in discovery to which he knew that he was not +entitled.[477] This is projecting our present knowledge into the past +with a vengeance. Columbus never professed to have discovered America; +he died in the belief that what he had done was to reach the eastern +shores of Asia by a shorter route than the Portuguese. If he had reason +to suppose that the Northmen had once come down from the Arctic seas to +some unknown part of the Asiatic coast, he had no motive for concealing +such a fact, but the strongest of motives for proclaiming it, inasmuch +as it would have given him the kind of inductive argument which he +sorely needed. The chief obstacle for Columbus was that for want of +tangible evidence he was obliged to appeal to men's reason with +scientific arguments. When you show things to young children they are +not content with looking; they crave a more intimate acquaintance than +the eyes alone can give, and so they reach out and handle the things. +So when ideas are presented to grown-up men, they are apt to be +unwilling to trust to the eye of reason until it has been supplemented +by the eye of sense; and indeed in most affairs of life such caution is +wholesome. The difference between Columbus and many of the "practical" +men whom he sought to convince was that he could see with his mind's eye +solid land beyond the Sea of Darkness while they could not. To them the +ocean, like the sky, had nothing beyond, unless it might be the +supernatural world.[478] For while the argument from the earth's +rotundity was intelligible enough, there were few to whom, as to +Toscanelli, it was a living truth. Even of those who admitted, in +theory, that Cathay lay to the west of Europe, most deemed the distance +untraversable. Inductive proof of the existence of accessible land to +the west was thus what Columbus chiefly needed, and what he sought every +opportunity to find and produce; but it was not easy to find anything +more substantial than sailors' vague mention of driftwood of foreign +aspect or other outlandish jetsam washed up on the Portuguese +strand.[479] What a godsend it would have been for Columbus if he could +have had the Vinland business to hurl at the heads of his adversaries! +If he could have said, "Five hundred years ago some Icelanders coasted +westward in the polar regions, and then coasted southward until they +reached a country beyond the ocean and about opposite to France or +Portugal; therefore that country must be Asia, and I can reach it by +striking boldly across the ocean, which will obviously be shorter than +going down by Guinea,"--if he could have said this, he would have had +precisely the unanswerable argument for lack of which his case was +waiting and suffering. In persuading men to furnish hard cash, for his +commercial enterprise, as Colonel Higginson so neatly says, "an ounce of +Vinland would have been worth a pound of cosmography."[480] We may be +sure that the silence of Columbus about the Norse voyages proves that he +knew nothing about them or quite failed to see their bearings upon his +own undertaking. It seems to me absolutely decisive. + + [Footnote 477: "The fault that we find with Columbus is, that + he was not honest and frank enough to tell where and how he had + obtained his previous information about the lands which he + pretended to discover." Anderson, _America not discovered by + Columbus_, p. 90.] + + [Footnote 478: See below, p. 398, note.] + + [Footnote 479: For example, the pilot Martin Vicenti told + Columbus that 1,200 miles west of Cape St. Vincent he had + picked up from the sea a piece of carved wood evidently not + carved with iron tools. Pedro Correa, who had married + Columbus's wife's sister, had seen upon Porto Santo a similar + piece of carving that had drifted from the west. Huge reeds + sometimes floated ashore upon those islands, and had not + Ptolemy mentioned enormous reeds as growing in eastern Asia? + Pine-trees of strange species were driven by west winds upon + the coast of Fayal, and two corpses of men of an unknown race + had been washed ashore upon the neighbouring island of Flores. + Certain sailors, on a voyage from the Azores to Ireland, had + caught glimpses of land on the west, and believed it to be the + coast of "Tartary;" etc., etc. See _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, + cap. ix. Since he cited these sailors, why did he not cite the + Northmen also, if he knew what they had done?] + + [Footnote 480: _Larger History of the United States_, p. 54.] + +[Sidenote: No trace of a thought of Vinland appears in the voyages of +Columbus.] + +Furthermore, this silence is in harmony with the fact that in none of +his four voyages across the Atlantic did Columbus betray any +consciousness that there was anything for him to gain by steering toward +the northwest. If he could correctly have conceived the position of +Vinland he surely would not have conceived it as south of the fortieth +parallel. On his first voyage he steered due west in latitude 28 deg. +because Toscanelli placed Japan opposite the Canaries. When at length +some doubts began to arise and he altered his course, as we shall +hereafter see, the change was toward the southwest. His first two +voyages did not reveal to him the golden cities for which he was +looking, and when on his third and fourth voyages he tried a different +course it was farther toward the equator, not farther away from it, that +he turned his prows. Not the slightest trace of a thought of Vinland +appears in anything that he did. + +[Sidenote: Why did not Norway or Iceland utter a protest in 1493?] + +Finally it may be asked, if the memory of Vinland was such a living +thing in Iceland in 1477 that a visitor would be likely to be told about +it, why was it not sufficiently alive in 1493 to call forth a protest +from the North? When the pope, as we shall presently see, was +proclaiming to the world that the Spanish crown was entitled to all +heathen lands and islands already discovered or to be discovered in the +ocean west of the Azores, why did not some zealous Scandinavian at once +jump up and cry out, "Look here, old Columbus, _we_ discovered that +western route, you know! Stop thief!" Why was it necessary to wait more +than a hundred years longer before the affair of Vinland was mentioned +in this connection? + +[Sidenote: The idea of Vinland was not associated with the idea of +America until the seventeenth century.] + +Simply because it was not until the seventeenth century that the +knowledge of North American geography had reached such a stage of +completeness as to suggest to anybody the true significance of the old +voyages from Greenland. That significance could not have been understood +by Leif and Thorfinn themselves, or by the compilers of Hauks-bok and +Flateyar-bok, or by any human being, until about the time of Henry +Hudson. Not earlier than that time should we expect to find it +mentioned, and it is just then, in 1610, that we do find it mentioned by +Arngrim Jonsson, who calls Vinland "an island of _America_, in the +region of Greenland, perhaps the modern Estotilandia."[481] This is the +earliest glimmering of an association of the idea of Vinland with that +of America. + + [Footnote 481: "Terram vero Landa Rolfoni quaesitam existimarem + esse Vinlandiam olim Islandis sic dictam; de qua alibi insulam + nempe Americae e regione Gronlandiae, quae forte hodie + Estotilandia," etc. _Crymogoea_, Hamburg, 1610, p. 120. + + Abraham Ortelius in 1606 speaks of the Northmen coming to + America, but bases his opinion upon the Zeno narrative + (published in 1558) and upon the sound of the name _Norumbega_, + and apparently knows nothing of Vinland:--"Iosephus Acosta in + his book _De Natura noui orbis_ indeuors by many reasons to + proue, that this part of _America_ was originally inhabited by + certaine Indians, forced thither by tempestuous weather ouer + the South sea which now they call Mare del Zur. But to me it + seemes more probable, out of the historie of the two Zeni, + gentlemen of Venice, ... that this New World many ages past was + entred upon by some islanders of _Europe_, as namely of + _Groenland_, Island, and Frisland; being much neerer thereunto + than the Indians, nor disioyned thence ... by an Ocean so huge, + and to the Indians so vnnauigable. Also, what else may we + coniecture to be signified by this _Norumbega_ [the name of a + North region of _America_] but that from _Norway_, signifying a + North land, some Colonie in times past hath hither beene + transplanted?" _Theatre of the Whole World_, London, 1606, p. + 5. These passages are quoted and discussed by Reeves, _The + Finding of Wineland the Good_, pp. 95, 96. The supposed + connection of _Norumbega_ with _Norway_ is very doubtful. + Possibly Stephanius, in his map of 1570 (Torfaeus, _Gronlandia + antiqua_, 1706), may have had reference to Labrador or the + north of Newfoundland.] + +[Sidenote: Resume of the genesis of Columbus's scheme.] + +[Sidenote: Martin Behaim's improved astrolabe.] + +[Sidenote: Negotiations of Columbus with John II. of Portugal.] + +[Sidenote: A shabby trick.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus leaves Portugal,] + +[Sidenote: and enters the service of the Spanish sovereigns, 1486.] + +[Sidenote: The junto at Salamanca.] + +The genesis of the grand scheme of Columbus has now been set forth, I +believe, with sufficient fulness. The cardinal facts are 1, that the +need for some such scheme was suggested in 1471, by the discovery that +the Guinea coast extended south of the equator; 2, that by 1474 advice +had been sought from Toscanelli by the king of Portugal, and not very +long after 1474 by Columbus; 3, that upon Toscanelli's letters and map, +amended by the Ptolemaic estimate of the earth's size and by the +authority of passages quoted in the book of Alliacus (one of which was a +verse from the Apocrypha), Columbus based his firm conviction of the +feasibleness of the western route. How or by whom the suggestion of that +route was first made--whether by Columbus himself or by Toscanelli or by +Fernando Martinez or, as Antonio Gallo declares, by Bartholomew +Columbus,[482] or by some person in Portugal whose name we know not--it +would be difficult to decide. Neither can we fix the date when Columbus +first sought aid for his scheme from the Portuguese government. There +seems to be no good reason why he should not have been talking about it +before 1474; but the affair did not come to any kind of a climax until +after his return from Guinea, some time after 1482 and certainly not +later than 1484. It was on some accounts a favourable time. The war with +Castile was out of the way, and Martin Behaim had just invented an +improved astrolabe which made it ever so much easier to find and keep +one's latitude at sea. It was in 1484 that Portuguese discoveries took a +fresh start after a ten years' lull, and Diego Cam, with the learned +Behaim and his bran-new astrolabe on board, was about to sail a thousand +miles farther south than white men had ever gone before. About this time +the scheme of Columbus was formally referred by King John II. to the +junto of learned cosmographers from whom the crown had been wont to seek +advice. The project was condemned as "visionary,"[483] as indeed it +was,--the outcome of vision that saw farther than those men could see. +But the king, who had some of his uncle Prince Henry's love for bold +enterprises, was more hospitably inclined toward the ideas of Columbus, +and he summoned a council of the most learned men in the kingdom to +discuss the question.[484] In this council the new scheme found some +defenders, while others correctly urged that Columbus must be wrong in +supposing Asia to extend so far to the east, and it must be a much +longer voyage than he supposed to Cipango and Cathay,[485] Others +argued that the late war had impoverished the country, and that the +enterprises on the African coast were all that the treasury could +afford. Here the demands of Columbus were of themselves an obstacle to +his success. He never at any time held himself cheap,[486] and the +rewards and honours for which he insisted on stipulating were greater +than the king of Portugal felt inclined to bestow upon a plain Genoese +mariner. It was felt that if the enterprise should prove a failure, as +very likely it would, the less heartily the government should have +committed itself to it beforehand, the less it would expose itself to +ridicule. King John was not in general disposed toward unfair and +dishonest dealings, but on this occasion, after much parley, he was +persuaded to sanction a proceeding quite unworthy of him. Having +obtained Columbus's sailing plans, he sent out a ship secretly, to carry +some goods to the Cape Verde islands, and then to try the experiment of +the westward voyage. If there should turn out to be anything profitable +in the scheme, this would be safer and more frugal than to meet the +exorbitant demands of this ambitious foreigner. So it was done; but the +pilots, having no grand idea to urge them forward, lost heart before the +stupendous expanse of waters that confronted them, and beat an +ignominious retreat to Lisbon; whereupon Columbus, having been informed +of the trick,[487] departed in high dudgeon, to lay his proposals before +the crown of Castile. He seems to have gone rather suddenly, leaving +his wife, who died shortly after, and one or two children who must also +have died, for he tells us that he never saw them again. But his son +Diego, aged perhaps four or five years, he took with him as far as the +town of Huelva, near the little port of Palos in Andalusia, where he +left him with one of his wife's sisters, who had married a man of that +town named Muliar.[488] This arrival in Spain was probably late in the +autumn of 1484, and Columbus seems to have entered into the service of +Ferdinand and Isabella January 20, 1486. What he was doing in the +interval of rather more than a year is not known. There is a very +doubtful tradition that he tried to interest the republic of Genoa in +his enterprise,[489] and a still more doubtful rumour that he afterwards +made proposals to the Venetian senate.[490] If these things ever +happened, there was time enough for them in this year, and they can +hardly be assigned to any later period. In 1486 we find Columbus at +Cordova, where the sovereigns were holding court. He was unable to +effect anything until he had gained the ear of Isabella's finance +minister Alonso de Quintanilla, who had a mind hospitable to large +ideas. The two sovereigns had scarcely time to attend to such things, +for there was a third king in Spain, the Moor at Granada, whom there now +seemed a fair prospect of driving to Africa, and thus ending the +struggle that had lasted with few intermissions for nearly eight +centuries. The final war with Granada had been going on since the end of +1481, and considering how it weighed upon the minds of Ferdinand and +Isabella it is rather remarkable that cosmography got any hearing at +all. The affair was referred to the queen's confessor Fernando de +Talavera, whose first impression was that if what Columbus said was +true, it was very strange that other geographers should have failed to +know all about it long ago. Ideas of evolution had not yet begun to +exist in those days, and it was thought that what the ancients did not +know was not worth knowing. Toward the end of 1486 the Spanish +sovereigns were at Salamanca, and Talavera referred the question to a +junto of learned men, including professors of the famous +university.[491] There was no lack of taunt and ridicule, and a whole +arsenal of texts from Scripture and the Fathers were discharged at +Columbus, but it is noticeable that quite a number were inclined to +think that his scheme might be worth trying, and that some of his most +firmly convinced supporters were priests. No decision had been reached +when the sovereigns started on the Malaga campaign in the spring of +1487. + + [Footnote 482: Gallo, _De navigatione Columbi_, apud Muratori, + _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_, tom. xxiii. col. 302.] + + [Footnote 483: Lafuente, _Historia de Espana_, tom. ix, p. + 428.] + + [Footnote 484: Vasconcellos, _Vida del rey Don Juan II._, lib. + iv.; La Clede, _Histoire de Portugal_, lib. xiii.] + + [Footnote 485: The Portuguese have never been able to forgive + Columbus for discovering a new world for Spain, and their + chagrin sometimes vents itself in amusing ways. After all, says + Cordeiro, Columbus was no such great man as some people think, + for he did not discover what he promised to discover; and, + moreover, the Portuguese geographers were right in condemning + his scheme, because it really is not so far by sea from Lisbon + around Africa to Hindustan as from Lisbon by any practicable + route westward to Japan! See Luciano Cordeiro, _De la part + prise par les Portugais dans la decouverte d'Amerique_, Lisbon, + 1876, pp. 23, 24, 29, 30. Well, I don't know that there is any + answer to be made to this argument. Logic is logic, says the + wise Autocrat:-- + + "End of the wonderful one-hoss shay, + Logic is logic, that's all I say." + + Cordeiro's book is elaborately criticised in the learned work + of Prospero Peragallo, _Cristoforo Colombo in Portogallo: studi + critici_, Genoa, 1882.] + + [Footnote 486: "Perciocche essendo l' Ammiraglio di generosi ed + alti pensieri, volle capitolare con suo grande onore e + vantaggio, per lasciar la memoria sua, e la grandezza della sua + casa, conforme alla grandezza delle sue opere e de' suoi + meriti." _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xi. The jealous + Portuguese historian speaks in a somewhat different tone from + the affectionate son:--"Veo requerer a el rey Dom Joao que le + desse algums navios pera ir a descobrir a ilha de Gypango + [_sic_] per esta mar occidental.... El rey, porque via ser este + Christovao Colom homem falador e glorioso em mostrar suas + habilidades, e mas fantastico et de imaginacao com sua ilha de + Cypango, que certo no que dezia: davalhe pouco credito." + Barros, _Decada primeira da Asia_, Lisbon, 1752, liv. iii. cap. + xi. fol. 56.] + + [Footnote 487: It has been urged in the king's defence that + "such a proceeding was not an instance of bad faith or perfidy + (!) but rather of the policy customary at that time, which + consisted in distrusting everything that was foreign, and in + promoting by whatever means the national glory." Yes, indeed, + whether the means were fair or foul. Of course it was a common + enough policy, but it was lying and cheating all the same. "Nao + foi sem duvida por ma fe ou perfidia que tacitamente se mandon + armar hum navio a cujo capitao se confiou o plano que Colombo + havia proposto, e cuja execucao se lhe encarregou; mas sim por + seguir a politica naquelle tempo usada, que toda consistia em + olhar com desconfianca para tudo o que era estrangeiro, e en + promover por todos os modos a gloria nacional. O capitao + nomeado para a empreza, como nao tivesse nem o espirito, nem a + conviccao de Colombo, depois de huma curta viagem nos mares do + Oeste, fez-se na volta da terra: e arribou a Lisboa descontente + e desanimado." Campe, _Historia do descobrimento da America_, + Paris, 1836, tom. i. p. 13. The frightened sailors protested + that YOU MIGHT AS WELL EXPECT TO FIND LAND IN THE SKY AS IN + THAT WASTE OF WATERS! See Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, + tom. i. p. 221. Las Casas calls the king's conduct by its right + name, _dobladura_, "trickery."] + + [Footnote 488: It has generally been supposed, on the authority + of _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xi., that his wife had lately + died; but an autograph letter of Columbus, in the possession of + his lineal descendant and representative the present Duke of + Veraguas, proves that this is a mistake. In this letter + Columbus says expressly that when he left Portugal he left wife + and children, and never saw them again. (Navarrete, + _Coleccion_, tom. ii. doc. cxxxvii. p. 255.) As Las Casas, who + knew Diego so well, also supposed his mother to have died + before his father left Portugal, it is most likely that she + died soon afterwards. Ferdinand Columbus says that Diego was + left in charge of some friars at the convent of La Rabida near + Palos (_loc. cit._); Las Casas is not quite so sure; he thinks + Diego was left with some friend of his father at Palos, or + perhaps (_por ventura_) at La Rabida. (_Historia_, tom. i. p. + 227.) These mistakes were easy to make, for both La Rabida and + Huelva were close by Palos, and we know that Diego's aunt + Muliar was living at Huelva. (Las Casas, _op. cit._ tom. i. p. + 241; Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 279, 356, 391; tom. ii. p. 229.) It + is pretty clear that Columbus never visited La Rabida before + the autumn of 1491 (see below, p. 412). My own notion is that + Columbus may have left his wife with an infant and perhaps one + older child, relieving her of the care of Diego by taking him + to his aunt, and intending as soon as practicable to reunite + the family. He clearly did not know at the outset whether he + should stay in Spain or not.] + + [Footnote 489: It rests upon an improbable statement of + Ramusio, who places the event as early as 1470. The first + Genoese writer to allude to it is Casoni, _Annali della + Republica di Genova_, Genoa, 1708, pp. 26-31. Such testimony is + of small value.] + + [Footnote 490: First mentioned in 1800 by Marin, _Storia del + commercio de Veneziani_, Venice, 1798-1808, tom. vii. p. 236.] + + [Footnote 491: The description usually given of this conference + rests upon the authority of Remesal, _Historia de la prouincia + de Chyapa_, Madrid, 1619, lib. ii. cap. vii. p. 52. Las Casas + merely says that the question was referred to certain persons + at the court, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 228. It is + probably not true that the project of Columbus was officially + condemned by the university of Salamanca as a corporate body. + See Camara, _Religion y Ciencia_, Valladolid, 1880, p. 261.] + +[Sidenote: Birth of Ferdinand Columbus, Aug. 15, 1488.] + +[Sidenote: Bartholomew Columbus returns from the Cape of Good Hope, Dec, +1487.] + +[Sidenote: Christopher visits Bartholomew at Lisbon, cir. Sept., 1488;] + +[Sidenote: and sends him to England.] + +[Sidenote: Bartholomew, after mishaps, reaches England cir. Feb., 1490;] + +[Sidenote: and goes thence to France before 1492.] + +After the surrender of Malaga in August, 1487, Columbus visited the +court in that city. For a year or more after that time silken chains +seem to have bound him to Cordova. He had formed a connection with a +lady of noble family, Beatriz Enriquez de Arana, who gave birth to his +son Ferdinand on the 15th of August, 1488.[492] Shortly after this +event, Columbus made a visit to Lisbon, in all probability for the +purpose of meeting his brother Bartholomew, who had returned in the last +week of December, 1487, in the Dias expedition, with the proud news of +the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope,[493] which was rightly +believed to be the extremity of Africa; and we can well understand how +Christopher, on seeing the success of Prince Henry's method of reaching +the Indies so nearly vindicated, must have become more impatient than +ever to prove the superiority of his own method. It was probably not +long after Bartholomew's return that Christopher determined to go and +see him, for he applied to King John II. for a kind of safe-conduct, +which was duly granted March 20, 1488. This document[494] guarantees +Christopher against arrest or arraignment or detention on any charge +civil or criminal whatever, during his stay in Portugal, and commands +all magistrates in that kingdom to respect it. From this it would seem +probable that in the eagerness of his geographical speculations he had +neglected his business affairs and left debts behind him in Portugal for +which he was liable to be arrested. The king's readiness to grant the +desired privilege seems to indicate that he may have cherished a hope of +regaining the services of this accomplished chart-maker and mariner. +Christopher did not avail himself of the privilege until late in the +summer,[495] and it is only fair to suppose that he waited for the birth +of his child and some assurance of its mother's safety. On meeting +Bartholomew he evidently set him to work forthwith in making overtures +to the courts of England and France. It was natural enough that +Bartholomew should first set out for Bristol, where old shipmates and +acquaintances were sure to be found. It appears that on the way he was +captured by pirates, and thus some delay was occasioned before he +arrived in London and showed the king a map, probably similar to +Toscanelli's and embellished with quaint Latin verses. An entry on this +map informs us that it was made by Bartholomew Columbus in London, +February 10, 1488, which I think should be read 1489 or even 1490, so we +may suppose it to have been about that time or perhaps later that he +approached the throne.[496] Henry VII. was intelligent enough to see +the bearings of Bartholomew's arguments, and at the same time, as a good +man of business, he was likely to be cautious about investing money in +remote or doubtful enterprises. What arguments were used we do not know, +but the spring of 1492 had arrived before any decisive answer had been +given. Meanwhile Bartholomew had made his way to France, and found a +powerful protector in a certain Madame de Bourbon,[497] while he made +maps for people at the court and waited to see if there were any +chances of getting help from Charles VIII. + + [Footnote 492: Some historians, unwilling to admit any + blemishes in the character of Columbus, have supposed that this + union was sanctioned by marriage, but this is not probable. He + seems to have been tenderly attached to Beatriz, who survived + him many years. See Harrisse, tom. ii. pp. 353-357.] + + [Footnote 493: The authority for Bartholomew Columbus having + sailed to the Cape of Good Hope with Dias is a manuscript note + of his own in Christopher's copy of the _Imago Mundi_: "Nota + quod hoc anno de 88 [it should be 87] in mense decembri appulit + in Ulixbona Bartholomeus Didacus capitaneus trium carabelarum + quem miserat serenissimus rex Portugalie in Guineam ad + tentandum terrain. Et renunciavit ipse serenissimo regi prout + navigaverat ultra jam navigata leuchas 600, videlicet 450 ad + austrum et 150 ad aquilonem usque montem per ipsum nominatum + _Cabo de boa esperanca_ quem in Agesimba estimamus. Qui quidem + in eo loco invenit se distare per astrolabium ultra lineam + equinoctialem gradus 35. Quem viagium pictavit et scripsit de + leucha in leucham in una carta navigationis ut oculi visum + ostenderet ipso serenissimo regi. In quibus omnibus interfui." + M. Varnhagen has examined this note and thinks it is in the + handwriting of Christopher Columbus (_Bulletin de Geographie_, + janvier, 1858, tom. xv. p. 71); and M. d'Avezac (_Canevas + chronologique_, p. 58), accepting this opinion, thinks that the + words _in quibus omnibus interfui_, "in all of which I took + part," only mean that Christopher was present in Lisbon when + the expedition returned, and heard the whole story! With all + possible respect for such great scholars as MM. d'Avezac and + Varnhagen, I submit that the opinion of Las Casas, who first + called attention to this note, must be much better than theirs + on such a point as the handwriting of the two brothers. When + Las Casas found the note he wondered whether it was meant for + Bartholomew or Christopher, i. e. wondered which of the two was + meant to be described as having "taken part;" but at all + events, says Las Casas, the handwriting is + Bartholomew's:--"Estas son palabras escritas de la mano de + Bartolome Colon, no se si las escribio de si o de su letra por + su hermano Cristobal Colon." Under these circumstances it seems + idle to suppose that Las Casas could have been mistaken about + the handwriting; he evidently put his mind on that point, and + in the next breath he goes on to say, "la letra yo conozco ser + de Bartolome Colon, porque tuve muchas suyas," i. e. "I know it + is Bartholomew's writing, for I have had many letters of his;" + and again "estas palabras ... de la misma letra y mano de + Bartolome Colon, la cual muy bien conoci y agora tengo hartas + cartas y letras suyas, tratando deste viaje," i. e. "these + words ... from the very writing and hand of Bartholomew + Columbus, which I knew very well, and I have to-day many charts + and letters of his, treating of this voyage." (_Hist. de las + Indias_, tom. i. pp. 213, 214.) This last sentence makes Las + Casas an independent witness to Bartholomew's presence in the + expedition, a matter about which he was not likely to be + mistaken. What puzzled him was the question, not whether + Bartholomew went, but whether Christopher could have gone also, + "pudo ser tambien que se hallase Cristobal Colon." Now + Christopher certainly did not go on that voyage. The expedition + started in August, 1486, and returned to Lisbon in December, + 1487, after an absence of sixteen months and seventeen days, + "anendo dezaseis meses et dezasete dias que erao partidos + delle." (Barros, _Decada primeira da Asia_, Lisbon, 1752, tom. + i. fol. 42, 44.) The account-book of the treasury of Castile + shows that sums of money were paid to Christopher at Seville, + May 5, July 3, August 27, and October 15, 1487; so that he + could not have gone with Dias (see Harrisse, tom. ii. p. 191). + Neither could Christopher have been in Lisbon in December, + 1487, when the little fleet returned, for his safe-conduct from + King John is dated March 20, 1488. It was not until the autumn + of 1488 that Columbus made this visit to Portugal, and M. + d'Avezac has got the return of the fleet a year too late. + Bartholomew's note followed a custom which made 1488 begin at + Christmas, 1487. + + In reading a later chapter of Las Casas for another purpose + (tom. i. p. 227), I come again upon this point. He rightly + concludes that Christopher could not have gone with Dias, and + again declares most positively that the handwriting of the note + was Bartholomew's and not Christopher's. + + This footnote affords a good illustration of the kind of + difficulties that surround such a subject as the life of + Columbus, and the ease with which an excess of ingenuity may + discover mare's nests.] + + [Footnote 494: It may be found in Navarrete, _Coleccion de + viages_, tom. ii. pp. 5, 6.] + + [Footnote 495: The account-book of the treasury shows that on + June 16 he was still in Spain. See Harrisse, tom. i. p. 355.] + + [Footnote 496: The entry, as given by Las Casas, is "Pro + authore, seu pictore, || Gennua cui patria est, nomen cui + Bartolomeus || Columbus de terra rubea, opus edidit istud || + Londonije: anno domini millesimo quatercentessimo octiesque uno + || Atque insuper anno octavo: decimaque die mensis Februarii. + || Laudes Christo cantentur abunde." _Historia_, tom. i. p. + 225. Now since Bartholomew Columbus was a fairly educated man, + writing this note in England on a map made for the eyes of the + king of England, I suppose he used the old English style which + made the year begin at the vernal equinox instead of Christmas, + so that his February, 1488, means the next month but one after + December, 1488, i. e. what in our new style becomes February, + 1489. Bartholomew returned to Lisbon from Africa in the last + week of December, 1487, and it is not likely that his plans + could have been matured and himself settled down in London in + less than seven weeks. The logical relation of the events, too, + shows plainly that Christopher's visit to Lisbon was for the + purpose of consulting his brother and getting first-hand + information about the greatest voyage the world had ever seen. + In the early weeks of 1488 Christopher sends his request for a + safe-conduct, gets it March 20, waits till his child is born, + August 15, and then presently goes. Bartholomew may have sailed + by the first of October for England, where (according to this + reading of his date) we actually find him four months later. + What happened to him in this interval? Here we come to the + story of the pirates. M. Harrisse, who never loses an + opportunity for throwing discredit upon the _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, has failed to make the correction of date which I + have here suggested. He puts Bartholomew in London in February, + 1488, and is thus unable to assign any reason for Christopher's + visit to Lisbon. He also finds that in the forty-six days + between Christmas, 1487, and February, 10, 1488, there is + hardly room enough for any delay due to so grave a cause as + capture by pirates. (_Christophe Colomb_, vol. ii. p. 192.) He + therefore concludes that the statement in the _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. xi., is unworthy of credit, and it is upon an + accumulation of small difficulties like this that he bases his + opinion that Ferdinand Columbus cannot have written that book. + But Las Casas also gives the story of the pirates, and adds the + information that they were "Easterlings," though he cannot say + of what nation, i. e. whether Dutch, German, or perhaps Danes. + He says that Bartholomew was stripped of his money and fell + sick, and after his recovery was obliged to earn money by + map-making before he could get to England. (_Historia_, tom. i. + p. 225.) Could all this have happened within the four months + which I have allowed between October, 1488, and February, 1489? + Voyages before the invention of steamboats were of very + uncertain duration. John Adams in 1784 was fifty-four days in + getting from London to Amsterdam (see my _Critical Period of + American History_, p. 156). But with favourable weather a + Portuguese caravel in 1488 ought to have run from Lisbon to + Bristol in fourteen days or less, so that in four months there + would be time enough for quite a chapter of accidents. Las + Casas, however, says it was _a long time_ before Bartholomew + was able to reach England:--"Esto fue causa que enfermase y + viniese a mucha pobreza, y estuviese mucho tempo sin poder + llegar a Inglaterra, hasta tanto que quiso Dies sanarle; y + reformado algo, por su industria y trabajos de sus manos, + haciendo cartas de marear, llego a Inglaterra, y, pasados un + dia y otros, hobo de alcanzar que le oyese Enrique VII." It is + impossible, I think, to read this passage without feeling that + at least a year must have been consumed; and I do not think we + are entitled to disregard the words of Las Casas in such a + matter. But how shall we get the time? + + Is it possible that Las Casas made a slight mistake in + deciphering the date on Bartholomew's map? Either that mariner + did not give the map to Henry VII., or the king gave it back, + or more likely it was made in duplicate. At any rate Las Casas + had it, along with his many other Columbus documents, and for + aught we know it may still be tumbling about somewhere in the + Spanish archives. It was so badly written (_de muy mala e + corrupta letra_), apparently in abbreviations (_sin + ortografia_), that Las Casas says he found extreme difficulty + in making it out. Now let us observe that date, which is given + in fantastic style, apparently because the inscription is in a + rude doggerel, and the writer seems to have wished to keep his + "verses" tolerably even. (They don't scan much better than Walt + Whitman's.) As it stands, the date reads _anno domini millesimo + quatercentessimo octiesque uno atque insuper anno octavo_, i. + e. "in the year of our Lord the thousandth, four hundredth, AND + EIGHT-TIMES-ONE, and thereafter the eighth year." What business + has this cardinal number _octiesque uno_ in a row of ordinals? + If it were translatable, which it is not, it would give us + 1,000 + 400 + 8 + 8 = 1416, an absurd date. The most obvious + way to make the passage readable is to insert the ordinal + _octogesimo primo_ instead of the incongruous _octiesque uno_; + then it will read "in the year of our Lord the + one-thousand-four-hundred-and-eighty-first, and thereafter the + eighth year," that is to say 1489. Now translate old style into + new style, and February, 1489, becomes February, 1490, which I + believe to be the correct date. This allows sixteen months for + Bartholomew's mishaps; it justifies the statement in which Las + Casas confirms Ferdinand Columbus; and it harmonizes with the + statement of Lord Bacon: "For Christopherus Columbus, refused + by the king of Portugal (who would not embrace at once both + east and west), employed his brother Bartholomew Columbus unto + King Henry to negotiate for his discovery. And it so fortuned + that he was taken by pirates at sea; by which accidental + impediment he was long ere he came to the king; so long that + before he had obtained a capitulation with the king for his + brother the enterprise was achieved, and so the West Indies by + Providence were then reserved for the crown of Castilia." + _Historie of the Raygne of K. Henry the Seventh_, Bacon's + _Works_, Boston, 1860, vol. xi. p. 296. Lord Bacon may have + taken the statement from Ferdinand's biography; but it probably + agreed with English traditions, and ought not to be slighted in + this connection.] + + [Footnote 497: One of the sisters of Charles VIII. See + Harrisse, tom. ii. p. 194.] + +[Sidenote: The Duke of Medina-Celi proposes to furnish the ships for +Columbus,] + +[Sidenote: but Isabella withholds her consent.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus makes up his mind to get his family together and go +to France, Oct., 1491.] + +As for Christopher Columbus, we find him back in Spain again, in May, +1489, attending court at Cordova. In the following autumn there was much +suffering in Spain from floods and famine,[498] and the sovereigns were +too busy with the Moorish war to give ear to Columbus. It was no time +for new undertakings, and the weary suitor began to think seriously of +going in person to the French court. First, however, he thought it worth +while to make an attempt to get private capital enlisted in his +enterprise, and in the Spain of that day such private capital meant a +largess from some wealthy grandee. Accordingly about Christmas of 1489, +after the Beza campaign in which Columbus is said to have fought with +distinguished valour,[499] he seems to have applied to the most powerful +nobleman in Spain, the Duke of Medina-Sidonia, but without success. But +at the hands of Luis de la Cerda, Duke of Medina-Celi, he met with more +encouragement than he had as yet found in any quarter. That nobleman +entertained Columbus most hospitably at his castle at Puerto de Santa +Maria for nearly two years, until the autumn of 1491. He became +convinced that the scheme of Columbus was feasible, and decided to fit +up two or three caravels at his own expense, if necessary, but first he +thought it proper to ask the queen's consent, and to offer her another +chance to take part in the enterprise.[500] Isabella was probably +unwilling to have the duke come in for a large share of the profits in +case the venture should prove successful. She refused the royal license, +saying that she had not quite made up her mind whether to take up the +affair or not, but if she should decide to do so she would be glad to +have the duke take part in it.[501] Meanwhile she referred the question +to Alonso de Quintanilla, comptroller of the treasury of Castile. This +was in the spring of 1491, when the whole country was in a buzz of +excitement with the preparations for the siege of Granada. The baffled +Columbus visited the sovereigns in camp, but could not get them to +attend to him, and early in the autumn, thoroughly disgusted and sick at +heart, he made up his mind to shake the dust of Castile from his feet +and see what could be done in France. In October or November he went to +Huelva, apparently to get his son Diego, who had been left there, in +charge of his aunt. It was probably his intention to take all the family +he had--Beatriz and her infant son Ferdinand, of whom he was extremely +fond, as well as Diego--and find a new home in either France or England, +besides ascertaining what had become of his brother Bartholomew, from +whom he had not heard a word since the latter left Portugal for +England.[502] + + [Footnote 498: Bernaldez, _Reyes Catolicos_, cap. xci.] + + [Footnote 499: Zuniga, _Anales de Sevilla_, lib. xii. p. 404.] + + [Footnote 500: See the letter of March 19, 1493, from the Duke + of Medina-Celi to the Grand Cardinal of Spain (from the + archives of Simancas) in Navarrete _Coleccion de viages_, tom. + ii. p. 20.] + + [Footnote 501: This promise was never fulfilled. When Columbus + returned in triumph, arriving March 6, 1493, at Lisbon, and + March 15 at Palos, the Duke of Medina-Celi wrote the letter + just cited, recalling the queen's promise and asking to be + allowed to send to the Indies once each year an expedition on + his own account; for, he says, if he had not kept Columbus with + him in 1490 and 1491 he would have gone to France, and Castile + would have lost the prize. There was some force in this, but + Isabella does not appear to have heeded the request.] + + [Footnote 502: This theory of the situation is fully sustained + by Las Casas, tom. i. p. 241.] + +[Sidenote: He stops at La Rabida, and meets the prior Juan Perez.] + +[Sidenote: Perez writes to the queen,] + +[Sidenote: and Columbus is summoned back to court.] + +But now at length events took a favourable turn. Fate had grown tired of +fighting against such indomitable perseverance. For some years now the +stately figure of Columbus had been a familiar sight in the streets of +Seville and Cordova, and as he passed along, with his white hair +streaming in the breeze, and countenance aglow with intensity of purpose +or haggard with disappointment at some fresh rebuff, the ragged urchins +of the pavement tapped their foreheads and smiled with mingled wonder +and amusement at this madman. Seventeen years had elapsed since the +letter from Toscanelli to Martinez, and all that was mortal of the +Florentine astronomer had long since been laid in the grave. For +Columbus himself old age was not far away, yet he seemed no nearer the +fulfilment of his grand purpose than when he had first set it forth to +the king of Portugal. We can well imagine that when he started from +Huelva, with his little son Diego, now some eleven or twelve years old, +again to begin renewing his suit in a strange country, his thoughts must +have been sombre enough. For some reason or other--tradition says to ask +for some bread and water for his boy--he stopped at the Franciscan +monastery of La Rabida, about half a league from Palos. The prior, Juan +Perez, who had never seen Columbus before, became greatly interested in +him and listened with earnest attention to his story. This worthy monk, +who before 1478 had been Isabella's father-confessor, had a mind +hospitable to new ideas. He sent for Garcia Fernandez, a physician of +Palos, who was somewhat versed in cosmography, and for Martin Alonso +Pinzon, a well-to-do ship-owner and trained mariner of that town, and in +the quiet of the monastery a conference was held in which Columbus +carried conviction to the minds of these new friends. Pinzon declared +himself ready to embark in the enterprise in person. The venerable prior +forthwith sent a letter to the queen, and received a very prompt reply +summoning him to attend her in the camp before Granada. The result of +the interview was that within a few days Perez returned to the convent +with a purse of 20,000 maravedis (equivalent to about 1,180 dollars of +the present day), out of which Columbus bought a new suit of clothes and +a mule; and about the first of December he set out for the camp in +company with Juan Perez, leaving the boy Diego in charge of the priest +Martin Sanchez and a certain Rodriguez Cabejudo, upon whose sworn +testimony, together with that of the physician Garcia Fernandez, some +years afterward, several of these facts are related.[503] + + [Footnote 503: My account of these proceedings at La Rabida + differs in some particulars from any heretofore given, and I + think gets the events into an order of sequence that is at once + more logical and more in harmony with the sources of + information than any other. The error of Ferdinand Columbus--a + very easy one to commit, and not in the least damaging to his + general character as biographer--lay in confusing his father's + two real visits (in 1484 and 1491) to Huelva with two visits + (one imaginary in 1484 and one real in 1491) to La Rabida, + which was close by, between Huelva and Palos. The visits were + all the more likely to get mixed up in recollection because in + each case their object was little Diego and in each case he was + left in charge of somebody in that neighbourhood. The confusion + has been helped by another for which Ferdinand is not + responsible, viz.: the friar Juan Perez has been confounded + with another friar Antonio de Marchena, who Columbus says was + the only person who from the time of his first arrival in Spain + had always befriended him and never mocked at him. These worthy + friars twain have been made into one (e. g. "the prior of the + convent, Juan Perez de Marchena," Irving's _Columbus_, vol. i. + p. 128), and it has often been supposed that Marchena's + acquaintance began with Columbus at La Rabida in 1484, and that + Diego was left at the convent at that time. But some modern + sources of information have served at first to bemuddle, and + then when more carefully sifted, to clear up the story. In 1508 + Diego Columbus brought suit against the Spanish crown to + vindicate his claim to certain territories discovered by his + father, and there was a long investigation in which many + witnesses were summoned and past events were busily raked over + the coals. Among these witnesses were Rodriguez Cabejudo and + the physician Garcia Fernandez, who gave from personal + recollection a very lucid account of the affairs at La Rabida. + These proceedings are printed in Navarrete, _Coleccion de + viages_, tom. iii. pp. 238-591. More recently the publication + of the great book of Las Casas has furnished some very + significant clues, and the elaborate researches of M. Harrisse + have furnished others. (See Las Casas, lib. i. cap. xxix., + xxxi.; Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 341-372; tom. ii. pp. 237-231; cf. + Peragallo, _L' autenticita_, etc., pp. 117-134.)--It now seems + clear that Marchena, whom Columbus knew from his first arrival + in Spain, was not associated with La Rabida. At that time + Columbus left Diego, a mere infant, with his wife's sister at + Huelva. Seven years later, intending to leave Spain forever, he + went to Huelva and took Diego, then a small boy. On his way + from Huelva to the Seville road, and thence to Cordova (where + he would have been joined by Beatriz and Ferdinand), he + happened to pass by La Rabida, where up to that time he was + evidently unknown, and to attract the attention of the prior + Juan Perez, and the wheel of fortune suddenly and unexpectedly + turned. As Columbus's next start was not for France, but for + Granada, his boy was left in charge of two trustworthy persons. + On May 8, 1492, the little Diego was appointed page to Don + John, heir-apparent to the thrones of Castile and Aragon, with + a stipend of 9,400 maravedis. On February 19, 1498, after the + death of that young prince, Diego became page to Queen + Isabella.] + +[Sidenote: The junto before Granada, Dec, 1491.] + +At once upon the arrival of Columbus in the camp before Granada, his +case was argued then and there before an assembly of learned men and +was received more hospitably than formerly, at Salamanca. Several +eminent prelates had come to think favourably of his project or to deem +it at least worth a trial. Among these were the royal confessors, Deza +and Talavera, the latter having changed his mind, and especially +Mendoza, archbishop of Toledo, who now threw his vast influence +decisively in favour of Columbus.[504] The treasurers of the two +kingdoms, moreover, Quintanilla for Castile and Luis de Santangel for +Aragon, were among his most enthusiastic supporters; and the result of +the conference was the queen's promise to take up the matter in earnest +as soon as the Moor should have surrendered Granada. + + [Footnote 504: In popular allusions to Columbus it is quite + common to assume or imply that he encountered nothing but + opposition from the clergy. For example the account in Draper's + _Conflict between Science and Religion_, p. 161, can hardly be + otherwise understood by the reader. But observe that Marchena + who never mocked at Columbus, Juan Perez who gave the + favourable turn to his affairs, the great prelates Deza and + Mendoza, and the two treasurers Santangel and Quintanilla, were + every one of them priests! Without cordial support from the + clergy no such enterprise as that of Columbus could have been + undertaken, in Spain at least. It is quite right that we should + be free-thinkers; and it is also desirable that we should have + some respect for facts.] + +[Sidenote: Surrender of Granada, Jan. 2, 1492.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus negotiates with the queen.] + +[Sidenote: His terms are considered exorbitant.] + +Columbus had not long to wait for that great event, which came on the 2d +of January, 1492, and was hailed with rejoicings throughout Europe as in +some sort a compensation for the loss of Constantinople. It must have +been with a manifold sense of triumph that Columbus saw the banner of +Spain unfurled to the breeze from the highest tower of the Alhambra. But +at this critical moment in his fortunes the same obstacle was +encountered that long before had broken off his negotiations with the +king of Portugal. With pride and self-confidence not an inch abated by +all these years of trial, he demanded such honours and substantial +rewards as seemed extravagant to the queen, and Talavera advised her not +to grant them. Columbus insisted upon being appointed admiral of the +ocean and viceroy of such heathen countries as he might discover, +besides having for his own use and behoof one eighth part of such +revenues and profits as might accrue from the expedition. In principle +this sort of remuneration did not differ from that which the crown of +Portugal had been wont to award to its eminent discoverers;[505] but in +amount it was liable to prove indefinitely great, enough perhaps to +raise to princely power and rank this foreign adventurer. Could he not +be satisfied with something less? But Columbus was as inexorable as the +Sibyl with her books, and would hear of no abatement in his price. For +this "great constancy and loftiness of soul,"[506] Las Casas warmly +commends his friend Columbus. A querulous critic might call it +unreasonable obstinacy. But in truth the good man seems to have +entertained another grand scheme of his own, to which he wished to make +his maritime venture contribute. It was natural that his feelings toward +Turks should have been no more amiable than those of Hannibal toward the +Romans. It was the Turks who had ruined the commerce of his native +Genoa, in his youth he had more than once crossed swords with their +corsairs, and now he looked forward to the time when he might play the +part of a second Godfrey de Bouillon and deliver Jerusalem from the +miscreant followers of Mahound.[507] Vast resources would be needed for +such work, and from Cipango with its gold-roofed temples, and the +nameless and numberless isles of spices that crowded the Cathayan seas, +he hoped to obtain them. Long brooding over his cherished projects, in +which chimeras were thus mixed with anticipations of scientific truth, +had imparted to his character a tinge of religious fanaticism. He had +come to regard himself as a man with a mission to fulfil, as God's +chosen instrument for enlarging the bounds of Christendom and achieving +triumphs of untold magnificence for its banners. In this mood he was apt +to address kings with an air of equality that ill comported with his +humble origin and slender means; and on the present occasion, if +Talavera felt his old doubts and suspicions reviving, and was more than +half inclined to set Columbus down as a mere vendor of crotchets, one +can hardly wonder. + + [Footnote 505: Our Scandinavian friends are fond of pointing to + this demand of Columbus as an indication that he secretly + expected to "discover America," and not merely to find the way + to Asia. But how about Ferdinand and Isabella, who finally + granted what was demanded, and their ministers who drew up the + agreement, to say nothing of the clerks who engrossed it? What + did they all understand by "discovering islands and continents + in the ocean"? Were they all in this precious Vinland secret? + If so, it was pretty well kept. But in truth there was nothing + singular in these stipulations. Portugal paid for discovery in + just this way by granting governorships over islands like the + Azores, or long stretches of continent like Guinea, along with + a share of the revenues yielded by such places. See for example + the cases of Gonzalo Cabral, Fernando Gomez, and others in + Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, pp. 238, 321, and + elsewhere. In their search for the Indies the Portuguese were + continually finding new lands, and it was likely to be the same + with the western route, which was supposed (see Catalan, + Toscanelli, and Behaim maps) to lead among spice islands + innumerable, and to Asiatic kingdoms whose heathen people had + no rights of sovereignty that Christian monarchs felt bound to + respect.] + + [Footnote 506: Las Casas, _op. cit._ tom i. p. 243.] + + [Footnote 507: See his letter of February, 1502, to Pope + Alexander VI. in Navarrete, tom. ii. p. 280; and cf. Helps, + _Spanish Conquest in America_, vol. i. p. 96; Roselly de + Lorgues, _Christophe Colomb_, p. 394.] + +[Sidenote: Interposition of Luis de Santangel.] + +The negotiations were broken off, and the indomitable enthusiast once +more prepared to go to France. He had actually started on his mule one +fine winter day, when Luis de Santangel rushed into the queen's room and +spoke to her with all the passionate and somewhat reproachful energy of +one who felt that a golden opportunity was slipping away forever. His +arguments were warmly seconded by Quintanilla, who had followed him into +the room, as well as by the queen's bosom friend Beatriz de Bobadilla, +Marchioness of Moya, who happened to be sitting on the sofa and was a +devoted admirer of Columbus. An impulse seized Isabella. A courier was +sent on a fleet horse, and overtook Columbus as he was jogging quietly +over the bridge of Pinos, about six miles out from Granada. The matter +was reconsidered and an arrangement was soon made. It was agreed:-- + +[Sidenote: Agreement between Columbus and the sovereigns.] + +"1. That Columbus should have, for himself, during his life, and for his +heirs and successors forever, the office of admiral in all the islands +and continents which he might discover or acquire in the ocean, with +similar honours and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high admiral of +Castile in his district. + +"2. That he should be viceroy and governor-general over all the said +lands and continents; with the privilege of nominating three candidates +for the government of each island or province, one of whom should be +selected by the sovereigns. + +"3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one tenth of all +pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles +and merchandises, in whatever manner found, bought, bartered, or gained +within his admiralty, the costs being first deducted. + +"4. That he, or his lieutenant, should be the sole judge in all causes +and disputes arising out of traffic between those countries and Spain, +provided the high admiral of Castile had similar jurisdiction in his +district. + +"5. That he might then, and at all after times, contribute an eighth +part of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this enterprise, +and receive an eighth part of the profits."[508] + + [Footnote 508: I cite this version from Irving's _Columbus_, + vol. i. p. 142, making a slight amendment in the rendering; the + original text is in Navarrete, tom. ii. p. 7. A few days later + the title of "Don" was granted to Columbus and made hereditary + in his family along with the offices of viceroy and + governor-general.] + +Columbus was not long in finding friends to advance or promise on his +account an eighth part of the sum immediately required. A considerable +amount was assessed upon the town of Palos in punishment for certain +misdeeds or delinquencies on the part of its people or some of them. +Castile assumed the rest of the burden, though Santangel may have +advanced a million maravedis out of the treasury of Aragon, or out of +the funds of the _Hermandad_,[509] or perhaps more likely on his own +account.[510] In any case it was a loan to the treasury of Castile +simply. It was always distinctly understood that Ferdinand as king of +Aragon had no share in the enterprise, and that the Spanish Indies were +an appurtenance to the crown of Castile. The agreement was signed April +17, 1492, and with tears of joy Columbus vowed to devote every maravedi +that should come to him to the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre. + + [Footnote 509: A police organization formed in 1476 for + suppressing highway robbery.] + + [Footnote 510: It is not easy to give an accurate account of + the cost of this most epoch-making voyage in all history. + Conflicting statements by different authorities combine with + the fluctuating values of different kinds of money to puzzle + and mislead us. According to M. Harrisse 1,000,000 maravedis + would be equivalent to 295,175 francs, or about 59,000 gold + dollars of United States money at present values. Las Casas + (tom. i. p. 256) says that the eighth part, raised by Columbus, + was 500,000 maravedis (29,500 dollars). Account-books preserved + in the archives of Simancas show that the sums paid from the + treasury of Castile amounted to 1,140,000 maravedis (67,500 + dollars). Assuming the statement of Las Casas to be correct, + the amounts contributed would perhaps have been as follows:-- + + Queen Isabella, from Castile treasury $67,500 + " loan from Santangel 59,000 + Columbus 29,500 + Other sources, including contribution levied + upon the town of Palos 80,000 + -------- + Total $236,000 + + This total seems to me altogether too large for probability, + and so does the last item, which is simply put at the figure + necessary to make the total eight times 29,500. I am inclined + to suspect that Las Casas (with whom arithmetic was not always + a strong point) may have got his figures wrong. The amount of + Santangel's loan also depends upon the statement of Las Casas, + and we do not know whether he took it from a document or from + hearsay. Nor do we know whether it should be added to, or + included in, the first item. More likely, I think, the latter. + The only item that we know with documentary certainty is the + first, so that our statement becomes modified as follows:-- + + Queen Isabella, from Castile treasury $67,500 + " loan from Santangel ? + Columbus ? + { rent of two fully + Town of Palos { equipped caravels + { for two months, etc. + ---------------------- + Total ? + + (Cf. Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 391-404.) Unsatisfactory, but + certain as far as it goes. Alas, how often historical + statements are thus reduced to meagreness, after the + hypothetical or ill-supported part has been sifted out! The + story that the Pinzon brothers advanced to Columbus his portion + is told by Las Casas, but he very shrewdly doubts it. The + famous story that Isabella pledged her crown jewels (_Vita + dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xiv.) has also been doubted, but + perhaps on insufficient grounds, by M. Harrisse. It is + confirmed by Las Casas (tom. i. p. 249). According to one + account she pledged them to Santangel in security for his + loan,--which seems not altogether improbable. See Pizarro y + Orellana, _Varones ilustres del Nuevo Mundo_, Madrid, 1639, p. + 16.] + +[Sidenote: Dismay at Palos.] + +[Sidenote: The three famous caravels; the Santa Maria.] + +[Sidenote: The Pinta.] + +[Sidenote: The Nina.] + +When he reached Palos in May, with royal orders for ships and men, there +had like to have been a riot. Terrible dismay was felt at the prospect +of launching out for such a voyage upon the Sea of Darkness. Groans and +curses greeted the announcement of the forced contribution. But Martin +Pinzon and his brothers were active in supporting the crown officials, +and the work went on. To induce men to enlist, debts were forgiven and +civil actions suspended. Criminals were released from jail on condition +of serving. Three caravels were impressed into the service of the crown +for a time unlimited; and the rent and maintenance of two of these +vessels for two months was to be paid by the town. The largest caravel, +called the Santa Maria or Capitana, belonged to Juan de La Cosa, a +Biscayan mariner whose name was soon to become famous.[511] He now +commanded her, with another consummate sailor, Sancho Ruiz, for his +pilot. This single-decked craft, about ninety feet in length by twenty +feet breadth of beam, was the Admiral's flag-ship. The second caravel, +called the Pinta, a much swifter vessel, was commanded by Martin Pinzon. +She belonged to two citizens of Palos, Gomez Rascon and Cristobal +Quintero, who were now in her crew, sulky and ready for mischief. The +third and smallest caravel, the Nina ("Baby"), had for her commander +Vicente Yanez Pinzon, the youngest of the brothers, now about thirty +years of age. Neither the Pinta nor the Nina were decked amidships. On +board the three caravels were just ninety persons.[512] And so they set +sail from Palos on Friday, August 3, 1492, half an hour before sunrise, +and by sunset had run due south five and forty geographical miles, when +they shifted their course a couple of points to starboard and stood for +the Canaries. + + [Footnote 511: Navarrete, _Biblioteca maritima_, tom. ii. pp. + 208, 209.] + + [Footnote 512: The accounts of the armament are well summed up + and discussed in Harrisse, tom. i. pp. 405-408. Eighty-seven + names, out of the ninety, have been recovered, and the list is + given below, Appendix C.] + +[Sidenote: They go to the Canaries and are delayed there.] + +No thought of Vinland is betrayed in these proceedings. Columbus was +aiming at the northern end of Cipango (Japan). Upon Toscanelli's map, +which he carried with him, the great island of Cipango extends from 5 deg. +to about 28 deg. north latitude. He evidently aimed at the northern end of +Cipango as being directly on the route to Zaiton (Chang-chow) and other +Chinese cities mentioned by Marco Polo. Accordingly he began by running +down to the Canaries, in order that he might sail thence due west on the +28th parallel without shifting his course by a single point until he +should see the coast of Japan looming up before him.[513] On this +preliminary run signs of mischief began already to show themselves. The +Pinta's rudder was broken and unshipped, and Columbus suspected her two +angry and chafing owners of having done it on purpose, in order that +they and their vessel might be left behind. The Canaries at this +juncture merited the name of Fortunate Islands; fortunately they, alone +among African islands, were Spanish, so that Columbus could stop there +and make repairs. While this was going on the sailors were scared out +of their wits by an eruption of Teneriffe, which they deemed an omen of +evil, and it was also reported that some Portuguese caravels were +hovering in those waters, with intent to capture Columbus and carry him +off to Lisbon. + + [Footnote 513: "Para de alli tomar mi derrota, y navegar tanto + que yo llegase a las Indias," he says in his journal, + Navarrete, _Coleccion de viages_, tom. i.p. 3.] + +[Illustration: Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492,] + +[Illustration: reduced to Mercator's projection.][514] + + [Footnote 514: Martin Behaim was born at Nuremberg in 1436, and + is said to have been a pupil of the celebrated astronomer, + Regiomontanus, author of the first almanac published in Europe, + and of Ephemerides, of priceless value to navigators. He + visited Portugal about 1480, invented a new kind of astrolabe, + and sailed with it in 1484 as cosmographer in Diego Cam's + voyage to the Congo. On his return to Lisbon he was knighted, + and presently went to live on the island of Fayal, of which his + wife's father was governor. He was a friend of Columbus. Toward + 1492 he visited Nuremberg, to look after some family affairs, + and while there "he gratified some of his townspeople by + embodying in a globe the geographical views which prevailed in + the maritime countries; and the globe was finished before + Columbus had yet accomplished his voyage. The next year (1493) + Behaim returned to Portugal; and after having been sent to the + Low Countries on a diplomatic mission, he was captured by + English cruisers and carried to England. Escaping finally, and + reaching the Continent, he passes from our view in 1494, and is + scarcely heard of again." (Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._, ii. + 104.) He died in May, 1506. A ridiculous story that he + anticipated Columbus in the discovery of America originated in + the misunderstanding of an interpolated passage in the Latin + text of Schedel's _Registrum_, Nuremberg, 1498, p. 290 (the + so-called _Nuremberg Chronicle_). See Winsor, _op. cit._ ii. + 34; Major's _Prince Henry_, p. 326; Humboldt, _Examen + critique_, tom. i.p. 256; Murr, _Diplomatische Geschichte des + Ritters Behaim_, Nuremberg, 1778; Cladera, _Investigaciones + historicas_, Madrid, 1794; Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana + Vetustissima_, pp. 37-43.--The globe made by Behaim may now be + seen in the city hall at Nuremberg. It "is made of + _papier-mache_, covered with gypsum, and over this a parchment + surface received the drawing; it is twenty inches in diameter." + (Winsor, _op. cit._ ii. 105.) The portion west of the 330th + meridian is evidently copied from Toscanelli's map. I give + below (p. 429) a sketch (from Winsor, after Ruge's _Geschichte + des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 230) of Behaim's ocean, + with the outline of the American continent superimposed in the + proper place.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus starts for Japan, Sept. 6, 1492.] + +At length, on the 6th of September, they set sail from Gomera, but were +becalmed and had made only thirty miles by the night of the 8th. The +breeze then freshened, and when next day the shores of Ferro, the last +of the Canaries, sank from sight on the eastern horizon, many of the +sailors loudly lamented their unseemly fate, and cried and sobbed like +children. Columbus well understood the difficulty of dealing with these +men. He provided against one chief source of discontent by keeping two +different reckonings, a true one for himself and a false one for his +officers and crews. He was shrewd enough not to overdo it and awaken +distrust. Thus after a twenty-four hours' run of 180 miles on September +10, he reported it as 144 miles; next day the run was 120 miles and he +announced it as 108, and so on. But for this prudent if somewhat +questionable device, it is not unlikely that the first week of October +would have witnessed a mutiny in which Columbus would have been either +thrown overboard or forced to turn back. + +[Sidenote: Deflection of the needle.] + +The weather was delicious, and but for the bug-a-boos that worried those +poor sailors it would have been a most pleasant voyage. Chief among the +imaginary terrors were three which deserve especial mention. At +nightfall on September 13 the ships had crossed the magnetic line of no +variation, and Columbus was astonished to see that the compass-needle, +instead of pointing a little to the right of the pole-star, began to +sway toward the left, and next day this deviation increased. It was +impossible to hide such a fact from the sharp eyes of the pilots, and +all were seized with alarm at the suspicion that this witch instrument +was beginning to play them some foul trick in punishment of their +temerity; but Columbus was ready with an ingenious astronomical +explanation, and their faith in the profundity of his knowledge +prevailed over their terrors. + +[Sidenote: The Sargasso Sea.] + +The second alarm came on September 16, when they struck into vast +meadows of floating seaweeds and grasses, abounding in tunny fish and +crabs. They had now come more than 800 miles from Ferro and were +entering the wonderful Sargasso Sea, that region of the Atlantic six +times as large as France, where vast tangles of vegetation grow upon the +surface of water that is more than 2,000 fathoms deep, and furnish +sustenance for an untold wealth of fishy life.[515] To the eye of the +mariner the Sargasso Sea presents somewhat the appearance of an endless +green prairie, but modern ships plough through it with ease and so did +the caravels of Columbus at first. After two or three days, however, the +wind being light, their progress was somewhat impeded. It was not +strange that the crews were frightened at such a sight. It seemed +uncanny and weird, and revived ancient fancies about mysterious +impassable seas and overbold mariners whose ships had been stuck fast in +them. The more practical spirits were afraid of running aground upon +submerged shoals, but all were somewhat reassured on this point when it +was found that their longest plummet-lines failed to find bottom. + + [Footnote 515: The situation of this Sargasso region in + mid-ocean seems to be determined by its character as a quiet + neutral ground between the great ocean-currents that flow past + it on every side. Sargasso plants are found elsewhere upon the + surface of the waves, but nowhere else do they congregate as + here. There are reasons for supposing that in ancient times + this region extended nearer to the African coast. Skylax + (_Periplus_, cap. 109) says that beyond Kerne, at the mouth of + Rio d' Ouro the sea cannot be navigated on account of the mud + and seaweed. Sataspes, on his return to Persia, B. C. 470, told + King Xerxes that his voyage failed because his ship stopped or + was stuck fast. (Herodotus, iv. 43.) Festus Avienus mentions + vast quantities of seaweed in the ocean west of the Pillars of + Hercules:-- + + Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens + Atque impeditur aestus ex uligine.... + Sic nulla late flabra propellunt ratem, + Sic segnis humor aequoris pigri stupet. + Adjicit et illud, plurimum inter gurgites + Exstare fucum, et saepe virgulti vice + Retinere puppim, etc. + Avienus, _Ora Maritima_, 108, 117. + + See also Aristotle, _Meteorol._, ii. 1, 14; Pseudo-Aristotle, + _De Mirab. Auscult._, p. 106; Theophrastus, _Historia + plantarum_, iv. 7 Jornandes, _De rebus Geticis_, apud Muratori, + tom. i.p. 191; according to Strabo (iii. 2, Sec. 7) tunny fish + were caught in abundance in the ocean west of Spain, and were + highly valued for the table on account of their fatness which + was due to submarine vegetables on which they fed. Possibly the + reports of these Sargasso meadows may have had some share in + suggesting to Plato his notion of a huge submerged island + Atlantis (_Timaeus_, 25; _Kritias_, 108; cf. the notion of a + viscous sea in Plutarch, _De facie in Orbe Luna_, 26), Plato's + fancy has furnished a theme for much wild speculation. See, for + example, Bailly, _Lettres sur l'Atlantide de Platon_, Paris, + 1779. The belief that there can ever have been such an island + in that part of the Atlantic is disposed of by the fact that + the ocean there is nowhere less than two miles in depth. See + the beautiful map of the Atlantic sea-bottom in Alexander + Agassiz's _Three Cruises of the Blake_, Boston, 1888, vol. i.p. + 108, and compare chap. vi. of that noble work, on "The + Permanence of Continents and of Oceanic Basins;" see also + Wallace's _Island Life_, chap. vi. It was formerly supposed + that the Sargasso plants grow on the sea-bottom, and becoming + detached rise to the surface (Peter Martyr, _De rebus + oceanicis_, dec. iii. lib. v. p. 53; Humboldt, _Personal + Narrative_, book i. chap, i.); but it is now known that they + are simply rooted in the surface water itself. "L'accumulation + de ces plantes marines est l'exemple le plus frappant de + plantes congeneres reunies sur le meme point. Ni les forets + colossales de l'Himalaya, ni les graminees qui s'etendent a + perte de vue dans les savanes americaines ou les steppes + siberiens ne rivalisent avec ces prairies oceaniques. Jamais + sur un espace aussi etendu, ne se rencontrent de telles masses + de plantes semblables. Quand on a vu la mer des Sargasses, on + n'oublie point un pareil spectacle." Paul Gaffarel, "La Mer des + Sargasses," _Bulletin de Geographie_, Paris, 1872, 6e serie, + tom. iv. p. 622.] + +[Sidenote: The trade wind.] + +On September 22 the journal reports "no more grass." They were in clear +water again, and more than 1,400 geographical miles from the Canaries. +A third source of alarm had already begun to disturb the sailors. They +were discovering much more than they had bargained for. They were in the +belt of the trade winds, and as the gentle but unfailing breeze wafted +them steadily westward, doubts began to arise as to whether it would +ever be possible to return. Fortunately soon after this question began +to be discussed, the wind, jealous of its character for capriciousness +even there, veered into the southwest. + +[Sidenote: Impatience of the crews.] + +By September 25 the Admiral's chief difficulty had come to be the +impatience of his crews at not finding land. On that day there was a +mirage, or some such illusion, which Columbus and all hands supposed to +be a coast in front of them, and hymns of praise were sung, but at dawn +next day they were cruelly undeceived. Flights of strange birds and +other signs of land kept raising hopes which were presently dashed +again, and the men passed through alternately hot and cold fits of +exultation and dejection. Such mockery seemed to show that they were +entering a realm of enchantment. Somebody, perhaps one of the released +jail-birds, hinted that if a stealthy thrust should happen some night to +push the Admiral overboard, it could be plausibly said that he had +slipped and fallen while star-gazing. His situation grew daily more +perilous, and the fact that he was an Italian commanding Spaniards did +not help him. Perhaps what saved him was their vague belief in his +superior knowledge; they may have felt that they should need him in +going back. + +[Illustration: Martin Behaim's Atlantic Ocean (with outline of American +continent superimposed).] + +[Sidenote: Change of course from W. to W. S. W.] + +[Sidenote: Land ahead! Oct. 12 (N. S. 21), 1492.] + +By October 4 there were ominous symptoms of mutiny, and the anxiety of +Columbus was evinced in the extent of his bold understatement of that +day's run,--138 miles instead of the true figure 189. For some days his +pilots had been begging him to change his course; perhaps they had +passed between islands. Anything for a change! On the 7th at sunrise, +they had come 2,724 geographical miles from the Canaries, which was +farther than the Admiral's estimate of the distance to Cipango; but +according to his false statement of the runs, it appeared that they had +come scarcely 2,200 miles. This leads one to suspect that in stating the +length of the voyage, as he had so often done, at 700 leagues, he may +have purposely made it out somewhat shorter than he really believed it +to be. But now after coming more than 2,500 miles he began to fear that +he might be sailing past Cipango on the north, and so he shifted his +course two points to larboard, or west-southwest. If a secret knowledge +of Vinland had been his guiding-star he surely would not have turned his +helm that way; but a glance at the Toscanelli map shows what was in his +mind. Numerous flights of small birds confirmed his belief that land at +the southwest was not far off. The change of direction was probably +fortunate. If he had persisted in keeping on the parallel, 720 miles +would have brought him to the coast of Florida, a little south of Cape +Malabar. After the change he had but 505 miles of water before him, and +the temper of the sailors was growing more dangerous with every +mile,[516]--until October 11, when the signs of land became +unmistakable, and the wildest excitement prevailed. A reward of 10,000 +maravedis had been promised to the person who should first discover +land, and ninety pair of eyes were strained that night with looking. +About ten o'clock the Admiral, standing on the tower-like poop of his +vessel, saw a distant light moving as if somebody were running along +the shore with a torch. This interpretation was doubted, but a few +hours later a sailor on the Pinta saw land distinctly, and soon it was +visible to all, a long low coast about five miles distant. This was at +two in the morning of Friday, October 12,[517]--just ten weeks since +they had sailed from Palos, just thirty-three days since they had lost +sight of the coast of Ferro. The sails were now taken in, and the ships +lay to, awaiting the dawn. + + [Footnote 516: The often-repeated story that a day or two + before the end of the voyage Columbus capitulated with his + crew, promising to turn back if land were not seen within three + days, rests upon the single and relatively inferior authority + of Oviedo. It is not mentioned by Las Casas or Bernaldez or + Peter Martyr or Ferdinand Columbus, and it is discredited by + the tone of the Admiral's journal, which shows as unconquerable + determination on the last day of the voyage as on any previous + day. Cf. Irving, vol. i. p. 187.] + + [Footnote 517: Applying the Gregorian Calendar, or "new style," + it becomes the 21st. The four hundredth anniversary will + properly fall on October 21, 1892.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The crews go ashore.] + +At daybreak the boats were lowered and Columbus, with a large part of +his company, went ashore. Upon every side were trees of unknown kinds, +and the landscape seemed exceedingly beautiful. Confident that they must +have attained the object for which they had set sail, the crews were +wild with exultation. Their heads were dazed with fancies of princely +fortunes close at hand. The officers embraced Columbus or kissed his +hands, while the sailors threw themselves at his feet, craving pardon +and favour. + +[Sidenote: The astonished natives.] + +[Sidenote: Guanahani: where was it?] + +These proceedings were watched with unutterable amazement and awe by a +multitude of men, women, and children of cinnamon hue, different from +any kind of people the Spaniards had ever seen. All were stark naked and +most of them were more or less greased and painted. They thought that +the ships were sea-monsters and the white men supernatural creatures +descended from the sky.[518] At first they fled in terror as these +formidable beings came ashore, but presently, as they found themselves +unmolested, curiosity began to overcome fear, and they slowly approached +the Spaniards, stopping at every few paces to prostrate themselves in +adoration. After a time, as the Spaniards received them with encouraging +nods and smiles, they waxed bold enough to come close to the visitors +and pass their hands over them, doubtless to make sure that all this +marvel was a reality and not a mere vision. Experiences in Africa had +revealed the eagerness of barbarians to trade off their possessions for +trinkets, and now the Spaniards began exchanging glass beads and hawks' +bells for cotton yarn, tame parrots, and small gold ornaments. Some sort +of conversation in dumb show went on, and Columbus naturally interpreted +everything in such wise as to fit his theories. Whether the natives +understood him or not when he asked them where they got their gold, at +any rate they pointed to the south, and thus confirmed Columbus in his +suspicion that he had come to some island a little to the north of the +opulent Cipango. He soon found that it was a small island, and he +understood the name of it to be Guanahani. He took formal possession of +it for Castile, just as the discoverers of the Cape Verde islands and +the Guinea coasts had taken possession of those places for Portugal; +and he gave it a Christian name, San Salvador. That name has since the +seventeenth century been given to Cat island, but perhaps in pursuance +of a false theory of map-makers; it is not proved that Cat island is the +Guanahani of Columbus. All that can positively be asserted of Guanahani +is that it was one of the Bahamas: there has been endless discussion as +to which one, and the question is not easy to settle. Perhaps the theory +of Captain Gustavus Fox, of the United States navy, is on the whole best +supported. Captain Fox maintains that the true Guanahani was the little +island now known as Samana or Atwood's Cay.[519] The problem well +illustrates the difficulty in identifying any route from even a good +description of landmarks, without the help of persistent proper names, +especially after the lapse of time has somewhat altered the landmarks. +From this point of view it is a very interesting problem and has its +lessons for us; otherwise it is of no importance. + + [Footnote 518: This is a common notion among barbarians. "The + Polynesians imagine that the sky descends at the horizon and + encloses the earth. Hence they call foreigners _papalangi_, or + 'heaven-bursters,' as having broken in from another world + outside." Max Mueller, _Chips from a German Workshop_, vol. ii. + p. 268.] + + [Footnote 519: "An Attempt to solve the Problem of the First + Landing Place of Columbus in the New World," in _United States + Coast and Geodetic Survey--Report for 1880--Appendix 18_, + Washington, 1882.] + +[Sidenote: Groping for Cipango and the route to Quinsay.] + +A cruise of ten days among the Bahamas, with visits to four of the +islands, satisfied Columbus that he was in the ocean just east of +Cathay, for Marco Polo had described it as studded with thousands of +spice-bearing islands, and the Catalan map shows that some of these were +supposed to be inhabited by naked savages. To be sure, he could not find +any spices or valuable drugs, but the air was full of fragrance and the +trees and herbs were strange in aspect and might mean anything; so for a +while he was ready to take the spices on trust. Upon inquiries about +gold the natives always pointed to the south, apparently meaning +Cipango; and in that direction Columbus steered on the 25th of October, +intending to stay in that wealthy island long enough to obtain all +needful information concerning its arts and commerce. Thence a sail of +less than ten days would bring him to the Chinese coast, along which he +might comfortably cruise northwesterly as far as Quinsay and deliver to +the Great Khan a friendly letter with which Ferdinand and Isabella had +provided him. Alas, poor Columbus--unconscious prince of +discoverers--groping here in Cuban waters for the way to a city on the +other side of the globe and to a sovereign whose race had more than a +century since been driven from the throne and expelled from the very +soil of Cathay! Could anything be more pathetic, or better illustrate +the profound irony with which our universe seems to be governed? + +[Sidenote: Columbus reaches Cuba, and sends envoys to find a certain +Asiatic prince.] + +On reaching Cuba the Admiral was charmed with the marvellous beauty of +the landscape,--a point in which he seems to have been unusually +sensitive. He found pearl oysters along the shore, and although no +splendid cities as yet appeared, he did not doubt that he had reached +Cipango. But his attempts at talking with the amazed natives only served +to darken counsel. He understood them to say that Cuba was part of the +Asiatic continent, and that there was a king in the neighbourhood who +was at war with the Great Khan! So he sent two messengers to seek this +refractory potentate,--one of them a converted Jew acquainted with +Arabic, a language sometimes heard far eastward in Asia, as Columbus +must have known. These envoys found pleasant villages, with large +houses, surrounded with fields of such unknown vegetables as maize, +potatoes, and tobacco; they saw men and women smoking cigars,[520] and +little dreamed that in that fragrant and soothing herb there was a +richer source of revenue than the spices of the East. They passed acres +of growing cotton and saw in the houses piles of yarn waiting to be +woven into rude cloth or twisted into nets for hammocks. But they found +neither cities nor kings, neither gold nor spices, and after a tedious +quest returned, somewhat disappointed, to the coast. + + [Footnote 520: The first recorded mention of tobacco is in + Columbus's diary for November 20, 1492:--"Hallaron los dos + cristianos por el camino mucha gente que atravesaba a sus + pueblos, mugeres y hombres con un tizon en la mano, yerbas para + tomar sus sahumerios que acostumbraban," i. e. "the two + Christians met on the road a great many people going to their + villages, men and women with brands in their hands, made of + herbs for taking their customary smoke." Navarrete, tom. i. p. + 51.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus turns eastward; Pinzon deserts him.] + +Columbus seems now to have become perplexed, and to have vacillated +somewhat in his purposes. If this was the continent of Asia it was +nearer than he had supposed, and how far mistaken he had been in his +calculations no one could tell. But where was Cipango? He gathered from +the natives that there was a great island to the southeast, abounding +in gold, and so he turned his prows in that direction. On the 20th of +November he was deserted by Martin Pinzon, whose ship could always +outsail the others. It seems to have been Pinzon's design to get home in +advance with such a story as would enable him to claim for himself an +undue share of credit for the discovery of the Indies. This was the +earliest instance of a kind of treachery such as too often marred the +story of Spanish exploration and conquest in the New World. + +[Sidenote: Columbus arrives at Hayti and thinks it must be Japan.] + +[Sidenote: Wreck of the Santa Maria, Dec. 25, 1492.] + +For a fortnight after Pinzon's desertion Columbus crept slowly eastward +along the coast of Cuba, now and then landing to examine the country and +its products; and it seemed to him that besides pearls and mastic and +aloes he found in the rivers indications of gold. When he reached the +cape at the end of the island he named it Alpha and Omega, as being the +extremity of Asia,--Omega from the Portuguese point of view, Alpha from +his own. On the 6th of December he landed upon the northwestern coast of +the island of Hayti, which he called Espanola, Hispaniola, or "Spanish +land."[521] Here, as the natives seemed to tell him of a region to the +southward and quite inland which abounded in gold, and which they called +Cibao, the Admiral at once caught upon the apparent similarity of sounds +and fancied that Cibao must be Cipango, and that at length he had +arrived upon that island of marvels. It was much nearer the Asiatic +mainland (i. e. Cuba) than he had supposed, but then, it was beginning +to appear that in any case somebody's geography must be wrong. Columbus +was enchanted with the scenery. "The land is elevated," he says, "with +many mountains and peaks ... most beautiful, of a thousand varied forms, +accessible, and full of trees of endless varieties, so tall that they +seem to touch the sky; and I have been told that they never lose their +foliage. The nightingale [i. e. some kind of thrush] and other small +birds of a thousand kinds were singing in the month of November +[December] when I was there."[522] Before he had done much toward +exploring this paradise, a sudden and grave mishap quite altered his +plans. On Christmas morning, between midnight and dawn, owing to +careless disobedience of orders on the part of the helmsman, the +flag-ship struck upon a sand-bank near the present site of Port au Paix. +All attempts to get her afloat were unavailing, and the waves soon beat +her to pieces. + + [Footnote 521: Not "Little Spain," as the form of the word, so + much like a diminutive, might seem to indicate. It is simply + the feminine of _Espanol_, "Spanish," sc. _tierra_ or _isla_. + Columbus believed that the island was larger than Spain. See + his letter to Gabriel Sanchez, in Harrisse, tom. i. p. 428.] + + [Footnote 522: Columbus to Santangel, February 15, 1493 + (Navarrete, tom. i. p. 168).] + +[Sidenote: Columbus decides to go back to Spain.] + +This catastrophe brought home, with startling force, to the mind of +Columbus, the fact that the news of his discovery of land was not yet +known in Europe. As for the Pinta and her insubordinate commander, none +could say whether they would ever be seen again or whether their speedy +arrival in Spain might not portend more harm than good to Columbus. His +armament was now reduced to the little undecked Nina alone, such a craft +as we should deem about fit for a summer excursion on Long Island Sound. +What if his party should all perish, or be stranded helpless on these +strange coasts, before any news of their success should reach the ears +of friends in Europe! Then the name of Columbus would serve as a by-word +for foolhardiness, and his mysterious fate would simply deter other +expeditions from following in the same course. Obviously the first +necessity of the situation was to return to Spain immediately and report +what had already been done. Then it would be easy enough to get ships +and men for a second voyage. + +[Sidenote: Building of the blockhouse, La Navidad.] + +[Sidenote: Meeting with Pinzon.] + +This decision led to the founding of an embryo colony upon Hispaniola. +There was not room enough for all the party to go in the Nina, and quite +a number begged to be left behind, because they found life upon the +island lazy and the natives, especially the women, seemed well-disposed +toward them. So a blockhouse was built out of the wrecked ship's timbers +and armed with her guns, and in commemoration of that eventful Christmas +it was called Fort Nativity (_La Navidad_). Here forty men were left +behind, with provisions enough for a whole year, and on January 4, 1493, +the rest of the party went on board the Nina and set sail for Spain. Two +days later in following the northern coast of Hispaniola they +encountered the Pinta, whose commander had been delayed by trading with +the natives and by finding some gold. Pinzon tried to explain his sudden +disappearance by alleging that stress of weather had parted him from +his comrades, but his excuses were felt to be lame and improbable. +However it may have been with his excuses, there was no doubt as to the +lameness of his foremast; it had been too badly sprung to carry much +sail, so that the Pinta could not again run away from her consort. + +[Sidenote: Terrible storm in mid-ocean, Feb., 1493.] + +On this return voyage the Admiral, finding the trade winds dead against +him, took a northeasterly course until he had passed the thirty-seventh +parallel and then headed straight toward Spain. On the 12th of February +a storm was brewing, and during the next four days it raged with such +terrific violence that it is a wonder how those two frail caravels ever +came out of it. They were separated this time not to meet again upon the +sea. Expecting in all likelihood to be engulfed in the waves with his +tiny craft, Columbus sealed and directed to Ferdinand and Isabella two +brief reports of his discovery, written upon parchment. Each of these he +wrapped in a cloth and inclosed in the middle of a large cake of wax, +which was then securely shut up in a barrel. One of the barrels was +flung into the sea, the other remained standing on the little +quarter-deck to await the fate of the caravel. The anxiety was not +lessened by the sight of land on the 15th, for it was impossible to +approach it so as to go ashore, and there was much danger of being +dashed to pieces. + +[Sidenote: Cold reception at the Azores.] + +At length on the 18th, the storm having abated, the ship's boat went +ashore and found that it was the island of St. Mary, one of the Azores. +It is worthy of note that such skilful sailors as the Nina's captain, +Vicente Yanez Pinzon, and the pilot Ruiz were so confused in their +reckoning as to suppose themselves near the Madeiras, whereas Columbus +had correctly maintained that they were approaching the Azores,--a good +instance of his consummate judgment in nautical questions.[523] From the +Portuguese governor of the island this Spanish company met with a very +ungracious reception. A party of sailors whom Columbus sent ashore to a +small chapel of the Virgin, to give thanks for their deliverance from +shipwreck, were seized and held as prisoners for five days. It +afterwards appeared that this was done in pursuance of general +instructions from the king of Portugal to the governors of his various +islands. If Columbus had gone ashore he would probably have been +arrested himself. As it was, he took such a high tone and threatened to +such good purpose that the governor of St. Mary was fain to give up his +prisoners for fear of bringing on another war between Portugal and +Castile. + + [Footnote 523: Las Casas, tom. i. pp. 443, 449.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus is driven ashore in Portugal, where the king is +advised to have him assassinated;] + +[Sidenote: but to offend Spain so grossly would be dangerous.] + +Having at length got away from this unfriendly island, as the Nina was +making her way toward Cape St. Vincent and within 400 miles of it, she +was seized by another fierce tempest and driven upon the coast of +Portugal, where Columbus and his crew were glad of a chance to run into +the river Tagus for shelter. The news of his voyage and his discoveries +aroused intense excitement in Lisbon. Astonishment was mingled with +chagrin at the thought that the opportunity for all this glory and +profit had first been offered to Portugal and foolishly lost. The king +even now tried to persuade himself that Columbus had somehow or other +been trespassing upon the vast and vague undiscovered dominions granted +to the Crown of Portugal by Pope Eugenius IV. Some of the king's +counsellors are said to have urged him to have Columbus assassinated; it +would be easy enough to provoke such a high-spirited man into a quarrel +and then run him through the body.[524] To clearer heads, however, the +imprudence of such a course was manifest. It was already impossible to +keep the news of the discovery from reaching Spain, and Portugal could +not afford to go to war with her stronger neighbour. In fact even had +John II. been base enough to resort to assassination, which seems quite +incompatible with the general character of Lope de Vega's "perfect +prince," Columbus was now too important a personage to be safely +interfered with. So he was invited to court and made much of. On the +13th of March he set sail again and arrived in the harbour of Palos at +noon of the 15th. His little caravel was promptly recognized by the +people, and as her story flew from mouth to mouth all the business of +the town was at an end for that day.[525] + + [Footnote 524: This story rests upon the explicit statement of + a contemporary Portuguese historian of high authority, Garcia + de Resende, _Chronica del Rey Dom Joao II._, Lisbon, 1622, cap. + clxiv. (written about 1516); see also Vasconcellos, _Vida del + Rey Don Juan II._, Madrid, 1639, lib. vi.] + + [Footnote 525: "When they learnt that she returned in triumph + from the discovery of a world, the whole community broke forth + into transports of joy." Irving's _Columbus_, vol. i. p. 318. + This is projecting our present knowledge into the past. We now + know that Columbus had discovered a new world. He did not so + much as suspect that he had done anything of the sort; neither + did the people of Palos.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus and Pinzon at Palos; death of Pinzon.] + +Towards evening, while the bells were ringing and the streets brilliant +with torches, another vessel entered the harbour and dropped anchor. She +was none other than the Pinta! The storm had driven her to Bayonne, +whence Martin Pinzon instantly despatched a message to Ferdinand and +Isabella, making great claims for himself and asking permission to wait +upon them with a full account of the discovery. As soon as practicable +he made his way to Palos, but when on arriving he saw the Nina already +anchored in the harbour his guilty heart failed him. He took advantage +of the general hub-bub to slink ashore as quickly and quietly as +possible, and did not dare to show himself until after the Admiral had +left for Seville. The news from Columbus reached the sovereigns before +they had time to reply to the message of Pinzon; so when their answer +came to him it was cold and stern and forbade him to appear in their +presence. Pinzon was worn out with the hardships of the homeward voyage, +and this crushing reproof was more than he could bear. His sudden death, +a few days afterward, was generally attributed to chagrin.[526] + +[Sidenote: Columbus is received by the sovereigns at Barcelona, April, +1493.] + +[Sidenote: General excitement at the news that a way to the Indies had +been found.] + +From Seville the Admiral was summoned to attend court at Barcelona, +where he was received with triumphal honours. He was directed to seat +himself in the presence of the sovereigns, a courtesy usually reserved +for royal personages.[527] Intense interest was felt in his specimens of +stuffed birds and small mammals, his live parrots, his collection of +herbs which he supposed to have medicinal virtues, his few pearls and +trinkets of gold, and especially his six painted and bedizened +barbarians, the survivors of ten with whom he had started from +Hispaniola. Since in the vague terminology of that time the remote and +scarcely known parts of Asia were called the Indies, and since the +islands and coasts just discovered were Indies, of course these red men +must be Indians. So Columbus had already named them in his first letter +written from the Nina, off the Azores, sent by special messenger from +Palos, and now in April, 1493, printed at Barcelona, containing the +particulars of his discovery,--a letter appropriately addressed to the +worthy Santangel but for whose timely intervention he might have ridden +many a weary league on that mule of his to no good purpose.[528] It was +generally assumed without question that the Admiral's theory of his +discovery must be correct, that the coast of Cuba must be the eastern +extremity of China, that the coast of Hispaniola must be the northern +extremity of Cipango, and that a direct route--much shorter than that +which Portugal had so long been seeking--had now been found to those +lands of illimitable wealth described by Marco Polo.[529] To be sure +Columbus had not as yet seen the evidences of this Oriental splendour, +and had been puzzled at not finding them, but he felt confident that he +had come very near them and would come full upon them in a second +voyage. There was nobody who knew enough to refute these opinions,[530] +and really why should not this great geographer, who had accomplished so +much already which people had scouted as impossible,--why should he not +know what he was about? It was easy enough now to get men and money for +the second voyage. When the Admiral sailed from Cadiz on September 25, +1493, it was with seventeen ships carrying 1,500 men. Their dreams were +of the marble palaces of Quinsay, of isles of spices, and the treasures +of Prester John. The sovereigns wept for joy as they thought that such +untold riches were vouchsafed them by the special decree of Heaven, as a +reward for having overcome the Moor at Granada and banished the Jews +from Spain.[531] Columbus shared these views and regarded himself as a +special instrument for executing the divine decrees. He renewed his vow +to rescue the Holy Sepulchre, promising within the next seven years to +equip at his own expense a crusading army of 50,000 foot and 4,000 +horse; within five years thereafter he would follow this with a second +army of like dimensions. + + [Footnote 526: Charlevoix, _Histoire de l'isle Espagnole, ou de + St. Domingue_, Paris, 1730, liv. ii.; Munoz, _Historia de las + Indias o Nuevo Mundo_, Madrid, 1793, lib. iv. Sec. 14.] + + [Footnote 527: He was also allowed to quarter the royal arms + with his own, "which consisted of a group of golden islands + amid azure billows. To these were afterwards added five + anchors, with the celebrated motto, well known as being carved + on his sepulchre." Prescott's _Ferdinand and Isabella_, pt. i. + chap. vii. This statement about the motto is erroneous. See + below, p. 514. Considering the splendour of the reception given + to Columbus, and the great interest felt in his achievement, + Mr. Prescott is surprised at finding no mention of this + occasion in the local annals of Barcelona, or in the royal + archives of Aragon. He conjectures, with some probability, that + the cause of the omission may have been what an American would + call "sectional" jealousy. This Cathay and Cipango business was + an affair of Castile's, and, as such, quite beneath the notice + of patriotic Aragonese archivists! That is the way history has + too often been treated. With most people it is only a kind of + ancestor worship.] + + [Footnote 528: The unique copy of this first edition of this + Spanish letter is a small folio of two leaves, or four pages. + It was announced for sale in Quaritch's Catalogue, April 16, + 1891, No. 111, p. 47, for L1,750. Evidently most book-lovers + will have to content themselves with the facsimile published in + London, 1891, price two guineas. A unique copy of a Spanish + reprint in small quarto, made in 1493, is preserved in the + Ambrosian library at Milan. In 1889 Messrs. Ellis & Elvey, of + London, published a facsimile _alleged_ to have been made from + an edition of about the same date as the Ambrosian quarto; but + there are good reasons for believing that these highly + respectable publishers have been imposed upon. It is a time + just now when fictitious literary discoveries of this sort may + command a high price, and the dealer in early Americana must + keep his eyes open. See Quaritch's note, _op. cit._ p. 49; and + Justin Winsor's letter in _The Nation_, April 9, 1891, vol. + lii. p. 298.] + + [Footnote 529: "The lands, therefore, which Columbus had + visited were called the West Indies; and as he seemed to have + entered upon a vast region of unexplored countries, existing in + a state of nature, the whole received the comprehensive + appellation of the New World." Irving's _Columbus_, vol. i. p. + 333. These are very grave errors, again involving the + projection of our modern knowledge into the past. The lands + which Columbus had visited were called simply the Indies; it + was not until long after his death, and after the crossing of + the Pacific ocean, that they were distinguished from the East + Indies. The _New World_ was not at first a "comprehensive + appellation" for the countries discovered by Columbus; it was + at first applied to one particular region never visited by him, + viz. to that portion of the southeastern coast of South America + first explored by Vespucius. See vol. ii. pp. 129, 130.] + + [Footnote 530: Peter Martyr, however, seems to have entertained + some vague doubts, inasmuch as this assumed nearness of the + China coast on the west implied a greater eastward extension of + the Asiatic continent than seemed to him probable:--"Insulas + reperit plures; has esse, de quibus fit apud cosmographos + mentio extra oceanum orientalem, adjacentes Indiae arbitrantur. + Nec inficior ego penitus, _quamvis sphaerae magnitudo aliter + sentire videatur_; neque enim desunt qui parvo tractu a finibus + Hispaniae distare littus Indicum putent." _Opus Epist._, No. + 135. The italicizing is mine.] + + [Footnote 531: This abominable piece of wickedness, driving + 200,000 of Spain's best citizens from their homes and their + native land, was accomplished in pursuance of an edict signed + March 30, 1492. There is a brief account of it in Prescott's + _Ferdinand and Isabella_, pt. i. chap. vi.] + +[Sidenote: This voyage was an event without any parallel in history.] + +Thus nobody had the faintest suspicion of what had been done. In the +famous letter to Santangel there is of course not a word about a New +World. The grandeur of the achievement was quite beyond the ken of the +generation that witnessed it. For we have since come to learn that in +1492 the contact between the eastern and the western halves of our +planet was first really begun, and the two streams of human life which +had flowed on for countless ages apart were thenceforth to mingle +together. The first voyage of Columbus is thus a unique event in the +history of mankind. Nothing like it was ever done before, and nothing +like it can ever be done again. No worlds are left for a future Columbus +to conquer. The era of which this great Italian mariner was the most +illustrious representative has closed forever. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +THE FINDING OF STRANGE COASTS. + + +[Sidenote: The Discovery of America was a gradual process.] + +But that era did not close with Columbus, nor did he live long enough to +complete the Discovery of America. Our practice of affixing specific +dates to great events is on many accounts indispensable, but it is +sometimes misleading. Such an event as the discovery of a pair of vast +continents does not take place within a single year. When we speak of +America as discovered in 1492, we do not mean that the moment Columbus +landed on two or three islands of the West Indies, a full outline map of +the western hemisphere from Labrador and Alaska to Cape Horn suddenly +sprang into existence--like Pallas from the forehead of Zeus--in the +minds of European men. Yet people are perpetually using arguments which +have neither force nor meaning save upon the tacit assumption that +somehow or other some such sort of thing must have happened. This +grotesque fallacy lies at the bottom of the tradition which has caused +so many foolish things to be said about that gallant mariner, Americus +Vespucius. In geographical discussions the tendency to overlook the fact +that Columbus and his immediate successors did not sail with the latest +edition of Black's General Atlas in their cabins is almost inveterate; +it keeps revealing itself in all sorts of queer statements, and probably +there is no cure for it except in familiarity with the long series of +perplexed and struggling maps made in the sixteenth century. Properly +regarded, the Discovery of America was not a single event, but a very +gradual process. It was not like a case of special creation, for it was +a case of evolution, and the voyage of 1492 was simply the most decisive +and epoch-marking incident in that evolution. Columbus himself, after +all his four eventful voyages across the Sea of Darkness, died in the +belief that he had simply discovered the best and straightest route to +the eastern shores of Asia. Yet from his first experiences in Cuba down +to his latest voyage upon the coasts of Honduras and Veragua, he was +more or less puzzled at finding things so different from what he had +anticipated. If he had really known anything with accuracy about the +eastern coast of Asia, he would doubtless soon have detected his +fundamental error, but no European in his day had any such knowledge. In +his four voyages Columbus was finding what he supposed to be parts of +Asia, what we now know to have been parts of America, but what were +really to him and his contemporaries neither more nor less than Strange +Coasts. We have now to consider briefly his further experiences upon +these strange coasts. + + * * * * * + +The second voyage of Columbus was begun in a very different mood and +under very different auspices from either his former or his two +subsequent voyages. On his first departure from Palos, in 1492, all +save a few devoted friends regarded him as a madman rushing upon his +doom; and outside the Spanish peninsula the expedition seems to have +attracted no notice. But on the second start, in 1493, all hands +supposed that they were going straight to golden Cathay and to boundless +riches. It was not now with groans but with paeans that they flocked on +board the ships; and the occasion was observed, with more or less +interest, by some people in other countries of Europe,--as in Italy, and +for the moment in France and England. + +[Sidenote: The letter to Sanchez.] + +At the same time with his letter to Santangel, the Admiral had +despatched another account, substantially the same,[532] to Gabriel +Sanchez,[533] another officer of the royal treasury. Several copies of a +Latin translation of this letter were published at Rome, at Paris, and +elsewhere, in the course of the year 1493.[534] The story which it +contained was at once paraphrased in Italian verse by Giuliano Dati, one +of the most popular poets of the age, and perhaps in the autumn of 1493 +the amazing news that the Indies had been found by sailing west[535] was +sung by street urchins in Florence. We are also informed, in an +ill-vouched but not improbable clause in Ramusio, that not far from that +same time the news was heard with admiration in London, where it was +pronounced "a thing more divine than human to sail by the West unto the +East, where spices grow, by a way that was never known before;"[536] and +it seems altogether likely that it was this news that prompted the +expedition of John Cabot hereafter to be mentioned.[537] + + [Footnote 532: "Un duplicata de cette relation," Harrisse, + _Christophe Colomb_, tom i. p. 419.] + + [Footnote 533: Often called Raphael Sanchez.] + + [Footnote 534: The following epigram was added to the first + Latin edition of the latter by Corbaria, Bishop of + Monte-Peloso:-- + + _Ad Invictissimum Regem Hispaniarum_: + + Iam nulla Hispanis tellus addenda triumphis, + Atque parum tantis viribus orbis erat. + Nunc longe eois regio deprensa sub undis, + Auctura est titulos Betice magne tuos. + Unde repertori inerita referenda Columbo + Gratia, sed summo est maior habenda deo, + Qui vincenda parat noua regna tibique sibique + Teque simul fortem prestat et esse pium. + + These lines are thus paraphrased by M. Harrisse:-- + + _To the Invincible King of the Spains_: + + Less wide the world than the renown of Spain, + To swell her triumphs no new lands remain. + Rejoice, Iberia! see thy fame increased! + Another world Columbus from the East + And the mid-ocean summons to thy sway! + Give thanks to him--but loftier homage pay + To God Supreme, who gives its realms to thee! + Greatest of monarchs, first of servants be! + _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 13. + + The following is a literal version:--"Already there is no land + to be added to the triumphs of Spain, and the earth was too + small for such great deeds. Now a far country under the eastern + waves has been discovered, and will be an addition to thy + titles, O great Baetica! wherefore thanks are due to the + illustrious discover Columbus; but greater thanks to the + supreme God, who is making ready new realms to be conquered for + thee and for Himself, and vouchsafes to thee to be at once + strong and pious." It will be observed that nothing is said + about "another world." + + An elaborate account of these earliest and excessively rare + editions is given by M. Harrisse, _loc. cit._] + + [Footnote 535: Or, as Mr. Major carelessly puts it, "the + astounding news of the discovery of a new world." (_Select + Letters of Columbus_, p. vi.) Mr. Major knows very well that no + such "news" was possible for many a year after 1493; his remark + is, of course, a mere slip of the pen, but if we are ever going + to straighten out the tangle of misconceptions with which this + subject is commonly surrounded, we must be careful in our + choice of words.--As a fair specimen, of the chap-book style of + Dati's stanzas, we may cite the fourteenth:-- + + Hor vo tornar almio primo tractato + dellisole trovate incognite a te + in [~q]sto anno presente [~q]sto e stato + nel millequatrocento nov[=a]tatre, + uno che x[~p]ofan col[=o]bo chiamato, + che e stato in corte der prefecto Re + ha molte volte questa stimolato, + el Re ch'cerchi acrescere il suo stato. + + M. Harrisse gives the following version:-- + + Back to my theme, O Listener, turn with me + And hear of islands all unknown to thee! + Islands whereof the grand discovery + Chanced in this year of fourteen ninety-three. + One Christopher Colombo, whose resort + Was ever in the King Fernando's court, + Bent himself still to rouse and stimulate + The King to swell the borders of his State. + _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 29. + + The entire poem of sixty-eight stanzas is given in Major, _op. + cit._ pp. lxxiii.-xc. It was published at Florence, Oct. 26, + 1493, and was called "the story of the discovery [not of a new + world, but] of the new Indian islands of Canary!" (_Storia + della inventione delle nuove isole dicanaria indiane._)] + + [Footnote 536: _Raccolta di Navigazioni_, etc., Venice, 1550, + tom. i. fol. 414.] + + [Footnote 537: See below, vol. ii. pp. 2-15.] + +[Sidenote: Earliest references to the discovery.] + +[Sidenote: Earliest reference in English.] + +The references to the discovery are very scanty, however, until after +the year 1500, and extremely vague withal. For example, Bernardino de +Carvajal, the Spanish ambassador at the papal court, delivered an +oration in Rome on June 19, 1493, in which he said: "And Christ placed +under their [Ferdinand and Isabella's] rule the Fortunate [Canary] +islands, the fertility of which has been ascertained to be wonderful. +And he has lately disclosed some other unknown ones towards the Indies +which may be considered among the most precious things on earth; and it +is believed that they will be gained over to Christ by the emissaries +of the king."[538] Outside of the Romance countries we find one German +version of the first letter of Columbus, published at Strasburg, in +1497,[539] and a brief allusion to the discovery in Sebastian Brandt's +famous allegorical poem, "Das Narrenschiff," the first edition of which +appeared in 1494.[540] The earliest distinct reference to Columbus in +the English language is to be found in a translation of this poem, "The +Shyppe of Fooles," by Henry Watson, published in London by Wynkyn de +Worde in 1509. The purpose of Brandt's allegory was to satirize the +follies committed by all sorts and conditions of men. In the chapter, +"Of hym that wyll wryte and enquere of all regyons," it is said: "There +was one that knewe that in y^{e} ysles of Spayne was enhabitantes. +Wherefore he asked men of Kynge Ferdynandus & wente & founde them, the +whiche lyved as beestes."[541] Until after the middle of the sixteenth +century no English chronicler mentions either Columbus or the Cabots, +nor is there anywhere an indication that the significance of the +discoveries in the western ocean was at all understood.[542] + + [Footnote 538: Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, + p. 35.] + + [Footnote 539: Id. p. 50.] + + [Footnote 540: + Auch hat man sydt in Portigall + Und in Hyspanyen uberall + Golt-inseln funden, und nacket l[ deg.u]t + Von den man vor wust sagen n[ deg.u]t. + Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._; _Additions_, p. 4. + + Or, in more modern German:-- + + Wie man auch juengst von Portugal + Und Hispanien aus schier ueberall + Goldinseln fand und nakte Leute, + Von denen man erst weiss seit heute. + _Das Narrenschiff_, ed. Simrock, Berlin, 1872, p. 161. + + In the Latin version of 1497, now in the National Library at + Paris, it goes somewhat differently:-- + + Antea que fuerat priscis incognita tellus: + Exposita est oculis & manifesta patet. + Hesperie occidue rex Ferdinandus: in alto + Aequore nunc gentes repperit innumeras. + Harrisse, _op. cit._; _Additions_, p. 7. + + It will be observed that these foreign references are so + ungallant, and so incorrect, as to give all the credit to + Ferdinand, while poor Isabella is not mentioned!] + + [Footnote 541: Harrisse, _op. cit._; _Additions_, p. 45.] + + [Footnote 542: Harrisse, _Jean et Sebastien Cabot_, Paris, + 1882, p. 15.] + +[Sidenote: Portuguese claim to the Indies.] + +North of the Alps and Pyrenees the interest in what was going on at the +Spanish court in 1493 was probably confined to very few people. As for +Venice and Genoa we have no adequate means of knowing how they felt +about the matter,--a fact which in itself is significant. The interest +was centred in Spain and Portugal. There it was intense and awakened +fierce heart-burnings. Though John II. had not given his consent to the +proposal for murdering Columbus, he appears to have seriously +entertained the thought of sending a small fleet across the Atlantic as +soon as possible, to take possession of some point in Cathay or Cipango +and then dispute the claims of the Spaniards.[543] Such a summary +proceeding might perhaps be defended on the ground that the grant from +Pope Eugenius V. to the crown of Portugal expressly included "the +Indies." In the treaty of 1479, moreover, Spain had promised not to +interfere with the discoveries and possessions of the Portuguese. + + [Footnote 543: Vasconcellos, _Vida del Rey Don Juan II._, + Madrid, 1639, lib. vi.] + +[Sidenote: Bulls of Pope Alexander VI.] + +But whatever King John may have intended, Ferdinand and Isabella were +too quick for him. No sooner had Columbus arrived at Barcelona than an +embassy was despatched to Rome, asking for a grant of the Indies just +discovered by that navigator in the service of Castile. The notorious +Rodrigo Borgia, who had lately been placed in the apostolic chair as +Alexander VI., was a native of Valencia in the kingdom of Aragon, and +would not be likely to refuse such a request through any excess of +regard for Portugal. As between the two rival powers the pontiff's +arrangement was made in a spirit of even-handed justice. On the 3d of +May, 1493, he issued a bull conferring upon the Spanish sovereigns all +lands already discovered or thereafter to be discovered in the western +ocean, with jurisdiction and privileges in all respects similar to those +formerly bestowed upon the crown of Portugal. This grant was made by the +pope "out of our pure liberality, certain knowledge, and plenitude of +apostolic power," and by virtue of "the authority of omnipotent God +granted to us in St. Peter, and of the Vicarship of Jesus Christ which +we administer upon the earth."[544] It was a substantial reward for the +monarchs who had completed the overthrow of Mahometan rule in Spain, and +it afforded them opportunities for further good work in converting the +heathen inhabitants of the islands and mainland of Asia.[545] + + [Footnote 544: "De nostra mera liberalitate, et ex certa + scientia, ac de apostolicae potestatis plenitudine." ... + "auctoritate omnipotentis Dei nobis in beato Petro concessa, ac + vicariatus Jesu Christi qua fungimur in terris." The same + language is used in the second bull. Mr. Prescott (_Ferdinand + and Isabella_, part i. chap, vii.) translates _certa scientia_ + "infallible knowledge," but in order to avoid any complications + with modern theories concerning papal infallibility, I prefer + to use a less technical word.] + + [Footnote 545: A year or two later the sovereigns were further + rewarded with the decorative title of "Most Catholic." See + Zurita, _Historia del Rey Hernando_, Saragossa, 1580, lib. ii. + cap. xl.; Peter Martyr, _Epist._ clvii.] + +[Sidenote: Treaty of Tordesillas.] + +On the following day Alexander issued a second bull in order to prevent +any occasion for quarrel between Spain and Portugal.[546] He decreed +that all lands discovered or to be discovered to the west of a meridian +one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde islands should +belong to the Spaniards. Inasmuch as between the westernmost of the +Azores and the easternmost of the Cape Verde group the difference in +longitude is not far from ten degrees, this description must be allowed +to be somewhat vague, especially in a document emanating from "certain +knowledge;"[547] and it left open a source of future disputes which one +would suppose the "plenitude of apostolic power" might have been +worthily employed in closing. The meridian 25 deg. W., however, would have +satisfied the conditions, and the equitable intent of the arrangement is +manifest. The Portuguese were left free to pursue their course of +discovery and conquest along the routes which they had always preferred. +King John, however, was not satisfied. He entertained vague hopes of +finding spice islands, or something worth having, in the western waters; +and he wished to have the Line of Demarcation carried farther to the +west. After a year of diplomatic wrangling a treaty was signed at +Tordesillas, June 7, 1494, in which Spain consented to the moving of the +line to a distance of 370 leagues west from the Cape Verde islands.[548] +It would thus on a modern map fall somewhere between the 41st and 44th +meridians west of Greenwich. This amendment had important and curious +consequences. It presently gave the Brazilian coast to the Portuguese, +and thereupon played a leading part in the singular and complicated +series of events that ended in giving the name of Americus Vespucius to +that region, whence it was afterwards gradually extended to the whole +western hemisphere.[549] + + [Footnote 546: The complete text of this bull, with Richard + Eden's translation, is given at the end of this work; see + below, Appendix B. The official text is in _Magnum Bullarium + Romanum_, ed. Cherubini, Lyons, 1655, tom. i. p. 466. The + original document received by Ferdinand and Isabella is + preserved in the Archives of the Indies at Seville; it is + printed entire in Navarrete, _Coleccion de viages_, tom. ii. + No. 18. Another copy, less complete, may be found in Raynaldus, + _Annales ecclesiastici_, Lucca, 1754, tom. xi. p. 214, No. + 19-22; and another in Leibnitz, _Codex Diplomaticus_, tom. i. + pt. i. p. 471. It is often called the Bull "Inter Cetera," from + its opening words. + + The origin of the pope's claim to apostolic authority for + giving away kingdoms is closely connected with the fictitious + "Donation of Constantine," an edict probably fabricated in Rome + about the middle of the eighth century. The title of the old + Latin text is _Edictum domini Constantini Imp._, apud + Pseudo-Isidorus, _Decretalia_. Constantine's transfer of the + seat of empire from the Tiber to the Bosphorus tended greatly + to increase the dignity and power of the papacy, and I presume + that the fabrication of this edict, four centuries afterward, + was the expression of a sincere belief that the first Christian + emperor _meant_ to leave the temporal supremacy over Italy in + the hands of the Roman see. The edict purported to be such a + donation from Constantine to Pope Sylvester I., but the extent + and character of the donation was stated with such vagueness as + to allow a wide latitude of interpretation. Its genuineness was + repeatedly called in question, but belief in it seems to have + grown in strength until after the thirteenth century. Leo IX., + who was a strong believer in its genuineness, granted in 1054 + to the Normans their conquests in Sicily and Calabria, to be + held as a fief of the Roman see. (Muratori, _Annali d' Italia_, + tom. vi. pt. ii. p. 245.) It was next used to sustain the papal + claim to suzerainty over the island of Corsica. A century later + John of Salisbury maintained the right of the pope to dispose + "of all _islands_ on which Christ, the Sun of righteousness, + hath shined," and in conformity with this opinion Pope Adrian + IV. (Nicholas Breakspeare, an Englishman) authorized in 1164 + King Henry II. of England to invade and conquer Ireland. (See + Adrian IV., _Epist._ 76, apud Migne, _Patrologia_, tom. + clxxxviii.) Dr. Lanigan, in treating of this matter, is more an + Irishman than a papist, and derides "this nonsense of the + pope's being the head-owner of all Christian islands." + (_Ecclesiastical History of Ireland_, vol. iv. p. + 159.)--Gregory VII., in working up to the doctrine that all + Christian kingdoms should be held as fiefs under St. Peter + (Baronius, _Annales_, tom. xvii. p. 430; cf. Villemain, + _Histoire de Gregoire VII._, Paris, 1873, tom. ii. pp. 59-61), + does not seem to have appealed to the Donation. Perhaps he was + shrewd enough to foresee the kind of objection afterwards + raised by the Albigensians, who pithily declared that if the + suzerainty of the popes was derived from the Donation, then + they were successors of Constantine and not of St. Peter. + (Moneta Cremonensis, _Adversus Catharos et Waldenses_, ed. + Ricchini, Rome, 1743, v. 2.) But Innocent IV. summarily + disposed of this argument at the Council of Lyons in 1245, when + he deposed the Emperor Frederick II. and King Sancho II. of + Portugal,--saying that Christ himself had bestowed temporal as + well as spiritual headship upon St. Peter and his successors, + so that Constantine only gave up to the Church what belonged to + it already. The opposite or Ghibelline theory was eloquently + set forth by Dante, in his treatise _De Monarchia_; he held + that inasmuch as the Empire existed before the Church, it could + not be derived from it. Dante elsewhere expressed his + abhorrence of the Donation:-- + + Ahi Constantin, di quanto mal fu matre, + Non la tua conversion, ma quella dote + Che da te prese il primo ricco patre! + _Inferno_, xix. 115. + + Similar sentiments were expressed by many of the most popular + poets from the twelfth century to the sixteenth. Walther von + der Vogelweide was sure that if the first Christian emperor + could have foreseen the evils destined to flow from his + Donation, he would have withheld it:-- + + Solte ich den pfaffen raten an den triuwen min, + So spraeche ir haut den armen zuo: se, daz ist din, + Ir zunge suenge, unde lieze mengem man daz sin, + Gedaehten daz ouch si dur Got waeren almuosenaere. + Do gab ir erste teil der Kuenik Konstantin, + Het er gewest, daz da von uebel kuenftik waere, + So het er wol underkomen des riches swaere, + Wan daz si do waren kiusche, und uebermuete laere. + Hagen, _Minnesinger-Sammlung_, Leipsic, 1838, + bd. i. p. 270. + + Ariosto, in a passage rollicking with satire, makes his + itinerant paladin find the "stinking" Donation in the course of + his journey upon the moon:-- + + Di varii fiori ad un gran monte passa, + Ch' ebber gia buono odore, or puzzan forte, + Questo era il dono, se pero dir lece, + Che Constantino al buon Silvestro fece. + _Orlando Furioso_, xxxiv. 80. + + The Donation was finally proved to be a forgery by Laurentius + Valla in 1440, in his _De falso credita et ementita Constantini + donatione declamatio_ (afterward spread far and wide by Ulrich + von Hutten), and independently by the noble Reginald Pecock, + bishop of Chichester, in his _Repressor_, written about + 1447.--During the preceding century the theory of Gregory VII. + and Innocent IV. had been carried to its uttermost extreme by + the Franciscan monk Alvaro Pelayo, in his _De Planctu + Ecclesiae_, written at Avignon during the "Babylonish + Captivity," about 1350 (printed at Venice in 1560), and by + Agostino Trionfi, in his _Summa de potestate ecclesiastica_, + Augsburg, 1473, an excessively rare book, of which there is a + copy in the British Museum. These writers maintained that the + popes were suzerains of the whole earth and had absolute power + to dispose not only of all Christian kingdoms, but also of all + heathen lands and powers. It was upon this theory that Eugenius + IV. seems to have acted with reference to Portugal and + Alexander VI. with reference to Spain. Of course there was + never a time when such claims for the papacy were not denied by + a large party within the Church. The Spanish sovereigns in + appealing to Alexander VI. took care to hint that some of their + advisers regarded them as already entitled to enjoy the fruits + of their discoveries, even before obtaining the papal + permission, but they did not choose to act upon that opinion + (Herrera, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 4). The kings of Portugal + were less reserved in their submission. In _Valasci Ferdinandi + ad Innocentium octauum de obedientia oratio_, a small quarto + printed at Rome about 1488, John II. did homage to the pope for + the countries just discovered by Bartholomew Dias. His + successor Emanuel did the same after the voyages of Gama and + Vespucius. In a small quarto, _Obedientia potentissimi + Emanuelis Lusitaniae regis &c. per clarissimum juris consultum + Dieghum Pacett[=u] oratorem ad Iuli[=u] Pont. Max._, Rome, + 1505, all the newly found lands are laid at the feet of Julius + II. in a passage that ends with words worth noting: "Accipe + tandem orbem ipsum terrarum, Deus enim noster es," i. e. + "Accept in fine the earth itself, for thou art our God." + Similar homage was rendered to Leo X. in 1513, on account of + Albuquerque's conquests in Asia.--We may suspect that if the + papacy had retained, at the end of the fifteenth century, + anything like the overshadowing power which it possessed at the + end of the twelfth, the kings of Portugal would not have been + quite so unstinted in their homage. As it came to be less of a + reality and more of a flourish of words, it cost less to offer + it. Among some modern Catholics I have observed a disposition + to imagine that in the famous bull of partition Alexander VI. + acted not as supreme pontiff but merely as an arbiter, in the + modern sense, between the crowns of Spain and Portugal; but + such an interpretation is hardly compatible with Alexander's + own words. An arbiter, as such, does not make awards by virtue + of "the authority of Omnipotent God granted to us in St. Peter, + and of the Vicarship of Jesus Christ which we administer upon + the earth." + + Since writing this note my attention has been called to Dr. + Ignaz von Doellinger's _Fables respecting the Popes of the + Middle Ages_, London, 1871; and I find in it a chapter on the + Donation of Constantine, in which the subject is treated with a + wealth of learning. Some of my brief references are there + discussed at considerable length. To the references to Dante + there is added a still more striking passage, where Constantine + is admitted into Heaven _in spite of_ his Donation (_Paradiso_, + xx. 55).] + + [Footnote 547: The language of the bull is even more vague than + my version in the text. His Holiness describes the lands to be + given to the Spaniards as lying "to the west and south" (versus + occidentem et meridiem) of his dividing meridian. Land to the + south of a meridian would be in a queer position! Probably it + was meant to say that the Spaniards, once west of the papal + meridian, might go south as well as north. For the king of + Portugal had suggested that they ought to confine themselves to + northern waters.] + + [Footnote 548: For the original Spanish text of the treaty of + Tordesillas, see Navarrete, tom. ii. pp. 116-130.] + + [Footnote 549: See below, vol. ii. pp. 98-154.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca.] + +Already in April, 1493, without waiting for the papal sanction, +Ferdinand and Isabella bent all their energies to the work of fitting +out an expedition for taking possession of "the Indies." First, a +department of Indian affairs was created, and at its head was placed +Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville: in Spain a man in high +office was apt to be a clergyman. This Fonseca was all-powerful in +Indian affairs for the next thirty years. He won and retained the +confidence of the sovereigns by virtue of his executive ability. He was +a man of coarse fibre, ambitious and domineering, cold-hearted and +perfidious, with a cynical contempt--such as low-minded people are apt +to call "smart"--for the higher human feelings. He was one of those ugly +customers who crush, without a twinge of compunction, whatever comes in +their way. The slightest opposition made him furious, and his +vindictiveness was insatiable. This dexterous and pushing Fonseca held +one after another the bishoprics of Badajoz, Cordova, Palencia, and +Conde, the archbishopric of Rosano in Italy, together with the bishopric +of Burgos, and he was also principal chaplain to Isabella and afterwards +to Ferdinand. As Sir Arthur Helps observes, "the student of early +American history will have a bad opinion of many Spanish bishops, if he +does not discover that it is Bishop Fonseca who reappears under +various designations."[550] Sir Arthur fitly calls him "the ungodly +bishop." + + [Footnote 550: _History of the Spanish Conquest_, vol. i. p. + 487.] + +[Sidenote: Friar Boyle.] + +The headquarters of Fonseca and of the Indian department were +established at Seville, and a special Indian custom-house was set up at +Cadiz. There was to be another custom-house upon the island of +Hispaniola (supposed to be Japan), and a minute registry was to be kept +of all ships and their crews and cargoes, going out or coming in. Nobody +was to be allowed to go to the Indies for any purpose whatever without a +license formally obtained. Careful regulations were made for hampering +trade and making everything as vexatious as possible for traders, +according to the ordinary wisdom of governments in such matters. All +expenses were to be borne and all profits received by the crown of +Castile, saving the rights formerly guaranteed to Columbus. The cost of +the present expedition was partly defrayed with stolen money, the +plunder wrung from the worthy and industrious Jews who had been driven +from their homes by the infernal edict of the year before. Extensive +"requisitions" were also made; in other words, when the sovereigns +wanted a ship or a barrel of gunpowder they seized it, and impressed it +into the good work of converting the heathen. To superintend this +missionary work, a Franciscan monk[551] was selected who had lately +distinguished himself as a diplomatist in the dispute with France over +the border province of Rousillon. This person was a native of Catalonia, +and his name was Bernardo Boyle, which strongly suggests an Irish +origin. Alexander VI. appointed him his apostolic vicar for the +Indies,[552] and he seems to have been the first clergyman to perform +mass on the western shores of the Atlantic. To assist the vicar, the six +Indians brought over by Columbus were baptized at Barcelona, with the +king and queen for their godfather and godmother. It was hoped that they +would prove useful as missionaries, and when one of them presently died +he was said to be the first Indian ever admitted to heaven.[553] + + [Footnote 551: Irving calls him a Benedictine, but he is + addressed as "fratri ordinis Minorum" in the bull clothing him + with apostolic authority in the Indies, June 25, 1493. See + Raynaldus, _Annales ecclesiastici_, tom. xi. p. 216. I cannot + imagine what M. Harrisse means by calling him "religieux de + Saint-Vincent de Paule" (_Christophe Colomb_, tom. ii. p. 55). + Vincent de Paul was not born till 1576.] + + [Footnote 552: Not for "the New World," as Irving carelessly + has it in his _Columbus_, vol. i. p. 346. No such phrase had + been thought of in 1493, or until long afterward.] + + [Footnote 553: Herrera, _Hist. de las Indias_, decad. i. lib. + ii. cap. 5.] + +The three summer months were occupied in fitting out the little fleet. +There were fourteen caravels, and three larger store-ships known as +carracks. Horses, mules, and other cattle were put on board,[554] as +well as vines and sugar-canes, and the seeds of several European +cereals, for it was intended to establish a permanent colony upon +Hispaniola. In the course of this work some slight matters of +disagreement came up between Columbus and Fonseca, and the question +having been referred to the sovereigns, Fonseca was mildly snubbed and +told that he must in all respects be guided by the Admiral's wishes. +From that time forth this ungodly prelate nourished a deadly hatred +toward Columbus, and never lost an opportunity for whispering evil +things about him. The worst of the grievous afflictions that afterward +beset the great discoverer must be ascribed to the secret machinations +of this wretch. + + [Footnote 554: _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xliv.] + +[Sidenote: Notable persons who embarked on the second voyage.] + +At last the armament was ready. People were so eager to embark that it +was felt necessary to restrain them. It was not intended to have more +than 1,200, but about 1,500 in all contrived to go, so that some of the +caravels must have been overcrowded. The character of the company was +very different from that of the year before. Those who went in the first +voyage were chiefly common sailors. Now there were many aristocratic +young men, hot-blooded and feather-headed hidalgos whom the surrender of +Granada had left without an occupation. Most distinguished among these +was Alonso de Ojeda, a dare-devil of unrivalled muscular strength, full +of energy and fanfaronade, and not without generous qualities, but with +very little soundness of judgment or character. Other notable personages +in this expedition were Columbus's youngest brother Giacomo (henceforth +called Diego), who had come from Genoa at the first news of the +Admiral's triumphant return; the monk Antonio de Marchena,[555] whom +historians have so long confounded with the prior Juan Perez; an +Aragonese gentleman named Pedro Margarite, a favourite of the king and +destined to work sad mischief; Juan Ponce de Leon, who afterwards gave +its name to Florida; Francisco de Las Casas, father of the great apostle +and historian of the Indies; and, last but not least, the pilot Juan de +La Cosa, now charged with the work of chart-making, in which he was an +acknowledged master.[556] + + [Footnote 555: He went as astronomer, from which we may perhaps + suppose that scientific considerations had made him one of the + earliest and most steadfast upholders of Columbus's views.] + + [Footnote 556: See Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, tom. ii. pp. + 55, 56; Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 498; + Fabie, _Vida de Las Casas_, Madrid, 1879, tom. i. p. 11; + Oviedo, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. i. p. 467; Navarrete, + _Coleccion de viages_, tom. ii. pp. 143-149.] + +[Sidenote: Cruise among the cannibal islands.] + +The pomp and bustle of the departure from Cadiz, September 25, 1493, at +which the Admiral's two sons, Diego and Ferdinand, were present, must +have been one of the earliest recollections of the younger boy, then +just five years of age.[557] Again Columbus stopped at the Canary +islands, this time to take on board goats and sheep, pigs and fowls, for +he had been struck by the absence of all such animals on the coasts +which he had visited.[558] Seeds of melons, oranges, and lemons were +also taken. On the 7th of October the ships weighed anchor, heading a +trifle to the south of west, and after a pleasant and uneventful voyage +they sighted land on the 3d of November.[559] It turned out to be a +small mountainous island, and as it was discovered on Sunday they called +it Dominica. In a fortnight's cruise in these Caribbean waters they +discovered and named several islands, such as Marigalante, Guadaloupe, +Antigua, and others, and at length reached Porto Rico. The inhabitants +of these islands were ferocious cannibals, very different from the +natives encountered on the former voyage. There were skirmishes in which +a few Spaniards were killed with poisoned arrows. On Guadaloupe the +natives lived in square houses made of saplings intertwined with reeds, +and on the rude porticoes attached to these houses some of the wooden +pieces were carved so as to look like serpents. In some of these houses +human limbs were hanging from the roof, cured with smoke, like ham; and +fresh pieces of human flesh were found stewing in earthen kettles, along +with the flesh of parrots. Now at length, said Peter Martyr, was proved +the truth of the stories of Polyphemus and the Laestrygonians, and the +reader must look out lest his hair stand on end.[560] These western +Laestrygonians were known as Caribbees, Caribales, or Canibales, and have +thus furnished an epithet which we have since learned to apply to +man-eaters the world over. + + [Footnote 557: "E con questo preparamento il mercolede ai 25 + del mese di settembre dell' anno 1493 un' ora avanti il levar + del sole, essendovi io e mio fratel presenti, l' Ammiraglio + levo le ancore," etc. _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. xliv.] + + [Footnote 558: Eight sows were bought for 70 maravedis apiece, + and "destas ocho puercas se han multiplicado todos los puercos + que, hasta hoy, ha habido y hay en todas estas Indias," etc. + Las Casas, _Historia_, tom. ii. p. 3.] + + [Footnote 559: The relation of this second voyage by Dr. Chanca + may be found in Navarrete, tom. i. pp. 198-241; an interesting + relation in Italian by Simone Verde, a Florentine merchant then + living in Valladolid, is published in Harrisse, _Christophe + Colomb_, tom. ii. pp. 68-78. The narrative of the curate of Los + Palacios is of especial value for this voyage.] + + [Footnote 560: Martyr, _Epist._ cxlvii. _ad Pomponium Laetum_; + cf. _Odyssey_, x. 119; Thucyd. vi. 2.--Irving (vol. i. p. 385) + finds it hard to believe these stories, but the prevalence of + cannibalism, not only in these islands, but throughout a very + large part of aboriginal America, has been superabundantly + proved.] + +[Sidenote: Fate of the colony at La Navidad.] + +It was late at night on the 27th of November that Columbus arrived in +the harbour of La Navidad and fired a salute to arouse the attention of +the party that had been left there the year before. There was no reply +and the silence seemed fraught with evil omen. On going ashore next +morning and exploring the neighbourhood, the Spaniards came upon sights +of dismal significance. The fortress was pulled to pieces and partly +burnt, the chests of provisions were broken open and emptied, tools and +fragments of European clothing were found in the houses of the natives, +and finally eleven corpses, identifiable as those of white men, were +found buried near the fort. Not one of the forty men who had been left +behind in that place ever turned up to tell the tale. The little colony +of La Navidad had been wiped out of existence. From the Indians, +however, Columbus gathered bits of information that made a sufficiently +probable story. It was a typical instance of the beginnings of +colonization in wild countries. In such instances human nature has shown +considerable uniformity. Insubordination and deadly feuds among +themselves had combined with reckless outrages upon the natives to +imperil the existence of this little party of rough sailors. The cause +to which Horace ascribes so many direful wars, both before and since the +days of fairest Helen, seems to have been the principal cause on this +occasion. At length a fierce chieftain named Caonabo, from the region of +Xaragua, had attacked the Spaniards in overwhelming force, knocked their +blockhouse about their heads, and butchered all that were left of them. + +[Sidenote: Building of Isabella.] + +[Sidenote: Exploration of Cibao.] + +This was a gloomy welcome to the land of promise. There was nothing to +be done but to build new fortifications and found a town. The site +chosen for this new settlement, which was named Isabella, was at a good +harbour about thirty miles east of Monte Christi. It was chosen because +Columbus understood from the natives that it was not far from there to +the gold-bearing mountains of Cibao, a name which still seemed to +signify Cipango. Quite a neat little town was presently built, with +church, marketplace, public granary, and dwelling-houses, the whole +encompassed with a stone wall. An exploring party led by Ojeda into the +mountains of Cibao found gold dust and pieces of gold ore in the beds of +the brooks, and returned elated with this discovery. Twelve of the ships +were now sent back to Spain for further supplies and reinforcements, and +specimens of the gold were sent as an earnest of what was likely to be +found. At length, in March, 1494, Columbus set forth, with 400 armed +men, to explore the Cibao country. The march was full of interest. It is +upon this occasion that we first find mention of the frantic terror +manifested by Indians at the sight of horses. At first they supposed the +horse and his rider to be a kind of centaur, and when the rider +dismounted this separation of one creature into two overwhelmed them +with supernatural terror. Even when they had begun to get over this +notion they were in dread of being eaten by the horses.[561] These +natives lived in houses grouped into villages, and had carved wooden +idols and rude estufas for their tutelar divinities. It was ascertained +that different tribes tried to steal each other's idols and even fought +for the possession of valuable objects of "medicine."[562] Columbus +observed and reported the customs of these people with some minuteness. +There was nothing that agreed with Marco Polo's descriptions of Cipango, +but so far as concerned the discovery of gold mines, the indications +were such as to leave little doubt of the success of this +reconnaissance. The Admiral now arranged his forces so as to hold the +inland regions just visited and gave the general command to Margarite, +who was to continue the work of exploration. He left his brother, Diego +Columbus, in charge of the colony, and taking three caravels set sail +from Isabella on the 24th of April, on a cruise of discovery in these +Asiatic waters. + + [Footnote 561: For an instance of 400 hostile Indians fleeing + before a single armed horseman, see _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, + cap. lii.; Las Casas, _Hist._ tom. ii. p. 46.] + + [Footnote 562: Compare the Fisherman's story of Drogio, above, + pp. 246, 252.] + +[Illustration: Discoveries made by Columbus in his first and second +voyages.] + +[Sidenote: Cape Alpha and Omega.] + +A brief westward sail brought the little squadron into the Windward +Passage and in sight of Cape Mayzi, which Columbus on his first voyage +had named Cape Alpha and Omega as being the easternmost point on the +Chinese coast. He believed that if he were to sail to the right of this +cape he should have the continent on his port side for a thousand miles +and more, as far as Quinsay and Cambaluc (Peking). If he had sailed +in this direction and had succeeded in keeping to the east of Florida, +he would have kept a continent on his port side, and a thousand miles +would have taken him a long way toward that Vinland which our +Scandinavian friends would fondly have us believe was his secret +guiding-star, and the geographical position of which they suppose him to +have known with such astounding accuracy. But on this as on other +occasions, if the Admiral had ever received any information about +Vinland, it must be owned that he treated it very cavalierly, for he +chose the course to the left of Cape Mayzi. His decision is intelligible +if we bear in mind that he had not yet circumnavigated Hayti and was not +yet cured of his belief that its northern shore was the shore of the +great Cipango. At the same time he had seen enough on his first voyage +to convince him that the relative positions of Cipango and the mainland +of Cathay were not correctly laid down upon the Toscanelli map. He had +already inspected two or three hundred miles of the coast to the right +of Cape Mayzi without finding traces of civilization; and whenever +inquiries were made about gold or powerful kingdoms the natives +invariably pointed to the south or southwest. Columbus, therefore, +decided to try his luck in this direction. He passed to the left of Cape +Mayzi and followed the southern coast of Cuba. + +[Sidenote: Discovery of Jamaica.] + +By the 3d of May the natives were pointing so persistently to the south +and off to sea that he changed his course in that direction and soon +came upon the northern coast of the island which we still know by its +native name Jamaica. Here he found Indians more intelligent and more +warlike than any he had as yet seen. He was especially struck with the +elegance of their canoes, some of them nearly a hundred feet in length, +carved and hollowed from the trunks of tall trees. We may already +observe that different tribes of Indians comported themselves very +differently at the first sight of white men. While the natives of some +of the islands prostrated themselves in adoration of these +sky-creatures, or behaved with a timorous politeness which the Spaniards +mistook for gentleness of disposition, in other places the red men +showed fight at once, acting upon the brute impulse to drive away +strangers. In both cases, of course, dread of the unknown was the +prompting impulse, though so differently manifested. As the Spaniards +went ashore upon Jamaica, the Indians greeted them with a shower of +javelins and for a few moments stood up against the deadly fire of the +cross-bows, but when they turned to flee, a single bloodhound, let loose +upon them, scattered them in wildest panic.[563] + + [Footnote 563: Bernaldez, _Reyes Catolicos_, cap. cxxv. + Domesticated dogs were found generally in aboriginal America, + but they were very paltry curs compared to these fierce hounds, + one of which could handle an unarmed man as easily as a terrier + handles a rat.] + +[Sidenote: Coasting the south side of Cuba.] + +Finding no evidences of civilization upon this beautiful island, +Columbus turned northward and struck the Cuban coast again at the point +which still bears the name he gave it, Cape Cruz. Between the general +contour of this end of Cuba and that of the eastern extremity of Cathay +upon the Toscanelli map there is a curious resemblance, save that the +direction is in the one case more east and west and in the other more +north and south. Columbus passed no cities like Zaiton, nor cities of +any sort, but when he struck into the smiling archipelago which he +called the Queen's Gardens, now known as Cayos de las Doce Leguas, he +felt sure that he was among Marco Polo's seven thousand spice islands. +On the 3d of June, at some point on the Cuban coast, probably near +Trinidad, the crops of several doves were opened and spices found in +them. None of the natives here had ever heard of an end to Cuba, and +they believed it was endless.[564] The next country to the west of +themselves was named Mangon, and it was inhabited by people with tails +which they carefully hid by wearing loose robes of cloth. This +information seemed decisive to Columbus. Evidently this Mangon was +Mangi, the province in which was the city of Zaiton, the province just +south of Cathay. And as for the tailed men, the book of Mandeville had a +story of some naked savages in eastern Asia who spoke of their more +civilized neighbours as wearing clothes in order to cover up some bodily +peculiarity or defect. Could there be any doubt that the Spanish +caravels had come at length to the coast of opulent Mangi?[565] + + [Footnote 564: As a Greek would have said, [Greek: epeiros], a + continent.] + + [Footnote 565: Bernaldez, _Reyes Catolicos_, cap. cxxvii, Mr. + Irving, in citing these same incidents from Bernaldez, could + not quite rid himself of the feeling that there was something + strange or peculiar in the Admiral's method of interpreting + such information: "Animated by one of the pleasing illusions of + his ardent imagination, Columbus pursued his voyage, with a + prosperous breeze, along the supposed continent of Asia." + (_Life of Columbus_, vol. i. p. 493.) This lends a false colour + to the picture, which the general reader is pretty sure to make + still falser. To suppose the southern coast of Cuba to be the + southern coast of Toscanelli's Mangi required no illusion of an + "ardent imagination." It was simply a plain common-sense + conclusion reached by sober reasoning from such data as were + then accessible (i. e. the Toscanelli map, amended by + information such as was understood to be given by the natives); + it was more probable than any other theory of the situation + likely to be devised from those data; and it seems fanciful to + us to-day only because knowledge acquired since the time of + Columbus has shown us how far from correct it was. Modern + historians abound in unconscious turns of expression--as in + this quotation from Irving--which project modern knowledge back + into the past, and thus destroy the historical perspective. I + shall mention several other instances from Irving, and the + reader must not suppose that this is any indication of + captiousness on my part toward a writer for whom my only + feeling is that of sincerest love and veneration.] + +[Sidenote: The "people of Mangon."] + +[Sidenote: The Golden Chersonese.] + +Under the influence of this belief, when a few days later they landed in +search of fresh water, and a certain archer, on the lookout for game, +caught distant glimpses of a flock of tall white cranes feeding in an +everglade, he fled to his comrades with the story that he had seen a +party of men clad in long white tunics, and all agreed that these must +be the people of Mangon.[566] Columbus sent a small company ashore to +find them. It is needless to add that the search was fruitless, but +footprints of alligators, interpreted as footprints of griffins guarding +hoarded gold,[567] frightened the men back to their ships. From the +natives, with whom the Spaniards could converse only by signs, they +seemed to learn that they were going toward the realm of Prester +John;[568] and in such wise did they creep along the coast to the point, +some fifty miles west of Broa Bay, where it begins to trend decidedly to +the southwest. Before they had reached Point Mangles, a hundred miles +farther on, inasmuch as they found this southwesterly trend persistent, +the proof that they were upon the coast of the Asiatic continent began +to seem complete. Columbus thought that they had passed the point (lat. +23 deg., long. 145 deg. on Toscanelli's map) where the coast of Asia began to +trend steadily toward the southwest.[569] By pursuing this coast he felt +sure that he would eventually reach the peninsula (Malacca) which +Ptolemy, who knew of it only by vague hearsay, called the Golden +Chersonese.[570] An immense idea now flitted through the mind of +Columbus. If he could reach and double that peninsula he could then find +his way to the mouth of the Ganges river; thence he might cross the +Indian ocean, pass the Cape of Good Hope (for Dias had surely shown that +the way was open), and return that way to Spain after circumnavigating +the globe! But fate had reserved this achievement for another man of +great heart and lofty thoughts, a quarter of a century later, who should +indeed accomplish what Columbus dreamed, but only after crossing another +Sea of Darkness, the most stupendous body of water on our globe, the +mere existence of which until after Columbus had died no European ever +suspected.[571] If Columbus had now sailed about a hundred miles +farther, he would have found the end of Cuba, and might perhaps have +skirted the northern shore of Yucatan and come upon the barbaric +splendours of Uxmal and Campeche. The excitement which such news would +have caused in Spain might perhaps have changed all the rest of his life +and saved him from the worst of his troubles. But the crews were now +unwilling to go farther, and the Admiral realized that it would be +impossible to undertake such a voyage as he had in mind with no more +than their present outfit. So it was decided to return to Hispaniola. + + [Footnote 566: These tropical birds are called _soldados_, or + "soldiers," because their stately attitudes remind one of + sentinels on duty. The whole town of Angostura, in Venezuela, + was one day frightened out of its wits by the sudden appearance + of a flock of these cranes on the summit of a neighbouring + hill. They were mistaken for a war-party of Indians. Humboldt, + _Voyage aux regions equinoxiales du Nouveau Continent_, tom. + ii. p. 314.] + + [Footnote 567: See above, p. 287, note.] + + [Footnote 568: For these events, see Bernaldez, _Reyes + Catolicos_, cap. cxxiii.; F. Columbus, _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, + cap. lvi.; Munoz, _Historia del Nuevo Mundo_, lib. v. Sec. 16; + Humboldt, _Examen critique_, tom. iv. pp. 237-263; Irving's + _Columbus_, vol. i. pp. 491-504.] + + [Footnote 569: That is to say, he thought he had passed the + coast of Mangi (southern China) and reached the beginning of + the coast of Champa (Cochin China; see Yule's _Marco Polo_, + vol. ii. p. 213). The name Champa, coming to European writers + through an Italian source, was written Ciampa and Ciamba. See + its position on the Behaim and Toscanelli maps, and also on + Ruysch's map, 1508, below, vol. ii. p. 114. Peter Martyr says + that Columbus was sure that he had reached the coast of + Gangetic (i. e. what we call Farther) India: "Indiae Gangetidis + continentem eam (Cubae) plagam esse contendit Colonus." _Epist._ + xciii. _ad Bernardinum_. Of course Columbus understood that + this region, while agreeing well enough with Toscanelli's + latitude, was far from agreeing with his longitude. But from + the moment when he turned eastward on his first voyage he seems + to have made up his mind that Toscanelli's longitudes needed + serious amendment. Indeed he had always used different + measurements from Toscanelli.] + + [Footnote 570: For an account of Ptolemy's almost purely + hypothetical and curiously distorted notions about southeastern + Asia, see Bunbury's _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. ii. + pp. 604-608.] + + [Footnote 571: See below, vol. ii. pp. 200-210.] + +Upon consultation with La Cosa and others, it was unanimously agreed +that they were upon the coast of the continent of Asia. The evidence +seemed conclusive. From Cape Mayzi (Alpha and Omega) they had observed, +upon their own reckoning, 335 leagues, or about 1,000 geographical +miles, of continuous coast running steadily in nearly the same +direction.[572] Clearly it was too long for the coast of an island; and +then there was the name Mangon = Mangi. The only puzzling circumstance +was that they did not find any of Marco Polo's cities. They kept getting +scraps of information which seemed to refer to gorgeous kingdoms, but +these were always in the dim distance. Still there was no doubt that +they had discovered the coast of a continent, and of course such a +continent could be nothing else but Asia! + + [Footnote 572: The length of Cuba from Cape Mayzi to Cape San + Antonio is about 700 English miles. But in following the + sinuosities of the coast, and including tacks, the estimate of + these pilots was probably not far from correct.] + +[Sidenote: A solemn expression of opinion.] + +Such unanimity of opinion might seem to leave nothing to be desired. But +Columbus had already met with cavillers. Before he started on this +cruise from Isabella, some impatient hidalgos, disgusted at finding much +to do and little to get, had begun to hint that the Admiral was a +humbug, and that his "Indies" were no such great affair after all. In +order to silence these ill-natured critics, he sent his notary, +accompanied by four witnesses, to every person in those three caravels, +to get a sworn statement. If anybody had a grain of doubt about this +coast being the coast of Asia, so that you could go ashore there and +walk on dry land all the way to Spain if so disposed, let him declare +his doubts once for all, so that they might now be duly considered. No +one expressed any doubts. All declared, under oath, their firm belief. +It was then agreed that if any of the number should thereafter deny or +contradict this sworn statement, he should have his tongue slit;[573] +and if an officer, he should be further punished with a fine of 10,000 +maravedis, or if a sailor, with a hundred lashes. These proceedings were +embodied in a formal document, dated June 12, 1494, which is still to be +seen in the Archives of the Indies at Seville.[574] + + [Footnote 573: "E cortada la lengua;" "y le cortarian la + lengua." Irving understands it to mean cutting off the tongue. + But in those days of symbolism slitting the tip of that unruly + member was a recognized punishment for serious lying.] + + [Footnote 574: It is printed in full in Navarrete, torn. ii. + pp. 143-149.] + +Having disposed of this solemn matter, the three caravels turned +eastward, touching at the Isle of Pines and coasting back along the +south side of Cuba. The headland where the Admiral first became +convinced of the significance of the curvature of the coast, he named +Cape of Good Hope,[575] believing it to be much nearer the goal which +all were seeking than the other cape of that name, discovered by Dias +seven years before. + + [Footnote 575: It is given upon La Cosa's map; see below, vol. + ii., frontispiece.] + +[Sidenote: Vicissitudes of theory.] + +It will be remembered that the Admiral, upon his first voyage, had +carried home with him two theories,--first, that in the Cuban coast he +had already discovered that of the continent of Asia, secondly that +Hispaniola was Cipango. The first theory seemed to be confirmed by +further experience; the second was now to receive a serious shock. +Leaving Cape Cruz the caravels stood over to Jamaica, leisurely explored +the southern side of that island, and as soon as adverse winds would let +them, kept on eastward till land appeared on the port bow. Nobody +recognized it until an Indian chief who had learned some Spanish hailed +them from the shore and told them it was Hispaniola. They then followed +that southern coast its whole length, discovering the tiny islands, +Beata, Saona, and Mona. Here Columbus, overcome by long-sustained +fatigue and excitement, suddenly fell into a death-like lethargy, and in +this sad condition was carried all the way to Isabella, and to his own +house, where he was put to bed. Hispaniola had thus been +circumnavigated, and either it was not Cipango or else that wonderland +must be a much smaller affair than Toscanelli and Martin Behaim had +depicted it.[576] There was something truly mysterious about these +Strange Coasts! + + [Footnote 576: Hispaniola continued, however, for many years to + be commonly identified with Cipango. See note D on Ruysch's + map, 1508, below, vol. ii. p. 114.] + +[Sidenote: Arrival of Bartholomew Columbus.] + +When Columbus, after many days, recovered consciousness, he found his +brother Bartholomew standing by his bedside. It was six years since they +had last parted company at Lisbon, whence the younger brother started +for England, while the elder returned to Spain. The news of +Christopher's return from his first voyage found Bartholomew in Paris, +whence he started as soon as he could for Seville, but did not arrive +there until just after the second expedition had started. Presently the +sovereigns sent him with three ships to Hispaniola, to carry supplies to +the colony; and there he arrived while the Admiral was exploring the +coast of Cuba. The meeting of the two brothers was a great relief to +both. The affection between them was very strong, and each was a support +for the other. The Admiral at once proceeded to appoint Bartholomew to +the office of Adelantado, which in this instance was equivalent to +making him governor of Hispaniola under himself, the Viceroy of the +Indies. In making this appointment Columbus seems to have exceeded the +authority granted him by the second article of his agreement of April, +1492, with the sovereigns;[577] but they mended the matter in 1497 by +themselves investing Bartholomew with the office and dignity of +Adelantado.[578] + + [Footnote 577: See above, p. 417.] + + [Footnote 578: Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. ii. p. + 80.] + +[Sidenote: Mutiny in Hispaniola; desertion of Boyle and Margarite.] + +Columbus was in need of all the aid he could summon, for, during his +absence, the island had become a pandemonium. His brother Diego, a man +of refined and studious habits, who afterwards became a priest, was too +mild in disposition to govern the hot-heads who had come to Hispaniola +to get rich without labour. They would not submit to the rule of this +foreigner. Instead of doing honest work they roamed about the island, +abusing the Indians and slaying one another in silly quarrels. Chief +among the offenders was King Ferdinand's favourite, the commander +Margarite; and he was aided and abetted by Friar Boyle. Some time after +Bartholomew's arrival, these two men of Aragon gathered about them a +party of malcontents and, seizing the ships which had brought that +mariner, sailed away to Spain. Making their way to court, they sought +pardon for thus deserting the colony, saying that duty to their +sovereigns demanded that they should bring home a report of what was +going on in the Indies. They decried the value of Columbus's +discoveries, and reminded the king that Hispaniola was taking money out +of the treasury much faster than it was putting it in; an argument well +calculated to influence Ferdinand that summer, for he was getting ready +to go to war with France over the Naples affair. Then the two recreants +poured forth a stream of accusations against the brothers Columbus, the +general purport of which was that they were gross tyrants not fit to be +trusted with the command of Spaniards. + +[Sidenote: The government of Columbus was not tyrannical.] + +No marked effect seems to have been produced by these first complaints, +but when Margarite and Boyle were once within reach of Fonseca, we need +not wonder that mischief was soon brewing. It was unfortunate for +Columbus that his work of exploration was hampered by the necessity of +founding a colony and governing a parcel of unruly men let loose in the +wilderness, far away from the powerful restraints of civilized society. +Such work required undivided attention and extraordinary talent for +command. It does not appear that Columbus was lacking in such talent. On +the contrary both he and his brother Bartholomew seem to have possessed +it in a high degree. But the situation was desperately bad when the +spirit of mutiny was fomented by deadly enemies at court. I do not find +adequate justification for the charges of tyranny brought against +Columbus. The veracity and fairness of the history of Las Casas are +beyond question; in his divinely beautiful spirit one sees now and then +a trace of tenderness even for Fonseca, whose conduct toward him was +always as mean and malignant as toward Columbus. One gets from Las Casas +the impression that the Admiral's high temper was usually kept under +firm control, and that he showed far less severity than most men would +have done under similar provocation. Bartholomew was made of sterner +stuff, but his whole career presents no instance of wanton cruelty; +toward both white men and Indians his conduct was distinguished by +clemency and moderation. Under the government of these brothers a few +scoundrels were hanged in Hispaniola. Many more ought to have been. + +[Sidenote: Troubles with the Indians.] + +Of the attempt of Columbus to collect tribute from the native +population, and its consequences in developing the system of +_repartimientos_ out of which grew Indian slavery, I shall treat in a +future chapter.[579] That attempt, which was ill-advised and +ill-managed, was part of a plan for checking wanton depredations and +regulating the relations between the Spaniards and the Indians. The +colonists behaved so badly toward the red men that the chieftain +Caonabo, who had destroyed La Navidad the year before, now formed a +scheme[580] for a general alliance among the native tribes, hoping with +sufficient numbers to overwhelm and exterminate the strangers, in spite +of their solid-hoofed monsters and death-dealing thunderbolts. This +scheme was revealed to Columbus, soon after his return from the coast of +Cuba, by the chieftain Guacanagari, who was an enemy to Caonabo and +courted the friendship of the Spaniards. Alonso de Ojeda, by a daring +stratagem, captured Caonabo and brought him to Columbus, who treated him +kindly but kept him a prisoner until it should be convenient to send him +to Spain. But this chieftain's scheme was nevertheless put in operation +through the influence of his principal wife Anacaona. An Indian war +broke out; roaming bands of Spaniards were ambushed and massacred; and +there was fighting in the field, where the natives--assailed by firearms +and cross-bows, horses and bloodhounds--were wofully defeated. + + [Footnote 579: See below, vol. ii. pp. 433, 434.] + + [Footnote 580: The first of a series of such schemes in + American history, including those of Sassacus, Philip, Pontiac, + and to some extent Tecumseh.] + +[Sidenote: Mission of Aguado.] + +[Sidenote: Discovery of gold mines.] + +[Sidenote: Speculations about Ophir.] + +Thus in the difficult task of controlling mutinous white men and +defending the colony against infuriated red men Columbus spent the first +twelvemonth after his return from Cuba. In October, 1495, there arrived +in the harbour of Isabella four caravels laden with welcome supplies. In +one of these ships came Juan Aguado, sent by the sovereigns to gather +information respecting the troubles of the colony. This appointment +was doubtless made in a friendly spirit, for Columbus had formerly +recommended Aguado to favour. But the arrival of such a person created a +hope, which quickly grew into a belief, that the sovereigns were +preparing to deprive Columbus of the government of the island; and, as +Irving neatly says, "it was a time of jubilee for offenders; every +culprit started up into an accuser." All the ills of the colony, many of +them inevitable in such an enterprise, many of them due to the +shiftlessness and folly, the cruelty and lust of idle swash-bucklers, +were now laid at the door of Columbus. Aguado was presently won over by +the malcontents, so that by the time he was ready to return to Spain, +early in 1496, Columbus felt it desirable to go along with him and make +his own explanations to the sovereigns. Fortunately for his purposes, +just before he started, some rich gold mines were discovered on the +south side of the island, in the neighbourhood of the Hayna and Ozema +rivers. Moreover there were sundry pits in these mines, which looked +like excavations and seemed to indicate that in former times there had +been digging done.[581] This discovery confirmed the Admiral in a new +theory, which he was beginning to form. If it should turn out that +Hispaniola was not Cipango, as the last voyage seemed to suggest, +perhaps it might prove to be Ophir![582] Probably these ancient +excavations were made by King Solomon's men when they came here to get +gold for the temple at Jerusalem! If so, one might expect to find +silver, ivory, red sandal-wood, apes, and peacocks at no great distance. +Just where Ophir was situated no one could exactly tell,[583] but the +things that were carried thence to Jerusalem certainly came from "the +Indies." Columbus conceived it as probably lying northeastward of the +Golden Chersonese (Malacca) and as identical with the island of +Hispaniola. + + [Footnote 581: The Indians then living upon the island did not + dig, but scraped up the small pieces of gold that were more or + less abundant in the beds of shallow streams.] + + [Footnote 582: Peter Martyr, _De Rebus Oceanicis_, dec. i. lib. + iv.] + + [Footnote 583: The original Ophir may be inferred, from + _Genesis_ x. 29, to have been situated where, as Milton says, + + "northeast winds blow + Sabaean odours from the spicy shore + Of Araby the Blest," + + but the name seems to have become applied indiscriminately to + the remote countries reached by ships that sailed past that + coast; chiefly no doubt, to Hindustan. See Lassen, _Indische + Alterthumskunde_, bd. i. p. 538.] + +[Sidenote: Founding of San Domingo, 1496.] + +[Sidenote: The return voyage.] + +The discovery of these mines led to the transfer of the headquarters of +the colony to the mouth of the Ozema river, where, in the summer of +1496, Bartholomew Columbus made a settlement which became the city of +San Domingo.[584] Meanwhile Aguado and the Admiral sailed for Spain +early in March, in two caravels overloaded with more than two hundred +homesick passengers. In choosing his course Columbus did not show so +much sagacity as on his first return voyage. Instead of working +northward till clear of the belt of trade-winds, he kept straight to the +east, and so spent a month in beating and tacking before getting out of +the Caribbean Sea. Scarcity of food was imminent, and it became +necessary to stop at Guadaloupe and make a quantity of cassava +bread.[585] It was well that this was done, for as the ships worked +slowly across the Atlantic, struggling against perpetual head-winds, the +provisions were at length exhausted, and by the first week in June the +famine was such that Columbus had some difficulty in preventing the +crews from eating their Indian captives, of whom there were thirty or +more on board.[586] + + [Footnote 584: Bartholomew's town was built on the left side of + the river, and was called New Isabella. In 1504 it was + destroyed by a hurricane, and rebuilt on the right bank in its + present situation. It was then named San Domingo after the + patron saint of Domenico, the father of Columbus.] + + [Footnote 585: While the Spaniards were on this island they + encountered a party of tall and powerful women armed with bows + and arrows; so that Columbus supposed it must be the Asiatic + island of Amazons mentioned by Marco Polo. See Yule's _Marco + Polo_, vol. ii. pp. 338-340.] + + [Footnote 586: Among them was Caonabo, who died on the voyage.] + +[Sidenote: Edicts of 1495 and 1497.] + +At length, on the 11th of June, the haggard and starving company arrived +at Cadiz, and Columbus, while awaiting orders from the sovereigns, +stayed at the house of his good friend Bernaldez, the curate of Los +Palacios.[587] After a month he attended court at Burgos, and was kindly +received. No allusion was made to the complaints against him, and the +sovereigns promised to furnish ships for a third voyage of discovery. +For the moment, however, other things interfered with this enterprise. +One was the marriage of the son and daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella +to the daughter and son of the Emperor Maximilian. The war with France +was at the same time fast draining the treasury. Indeed, for more than +twenty years, Castile had been at war nearly all the time, first with +Portugal, next with Granada, then with France; and the crown never found +it easy to provide money for maritime enterprises. Accordingly, at the +earnest solicitation of Vicente Yanez Pinzon and other enterprising +mariners, the sovereigns had issued a proclamation, April 10, 1495, +granting to all native Spaniards the privilege of making, at their own +risk and expense, voyages of discovery or traffic to the newly found +coasts. As the crown was to take a pretty heavy tariff out of the +profits of these expeditions, while all losses were to be borne by the +adventurers, a fairly certain source of revenue, be it great or small, +seemed likely to be opened.[588] Columbus protested against this edict, +inasmuch as he deemed himself entitled to a patent or monopoly in the +work of conducting expeditions to Cathay. The sovereigns evaded the +difficulty by an edict of June 2, 1497, declaring that it was never +their intention "in any way to affect the rights of the said Don +Christopher Columbus." This declaration was, doubtless, intended simply +to pacify the Admiral. It did not prevent the authorization of voyages +conducted by other persons a couple of years later; and, as I shall show +in the next chapter, there are strong reasons for believing that on May +10, 1497, three weeks before this edict, an expedition sailed from Cadiz +under the especial auspices of King Ferdinand, with Vicente Yanez Pinzon +for its chief commander and Americus Vespucius for one of its pilots. + + [Footnote 587: The curate thus heard the story of the second + voyage from Columbus himself while it was fresh in his mind. + Columbus also left with him written memoranda, so that for the + events of this expedition the _Historia de los Reyes Catolicos_ + is of the highest authority.] + + [Footnote 588: "All vessels were to sail exclusively from the + port of Cadiz, and under the inspection of officers appointed + by the crown. Those who embarked for Hispaniola without pay, + and at their own expense, were to have lands assigned to them, + and to be provisioned for one year, with a right to retain such + lands and all houses they might erect upon them. Of all gold + which they might collect, they were to retain one third for + themselves, and pay two thirds to the crown. Of all other + articles of merchandise, the produce of the island, they were + to pay merely one tenth to the crown. Their purchases were to + be made in the presence of officers appointed by the + sovereigns, and the royal duties paid into the hands of the + king's receiver. Each ship sailing on private enterprise was to + take one or two persons named by the royal officers at Cadiz. + One tenth of the tonnage of the ship was to be at the service + of the crown, free of charge. One tenth of whatever such ships + should procure in the newly-discovered countries was to be paid + to the crown on their return. These regulations included + private ships trading to Hispaniola with provisions. For every + vessel thus fitted out on private adventure, Columbus, in + consideration of his privilege of an eighth of tonnage, was to + have the right to freight one on his own account." Irving's + _Columbus_, vol. ii. p. 76.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus loses his temper.] + +It was not until late in the spring of 1498 that the ships were ready +for Columbus. Everything that Fonseca could do to vex and delay him was +done. One of the bishop's minions, a converted Moor or Jew named Ximeno +Breviesca, behaved with such outrageous insolence that on the day of +sailing the Admiral's indignation, so long restrained, at last broke +out, and he drove away the fellow with kicks and cuffs.[589] This +imprudent act gave Fonseca the opportunity to maintain that what the +Admiral's accusers said about his tyrannical disposition must be true. + + [Footnote 589: "Parece que uno debiera de, en estos reveses, y, + por ventura, en palabras contra el y contra la negociacion + destas Indias, mas que otro senalarse, y segun entendi, no + debiera ser cristiano viejo, y creo que se llamaba Ximeno, + contra el cual debio el Almirante gravemente sentirse y + enojarse, y aguardo el dia que se hizo a la vela, y, o en la + nao que entro, por ventura, el dicho oficial, o en tierra + quando queria desembarcarse, arrebatolo el Almirante, y dale + muchas coces o remesones, por manera que lo trato mal; y a mi + parecer, por esta causa principalmente, sobre otras quejas que + fueron de aca, y cosas que murmuraron del y contra el los que + bien con el no estaban y le acumularon; los Reyes indignados + proveyeron de quitarle la gobernacion." Las Casas, _Historia de + las Indias_, tom. ii. p. 199.] + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: The third voyage.] + +The expedition started on May 30, 1498, from the little port of San +Lucar de Barrameda. There were six ships, carrying about 200 men besides +the sailors. On June 21, at the Isle of Ferro, the Admiral divided his +fleet, sending three ships directly to Hispaniola, while with the other +three he kept on to the Cape Verde islands, whence he steered southwest +on the 4th of July. A week later, after a run of about 900 miles, his +astrolabe seemed to show that he was within five degrees of the +equator.[590] There were three reasons for going so far to the +south:--1, the natives of the islands already visited always pointed +in that direction when gold was mentioned; 2, a learned jeweller, who +had travelled in the East, had assured Columbus that gold and gems, as +well as spices and rare drugs, were to be found for the most part among +black people near the equator; 3, if he should not find any rich islands +on the way, a sufficiently long voyage would bring him to the coast of +Champa (Cochin China) at a lower point than he had reached on the +preceding voyage, and nearer to the Golden Chersonese (Malacca), by +doubling which he could enter the Indian ocean. It will be remembered +that he supposed the southwesterly curve in the Cuban coast, the +farthest point reached in his second voyage, to be the beginning of the +coast of Cochin China according to Marco Polo. + + [Footnote 590: The figure given by Columbus is equivalent only + to 360 geographical miles (Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. i. p. + 246), but as Las Casas (_Hist._ tom. ii. p. 226) already + noticed, there must be some mistake here, for on a S. W. course + from the Cape Verde islands it would require a distance of 900 + geographical miles to cut the fifth parallel. From the weather + that followed, it is clear that Columbus stated his latitude + pretty correctly; he had come into the belt of calms. Therefore + his error must be in the distance run.] + +[Sidenote: The belt of calms.] + +Once more through ignorance of the atmospheric conditions of the regions +within the tropics Columbus encountered needless perils and hardships. +If he had steered from Ferro straight across the ocean a trifle south of +west-southwest, he might have made a quick and comfortable voyage, with +the trade-wind filling his sails, to the spot where he actually struck +land.[591] As it was, however, he naturally followed the custom then so +common, of first running to the parallel upon which he intended to sail. +This long southerly run brought him into the belt of calms or neutral +zone between the northern and southern trade-winds, a little north of +the equator.[592] No words can describe what followed so well as those +of Irving: "The wind suddenly fell, and a dead sultry calm commenced, +which lasted for eight days. The air was like a furnace; the tar melted, +the seams of the ship yawned; the salt meat became putrid; the wheat was +parched as if with fire; the hoops shrank from the wine and water casks, +some of which leaked and others burst, while the heat in the holds of +the vessels was so suffocating that no one could remain below a +sufficient time to prevent the damage that was taking place. The +mariners lost all strength and spirits, and sank under the oppressive +heat. It seemed as if the old fable of the torrid zone was about to be +realized; and that they were approaching a fiery region where it would +be impossible to exist."[593] + + [Footnote 591: Humboldt in 1799 did just this thing, starting + from Teneriffe and reaching Trinidad in nineteen days. See + Bruhn's _Life of Humboldt_, vol. i. p. 263.] + + [Footnote 592: "The strength of the trade-winds depends + entirely upon the difference in temperature between the equator + and the pole; the greater the difference, the stronger the + wind. Now, at the present time, the south pole is much colder + than the north pole, and the southern trades are consequently + much stronger than the northern, so that the neutral zone in + which they meet lies some five degrees north of the equator." + _Excursions of an Evolutionist_, p. 64.] + + [Footnote 593: Irving's _Columbus_, vol. ii. p. 137. One is + reminded of a scene in the _Rime of the Ancient Mariner_:-- + + "All in a hot and copper sky + The bloody sun, at noon, + Right up above the mast did stand, + No bigger than the moon. + + "Day after day, day after day, + We stuck,--nor breath nor motion; + As idle as a painted ship + Upon a painted ocean."] + +Fortunately, they were in a region where the ocean is comparatively +narrow. The longitude reached by Columbus on July 13, when the wind died +away, must have been about 36 deg. or 37 deg. W., and a run of only 800 miles +west from that point would have brought him to Cayenne. His course +between the 13th and 21st of July must have intersected the thermal +equator, or line of greatest mean annual heat on the globe,--an +irregular curve which is here deflected as much as five degrees north of +the equinoctial line. But although there was not a breath of wind, the +powerful equatorial current was quietly driving the ships, much faster +than the Admiral could have suspected, to the northwest and toward land. +By the end of that stifling week they were in latitude 7 deg. N., and caught +the trade-wind on the starboard quarter. Thence after a brisk run of ten +days, in sorry plight, with ugly leaks and scarcely a cask of fresh +water left, they arrived within sight of land. Three mountain peaks +loomed up in the offing before them, and as they drew nearer it appeared +that those peaks belonged to one great mountain; wherefore the pious +Admiral named the island Trinidad. + +[Sidenote: Trinidad and the Orinoco.] + +Here some surprises were in store for Columbus. Instead of finding black +and woolly-haired natives, he found men of cinnamon hue, like those in +Hispaniola, only--strange to say--lighter in colour. Then in coasting +Trinidad he caught a glimpse of land at the delta of the Orinoco, and +called it Isla Santa, or Holy Island.[594] But, on passing into the +gulf of Paria, through the strait which he named Serpent's Mouth, his +ships were in sore danger of being swamped by the raging surge that +poured from three or four of the lesser mouths of that stupendous river. +Presently, finding that the water in the gulf was fresh to the taste, he +gradually reasoned his way to the correct conclusion, that the billows +which had so nearly overwhelmed him must have come out from a river +greater than any he had ever known or dreamed of, and that so vast a +stream of running water could be produced only upon land of continental +dimensions.[595] This coast to the south of him was, therefore, the +coast of a continent, with indefinite extension toward the south, a land +not laid down upon Toscanelli's or any other map, and of which no one +had until that time known anything.[596] + + [Footnote 594: He "gave it the name of Isla Santa," says Irving + (vol. ii. p. 140), "little imagining that he now, for the first + time, beheld that continent, that Terra Firma, which had been + the object of his earnest search." The reader of this passage + should bear in mind that the continent of South America, which + nobody had ever heard of, was _not_ the object of Columbus's + search. The Terra Firma which was the object of his search was + the mainland of Asia, and that he never beheld, though he felt + positively sure that he had already set foot upon it in 1492 + and 1494.] + + [Footnote 595: A modern traveller thus describes this river: + "Right and left of us lay, at some distance off, the low banks + of the Apure, at this point quite a broad stream. But before us + the waters spread out like a wide dark flood, limited on the + horizon only by a low black streak, and here and there showing + a few distant hills. This was the Orinoco, rolling with + irrepressible power and majesty sea-wards, and often upheaving + its billows like the ocean when lashed to fury by the wind.... + The Orinoco sends a current of fresh water far into the ocean, + its waters--generally green, but in the shallows + milk-white--contrasting sharply with the indigo blue of the + surrounding sea." Bates, _Central America, the West Indies, and + South America_, 2d ed., London, 1882, pp. 234, 235. The island + of Trinidad forms an obstacle to the escape of this huge volume + of fresh water, and hence the furious commotion at the two + outlets, the Serpent's Mouth and Dragon's Mouth, especially in + July and August, when the Orinoco is swollen with tropical + rains.] + + [Footnote 596: In Columbus's own words, in his letter to the + sovereigns describing this third voyage, "Y digo que ... viene + este rio y procede de tierra infinita, pues al austro, de la + cual fasta agora no se ha habido noticia." Navarrete, + _Coleccion_, tom. i. p. 262.] + +[Illustration: Discoveries made by Columbus in his third and fourth +voyages.] + +[Sidenote: Speculations as to the earth's shape.] + +[Sidenote: The mountain of Paradise.] + +In spite of the correctness of this surmise, Columbus was still as far +from a true interpretation of the whole situation as when he supposed +Hispaniola to be Ophir. He entered upon a series of speculations which +forcibly remind us how empirical was the notion of the earth's rotundity +before the inauguration of physical astronomy by Galileo, Kepler, and +Newton. We now know that our planet has the only shape possible for such +a rotating mass that once was fluid or nebulous, the shape of a spheroid +slightly protuberant at the equator and flattened at the poles; but this +knowledge is the outcome of mechanical principles utterly unknown and +unsuspected in the days of Columbus. He understood that the earth is a +round body, but saw no necessity for its being strictly spherical or +spheroidal. He now suggested that it was probably shaped like a pear, +rather a blunt and corpulent pear, nearly spherical in its lower part, +but with a short, stubby apex in the equatorial region somewhere beyond +the point which he had just reached. He fancied he had been sailing up a +gentle slope from the burning glassy sea where his ships had been +becalmed to this strange and beautiful coast where he found the climate +enchanting. If he were to follow up the mighty river just now revealed, +it might lead him to the summit of this apex of the world, the place +where the terrestrial paradise, the Garden which the Lord planted +eastward in Eden, was in all probability situated![597] + + [Footnote 597: Thus would be explained the astounding force + with which the water was poured down. It was common in the + Middle Ages to imagine the terrestrial paradise at the top of a + mountain. See Dante, _Purgatorio_, canto xxviii. Columbus + quotes many authorities in favour of his opinion. The whole + letter is worth reading. See Navarrete, tom. i. pp. 242-264.] + +[Sidenote: Relation of the "Eden continent" to "Cochin China."] + +As Columbus still held to the opinion that by keeping to the west from +that point he should soon reach the coast of Cochin China, his +conception of the position of Eden is thus pretty clearly indicated. He +imagined it as situated about on the equator, upon a continental mass +till then unknown, but evidently closely connected with the continent of +Asia if not a part of it. If he had lived long enough to hear of Quito +and its immense elevation, I should suppose that might very well have +suited his idea of the position of Eden. The coast of this continent, +upon which he had now arrived, was either continuous with the coast of +Cochin China (Cuba) and Malacca, or would be found to be divided from it +by a strait through which one might pass directly into the Indian ocean. + +[Sidenote: The Pearl Coast.] + +[Sidenote: Arrival at San Domingo.] + +It took some little time for this theory to come to maturity in the mind +of Columbus. Not expecting to find any mainland in that quarter, he +began by calling different points of the coast different islands. Coming +out through the passage which he named Dragon's Mouth, he caught distant +glimpses of Tobago and Grenada to starboard, and turning westward +followed the Pearl Coast as far as the islands of Margarita and Cubagua. +The fine pearls which he found there in abundance confirmed him in the +good opinion he had formed of that country. By this time, the 15th of +August, he had so far put facts together as to become convinced of the +continental character of that coast, and would have been glad to pursue +it westward. But now his strength gave out. During most of the voyage he +had suffered acute torments with gout, his temperature had been very +feverish, and his eyes were at length so exhausted with perpetual +watching that he could no longer make observations. So he left the coast +a little beyond Cubagua, and steered straight for Hispaniola, aiming at +San Domingo, but hitting the island of Beata because he did not make +allowance for the westerly flow of the currents. He arrived at San +Domingo on the 30th of August, and found his brother Bartholomew, whom +he intended to send at once on a further cruise along the Pearl Coast, +while he himself should be resting and recovering strength. + +[Sidenote: Roldan's rebellion.] + +[Sidenote: Fonseca's machinations.] + +But alas! there was to be no cruising now for the younger brother nor +rest for the elder. It was a sad story that Bartholomew had to tell. War +with the Indians had broken out afresh, and while the Adelantado was +engaged in this business a scoundrel named Roldan had taken advantage of +his absence to stir up civil strife. Roldan's rebellion was a result of +the ill-advised mission of Aguado. The malcontents in the colony +interpreted the Admiral's long stay in Spain as an indication that he +had lost favour with the sovereigns and was not coming back to the +island. Gathering together a strong body of rebels, Roldan retired to +Xaragua and formed an alliance with the brother of the late chieftain +Caonabo. By the time the Admiral arrived the combination of mutiny with +barbaric warfare had brought about a frightful state of things. A party +of soldiers, sent by him to suppress Roldan, straightway deserted and +joined that rebel. It thus became necessary to come to terms with +Roldan, and this revelation of the weakness of the government only made +matters worse. Two wretched years were passed in attempts to restore +order in Hispaniola, while the work of discovery and exploration was +postponed. Meanwhile the items of information that found their way to +Spain were skilfully employed by Fonseca in poisoning the minds of the +sovereigns, until at last they decided to send out a judge to the +island, armed with plenary authority to make investigations and settle +disputes. The glory which Columbus had won by the first news of the +discovery of the Indies had now to some extent faded away. The +enterprise yielded as yet no revenue and entailed great expense; and +whenever some reprobate found his way back to Spain, the malicious +Fonseca prompted him to go to the treasury with a claim for pay alleged +to have been wrongfully withheld by the Admiral. Ferdinand Columbus +tells how some fifty such scamps were gathered one day in the courtyard +of the Alhambra, cursing his father and catching hold of the king's +robe, crying, "Pay us! pay us!" and as he and his brother Diego, who +were pages in the queen's service, happened to pass by, they were +greeted with hoots:--"There go the sons of the Admiral of Mosquito-land, +the man who has discovered a land of vanity and deceit, the grave of +Spanish gentlemen!"[598] + + [Footnote 598: "Ecco i figliuoli dell' Ammiraglio de' + Mosciolini, di colui che ha trovate terre di vanita e d' + inganno, per sepoltura e miseria de' gentiluomini castigliani." + _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxiv.] + +[Sidenote: Gama's voyage to Hindustan, 1497.] + +An added sting was given to such taunts by a great event that happened +about this time. In the summer of 1497, Vasco da Gama started from +Lisbon for the Cape of Good Hope, and in the summer of 1499 he returned, +after having doubled the cape and crossed the Indian ocean to Calicut on +the Malabar coast of Hindustan. His voyage was the next Portuguese step +sequent upon that of Bartholomew Dias. There was nothing questionable or +dubious about Gama's triumph. He had seen splendid cities, talked with a +powerful Rajah, and met with Arab vessels, their crews madly jealous at +the unprecedented sight of Christian ships in those waters; and he +brought back with him to Lisbon nutmegs and cloves, pepper and ginger, +rubies and emeralds, damask robes with satin linings, bronze chairs with +cushions, trumpets of carved ivory, a sunshade of crimson satin, a sword +in a silver scabbard, and no end of such gear.[599] An old civilization +had been found and a route of commerce discovered, and a factory was to +be set up at once on that Indian coast. What a contrast to the miserable +performance of Columbus, who had started with the flower of Spain's +chivalry for rich Cipango, and had only led them to a land where they +must either starve or do work fit for peasants, while he spent his time +in cruising among wild islands! The king of Portugal could now snap his +fingers at Ferdinand and Isabella, and if a doubt should have sometimes +crossed the minds of those chagrined sovereigns, as to whether this +plausible Genoese mariner might not, after all, be a humbug or a crazy +enthusiast, we can hardly wonder at it. + + [Footnote 599: Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, pp. + 398-401.] + +[Sidenote: Fonseca's creature, Bobadilla.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus in chains.] + +The person sent to investigate the affairs of Hispaniola was Francisco +de Bobadilla, a knight commander of the order of Calatrava. He carried +several documents, one of them directing him to make inquiries and +punish offenders, another containing his appointment as governor, a +third commanding Columbus and his brothers to surrender to him all +fortresses and other public property.[600] The two latter papers were to +be used only in case of such grave misconduct proved against Columbus as +to justify his removal from the government. These papers were made out +in the spring of 1499, but Bobadilla was not sent out until July, 1500. +When he arrived at San Domingo on the 23d of August, the insurrection +had been suppressed; the Admiral and Bartholomew were bringing things +into order in distant parts of the island, while Diego was left in +command at San Domingo. Seven ringleaders had just been hanged, and five +more were in prison under sentence of death. If Bobadilla had not come +upon the scene this wholesome lesson might have worked some improvement +in affairs.[601] He destroyed its moral in a twinkling. The first day +after landing, he read aloud, at the church door, the paper directing +him to make inquiries and punish offenders; and forthwith demanded of +Diego Columbus that the condemned prisoners should be delivered up to +him. Diego declined to take so important a step until he could get +orders from the Admiral. Next day Bobadilla read his second and third +papers, proclaimed himself governor, called on Diego to surrender the +fortress and public buildings, and renewed his demand for the prisoners. +As Diego still hesitated to act before news of these proceedings could +be sent to his brother, Bobadilla broke into the fortress, took the +prisoners out, and presently set them free. All the rebellious spirits +in the colony were thus drawn to the side of Bobadilla, whose royal +commission, under such circumstances, gave him irresistible power. He +threw Diego into prison and loaded him with fetters. He seized the +Admiral's house, and confiscated all his personal property, even +including his business papers and private letters. When the Admiral +arrived in San Domingo, Bobadilla, without even waiting to see him, sent +an officer to put him in irons and take him to prison. When Bartholomew +arrived, he received the same treatment. The three brothers were +confined in different places, nobody was allowed to visit them, and +they were not informed of the offences with which they were charged. +While they lay in prison, Bobadilla busied himself with inventing an +excuse for this violent behaviour. Finally he hit upon one at which +Satan from the depths of his bottomless pit must have grimly smiled. He +said that he had arrested and imprisoned the brothers only because he +had reason to believe they were inciting the Indians to aid them in +resisting the commands of Ferdinand and Isabella!! In short, from the +day of his landing Bobadilla made common cause with the insurgent +rabble, and when they had furnished him with a ream or so of charges +against the Admiral and his brothers, it seemed safe to send these +gentlemen to Spain. They were put on board ship, with their fetters upon +them, and the officer in charge was instructed by Bobadilla to deliver +them into the hands of Bishop Fonseca, who was thus to have the +privilege of glutting to the full his revengeful spite. + + [Footnote 600: The documents are given in Navarrete, _Coleccion + de viages_, tom. ii. pp. 235-240; and, with accompanying + narrative, in Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. ii. pp. + 472-487.] + + [Footnote 601: No better justification for the government of + the brothers Columbus can be found than to contrast it with the + infinitely worse state of affairs that ensued under the + administrations of Bobadilla and Ovando. See below, vol. ii. + pp. 442-446.] + +[Sidenote: Return to Spain.] + +[Sidenote: Release of Columbus.] + +The master of the ship, shocked at the sight of fetters upon such a man +as the Admiral, would have taken them off, but Columbus would not let it +be done. No, indeed! they should never come off except by order of the +sovereigns, and then he would keep them for the rest of his life, to +show how his labours had been rewarded.[602] The event--which always +justifies true manliness--proved the sagacity of this proud demeanour. +Fonseca was baulked of his gratification. The clumsy Bobadilla had +overdone the business. The sight of the Admiral's stately and venerable +figure in chains, as he passed through the streets of Cadiz, on a +December day of that year 1500, awakened a popular outburst of sympathy +for him and indignation at his persecutors. While on the ship he had +written or dictated a beautiful and touching letter[603] to a lady of +whom the queen was fond, the former nurse of the Infante, whose untimely +death, three years since, his mother was still mourning. This letter +reached the court at Granada, and was read to the queen before she had +heard of Bobadilla's performances from any other quarter. A courier was +sent in all haste to Cadiz, with orders that the brothers should at once +be released, and with a letter to the Admiral, inviting him to court and +enclosing an order for money to cover his expenses. The scene in the +Alhambra, when Columbus arrived, is one of the most touching in history. +Isabella received him with tears in her eyes, and then this +much-enduring old man, whose proud and masterful spirit had so long been +proof against all wrongs and insults, broke down. He threw himself at +the feet of the sovereigns in an agony of tears and sobs.[604] + + [Footnote 602: Las Casas, _Hist. de las Indias_, tom. ii. p. + 501; F. Columbus, _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxv. + Ferdinand adds that he had often seen these fetters hanging in + his father's room.] + + [Footnote 603: It is given in full in Las Casas, _op. cit._ + tom. ii. pp. 502-510.] + + [Footnote 604: Herrera, _Historia_, dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 10.] + +[Sidenote: How far were the sovereigns responsible for Bobadilla?] + +How far the sovereigns should be held responsible for the behaviour of +their agent is not altogether easy to determine. The appointment of such +a creature as Bobadilla was a sad blunder, but one such as is liable to +be made under any government. Fonseca was very powerful at court, and +Bobadilla never would have dared to proceed as he did if he had not +known that the bishop would support him. Indeed, from the indecent haste +with which he went about his work, without even the pretence of a +judicial inquiry, it is probable that he started with private +instructions from that quarter. But, while Fonseca had some of the +wisdom along with the venom of the serpent, Bobadilla was simply a +jackass, and behaved so that in common decency the sovereigns were +obliged to disown him. They took no formal or public notice of his +written charges against the Admiral, and they assured the latter that he +should be reimbursed for his losses and restored to his viceroyalty and +other dignities. + +[Sidenote: Ovando, another creature of Fonseca, appointed governor of +Hispaniola.] + +This last promise, however, was not fulfilled; partly, perhaps, because +Fonseca's influence was still strong enough to prevent it, partly +because the sovereigns may have come to the sound and reasonable +conclusion that for the present there was no use in committing the +government of that disorderly rabble in Hispaniola to a foreigner. What +was wanted was a Spanish priest, and a military priest withal, of the +sort that Spain then had in plenty. Obedience to priests came natural to +Spaniards. The man now selected was Nicolas de Ovando, a knight +commander of the order of Alcantara, of whom we shall have more to say +hereafter.[605] Suffice it now to observe that he proved himself a +famous disciplinarian, and that he was a great favourite with Fonseca, +to whom he seems to have owed his appointment. He went out in February, +1502, with a fleet of thirty ships carrying 2,500 persons, for the +pendulum of public opinion had taken another swing, and faith in the +Indies was renewed. Some great discoveries, to be related in the next +chapter, had been made since 1498; and, moreover, the gold mines of +Hispaniola were beginning to yield rich treasures. + + [Footnote 605: See below, vol. ii. pp. 435-446.] + +[Sidenote: Purpose of Columbus's fourth voyage.] + +But, while the sovereigns were not disposed to restore Columbus to his +viceroyalty, they were quite ready to send him on another voyage of +discovery which was directly suggested by the recent Portuguese voyage +of Gama. Since nothing was yet known about the discovery of a New World, +the achievement of Gama seemed to have eclipsed that of Columbus. Spain +must make a response to Portugal. As already observed, the Admiral +supposed the coast of his "Eden continent" (South America) either to be +continuous with the coast of Cochin China (Cuba) and Malacca, or else to +be divided from that coast by a strait. The latter opinion was the more +probable, since Marco Polo and a few other Europeans had sailed from +China into the Indian ocean without encountering any great continent +that had to be circumnavigated. The recent expedition of Vespucius and +Ojeda (1499-1500) had followed the northern coast of South America for a +long distance to the west of Cubagua, as far as the gulf of Maracaibo. +Columbus now decided to return to the coast of Cochin China (Cuba) and +follow the coast southwestward until he should find the passage between +his Eden continent and the Golden Chersonese (Malacca) into the Indian +ocean. He would thus be able to reach by this western route the same +shores of Hindustan which Gama had lately reached by sailing eastward. +So confident did he feel of the success of this enterprise, that he +wrote a letter to Pope Alexander VI., renewing his vow to furnish troops +for the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre.[606] It was no doubt the symptom +of a reaction against his misfortunes that he grew more and more +mystical in these days, consoling himself with the belief that he was a +chosen instrument in the hands of Providence for enlarging the bounds of +Christendom. In this mood he made some studies on the prophecies, after +the fantastic fashion of his time,[607] and a habit grew upon him of +attributing his discoveries to miraculous inspiration rather than to the +good use to which his poetical and scientific mind had put the data +furnished by Marco Polo and the ancient geographers. + + [Footnote 606: Navarrete, _Coleccion_, tom. ii. pp. 280-282.] + + [Footnote 607: The MS. volume of notes on the prophecies is in + the Colombina. There is a description of it in Navarrete, tom. + ii. pp. 260-273.] + +[Sidenote: Crossing the Atlantic.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus not allowed to stop at San Domingo.] + +The armament for the Admiral's fourth and last voyage consisted of four +small caravels, of from fifty to seventy tons burthen, with crews +numbering, all told, 150 men. His brother Bartholomew, and his younger +son Ferdinand, then a boy of fourteen, accompanied him. They sailed from +Cadiz on the 11th of May, 1502, and finally left the Canaries behind on +the 26th of the same month. The course chosen was the same as on the +second voyage, and the unfailing trade-winds brought the ships on the +15th of June to an island called Mantinino, probably Martinique, not +more than ten leagues distant from Dominica. The Admiral had been +instructed not to touch at Hispaniola upon his way out, probably for +fear of further commotions there until Ovando should have succeeded in +bringing order out of the confusion ten times worse confounded into +which Bobadilla's misgovernment had thrown that island. Columbus might +stop there on his return, but not on his outward voyage. His intention +had, therefore, been, on reaching the cannibal islands, to steer for +Jamaica, thence make the short run to "Cochin China," and then turn +southwards. But as one of his caravels threatened soon to become +unmanageable, he thought himself justified in touching at San Domingo +long enough to hire a sound vessel in place of her. Ovando had assumed +the government there in April, and a squadron of 26 or 28 ships, +containing Roldan and Bobadilla, with huge quantities of gold wrung from +the enslaved Indians, was ready to start for Spain about the end of +June. In one of these ships were 4,000 pieces of gold destined for +Columbus, probably a part of the reimbursement that had been promised +him. On the 29th of June the Admiral arrived in the harbour and stated +the nature of his errand. At the same time, as his practised eye had +detected the symptoms of an approaching hurricane, he requested +permission to stay in the harbour until it should be over, and he +furthermore sent to the commander of the fleet a friendly warning not to +venture out to sea at present. His requests and his warnings were alike +treated with contumely. He was ordered to leave the harbour, and did so +in great indignation. As his first care was for the approaching tempest, +he did not go far but found safe anchorage in a sheltered and secluded +cove, where his vessels rode the storm with difficulty but without +serious damage. Meanwhile the governor's great fleet had rashly put out +to sea, and was struck with fatal fury by wind and wave. Twenty or more +ships went to the bottom, with Bobadilla, Roldan, and most of the +Admiral's principal enemies, besides all the ill-gotten treasure; five +or six shattered caravels, unable to proceed, found their way back to +San Domingo; of all the fleet, only one ship arrived safe and sound in +Spain, and that, says Ferdinand, was the one that had on board his +father's gold. Truly it was such an instance of poetical justice as one +does not often witness in this world. "We will not inquire now," says +Las Casas, who witnessed the affair, "into this remarkable divine +judgment, for at the last day of the world it will be made quite clear +to us."[608] If such judgments were more often visited upon the right +persons, perhaps the ways of Providence would not have so generally come +to be regarded as inscrutable. + + [Footnote 608: "Aqueste tan gran juicio de Dios no curemos de + escudrinallo, pues en el dia final deste mundo nos sera bien + claro." _Hist. do las Indias_, tom. iii. p. 32; cf. _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxvii. As Las Casas was then in San + Domingo, having come out in Ovando's fleet, and as Ferdinand + Columbus was with his father, the testimony is very direct.] + +[Sidenote: Arrival at Cape Honduras.] + +The hurricane was followed by a dead calm, during which the Admiral's +ships were carried by the currents into the group of tiny islands called +the Queen's Gardens, on the south side of Cuba. With the first +favourable breeze he took a southwesterly course, in order to strike +that Cochin-Chinese coast farther down toward the Malay peninsula. This +brought him directly to the island of Guanaja and to Cape Honduras, +which he thus reached without approaching the Yucatan channel.[609] + + [Footnote 609: In the next chapter I shall give some reasons + for supposing that the Admiral had learned the existence of the + Yucatan channel from the pilot Ledesma, coupled with + information which made it unlikely that a passage into the + Indian ocean would be found that way. See below, vol. ii. p. + 92.] + +[Sidenote: Cape Gracias a Dios.] + +Upon the Honduras coast the Admiral found evidences of semi-civilization +with which he was much elated,--such as copper knives and hatchets, +pottery of skilled and artistic workmanship, and cotton garments finely +woven and beautifully dyed. Here the Spaniards first tasted the +_chicha_, or maize beer, and marvelled at the heavy clubs, armed with +sharp blades of obsidian, with which the soldiers of Cortes were by and +by to become unpleasantly acquainted. The people here wore cotton +clothes, and, according to Ferdinand, the women covered themselves as +carefully as the Moorish women of Granada.[610] On inquiring as to the +sources of gold and other wealth, the Admiral was now referred to the +west, evidently to Yucatan and Guatemala, or, as he supposed, to the +neighbourhood of the Ganges. Evidently the way to reach these countries +was to keep the land on the starboard and search for the passage +between the Eden continent and the Malay peninsula.[611] This course at +first led Columbus eastward for a greater number of leagues than he +could have relished. Wind and current were dead against him, too; and +when, after forty days of wretched weather, he succeeded in doubling the +cape which marks on that coast the end of Honduras and the beginning of +Nicaragua, and found it turning square to the south, it was doubtless +joy at this auspicious change of direction, as well as the sudden relief +from head-winds, that prompted him to name that bold prominence Cape +Gracias a Dios, or Thanks to God. + + [Footnote 610: _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxviii.] + + [Footnote 611: Irving (vol. ii. pp. 386, 387) seems to think it + strange that Columbus did not at once turn westward and + circumnavigate Yucatan. But if--as Irving supposed--Columbus + had not seen the Yucatan channel, and regarded the Honduras + coast as continuous with that of Cuba, he could only expect by + turning westward to be carried back to Cape Alpha and Omega, + where he had already been twice before! In the next chapter, + however, I shall show that Columbus may have shaped his course + in accordance with the advice of the pilot Ledesma.] + +[Sidenote: The coast of Veragua.] + +[Sidenote: Fruitless search for the Strait of Malacca.] + +[Sidenote: Futile attempt to make a settlement.] + +[Sidenote: Columbus shipwrecked.] + +As the ships proceeded southward in the direction of Veragua, evidences +of the kind of semi-civilization which we recognize as characteristic of +that part of aboriginal America grew more and more numerous. Great +houses were seen, built of "stone and lime," or perhaps of rubble stone +with adobe mortar. Walls were adorned with carvings and pictographs. +Mummies were found in a good state of preservation. There were signs of +abundant gold; the natives wore plates of it hung by cotton cords about +their necks, and were ready to exchange pieces worth a hundred ducats +for tawdry European trinkets. From these people Columbus heard what we +should call the first "news of the Pacific Ocean," though it had no such +meaning to his mind. From what he heard he understood that he was on the +east side of a peninsula, and that there was another sea on the other +side, by gaining which he might in ten days reach the mouth of the +Ganges.[612] By proceeding on his present course he would soon come to a +"narrow place" between the two seas. There was a curious equivocation +here. No doubt the Indians were honest and correct in what they tried to +tell Columbus. But by the "narrow place" they meant narrow land, not +narrow water; not a strait which connected but an isthmus which divided +the two seas, not the Strait of Malacca, but the Isthmus of Darien![613] +Columbus, of course, understood them to mean the strait for which he was +looking, and in his excitement at approaching the long-expected goal he +pressed on without waiting to verify the reports of gold mines in the +neighbourhood, a thing that could be done at any time.[614] By the 5th +of December, however, having reached a point on the isthmus, a few +leagues east of Puerto Bello, without finding the strait, he yielded to +the remonstrances of the crews, and retraced his course to Veragua. If +the strait could not be found, the next best tidings to carry home to +Spain would be the certain information of the discovery of gold mines, +and it was decided to make a settlement here which might serve as a base +for future operations. Three months of misery followed. Many of the +party were massacred by the Indians, the stock of food was nearly +exhausted, and the ships were pierced by worms until it was feared there +would be no means left for going home. Accordingly, it was decided to +abandon the enterprise and return to Hispaniola.[615] In order to allow +for the strong westerly currents in the Caribbean sea, the Admiral first +sailed eastward almost to the gulf of Darien, and then turned to the +north. The allowance was not enough, however. The ships were again +carried into the Queen's Gardens, where they were caught in a storm and +nearly beaten to pieces. At length, on St. John's eve, June 23, 1503, +the crazy wrecks--now full of water and unable to sail another +league--were beached on the coast of Jamaica and converted into a sort +of rude fortress; and while two trusty men were sent over to San Domingo +in a canoe, to obtain relief, Columbus and his party remained +shipwrecked in Jamaica. They waited there a whole year before it proved +possible to get any relief from Ovando. He was a slippery knave, who +knew how to deal out promises without taking the first step toward +fulfilment. + + [Footnote 612: Navarrete, _Coleccion de viages_, tom. i. p. + 299.] + + [Footnote 613: _Vita dell' Ammiraglio_, cap. lxxxix.; Humboldt, + _Examen Critique_, tom. i. p. 350.] + + [Footnote 614: "Nothing could evince more clearly his generous + ambition than hurrying in this brief manner along a coast where + wealth was to be gathered at every step, for the purpose of + seeking a strait which, however it might produce vast benefit + to mankind, could yield little else to himself than the glory + of the discovery." Irving's _Columbus_, vol. ii. p. 406. In + this voyage, however, the express purpose from the start was to + find the strait of Malacca as a passage to the very same + regions which had been visited by Gama, and Columbus expected + thus to get wealth enough to equip an army of Crusaders. + Irving's statement does not correctly describe the Admiral's + purpose, and as savouring of misplaced eulogy, is sure to + provoke a reaction on the part of captious critics.] + + [Footnote 615: A graphic account of these scenes, in which he + took part, is given by Ferdinand Columbus, _Vita dell' + Ammiraglio_, cap. xciii.-cvi.] + +[Sidenote: A year of misery.] + +[Sidenote: Last return to Spain.] + +It was a terrible year that Columbus spent upon the wild coast of +Jamaica. To all the horrors inseparable from such a situation there was +added the horror of mutiny. The year did not end until there had been a +pitched battle, in which the doughty Bartholomew was, as usual, +victorious. The ringleader was captured, and of the other mutineers such +as were not slain in the fight were humbled and pardoned. At length +Ovando's conduct began to arouse indignation in San Domingo, and was +openly condemned from the pulpit; so that, late in June, 1504, he sent +over to Jamaica a couple of ships which brought away the Admiral and his +starving party. Ovando greeted the brothers Columbus with his customary +hypocritical courtesy, which they well understood. During the past year +the island of Hispaniola had been the scene of atrocities such as have +scarcely been surpassed in history. I shall give a brief account of them +in a future chapter. Columbus was not cheered by what he saw and heard, +and lost no time in starting for Spain. On the 7th of November, 1504, +after a tempestuous voyage and narrow escape from shipwreck, he landed +at San Lucar de Barrameda and made his way to Seville. Queen Isabella +was then on her death-bed, and breathed her last just nineteen days +later. + +[Sidenote: Death of Columbus.] + +The death of the queen deprived Columbus of the only protector who could +stand between him and Fonseca. The reimbursement for the wrongs which he +had suffered at that man's hands was never made. The last eighteen +months of the Admiral's life were spent in sickness and poverty. +Accumulated hardship and disappointment had broken him down, and he died +on Ascension day, May 20, 1506, at Valladolid. So little heed was taken +of his passing away that the local annals of that city, "which give +almost every insignificant event from 1333 to 1539, day by day, do not +mention it."[616] His remains were buried in the Franciscan monastery at +Valladolid, whence they were removed in 1513 to the monastery of Las +Cuevas, at Seville, where the body of his son Diego, second Admiral and +Viceroy of the Indies, was buried in 1526. Ten years after this date, +the bones of father and son were removed to Hispaniola, to the cathedral +of San Domingo; whence they have since been transferred to Havana. The +result of so many removals has been to raise doubts as to whether the +ashes now reposing at Havana are really those of Columbus and his son; +and over this question there has been much critical discussion, of a +sort that we may cheerfully leave to those who like to spend their time +over such trivialities. + + [Footnote 616: Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, New York, 1866, + p. 73.] + +[Sidenote: "Nuevo Mundo."] + +There is a tradition that Ferdinand and Isabella, at some date +unspecified, had granted to Columbus, as a legend for his coat-of-arms, +the noble motto:-- + + A Castilla y a Leon + Nuevo mundo dio Colon, + +_i. e._ "To Castile-and-Leon Columbus gave a New World;" and we are +further told that, when the Admiral's bones were removed to Seville, +this motto was, by order of King Ferdinand, inscribed upon his +tomb.[617] This tradition crumbles under the touch of historical +criticism. The Admiral's coat-of-arms, as finally emblazoned under his +own inspection at Seville in 1502, quarters the royal Castle-and-Lion of +the kingdom of Castile with his own devices of five anchors, and a group +of golden islands with a bit of Terra Firma, upon a blue sea. But there +is no legend of any sort, nor is anything of the kind mentioned by Las +Casas or Bernaldez or Peter Martyr. The first allusion to such a motto +is by Oviedo, in 1535, who gives it a somewhat different turn:-- + + Por Castilla y por Leon + Nuevo mundo hallo Colon, + +_i. e._ "For Castile-and-Leon Columbus found a New World." But the other +form is no doubt the better, for Ferdinand Columbus, at some time not +later than 1537, had adopted it, and it may be read to-day upon his tomb +in the cathedral at Seville. The time-honoured tradition has evidently +transferred to the father the legend adopted, if not originally +devised, by his son. + + [Footnote 617: _Vita del Ammiraglio_, cap. cvii. This is + unquestionably a gloss of the translator Ulloa. Cf. Harrisse, + _Christophe Colomb_, tom. ii. pp. 177-179.] + +[Illustration: Arms.] + +But why is this mere question of heraldry a matter of importance for the +historian? Simply because it furnishes one of the most striking among +many illustrations of the fact that at no time during the life of +Columbus, nor for some years after his death, did anybody use the phrase +"New World" with conscious reference to _his_ discoveries. At the time +of his death their true significance had not yet begun to dawn upon the +mind of any voyager or any writer. It was supposed that he had found a +new route to the Indies by sailing west, and that in the course of this +achievement he had discovered some new islands and a bit or bits of +Terra Firma of more or less doubtful commercial value. To group these +items of discovery into an organic whole, and to ascertain that they +belonged to a whole quite distinct from the Old World, required the work +of many other discoverers, companions and successors to Columbus. In the +following chapter I shall endeavour to show how the conception of the +New World was thus originated and at length became developed into the +form with which we are now familiar. + +[Illustration: Sketch of Toscanelli's map, sent to Portugal in 1474, and +used by Columbus in his first voyage across the Atlantic.] + +[Illustration: Claudius Ptolemy's world, cir. A. D. 150.] + +[Illustration: John Fiske.] + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Discovery of America Vol. 1 (of 2), by +John Fiske + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA *** + +***** This file should be named 27253.txt or 27253.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/7/2/5/27253/ + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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