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      Theodore Roosevelt and his Times, by Harold Howland
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Project Gutenberg's Theodore Roosevelt and His Times, by Harold Howland

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
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Title: Theodore Roosevelt and His Times
       A Chronicle of the Progressive Movement; Volume 47 in The
              Chronicles Of America Series

Author: Harold Howland

Editor: Allen Johnson

Release Date: January 8, 2009 [EBook #2724]
[Last updated: April 18, 2015]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND HIS TIMES ***




Produced by The James J. Kelly Library of St. Gregory's
University, Alev Akman, Dianne Bean, and David Widger







</pre>
    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>
    <h1>
      THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND HIS TIMES,
    </h1>
    <p>
      <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      A CHRONICLE OF THE PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT
    </h2>
    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      By Harold Howland
    </h2>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <hr />
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <blockquote>
      <p class="toc">
        <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big>
      </p>
      <p>
        <br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND HIS TIMES</b>
        </a> <br /><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE
        YOUNG FIGHTER <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;IN
        THE NEW YORK ASSEMBLY <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III.
        </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE CHAMPION OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM <br /><br /> <a
        href="#link2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;HAROUN AL ROOSEVELT
        <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;FIGHTING
        AND BREAKFASTING WITH PLATT <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0006"> CHAPTER
        VI. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;ROOSEVELT BECOMES PRESIDENT <br /><br /> <a
        href="#link2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE SQUARE DEAL FOR
        BUSINESS <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE
        SQUARE DEAL FOR LABOR <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX.
        </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;RECLAMATION AND CONSERVATION <br /><br /> <a
        href="#link2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;BEING WISE IN TIME
        <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;RIGHTS,
        DUTIES, AND REVOLUTIONS <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0012"> CHAPTER
        XIII. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE TAFT ADMINISTRATION <br /><br /> <a
        href="#link2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE
        PROGRESSIVE PARTY <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0014"> CHAPTER XIV. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE
        GLORIOUS FAILURE <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE
        FIGHTING EDGE <br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI. </a>&nbsp;&nbsp;THE
        LAST FOUR YEARS <br /><br />
      </p>
    </blockquote>
    <p>
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      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h1>
      THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND HIS TIMES
    </h1>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0001" id="link2HCH0001">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER I. THE YOUNG FIGHTER
    </h2>
    <p>
      There is a line of Browning's that should stand as epitaph for Theodore
      Roosevelt: "I WAS EVER A FIGHTER." That was the essence of the man, that
      the keynote of his career. He met everything in life with a challenge. If
      it was righteous, he fought for it; if it was evil, he hurled the full
      weight of his finality against it. He never capitulated, never
      sidestepped, never fought foul. He carried the fight to the enemy.
    </p>
    <p>
      His first fight was for health and bodily vigor. It began at the age of
      nine. Physically he was a weakling, his thin and ill-developed body racked
      with asthma. But it was only the physical power that was wanting, never
      the intellectual or the spiritual. He owed to his father, the first
      Theodore, the wise counsel that launched him on his determined contest
      against ill health. On the third floor of the house on East Twentieth
      Street in New York where he was born, October 27, 1858, his father had
      constructed an outdoor gymnasium, fitted with all the usual paraphernalia.
      It was an impressive moment, Roosevelt used to say in later years, when
      his father first led him into that gymnasium and said to him, "Theodore,
      you have the brains, but brains are of comparatively little use without
      the body; you have got to make your body, and it lies with you to make it.
      It's dull, hard work, but you can do it." The boy knew that his father was
      right; and he set those white, powerful teeth of his and took up the
      drudgery of daily, monotonous exercise with bars and rings and weights. "I
      can see him now," says his sister, "faithfully going through various
      exercises, at different times of the day, to broaden the chest narrowed by
      this terrible shortness of breath, to make the limbs and back strong, and
      able to bear the weight of what was coming to him later in life."
    </p>
    <p>
      All through his boyhood the young Theodore Roosevelt kept up his fight for
      strength. He was too delicate to attend school, and was taught by private
      tutors. He spent many of his summers, and sometimes some of the winter
      months, in the woods of Maine. These outings he thoroughly enjoyed, but it
      is certain that the main motive which sent him into the rough life of the
      woods to hunt and tramp, to paddle and row and swing an axe, was the
      obstinate determination to make himself physically fit.
    </p>
    <p>
      His fight for bodily power went on through his college course at Harvard
      and during the years that he spent in ranch life in the West. He was
      always intensely interested in boxing, although he was never of anything
      like championship caliber in the ring. His first impulse to learn to
      defend himself with his hands had a characteristic birth.
    </p>
    <p>
      During one of his periodical attacks of asthma he was sent alone to
      Moosehead Lake in Maine. On the stagecoach that took him the last stage of
      the journey he met two boys of about his own age. They quickly found, he
      says, in his "Autobiography", that he was "a foreordained and predestined
      victim" for their rough teasing, and they "industriously proceeded to make
      life miserable" for their fellow traveler. At last young Roosevelt could
      endure their persecutions no loner, and tried to fight. Great was his
      discomfiture when he discovered that either of them alone could handle him
      "with easy contempt." They hurt him little, but, what was doubtless far
      more humiliating, they prevented him from doing any damage whatever in
      return.
    </p>
    <p>
      The experience taught the boy, better than any good advice could have
      done, that he must learn to defend himself. Since he had little natural
      prowess, he realized that he must supply its place by training. He secured
      his father's approval for a course of boxing lessons, upon which he
      entered at once. He has described himself as a "painfully slow and awkward
      pupil," who worked for two or three years before he made any perceptible
      progress.
    </p>
    <p>
      In college Roosevelt kept at boxing practice. Even in those days no
      antagonist, no matter how much his superior, ever made him "quit." In his
      ranching days, that training with his fists stood him in good stead. Those
      were still primitive days out in the Dakotas, though now, as Roosevelt has
      said, that land of the West has "'gone, gone with the lost Atlantis,' gone
      to the isle of ghosts and of strange dead memories." A man needed to be
      able to take care of himself in that Wild West then. Roosevelt had many
      stirring experiences but only one that he called "serious trouble."
    </p>
    <p>
      He was out after lost horses and came to a primitive little hotel,
      consisting of a bar-room, a dining-room, a lean-to kitchen, and above a
      loft with fifteen or twenty beds in it. When he entered the bar-room late
      in the evening&mdash;it was a cold night and there was nowhere else to go&mdash;a
      would-be "bad man," with a cocked revolver in each hand, was striding up
      and down the floor, talking with crude profanity. There were several
      bullet holes in the clock face, at which he had evidently been shooting.
      This bully greeted the newcomer as "Four Eyes," in reference to his
      spectacles, and announced, "Four Eyes is going to treat." Roosevelt joined
      in the laugh that followed and sat down behind the stove, thinking to
      escape notice. But the "bad man" followed him, and in spite of Roosevelt's
      attempt to pass the matter over as a joke, stood over him, with a gun in
      each hand and using the foulest language. "He was foolish," said
      Roosevelt, in describing the incident, "to stand so near, and moreover,
      his heels were closer together, so that his position was unstable." When
      he repeated his demand that Four Eyes should treat, Roosevelt rose as if
      to comply. As he rose he struck quick and hard with his right fist just to
      the left side of the point of the jaw, and, as he straightened up hit with
      his left, and again with his right. The bully's guns went off, whether
      intentionally or involuntarily no one ever knew. His head struck the
      corner of the bar as he fell, and he lay senseless. "When my assailant
      came to," said Roosevelt, "he went down to the station and left on a
      freight." It was eminently characteristic of Roosevelt that he tried his
      best to avoid trouble, but that, when he could not avoid it honorably, he
      took care to make it "serious trouble" for the other fellow.
    </p>
    <p>
      Even after he became President, Roosevelt liked to box, until an accident,
      of which for many years only his intimate friends were aware, convinced
      him of the unwisdom of the game for a man of his age and optical
      disabilities. A young artillery captain, with whom he was boxing in the
      White House, cross-countered him on the left eye, and the blow broke the
      little blood-vessels. Ever afterward, the sight of that eye was dim; and,
      as he said, "if it had been the right eye I should have been entirely
      unable to shoot." To "a mighty hunter before the Lord" like Theodore
      Roosevelt, such a result would have been a cardinal calamity.
    </p>
    <p>
      By the time his experiences in the West were over, Roosevelt's fight for
      health had achieved its purpose. Bill Sewall, the woodsman who had
      introduced the young Roosevelt to the life of the out-of-doors in Maine,
      and who afterward went out West with him to take up the cattle business,
      offers this testimony: "He went to Dakota a frail young man, suffering
      from asthma and stomach trouble. When he got back into the world again, he
      was as husky as almost any man I have ever seen who wasn't dependent on
      his arms for his livelihood. He weighed one hundred and fifty pounds, and
      was clear bone, muscle, and grit."
    </p>
    <p>
      This battle won by the force of sheer determination, the young Roosevelt
      never ceased fighting. He knew that the man who neglects exercise and
      training, no matter how perfect his physical trim, is certain to "go
      back." One day many years afterward on Twenty-third Street, on the way
      back from an Outlook editorial luncheon, I ran against his shoulder, as
      one often will with a companion on crowded city streets, and felt as if it
      were a massive oak tree into which I had bumped. Roosevelt the grown man
      of hardened physique was certainly a transformation from that "reed shaken
      with the wind" of his boyhood days.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Theodore Roosevelt left Harvard in 1880, he plunged promptly into a
      new fight&mdash;in the political arena. He had no need to earn his living;
      his father had left him enough money to take care of that. But he had no
      intention or desire to live a life of leisure. He always believed that the
      first duty of a man was to "pull his own weight in the boat"; and his
      irrepressible energy demanded an outlet in hard, constructive work. So he
      took to politics, and as a good Republican ("at that day" he said, "a
      young man of my bringing up and convictions, could only join the
      Republican party") he knocked at the door of the Twenty-first District
      Republican Association in the city of New York. His friends among the New
      Yorkers of cultivated taste and comfortable life disapproved of his desire
      to enter this new environment. They told him that politics were "low";
      that the political organizations were not run by "gentlemen," and that he
      would find there saloonkeepers, horse-car conductors, and similar persons,
      whose methods he would find rough and coarse and unpleasant. Roosevelt
      merely replied that, if this were the case, it was those men and not his
      "silk-stocking" friends who constituted the governing class&mdash;and that
      he intended to be one of the governing class himself. If he could not hold
      his own with those who were really in practical politics, he supposed he
      would have to quit; but he did not intend to quit without making the
      experiment.
    </p>
    <p>
      At every step in his career Theodore Roosevelt made friends. He made them
      not "unadvisedly or lightly" but with the directness, the warmth, and the
      permanence that were inseparable from the Roosevelt character. One such
      friend he acquired at this stage of his progress. In that District
      Association, from which his friends had warned him away, he found a young
      Irishman who had been a gang leader in the rough-and-tumble politics of
      the East Side. Driven by the winter wind of man's ingratitude from Tammany
      Hall into the ranks of the opposite party, Joe Murray was at this time one
      of the lesser captains in "the Twenty-first." Roosevelt soon came to like
      him. He was "by nature as straight a man, as fearless, and as staunchly
      loyal," said Roosevelt, "as any one whom I have ever met, a man to be
      trusted in any position demanding courage, integrity, and good faith." The
      liking was returned by the eager and belligerent young Irishman, though he
      has confessed that he was first led to consider Roosevelt as a political
      ally from the point of view of his advantages as a vote-getter.
    </p>
    <p>
      The year after Roosevelt joined "the governing class" in Morton Hall, "a
      large barn-like room over a saloon," with furniture "of the canonical
      kind; dingy benches, spittoons, a dais at one end with a table and chair,
      and a stout pitcher for iced water, and on the walls pictures of General
      Grant, and of Levi P. Morton," Joe Murray was engaged in a conflict with
      "the boss" and wanted a candidate of his own for the Assembly. He picked
      out Roosevelt, because he thought that with him he would be most likely to
      win. Win they did; the nomination was snatched away from the boss's man,
      and election followed. The defeated boss good-humoredly turned in to help
      elect the young silk-stocking who had been the instrument of his
      discomfiture.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER II. IN THE NEW YORK ASSEMBLY
    </h2>
    <p>
      Roosevelt was twice reelected to the Assembly, the second time in 1883, a
      year when a Republican success was an outstanding exception to the general
      course of events in the State. His career at Albany was marked by a series
      of fights for decency and honesty. Each new contest showed him a fearless
      antagonist, a hard hitter, and a man of practical common sense and growing
      political wisdom. Those were the days of the famous "black horse cavalry"
      in the New York Legislature&mdash;a group of men whose votes could always
      be counted on by the special interests and those corporations whose
      managers proceeded on the theory that the way to get the legislation they
      wanted, or to block the legislation they did not want, was to buy the
      necessary votes. Perhaps one-third of the members of the Legislature,
      according to Roosevelt's estimate, were purchasable. Others were timid.
      Others again were either stupid or honestly so convinced of the importance
      of "business" to the general welfare that they were blind to corporate
      faults. But Theodore Roosevelt was neither purchasable, nor timid, nor
      unable to distinguish between the legitimate requirements of business and
      its unjustifiable demands. He developed as a natural leader of the honest
      opposition to the "black horse cavalry."
    </p>
    <p>
      The situation was complicated by what were known as "strike bills." These
      were bills which, if passed, might or might not have been in the public
      interest, but would certainly have been highly embarrassing to the private
      interests involved. The purpose of their introduction was, of course, to
      compel the corporations to pay bribes to ensure their defeat. Roosevelt
      had one interesting and illuminating experience with the "black horse
      cavalry." He was Chairman of the Committee on Cities. The representatives
      of one of the great railways brought to him a bill to permit the extension
      of its terminal facilities in one of the big cities of the State, and
      asked him to take charge of it. Roosevelt looked into the proposed bill
      and found that it was a measure that ought to be passed quite as much in
      the public interest as is the interest of the railroad. He agreed to stand
      sponsor for the bill, provided he were assured that no money would be used
      to push it. The assurance was given. When the bill came before his
      committee for consideration, Roosevelt found that he could not get it
      reported out either favorably or unfavorably. So he decided to force
      matters. In accordance with his life-long practice, he went into the
      decisive committee meeting perfectly sure what he was going to do, and
      otherwise fully prepared.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was a broken chair in the room, and when he took his seat a leg of
      that chair was unobtrusively ready to his hand. He moved that the bill be
      reported favorably.
    </p>
    <p>
      The gang, without debate, voted "No." He moved that it be reported
      unfavorably. Again the gang voted "No." Then he put the bill in his pocket
      and announced that he proposed to report it anyhow. There was almost a
      riot. He was warned that his conduct would be exposed on the floor of the
      Assembly. He replied that in that case he would explain publicly in the
      Assembly the reasons which made him believe that the rest of the committee
      were trying, from motives of blackmail, to prevent any report of the bill.
      The bill was reported without further protest, and the threatened riot did
      not come off, partly, said Roosevelt, "because of the opportune production
      of the chair-leg." But the young fighter found that he was no farther
      along: the bill slumbered soundly on the calendar, and nothing that he
      could do availed to secure consideration of it. At last the representative
      of the railroad suggested that some older and more experienced leader
      might be able to get the bill passed where he had failed. Roosevelt could
      do nothing but assent. The bill was put in charge of an "old Parliamentary
      hand," and after a decent lapse of time, went through without opposition.
      The complete change of heart on the part of the black horsemen under the
      new leadership was vastly significant. Nothing could be proved; but much
      could be surmised.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another incident of Roosevelt's legislative career reveals the bull-dog
      tenacity of the man. Evidence had been procured that a State judge had
      been guilty of improper, if not of corrupt, relations with certain
      corporate interests. This judge had held court in a room of one of the
      "big business" leaders of that time. He had written in a letter to this
      financier, "I am willing to go to the very verge of judicial discretion to
      serve your vast interests." There was strong evidence that he had not
      stopped at the verge. The blood of the young Roosevelt boiled at the
      thought of this stain on the judicial ermine. His party elders sought
      patronizingly to reassure him; but he would have none of it. He rose in
      the Assembly and demanded the impeachment of the unworthy judge. With
      perfect candor and the naked vigor that in the years to come was to become
      known the world around he said precisely what he meant. Under the genial
      sardonic advice of the veteran Republican leader, who "wished to give
      young Mr. Roosevelt time to think about the wisdom of his course," the
      Assembly voted not to take up his "loose charges." It looked like
      ignominious defeat. But the next day the young firebrand was back to the
      attack again, and the next day, and the next. For eight days he kept up
      the fight; each day the reputation of this contest for a forlorn hope grew
      and spread throughout the State. On the eighth day he demanded that the
      resolution be voted on again, and the opposition collapsed. Only six votes
      were cast against his motion. It is true that the investigation ended in a
      coat of whitewash. But the evidence was so strong that no one could be in
      doubt that it WAS whitewash. The young legislator, whose party mentors had
      seen before him nothing but a ruined career, had won a smashing moral
      victory.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt was not only a fighter from his first day in public life to the
      last, but he was a fighter always against the same evils. Two incidents
      more than a quarter of a century apart illustrate this fact. A bill was
      introduced in the Assembly in those earlier days to prohibit the
      manufacture of cigars in tenement houses in New York City. It was proposed
      by the Cigar-Makers' Union. Roosevelt was appointed one of a committee of
      three to investigate the subject. Of the other two members, one did not
      believe in the bill but confessed privately that he must support it
      because the labor unions were strong in his district. The other, with
      equal frankness, confessed that he had to oppose the bill because certain
      interests who had a strong hold upon him disapproved it, but declared his
      belief that if Roosevelt would look into the matter he would find that the
      proposed legislation was good. Politics, and politicians, were like that
      in those days&mdash;as perhaps they still are in these. The young
      aristocrat, who was fast becoming a stalwart and aggressive democrat,
      expected to find himself against the bill; for, as he has said, the
      "respectable people" and the "business men" whom he knew did not believe
      in such intrusions upon the right even of workingmen to do what they would
      with their own. The laissez faire doctrine of economic life was good form
      in those days.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the only member of that committee that approached the question with an
      open mind found that his first impressions were wrong. He went down into
      the tenement houses to see for himself. He found cigars being made under
      conditions that were appalling. For example, he discovered an apartment of
      one room in which three men, two women, and several children&mdash;the
      members of two families and a male boarder&mdash;ate, slept, lived, and
      made cigars. "The tobacco was stowed about everywhere, alongside the foul
      bedding, and in a corner where there were scraps of food." These
      conditions were not exceptional; they were only a little worse than was
      usual.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt did not oppose the bill; he fought for it and it passed. Then he
      appeared before Governor Cleveland to argue for it on behalf of the
      Cigar-Makers' Union. The Governor hesitated, but finally signed it. The
      Court of Appeals declared it unconstitutional, in a smug and well-fed
      decision, which spoke unctuously of the "hallowed" influences of the
      "home." It was a wicked decision, because it was purely academic, and was
      removed as far as the fixed stars from the actual facts of life. But it
      had one good result. It began the making of Theodore Roosevelt into a
      champion of social justice, for, as he himself said, it was this case
      which first waked him "to a dim and partial understanding of the fact that
      the courts were not necessarily the best judges of what should be done to
      better social and industrial conditions."
    </p>
    <p>
      When, a quarter of a century later, Roosevelt left the Presidency and
      became Contributing Editor of The Outlook, almost his first contribution
      to that journal was entitled "A Judicial Experience." It told the story of
      this law and its annulment by the court. Mr. William Travers Jerome wrote
      a letter to The Outlook, taking Roosevelt sharply to task for his
      criticism of the court. It fell to the happy lot of the writer as a cub
      editor to reply editorially to Mr. Jerome. I did so with gusto and with
      particularity. As Mr. Roosevelt left the office on his way to the steamer
      that was to take him to Africa to hunt non-political big game, he said to
      me, who had seen him only once before: "That was bully. You have done just
      what my Cabinet members used to do for me in Washington. When a question
      rose that demanded action, I used to act. Then I would tell Root or Taft
      to find out and tell me why what I had done was legal and justified. Well
      done, coworker." Is it any wonder that Theodore Roosevelt had made in that
      moment another ardent supporter?
    </p>
    <p>
      Those first years in the political arena were not only a fighting time,
      they were a formative time. The young Roosevelt had to discover a
      philosophy of political action which would satisfy him. He speedily found
      one that suited his temperament and his keen sense of reality. He found no
      reason to depart from it to the day of his death. Long afterward he told
      his good friend Jacob Riis how he arrived at it. This was the way of it:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I suppose that my head was swelled. It would not be strange if it was. I
      stood out for my own opinion, alone. I took the best mugwump stand: my own
      conscience, my own judgment, were to decide in all things. I would listen
      to no argument, no advice. I took the isolated peak on every issue, and my
      people left me. When I looked around, before the session was well under
      way, I found myself alone. I was absolutely deserted. The people didn't
      understand. The men from Erie, from Suffolk, from anywhere, would not work
      with me. 'He won't listen to anybody,' they said, and I would not. My
      isolated peak had become a valley; every bit of influence I had was gone.
      The things I wanted to do I was powerless to accomplish. What did I do? I
      looked the ground over and made up my mind that there were several other
      excellent people there, with honest opinions of the right, even though
      they differed from me. I turned in to help them, and they turned to and
      gave me a hand. And so we were able to get things done. We did not agree
      in all things, but we did in some, and those we pulled at together. That
      was my first lesson in real politics. It is just this: if you are cast on
      a desert island with only a screw-driver, a hatchet, and a chisel to make
      a boat with, why, go make the best one you can. It would be better if you
      had a saw, but you haven't. So with men. Here is my friend in Congress who
      is a good man, a strong man, but cannot be made to believe in some things
      which I trust. It is too bad that he doesn't look at it as I do, but he
      DOES NOT, and we have to work together as we can. There is a point, of
      course, where a man must take the isolated peak and break with it all for
      clear principle, but until it comes he must work, if he would be of use,
      with men as they are. As long as the good in them overbalances the evil,
      let him work with that for the best that can be got."
    </p>
    <p>
      From the moment that he had learned this valuable lesson&mdash;and
      Roosevelt never needed to learn a lesson twice&mdash;he had his course in
      public life marked out before him. He believed ardently in getting things
      done. He was no theoretical reformer. He would never take the wrong road;
      but, if he could not go as far as he wanted to along the right road, he
      would go as far as he could, and bide his time for the rest. He would not
      compromise a hair's breadth on a principle; he would compromise cheerfully
      on a method which did not mean surrender of the principle. He perceived
      that there were in political life many bad men who were thoroughly
      efficient and many good men who would have liked to accomplish high
      results but who were thoroughly inefficient. He realized that if he wished
      to accomplish anything for the country his business was to combine decency
      and efficiency; to be a thoroughly practical man of high ideals who did
      his best to reduce those ideals to actual practice. This was the choice
      that he made in those first days, the companionable road of practical
      idealism rather than the isolated peak of idealistic ineffectiveness.
    </p>
    <p>
      A hard test of his political philosophy came in 1884 just after he had
      left the Legislature. He was selected as one of the four delegates at
      large from New York to the Republican National Convention. There he
      advocated vigorously the nomination of Senator George F. Edmunds for the
      Presidency. But the more popular candidate with the delegates was James G.
      Blaine. Roosevelt did not believe in Blaine, who was a politician of the
      professional type and who had a reputation that was not immaculate. The
      better element among the delegates fought hard against Blaine's
      nomination, with Roosevelt wherever the blows were shrewdest. But their
      efforts were of no avail. Too many party hacks had come to the Convention,
      determined to nominate Blaine, and they put the slate through with a
      whoop.
    </p>
    <p>
      Then, every Republican in active politics who was anything but a rubber
      stamp politician had a difficult problem to face. Should he support
      Blaine, in whom he could have no confidence and for whom he could have no
      respect, or should he "bolt"? A large group decided to bolt. They
      organized the Mugwump party&mdash;the epithet was flung at them with no
      friendly intent by Charles A. Dana of the New York Sun, but they made of
      it an honorable title&mdash;under the leadership of George William Curtis
      and Carl Schurz. Their announced purpose was to defeat the Republicans,
      from whose ranks they had seceded, and in this attempt they were
      successful.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt, however, made the opposite decision. Indeed, he had made the
      decision before he entered the Convention. It was characteristic of him
      not to wait until the choice was upon him but to look ahead and make up
      his mind just which course he would take if and when a certain contingency
      arose. I remember that once in the later days at Oyster Bay he said to me,
      "They say I am impulsive. It isn't true. The fact is that on all the
      important things that may come up for decision in my life, I have thought
      the thing out in advance and know what I will do. So when the moment
      comes, I don't have to stop to work it out then. My decision is already
      made. I have only to put it into action. It looks like impulsiveness. It
      is nothing of the sort."
    </p>
    <p>
      So, in 1884, when Roosevelt met his first problem in national politics, he
      already knew what he would do. He would support Blaine, for he was a party
      man. The decision wounded many of his friends. But it was the natural
      result of his political philosophy. He believed in political parties as
      instruments for securing the translation into action of the popular will.
      He perceived that the party system, as distinguished from the group system
      of the continental peoples, was the Anglo-Saxon, the American way of doing
      things. He wanted to get things done. There was only one thing that he
      valued more than achievement and that was the right. Therefore, until it
      became a clean issue between right and wrong, he would stick to the
      instrument which seemed to him the most efficient for getting things done.
      So he stuck to his party, in spite of his distaste for its candidate, and
      saw it go down in defeat.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt never changed his mind about this important matter. He was a
      party man to the end. In 1912 he left his old party on what he believed to
      be&mdash;and what was&mdash;a naked moral issue. But he did not become an
      independent. He created a new party.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER III. THE CHAMPION OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM
    </h2>
    <p>
      The four years after the Cleveland-Blaine campaign were divided into two
      parts for Roosevelt by another political experience, which also resulted
      in defeat. He was nominated by the Republicans and a group of independents
      for Mayor of New York. His two opponents were Abram S. Hewitt, a business
      man of standing who had been inveigled, no one knows how, into lending
      respectability to the Tammany ticket in a critical moment, and Henry
      George, the father of the Single Tax doctrine, who had been nominated by a
      conference of some one hundred and seventy-five labor organizations.
      Roosevelt fought his best on a personal platform of "no class or caste"
      but "honest and economical government on behalf of the general wellbeing."
      But the inevitable happened. Tammany slipped in between its divided
      enemies and made off with the victory.
    </p>
    <p>
      The rest of the four years he spent partly in ranch life out in the
      Dakotas, partly in writing history and biography at home and in travel.
      The life on the ranch and in the hunting camps finished the business, so
      resolutely begun in the outdoor gymnasium on Twentieth Street, of
      developing a physical equipment adequate for any call he could make upon
      it. This sojourn on the plains gave him, too, an intimate knowledge of the
      frontier type of American. Theodore Roosevelt loved his fellow men. What
      is more, he was always interested in them, not abstractly and in the mass,
      but concretely and in the individual. He believed in them. He knew their
      strength and their virtues, and he rejoiced in them. He realized their
      weaknesses and their softnesses and fought them hard. It was all this that
      made him the thoroughgoing democrat that he was. "The average American," I
      have heard him say a hundred times to all kinds of audiences, "is a pretty
      good fellow, and his wife is a still better fellow." He not only enjoyed
      those years in the West to the full, but he profited by them as well. They
      broadened and deepened his knowledge of what the American people were and
      meant. They made vivid to him the value of the simple, robust virtues of
      self-reliance, courage, self-denial, tolerance, and justice. The influence
      of those hard-riding years was with him as a great asset to the end of his
      life.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Presidential campaign of 1888, Roosevelt was on the firing line
      again, fighting for the Republican candidate, Benjamin Harrison. When Mr.
      Harrison was elected, he would have liked to put the young campaigner into
      the State Department. But Mr. Blaine, who became Secretary of State, did
      not care to have his plain-spoken opponent and critic under him. So the
      President offered Roosevelt the post of Civil Service Commissioner.
    </p>
    <p>
      The spoils system had become habitual and traditional in American public
      life by sixty years of practice. It had received its first high sanction
      in the cynical words of a New York politician, "To the victor belong the
      spoils." Politicians looked upon it as a normal accompaniment of their
      activities. The public looked upon it with indifference. But finally a
      group of irrepressible reformers succeeded in getting the camel's nose
      under the flap of the tent. A law was passed establishing a Commission
      which was to introduce the merit system. But even then neither the
      politicians nor the public, nor the Commission itself, took the matter
      very seriously. The Commission was in the habit of carrying on its
      functions perfunctorily and unobtrusively. But nothing could be
      perfunctory where Roosevelt was. He would never permit things to be done&mdash;or
      left undone unobtrusively, when what was needed was to obtrude the matter
      forcibly on the public mind. He was a profound believer in the value of
      publicity.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Roosevelt became Commissioner things began swiftly to happen. He had
      two firm convictions: that laws were made to be enforced, in the letter
      and in the spirit; and that the only thing worth while in the world was to
      get things done. He believed with a hot conviction in decency, honesty,
      and efficiency in public as in private life.
    </p>
    <p>
      For six years he fought and infused his fellow Commissioners with some of
      his fighting spirit. They were good men but easy-going until the right
      leadership came along. The first effort of the Commission under the new
      leadership was to secure the genuine enforcement of the law. The backbone
      of the merit system was the competitive examination. This was not because
      such examinations are the infallible way to get good public servants, but
      because they are the best way that has yet been devised to keep out bad
      public servants, selected for private reasons having nothing to do with
      the public welfare. The effort to make these examinations and the
      subsequent appointments of real service to the nation rather than to the
      politicians naturally brought the Commission into conflict with many men
      of low ideals, both in Congress and without. Roosevelt found a number of
      men in Congress&mdash;like Senator Lodge, Senator Davis of Minnesota,
      Senator Platt of Connecticut, and Congressman (afterward President)
      McKinley&mdash;who were sincerely and vigorously opposed to the spoils
      system. But there were numbers of other Senators and Congressmen who hated
      the whole reform&mdash;everything connected with it and everybody who
      championed it. "Sometimes," Roosevelt said of these men, "to use a legal
      phrase, their hatred was for cause, and sometimes it was peremptory&mdash;that
      is, sometimes the Commission interfered with their most efficient, and
      incidentally most corrupt and unscrupulous supporters, and at other times,
      where there was no such interference, a man nevertheless had an innate
      dislike of anything that tended to decency in government."
    </p>
    <p>
      Conflict with these men was inevitable. Sometimes their opposition took
      the form of trying to cut down the appropriation for the Commission.
    </p>
    <p>
      Then the Commission, on Roosevelt's suggestion, would try the effect of
      holding no examinations in the districts of the Senators or Congressmen
      who had voted against the appropriation. The response from the districts
      was instantaneous. Frantic appeals came to the Commission from aspirants
      for office. The reply would be suave and courteous. One can imagine
      Roosevelt dictating it with a glint in his eye and a snap of the jaw, and
      when it was typed, inserting a sting in the tail in the form of an
      interpolated sentence in his own vigorous and rugged script. Those added
      sentences, without which any typewritten Roosevelt letter might almost be
      declared to be a forgery, so uniformly did the impulse to add them seize
      him, were always the most interesting feature of a communication from him.
      The letter would inform the protesting one that unfortunately the
      appropriation had been cut, so that examinations could not be held in
      every district, and that obviously the Commission could not neglect the
      districts of those Congressmen who believed in the reform and therefore in
      the examinations. The logical next step for the hungry aspirant was to
      transfer the attack to his Congressman or Senator. In the long run, by
      this simple device of backfiring, which may well have been a reminiscence
      of prairie fire days in the West, the Commission obtained enough money to
      carry on.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were other forms of attack tried by the spoils-loving legislators.
      One was investigation by a congressional committee. But the appearance of
      Roosevelt before such an investigating body invariably resulted in a
      "bully time" for him and a peculiarly disconcerting time for his
      opponents.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the Republican floor leaders in the House in those days was
      Congressman Grosvenor from Ohio. In an unwary moment Mr. Grosvenor
      attacked the Commission on the floor of the House in picturesque fashion.
      Roosevelt promptly asked that Mr. Grosvenor be invited to meet him before
      a congressional committee which was at that moment investigating the
      activities of the Commission. The Congressman did not accept the
      invitation until he heard that Roosevelt was leaving Washington for his
      ranch in the West. Then he notified the committee that he would be glad to
      meet Commissioner Roosevelt at one of its sessions. Roosevelt immediately
      postponed his journey and met him. Mr. Grosvenor, says Roosevelt in his
      Autobiography, "proved to be a person of happily treacherous memory, so
      that the simple expedient of arranging his statements in pairs was
      sufficient to reduce him to confusion." He declared to the committee, for
      instance, that he did not want to repeal the Civil Service Law and had
      never said so. Roosevelt produced one of Mr. Grosvenor's speeches in which
      he had said, "I will not only vote to strike out this provision, but I
      will vote to repeal the whole law." Grosvenor declared that there was no
      inconsistency between these two statements. At another point in his
      testimony, he asserted that a certain applicant for office, who had, as he
      put it, been fraudulently credited to his congressional district, had
      never lived in that district or in Ohio, so far as he knew. Roosevelt
      brought forth a letter in which the Congressman himself had categorically
      stated that the man in question was not only a legal resident of his
      district but was actually living there then. He explained, says Roosevelt,
      "first, that he had not written the letter; second, that he had forgotten
      he had written the letter; and, third, that he was grossly deceived when
      he wrote it." Grosvenor at length accused Roosevelt of a lack of humor in
      not appreciating that his statements were made "in a jesting way," and
      declared that "a Congressman making a speech on the floor of the House of
      Representatives was perhaps in a little different position from a witness
      on the witness stand." Finally he rose with dignity and, asserting his
      constitutional right not to be questioned elsewhere as to what he said on
      the floor of the House, withdrew, leaving Roosevelt and the Committee
      equally delighted with the opera bouffe in which he had played the leading
      part.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Roosevelt days the Commission carried on its work, as of course it
      should, without thought of party. It can be imagined how it made the
      "good" Republicans rage when one of the results of the impartial
      application system was to put into office from the Southern States a
      hundred or two Democrats. The critics of the Commission were equally
      non-partisan; there was no politics in spoilsmanship. The case of Mr.
      Grosvenor was matched by that of Senator Gorman of Maryland, the
      Democratic leader in the Senate. Mr. Gorman told upon the floor of the
      Senate the affecting story of "a bright young man from Baltimore," a
      Sunday School scholar, well recommended by his pastor, who aspired to be a
      letter carrier. He appeared before the Commission for examination, and,
      according to Mr. Gorman, he was first asked to describe the shortest route
      from Baltimore to China. The "bright young man" replied brightly,
      according to Mr. Gorman, that he didn't want to go from Baltimore to
      China, and therefore had never concerned himself about the choice of
      routes. He was then asked, according to Mr. Gorman, all about the
      steamship lines from America to Europe; then came questions in geology,
      and finally in chemistry. The Commission thereupon turned the bright young
      applicant down. The Senator's speech was masterly. It must have made the
      spoilsmen chuckle and the friends of civil service reform squirm. It had
      neither of these effects on Roosevelt. It merely exploded him into action
      like a finger on a hair-trigger. First of all, he set about hunting down
      the facts. Facts were his favorite ammunition in a fight. They have such a
      powerful punch. A careful investigation of all the examination papers
      which the Commission had set revealed not a single question like those
      from which the "bright young man," according to Mr. Gorman, had suffered.
      So Roosevelt wrote to the Senator asking for the name of the "bright young
      man." There was no response. He also asked, in case Mr. Gorman did not
      care to reveal his identity, the date of the examination. Still no reply.
      Roosevelt offered to give to any representative whom Mr. Gorman would send
      to the Commission's offices all the aid he could in discovering in the
      files any such questions. The offer was ignored. But the Senator expressed
      himself as so shocked at this doubting of the word of his brilliant
      protege that he was unable to answer the letter at all.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt thereupon announced publicly that no such questions had ever
      been asked. Mr. Gorman was gravely injured by the whole incident. Later he
      declared in the Senate that he had received a "very impudent letter" from
      the young Commissioner, and that he had been "cruelly" called to account
      because he had tried to right a "great wrong" which the Commission had
      committed. Roosevelt's retort was to tell the whole story publicly,
      closing with this delightful passage:
    </p>
    <p>
      "High-minded, sensitive Mr. Gorman. Clinging, trustful Mr. Gorman. Nothing
      could shake his belief in the "bright young man." Apparently he did not
      even try to find out his name&mdash;if he had a name; in fact, his name
      like everything else about him, remains to this day wrapped in the Stygian
      mantle of an abysmal mystery. Still less has Mr. Gorman tried to verify
      the statements made to him. It is enough for him that they were made. No
      harsh suspicion, no stern demand for evidence or proof, appeals to his
      artless and unspoiled soul. He believes whatever he is told, even when he
      has forgotten the name of the teller, or never knew it. It would indeed be
      difficult to find an instance of a more abiding confidence in human nature&mdash;even
      in anonymous human nature. And this is the end of the tale of the Arcadian
      Mr. Gorman and his elusive friend, the bright young man without a name."
    </p>
    <p>
      Even so near the beginning of his career, Roosevelt showed himself
      perfectly fearless in attack. He would as soon enter the lists against a
      Senator as a Congressman, as soon challenge a Cabinet member as either. He
      did not even hesitate to make it uncomfortable for the President to whom
      he owed his continuance in office. His only concern was for the honor of
      the public service which he was in office to defend.
    </p>
    <p>
      One day he appeared at a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Civil
      Service Reform Association. George William Curtis was presiding, and
      Roosevelt's old friend, George Haven Putnam, who tells the story, was also
      present. Roosevelt began by hurling a solemn but hearty imprecation at the
      head of the Postmaster General. He went on to explain that his explosive
      wrath was due to the fact that that particular gentleman was the most
      pernicious of all the enemies of the merit system. It was one of the
      functions of the Civil Service Commission, as Roosevelt saw it, to put a
      stop to improper political activities by Federal employees. Such
      activities were among the things that the Civil Service law was intended
      to prevent. They strengthened the hands of the political machines and the
      bosses, and at the same time weakened the efficiency of the service.
      Roosevelt had from time to time reported to the Postmaster General what
      some of the Post Office employees were doing in political ways to the
      detriment of the service. His account of what happened was this:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I placed before the Postmaster-General sworn statements in regard to
      these political activities and the only reply I could secure was, 'This is
      all second-hand evidence.' Then I went up to Baltimore at the invitation
      of our good friend, a member of the National Committee, Charles J.
      Bonaparte. Bonaparte said that he could bring me into direct touch with
      some of the matters complained about. He took me to the primary meetings
      with some associate who knew by name the carriers and the customs
      officials. I was able to see going on the work of political assessments,
      and I heard the instructions given to the carriers and others in regard to
      the moneys that they were to collect. I got the names of some of these men
      recorded in my memorandum book. I then went back to Washington, swore
      myself in as a witness before myself as Commissioner, and sent the sworn
      statement to the Postmaster-General with the word, 'This at least is
      firsthand evidence.' I still got no reply, and after waiting a few days, I
      put the whole material before the President with a report. This report has
      been pigeonholed by the President, and I have now come to New York to see
      what can be done to get the evidence before the public. You will
      understand that the head of a department, having made a report to the
      President, can do nothing further with the material until the President
      permits."
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt went back to Washington with the sage advice to ask the Civil
      Service Committee of the House to call upon him to give evidence in regard
      to the working of the Civil Service Act. He could then get into the record
      his first-hand evidence as well as a general statement of the bad
      practices which were going on. This evidence, when printed as a report of
      the congressional committee, could be circulated by the Association.
      Roosevelt bettered the advice by asking to have the Postmaster General
      called before the committee at the same time as himself. This was done,
      but that timid politician replied to the Chairman of the committee that
      "he would hold himself at the service of the Committee for any date on
      which Mr. Roosevelt was not to be present." The politicians with uneasy
      consciences were getting a little wary about face-to-face encounters with
      the young fighter. Nevertheless Roosevelt's testimony was given and
      circulated broadcast, as Major Putnam writes, "much to the dissatisfaction
      of the Postmaster General and probably of the President."
    </p>
    <p>
      The six years which Roosevelt spent on the Civil Service Commission were
      for him years of splendid training in the methods and practices of
      political life. What he learned then stood him in good stead when he came
      to the Presidency. Those years of Roosevelt's gave an impetus to the cause
      of civil reform which far surpassed anything it had received until his
      time. Indeed, it is probably not unfair to say that it has received no
      greater impulse since.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER IV. HAROUN AL ROOSEVELT
    </h2>
    <p>
      In 1895, at the age of thirty-six, Roosevelt was asked by Mayor Strong of
      New York City, who had just been elected on an anti-Tammany ticket, to
      become a member of his Administration. Mayor Strong wanted him for Street
      Cleaning Commissioner. Roosevelt definitely refused that office, on the
      ground that he had no special fitness for it, but accepted readily the
      Mayor's subsequent proposal that he should become President of the Police
      Commission, knowing that there was a job that he could do.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was plenty of work to be done in the Police Department. The
      conditions under which it must be done were dishearteningly unfavorable.
      In the first place, the whole scheme of things was wrong. The Police
      Department was governed by one of those bi-partisan commissions which
      well-meaning theorists are wont sometimes to set up when they think that
      the important thing in government is to have things arranged so that
      nobody can do anything harmful. The result often is that nobody can do
      anything at all. There were four Commissioners, two supposed to belong to
      one party and two to the other. There was also a Chief of Police,
      appointed by the Commission, who could not be removed without a trial
      subject to review by the courts. The scheme put a premium on intriguing
      and obstruction. It was far inferior to the present plan of a single
      Commissioner with full power, subject only to the Mayor who appoints him.
    </p>
    <p>
      But there is an interesting lesson to be learned from a comparison between
      the New York Police Department as it is today and as it was twenty-five
      years ago. Then the scheme of organization was thoroughly bad&mdash;and
      the department was at its high-water mark of honest and effective
      activity. Now the scheme of organization is excellent&mdash;but the less
      said about the way it works the better. The answer to the riddle is this:
      today the New York police force is headed by Tammany; the name of the
      particular Tammany man who is Commissioner does not matter. In those days
      the head was Roosevelt.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were many good men on the force then as now. What Roosevelt said of
      the men of his time is as true today: "There are no better men anywhere
      than the men of the New York police force; and when they go bad it is
      because the system is wrong, and because they are not given the chance to
      do the good work they can do and would rather do." The first fight that
      Roosevelt found on his hands was to keep politics and every kind of
      favoritism absolutely out of the force. During his six years as Civil
      Service Commissioner he had learned much about the way to get good men
      into the public service. He was now able to put his own theories into
      practice. His method was utterly simple and incontestably right. "As far
      as was humanly possible, the appointments and promotions were made without
      regard to any question except the fitness of the man and the needs of the
      service." That was all. "We paid," he said, "not the slightest attention
      to a man's politics or creed, or where he was born, so long as he was an
      American citizen." But it was not easy to convince either the politicians
      or the public that the Commission really meant what it said. In view of
      the long record of unblushing corruption in connection with every activity
      in the Police Department, and of the existence, which was a matter of
      common knowledge, of a regular tariff for appointments and promotions, it
      is little wonder that the news that every one on, or desiring to get on,
      the force would have a square deal was received with scepticism. But such
      was the fact. Roosevelt brought the whole situation out into the open,
      gave the widest possible publicity to what the Commission was doing, and
      went hotly after any intimation of corruption.
    </p>
    <p>
      One secret of his success here as everywhere else was that he did things
      himself. He knew things of his own knowledge. One evening he went down to
      the Bowery to speak at a branch of the Young Men's Christian Association.
      There he met a young Jew, named Raphael, who had recently displayed
      unusual courage and physical prowess in rescuing women and children from a
      burning building. Roosevelt suggested that he try the examination for
      entrance to the force. Young Raphael did so, was successful, and became a
      policeman of the best type. He and his family, said Roosevelt, "have been
      close friends of mine ever since." Another comment which he added is
      delicious and illuminating: "To show our community of feeling and our
      grasp of the facts of life, I may mention that we were almost the only men
      in the Police Department who picked Fitzsimmons as a winner against
      Corbett." There is doubtless much in this little incident shocking to the
      susceptibilities of many who would consider themselves among the "best"
      people. But Roosevelt would care little for that. He was a real democrat;
      and to his great soul there was nothing either incongruous or undesirable
      in having&mdash;and in admitting that he had&mdash;close friends in an
      East Side Jewish family just over from Russia. He believed, too, in "the
      strenuous life," in boxing and in prize fighting when it was clean. He
      could meet a subordinate as man to man on the basis of such a personal
      matter as their respective judgment of two prize fighters, without
      relaxing in the slightest degree their official relations. He was a man of
      realities, who knew how to preserve the real distinctions of life without
      insisting on the artificial ones.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the best allies that Roosevelt had was Jacob A. Riis, that
      extraordinary man with the heart of a child, the courage of a lion, and
      the spirit of a crusader, who came from Denmark as an immigrant, tramped
      the streets of New York and the country roads without a place to lay his
      head, became one of the best police reporters New York ever knew, and grew
      to be a flaming force for righteousness in the city of his adoption. His
      book, "How the Other Half Lives", did more to clean up the worst slums of
      the city than any other single thing. When the book appeared, Roosevelt
      went to Mr. Riis's office, found him out, and left a card which said
      simply, "I have read your book. I have come down to help." When Roosevelt
      became Police Commissioner, Riis was in the Tribune Police Bureau in
      Mulberry Street, opposite Police Headquarters, already a well valued
      friend. Roosevelt took him for guide, and together they tramped about the
      dark spots of the city in the night hours when the underworld slips its
      mask and bares its arm to strike. Roosevelt had to know for himself. He
      considered that he had two duties as Police Commissioner: one to make the
      police force an honest and effective public servant; the other to use his
      position "to help in making the city a better place in which to live and
      work for those to whom the conditions of life and labor were hardest."
      These night wanderings of "Haroun al Roosevelt," as some one successfully
      ticketed him in allusion to the great Caliph's similar expeditions, were
      powerful aids to the tightening up of discipline and to the encouragement
      of good work by patrolmen and roundsmen. The unfaithful or the easy-going
      man on the beat, who allowed himself to be beguiled by the warmth and
      cheer of a saloon back-room, or to wander away from his duty for his own
      purposes, was likely to be confronted by the black slouch hat and the
      gleaming spectacles of a tough-set figure that he knew as the embodiment
      of relentless justice. But the faithful knew no less surely that he was
      their best friend and champion.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the old days of "the system," not only appointment to the force and
      promotion, but recognition of exceptional achievement went by favor. The
      policeman who risked his life in the pursuit of duty and accomplished some
      big thing against great odds could not be sure of the reward to which he
      was entitled unless he had political pull. It was even the rule in the
      Department that the officer who spoiled his uniform in rescuing man,
      woman, or child from the waters of the river must get a new one at his own
      expense. "The system" knew neither justice nor fair play. It knew nothing
      but the cynical phrase of Richard Croker, Tammany Hall's famous boss, "my
      own pocket all the time." But Roosevelt changed all that. He had not been
      in Mulberry Street a month before that despicable rule about the uniform
      was blotted out. His whole term of office on the Police Board was marked
      by acts of recognition of bravery and faithful service. Many times he had
      to dig the facts out for himself or ran upon them by accident. There was
      no practice in the Department of recording the good work done by the men
      on the force so that whoever would might read.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt enjoyed this part of his task heartily. He believed vigorously
      in courage, hardihood, and daring. What is more, he believed with his
      whole soul in men. It filled him with pure joy when he discovered a man of
      the true stalwart breed who held his own life as nothing when his duty was
      at stake.
    </p>
    <p>
      During his two years' service, he and his fellow Commissioners singled out
      more than a hundred men for special mention because of some feat of
      heroism. Two cases which he describes in his "Autobiography" are typical
      of the rest. One was that of an old fellow, a veteran of the Civil War,
      who was a roundsman. Roosevelt noticed one day that he had saved a woman
      from drowning and called him before him to investigate the matter. The
      veteran officer was not a little nervous and agitated as he produced his
      record. He had grown gray in the service and had performed feat after feat
      of heroism; but his complete lack of political backing had kept him from
      further promotion. In twenty-two years on the force he had saved some
      twenty-five persons from drowning, to say nothing of rescuing several from
      burning buildings. Twice Congress had passed special acts to permit the
      Secretary of the Treasury to give him a medal for distinguished gallantry
      in saving life. He had received other medals from the Life Saving Society
      and from the Police Department itself. The one thing that he could not
      achieve was adequate promotion, although his record was spotless. When
      Roosevelt's attention was attracted to him, he received his promotion then
      and there. "It may be worth mentioning," says Roosevelt, "that he kept on
      saving life after he was given his sergeantcy."
    </p>
    <p>
      The other case was that of a patrolman who seemed to have fallen into the
      habit of catching burglars. Roosevelt noticed that he caught two in
      successive weeks, the second time under unusual conditions. The policeman
      saw the burglar emerging from a house soon after midnight and gave chase.
      The fugitive ran toward Park Avenue. The New York Central Railroad runs
      under that avenue, and there is a succession of openings in the top of the
      tunnel. The burglar took a desperate chance by dropping through one of the
      openings, at the imminent risk of breaking his neck. "Now the burglar,"
      says Roosevelt, "was running for his liberty, and it was the part of
      wisdom for him to imperil life and limb; but the policeman was merely
      doing his duty, and nobody could have blamed him for not taking the jump.
      However, he jumped; and in this particular case the hand of the Lord was
      heavy upon the unrighteous. The burglar had the breath knocked out of him,
      and the 'cop' didn't. When his victim could walk, the officer trotted him
      around to the station house." When Roosevelt had discovered that the
      patrolman's record showed him to be sober, trustworthy, and strictly
      attentive to duty, he secured his promotion at once.
    </p>
    <p>
      So the Police Commission, during those two years, under the driving force
      of Roosevelt's example and spirit, went about the regeneration of the
      force whose former proud title of "The Finest" had been besmirched by
      those who should have been its champions and defenders. Politics,
      favoritism, and corruption were knocked out of the department with all the
      thoroughness that the absurd bipartisan scheme of administration would
      permit.
    </p>
    <p>
      The most spectacular fight of all was against the illegal operations of
      the saloons. The excise law forbade the sale of liquor on Sunday. But the
      police, under orders from "higher up," enforced the law with discretion.
      The saloons which paid blackmail, or which enjoyed the protection of some
      powerful Tammany chieftain, sold liquor on Sunday with impunity. Only
      those whose owners were recalcitrant or without influence were compelled
      to obey the law.
    </p>
    <p>
      Now a goodly proportion of the population of New York, as of any great
      city, objects strenuously to having its personal habits interfered with by
      the community. This is just as true now in the days of prohibition as it
      was then in the days of "Sunday closing." So when Roosevelt came into
      office with the simple, straightforward conviction that laws on the
      statute books were intended to be enforced and proceeded to close all the
      saloons on Sunday, the result was inevitable. The professional politicians
      foamed at the mouth. The yellow press shrieked and lied. The
      saloon-keepers and the sharers of their illicit profits wriggled and
      squirmed. But the saloons were closed. The law was enforced without fear
      or favor. The Sunday sale of liquor disappeared from the city, until a
      complaisant judge, ruling upon the provision of the law which permitted
      drink to be sold with a meal, decreed that one pretzel, even when
      accompanied by seventeen beers, made a "meal." No amount of honesty and
      fearlessness in the enforcement of the law could prevail against such
      judicial aid and comfort to the cause of nullification. The main purpose
      of Roosevelt's fight for Sunday closing, the stopping of blackmail, was,
      however, achieved. A standard of law enforcement was set which shows what
      can be done even with an unpopular law, and in New York City itself, if
      the will to deal honestly and without cowardice is there.
    </p>
    <p>
      So the young man who was "ever a fighter" went on his way, fighting evil
      to the death wherever he found it, achieving results, making friends
      eagerly and enemies blithely, learning, broadening, growing. Already he
      had made a distinct impression upon his times.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0005" id="link2HCH0005">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER V. FIGHTING AND BREAKFASTING WITH PLATT
    </h2>
    <p>
      From the New York Police Department Roosevelt was called by President
      McKinley to Washington in 1897, to become Assistant Secretary of the Navy.
      After a year there&mdash;the story of which belongs elsewhere in this
      volume&mdash;he resigned to go to Cuba as Lieutenant-Colonel of the Rough
      Riders. He was just as prominent in that war for liberty and justice as
      the dimensions of the conflict permitted. He was accustomed in after years
      to say with deprecating humor, when talking to veterans of the Civil War,
      "It wasn't much of a war, but it was all the war we had." It made him
      Governor of New York.
    </p>
    <p>
      When he landed with his regiment at Montauk Point from Cuba, he was met by
      two delegations. One consisted of friends from his own State who were
      political independents; the other came from the head of the Republican
      political machine.
    </p>
    <p>
      Both wanted him as a candidate for Governor. The independents were anxious
      to have him make a campaign against the Old Guard of both the standard
      parties, fighting Richard Croker, the cynical Tammany boss, on the one
      side, and Thomas C. Platt, the "easy boss" of the Republicans, on the
      other. Tom Platt did not want him at all. But he did want to win the
      election, and he knew that he must have something superlatively fine to
      offer, if he was to have any hope of carrying the discredited Republican
      party to victory. So he swallowed whatever antipathy he may have had and
      offered the nomination to Roosevelt. This was before the days when the
      direct primary gave the plain voters an opportunity to upset the
      calculations of a political boss.
    </p>
    <p>
      Senator Platt's emissary, Lemuel Ely Quigg, in a two hours' conversation
      in the tent at Montauk, asked some straight-from-the-shoulder questions.
      The answers he received were just as unequivocal. Mr. Quigg wanted a plain
      statement as to whether or not Roosevelt wanted the nomination. He wanted
      to know what Roosevelt's attitude would be toward the organization in the
      event of his election, whether or not he would "make war" on Mr. Platt and
      his friends, or whether he would confer with them and give fair
      consideration to their point of view as to party policy and public
      interest. In short, he wanted a frank definition of Roosevelt's attitude
      towards existing party conditions. He got precisely that. Here it is, in
      Roosevelt's own words:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I replied that I should like to be nominated, and if nominated would
      promise to throw myself into the campaign with all possible energy. I said
      that I should not make war on Mr. Platt or anybody else if war could be
      avoided; that what I wanted was to be Governor and not a faction leader;
      that I certainly would confer with the organization men, as with everybody
      else who seemed to me to have knowledge of and interest in public affairs,
      and that as to Mr. Platt and the organization leaders, I would do so in
      the sincere hope that there might always result harmony of opinion and
      purpose; but that while I would try to get on well with the organization,
      the organization must with equal sincerity strive to do what I regarded as
      essential for the public good; and that in every case, after full
      consideration of what everybody had to say who might possess real
      knowledge of the matter, I should have to act finally as my own judgment
      and conscience dictated and administer the State government as I thought
      it ought to be administered.... I told him to tell the Senator that while
      I would talk freely with him, and had no intention of becoming a factional
      leader with a personal organization, yet I must have direct personal
      relations with everybody, and get their views at first hand whenever I so
      desired, because I could not have one man speaking for all." *
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     *Autobiography (Scribner), pp. 271-72.
</pre>
    <p>
      This was straight Roosevelt talk. It was probably the first time that the
      "easy boss" had received such a response to his overtures. History does
      not record how he liked it; but at least he accepted it. Subsequent events
      suggest that he was either unwilling to believe or incapable of
      understanding that the Colonel of the Rough Riders meant precisely what he
      said. But Platt found out his mistake. He was not the first or the last
      politician to have that experience.
    </p>
    <p>
      So Roosevelt was nominated, made a gruelling campaign, was elected by a
      small but sufficient majority, in a year when any other Republican
      candidate would probably have been "snowed under," and became Governor
      seventeen years after he entered public life. He was now forty years old.
    </p>
    <p>
      The governorship of Theodore Roosevelt was marked by a deal of fine
      constructive legislation and administration. But it was even more notable
      for the new standard which it set for the relationship in which the
      executive of a great State should stand to his office, to the public
      welfare, to private interests, and to the leaders of his party. Before
      Roosevelt's election there was need for a revision of the standard. In
      those days it was accepted as a matter of course, at least in practice,
      that the party boss was the overlord of the constitutional representatives
      of the people. Appointments were made primarily for the good of the party
      and only incidentally in the public interest. The welfare of the party was
      closely bound up with the profit of special interests, such as public
      service corporations and insurance companies. The prevalent condition of
      affairs was shrewdly summed up in a satiric paraphrase of Lincoln's
      conception of the American ideal: "Government of the people, by the
      bosses, for the special interests." The interests naturally repaid this
      zealous care for their well-being by contributions to the party funds.
    </p>
    <p>
      Platt was one of the most nearly absolute party bosses that the American
      system of machine politics has produced. In spite of the fair warning
      which he had already received, both directly from Roosevelt's own words,
      and indirectly from his whole previous career, he was apparently surprised
      and unquestionably annoyed when he found that he was not to be the new
      Governor's master. The trouble began before Roosevelt took office. At a
      conference one day Platt asked Roosevelt if there were any members of the
      Assembly whom he would like to have assigned to special committees.
      Roosevelt was surprised at the question, as he had not known that the
      Speaker of the Assembly, who appoints the committees, had yet been agreed
      upon by the Assemblymen-elect. He expressed his surprise. But Mr. Platt
      enlightened him, saying, "Of course, whoever we choose as Speaker will
      agree beforehand to make the appointments we wish." Roosevelt has recorded
      the mental note which he thereupon made, that if they tried the same
      process with the Governor-elect they would find themselves mistaken. In a
      few days they did try it&mdash;and discovered their mistake.
    </p>
    <p>
      Platt asked Roosevelt to come to see him. The Senator being an old and
      physically feeble man, Roosevelt went. Platt handed him a telegram from a
      certain man, accepting with pleasure his appointment as Superintendent of
      Public Works. This was one of the most important appointive offices in the
      State Administration. It was especially so at this time in view of the
      scandals which had arisen under the previous Administration over the Erie
      Canal, the most important responsibility of this department. Now, the man
      whom the boss had picked out was an excellent fellow, whom Roosevelt liked
      and whom, incidentally, he later appointed to an office which he filled in
      admirable fashion. But Roosevelt had no intention of having any one but
      himself select the members of his Administration. He said so frankly and
      simply. The Senator raged. He was unaccustomed to such independence of
      spirit. Roosevelt was courteous but firm. The irresistible force had met
      the immovable obstacle&mdash;and the force capitulated. The telegraphic
      acceptance was not accepted. The appointment was not made.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Platt was a wise man, even if he was arrogant. He knew when he had met
      one whom he could not drive. So he did not break with the new Governor.
      Roosevelt was wise, too, although he was honest. So he did not break with
      the "easy boss." His failure to do so was a disappointment to his
      impractical friends and supporters, who were more concerned with
      theoretical goodness than with achievement.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt worked with Platt and the party machine whenever he could. He
      fought only when he must. When he fought, he won. In Senator Platt's
      "Autobiography", the old boss paid this tribute to the young fighter whom
      he had made Governor: "Roosevelt had from the first agreed that he would
      consult me on all questions of appointments, Legislature or party policy.
      He religiously fulfilled this pledge, although he frequently did just what
      he pleased."
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the things that particularly grieved the theoretical idealists and
      the chronic objectors was the fact that Roosevelt used on occasion to take
      breakfast with Senator Platt. They did not seem to think it possible that
      a Governor could accept the hospitality of a boss without taking orders
      from him. But Mr. Platt knew better, if they did not. He was never under
      any illusions as to the extent of his influence with Roosevelt. It
      vanished precisely at the point where the selfish interests of the party
      and the wishes of the boss collided with the public welfare. The facts
      about the famous breakfasts are plain enough. The Governor was in Albany,
      the Senator in Washington. Both found it easy to get to New York on
      Saturday. It was natural that they should from time to time have matters
      to discuss for both were leaders in their party. Mr. Platt was a feeble
      man, who found it difficult to get about. Roosevelt was a chivalrous man,
      who believed that courtesy and consideration were due to age and weakness.
      In addition, he liked to make every minute count. So he used to go,
      frankly and openly, to the Senator's hotel for breakfast. He was not one
      of that class which he has described as composed of "solemn reformers of
      the tom-fool variety, who, according to their custom, paid attention to
      the name and not the thing." He cared only for the reality; the appearance
      mattered little to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The tom-fool reformers who criticized Roosevelt for meeting Platt at
      breakfast were not even good observers. If they had been, they would have
      realized that when Roosevelt breakfasted with Platt, it generally meant
      that he was trying to reconcile the Senator to something he was going to
      do which the worthy boss did not like. For instance, Roosevelt once wrote
      to Platt, who was trying to get him to promote a certain judge over the
      head of another judge: "There is a strong feeling among the judges and the
      leading members of the bar that Judge Y ought not to have Judge X jumped
      over his head, and I do not see my way clear to doing it. I am inclined to
      think that the solution I mentioned to you is the solution I shall have to
      adopt. Remember the breakfast at Douglas Robinson's at 8:30." It is
      probable that the Governor enjoyed that breakfast more than did the
      Senator. So it usually was with the famous breakfasts. "A series of
      breakfasts was always the prelude to some active warfare."
    </p>
    <p>
      For Roosevelt and Platt still had their pitched battles. The most epic of
      them all was fought over the reappointment of the State Superintendent of
      Insurance. The incumbent was Louis F. Payn, a veteran petty boss from a
      country district and one of Platt's right-hand men. Roosevelt discovered
      that Payn had been involved in compromising relations with certain
      financiers in New York with whom he "did not deem it expedient that the
      Superintendent of Insurance, while such, should have any intimate and
      money-making relations." The Governor therefore decided not to reappoint
      him. Platt issued an ultimatum that Payn must be reappointed or he would
      fight. He pointed out that in case of a fight Payn would stay in anyway,
      since the consent of the State Senate was necessary not only to appoint a
      man to office but to remove him from office. The Governor replied
      cheerfully that he had made up his mind and that Payn would not be
      retained. If he could not get his successor confirmed, he would make the
      appointment as soon as the Legislature adjourned, and the appointment
      would stand at least until the Legislature met again. Platt declared in
      turn that Payn would be reinstated as soon as the Legislature reconvened.
      Roosevelt admitted the possibility, but assured his opponent that the
      process would be repeated as soon as that session came to an end. He added
      his conviction that, while he might have an uncomfortable time himself, he
      would guarantee that his opponents would be made more uncomfortable still.
      Thus the matter stood in the weeks before final action could be taken.
      Platt was sure that Roosevelt must yield. But once more he did not know
      his man. It is curious how long it takes feudal overlords to get the
      measure of a fearless free man.
    </p>
    <p>
      The political power which the boss wielded was reinforced by pressure from
      big business interests in New York. Officials of the large insurance
      companies adopted resolutions asking for Payn's reappointment. But some of
      them privately and hastily assured the Governor that these resolutions
      were for public consumption only, and that they would be delighted to have
      Payn superseded. Roosevelt strove to make it clear again and again that he
      was not fighting the organization as such, and announced his readiness to
      appoint any one of several men who were good organization men&mdash;only
      he would not retain Lou Payn nor appoint any man of his type. The matter
      moved along to the final scene, which took place at the Union League Club
      in New York.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Platt's chief lieutenant asked for a meeting with the Governor. The
      request was granted. The emissary went over the ground thoroughly. He
      declared that Platt would never yield. He explained that he was certain to
      win the fight, and that he wished to save Roosevelt from such a lamentable
      disaster as the end of his political career. Roosevelt again explained at
      length his position. After half an hour he rose to go. The "subsequent
      proceedings" he described as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "My visitor repeated that I had this last chance, and that ruin was ahead
      of me if I refused it; whereas, if I accepted, everything would be made
      easy. I shook my head and answered, 'There is nothing to add to what I
      have already said.' He responded, 'You have made up your mind?' and I
      said, 'I have." He then said, 'You know it means your ruin?' and I
      answered, 'Well, we will see about that,' and walked toward the door. He
      said, 'You understand, the fight will begin tomorrow and will be carried
      on to the bitter end.' I said, 'Yes,' and added, as I reached the door,
      'Good night.' Then, as the door opened my opponent, or visitor, whichever
      one chooses to call him, whose face was as impassive and as inscrutable as
      that of Mr. John Hamlin in a poker game, said: 'Hold on! We accept. Send
      in so-and-so (the man I had named). The Senator is very sorry, but he will
      make no further opposition!' I never saw a bluff carried more resolutely
      through to the final limit." *
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Autobiography (Scribner), pp. 293-94.
</pre>
    <p>
      One other Homeric fight with the machine was Roosevelt's portion during
      his Governorship. This time it was not directly with the boss himself but
      with the boss's liegemen in the Legislature. But the kernel of the whole
      matter was the same&mdash;the selfish interests of big corporations
      against the public good.
    </p>
    <p>
      In those days corporations were by common practice privileged creatures.
      They were accustomed to special treatment from legislatures and
      administrations. But when Roosevelt was elected Governor, he was
      determined that no corporation should get a valuable privilege from the
      State without paying for it. Before long he had become convinced that they
      ought also to pay for those which they already had, free gifts of the
      State in those purblind days when corporations were young and coddled. He
      proposed that public service corporations doing business on franchises
      granted by the State and by municipalities should be taxed upon the value
      of the privileges they enjoyed. The corporations naturally enough did not
      like the proposal. But it was made in no spirit or tone of antagonism to
      business or of demagogic outcry against those who were prosperous. All
      that the Governor demanded was a square deal. In his message to the
      Legislature, he wrote as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "There is evident injustice in the light taxation of corporations. I have
      not the slightest sympathy with the outcry against corporations as such,
      or against prosperous men of business. Most of the great material works by
      which the entire country benefits have been due to the action of
      individual men, or of aggregates of men, who made money for themselves by
      doing that which was in the interest of the people as a whole. From an
      armor plant to a street railway, no work which is really beneficial to the
      public can be performed to the best advantage of the public save by men of
      such business capacity that they will not do the work unless they
      themselves receive ample reward for doing it. The effort to deprive them
      of an ample reward merely means that they will turn their energies in some
      other direction; and the public will be just so much the loser.... But
      while I freely admit all this, it yet remains true that a corporation
      which derives its powers from the State should pay to the State a just
      percentage of its earnings as a return for the privileges it enjoys."
    </p>
    <p>
      This was quietly reasonable and uninflammatory doctrine. But the
      corporations would have none of it. The Republican machine, which had a
      majority in the Legislature, promptly repudiated it as well. The campaign
      contributions from the corporations were too precious to be jeopardized by
      legislation which the corporations did not want. The Governor argued,
      pleasantly and cheerfully. The organization balked sullenly. The
      corporations grinned knowingly. They had plenty of money with which to
      kill the bill, but they did not need to use it. The machine was working
      smoothly in their behalf. The bill was introduced and referred to a
      committee, and there it lay. No amount of argument and persuasion that the
      Governor could bring to bear availed to bring the bill out of hiding. So
      he sent in a special message, on almost the last day of the session.
      According to the rules of the New York Assembly, when the Governor sends
      in a special message on a given measure, the bill must be reported out and
      given consideration. But the machine was dazzled with its own arrogance.
      The Speaker would not have the message read. Some one actually tore it up.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was more than a crime&mdash;it was a blunder. The wise ones in the
      organization realized it. They had no desire to have the Governor appeal
      to the people with his torn message in his hand. Roosevelt saw the error
      too, and laughed happily. He wrote another message and sent it over with
      the curt statement that, if it were not read forthwith, he would come over
      and read it himself. They knew that he would! So the Speaker read the
      message, and the bill was reported and hastily passed on the last day of
      the session.
    </p>
    <p>
      Then the complacent corporations woke up. They had trusted the machine too
      far. What was more, they had underestimated the Governor's striking power.
      Now they came to him, hat in hand, and suggested some fault in the bill.
      He agreed with them. They asked if he would not call a special session to
      amend the bill. Again he agreed. The session was called, and the
      amendments were proposed. In addition, however, certain amendments that
      would have frustrated the whole purpose of the bill were suggested. The
      organization, still at its old tricks, tried to get back into its
      possession the bill already passed. But the Governor was not easily caught
      napping. He knew as well as they did that possession of the bill gave him
      the whip hand. He served notice that the second bill would contain
      precisely the amendments agreed upon and no others. Otherwise he would
      sign the first bill and let it become law, with all its imperfections on
      its head. Once more the organization and the corporations emulated Davy
      Crockett's coon and begged him not to shoot, for they would come down. The
      amended bill was passed and became law. But there was an epilogue to this
      little drama. The corporations proceeded to attack the constitutionality
      of the law on the ground of the very amendment for which they had so
      clamorously pleaded. But they failed. The Supreme Court of the United
      States, after Roosevelt had become President, affirmed the
      constitutionality of the law.
    </p>
    <p>
      The spectacular events of Roosevelt's governorship were incidents in this
      conflict between two political philosophies, the one held by Platt and his
      tribe, the other by Roosevelt. Extracts from two letters exchanged by the
      Senator and the Governor bring the contrast between these philosophies
      into clear relief. Platt wrote as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "When the subject of your nomination was under consideration, there was
      one matter that gave me real anxiety.... I had heard from a good many
      sources that you were a little loose on the relations of capital and
      labor, on trusts and combinations, and, indeed, on those numerous
      questions which have recently arisen in politics affecting the security of
      earnings and the right of a man to run his business in his own way, with
      due respect, of course, to the Ten Commandments and the Penal Code. Or, to
      get at it even more clearly, I understood from a number of business men,
      and among them many of your own personal friends, that you entertained
      various altruistic ideas, all very well in their way, but which before
      they could safely be put into law needed very profound consideration." *
    </p>
    <p>
      * Roosevelt, "Autobiography" (Scribner), p. 299.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt replied that he had known very well that the Senator had just
      these feelings about him, and then proceeded to set forth his own view of
      the matter. With his usual almost uncanny wisdom in human relations, he
      based his argument on party expediency, which he knew Platt would
      comprehend, rather than on abstract considerations of right and wrong, in
      which realm the boss would be sure to feel rather at sea. He wrote thus:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I know that when parties divide on such issues [as Bryanism] the tendency
      is to force everybody into one of two camps, and to throw out entirely men
      like myself, who are as strongly opposed to Populism in every stage as the
      greatest representative of corporate wealth but who also feel strongly
      that many of these representatives of enormous corporate wealth have
      themselves been responsible for a portion of the conditions against which
      Bryanism is in ignorant revolt. I do not believe that it is wise or safe
      for us as a party to take refuge in mere negation and to say that there
      are no evils to be corrected. It seems to me that our attitude should be
      one of correcting the evils and thereby showing that whereas the
      Populists, Socialists, and others do not correct the evils at all, or else
      do so at the expense of producing others in aggravated form, on the
      contrary we Republicans hold the just balance and set ourselves as
      resolutely against improper corporate influence on the one hand as against
      demagogy and mob rule on the other."*
    </p>
    <p>
      *Roosevelt, Autobiography (Scribner), p. 300.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was the fight that Roosevelt was waging in every hour of his
      political career. It was a middle-of-the-road fight, not because of any
      timidity or slack-fibered thinking which prevented a committal to one
      extreme or the other, but because of a stern conviction that in the golden
      middle course was to be found truth and the right. It was an inevitable
      consequence that first one side and then the other&mdash;and sometimes
      both at once&mdash;should attack him as a champion of the other. It became
      a commonplace of his experience to be inveighed against by reformers as a
      reactionary and to be assailed by conservatives as a radical. But this
      paradoxical experience did not disturb him at all. He was concerned only
      to have the testimony of his own mind and conscience that he was right.
    </p>
    <p>
      The contests which he had as Governor were spectacular and exhilarating;
      but they did not fill all the hours of his working days. A tremendous
      amount of spade work was actually accomplished. For example, he brought
      about the reenactment of the Civil Service Law, which under his
      predecessor had been repealed, and put through a mass of labor legislation
      for the betterment of conditions under which the workers carried on their
      daily lives. This legislation included laws to increase the number of
      factory inspectors, to create a tenement-house commission, to regulate
      sweatshop labor, to make the eight-hour and prevailing rate of wages law
      effective, to compel railways to equip freight trains with air brakes, to
      regulate the working hours of women, to protect women and children from
      dangerous machinery, to enforce good scaffolding provisions for workmen on
      buildings, to provide seats for the use of waitresses in hotels and
      restaurants, to reduce the hours of labor for drug-store clerks, to
      provide for the registration of laborers for municipal employment. He
      worked hard to secure an employers' liability law, but the time for this
      was not yet come.
    </p>
    <p>
      Many of these reforms are now matters of course that no employer would
      think of attempting to eliminate. But they were new ideas then; and it
      took vision and courage to fight for them.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt would have been glad to be elected Governor for a second term.
      But destiny, working through curious instruments, would not have it so. He
      left behind him in the Empire State, not only a splendid record of
      concrete achievement but something more than that. Jacob Riis has told
      how, some time after, an old State official at Albany, who had seen many
      Governors come and go, revealed this intangible something. Mr. Riis had
      said to him that he did not care much for Albany since Roosevelt had gone,
      and his friend replied: "Yes, we think so, many of us. The place seemed
      dreary when he was gone. But I know now that he left something behind that
      was worth our losing him to get. This past winter, for the first time, I
      heard the question spring up spontaneously, as it seemed, when a measure
      was up in the Legislature 'Is it right?' Not 'Is it expedient?' not 'How
      is it going to help me?' not 'What is it worth to the party?' Not any of
      these, but 'Is it right?' That is Roosevelt's legacy to Albany. And it was
      worth his coming and his going to have that."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VI. ROOSEVELT BECOMES PRESIDENT
    </h2>
    <p>
      There was chance in Theodore Roosevelt's coming into the Presidency as he
      did, but there was irony as well. An evil chance dropped William McKinley
      before an assassin's bullet; but there was a fitting irony in the fact
      that the man who must step into his place had been put where he was in
      large measure by the very men who would least like to see him become
      President.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Republican convention of 1900 was a singularly unanimous body.
      President McKinley was renominated without a murmur of dissent. But there
      was no Vice-President to renominate, as Mr. Hobart had died in office.
      There was no logical candidate for the second place on the ticket. Senator
      Platt, however, had a man whom he wanted to get rid of, since Governor
      Roosevelt had made himself persona non grata alike to the machine
      politicians of his State and to the corporations allied with them. The
      Governor, however, did not propose to be disposed of so easily. His
      reasons were characteristic. He wrote thus to Senator Platt about the
      matter:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I can't help feeling more and more that the Vice-Presidency is not an
      office in which I could do anything and not an office in which a man who
      is still vigorous and not past middle life has much chance of doing
      anything.... Now, I should like to be Governor for another term,
      especially if we are able to take hold of the canals in serious shape.
      But, as Vice-President, I don't see there is anything I can do. I would be
      simply a presiding officer, and that I should find a bore."
    </p>
    <p>
      Now Mr. Platt knew that nothing but "sidetracking" could stop another
      nomination of Roosevelt for the Governorship, and this Rough Rider was a
      thorn in his flesh. So he went on his subterranean way to have him
      nominated for the most innocuous political berth in the gift of the
      American people. He secured the cooperation of Senator Quay of
      Pennsylvania and another boss or two of the same indelible stripe; but all
      their political strength would not have accomplished the desired result
      without assistance from quite a different source. Roosevelt had already
      achieved great popularity in the Middle and the Far West for the very
      reasons which made Mr. Platt want him out of the way. So, while the New
      York boss and his acquiescent delegates were stopped from presenting his
      name to the convention by Roosevelt's assurance that he would fight a
      l'outrance any movement from his own State to nominate him, other
      delegates took matters into their own hands and the nomination was finally
      made unanimously.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt gave great strength to the Republican ticket in the campaign
      which followed. William Jennings Bryan was again the Democratic candidate,
      but the "paramount issue" of his campaign had changed since four years
      before from free silver to anti-imperialism. President McKinley, according
      to his custom, made no active campaign; but Bryan and Roosevelt competed
      with each other in whirlwind speaking tours from one end of the country to
      the other. The war-cry of the Republicans was the "full dinner pail"; the
      keynote of Bryan's bid for popular support was opposition to the
      Republican policy of expansion and criticism of Republican tendencies
      toward plutocratic control. The success of the Republican ticket was
      overwhelming; McKinley and Roosevelt received nearly twice as many
      electoral votes as Bryan and Stevenson.
    </p>
    <p>
      When President McKinley was shot at Buffalo six months after his second
      term began, it looked for a time as though he would recover. So Roosevelt,
      after an immediate visit to Buffalo, went to join his family in the
      Adirondacks. The news of the President's impending death found him out in
      the wilderness on the top of Mount Tahawus, not far from the tiny Lake
      Tear-of-the-Clouds, the source of the Hudson River. A ten-mile dash down
      the mountain trail, in the course of which he outstripped all his
      companions but one; a wild forty-mile drive through the night to the
      railroad, the new President and his single companion changing the horses
      two or three times with their own hands; a fast journey by special train
      across the State&mdash;and on the evening of September 14, 1901, Theodore
      Roosevelt took the oath of office as the twenty-sixth President of the
      United States.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before taking the oath, Roosevelt announced that it would be his aim "to
      continue absolutely unbroken the policy of President McKinley for the
      peace, prosperity, and honor of our beloved country." He immediately asked
      every member of the late President's Cabinet to continue in office. The
      Cabinet was an excellent one, and Mr. Roosevelt found it necessary to make
      no other changes than those that came in the ordinary course of events.
      The policies were not altered in broad general outline, for Roosevelt was
      as stalwart a Republican as McKinley himself, and was as firmly convinced
      of the soundness of the fundamentals of the Republican doctrine.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the fears of some of his friends that Roosevelt would seem, if he
      carried out his purpose of continuity, "a pale copy of McKinley" were not
      justified in the event. They should have known better. A copy of any one
      Roosevelt could neither be nor seem, and "pale" was the last epithet to be
      applied to him with justice. It could not be long before the difference in
      the two Administrations would appear in unmistakable terms. The one which
      had just passed was first of all a party Administration and secondly a
      McKinley Administration. The one which followed was first, last, and all
      the time a Roosevelt Administration. "Where Macgregor sits, there is the
      head of the table." Not because Roosevelt consciously willed it so, but
      because the force and power and magnetism of his vigorous mind and
      personality inevitably made it so. McKinley had been a great harmonizer.
      "He oiled the machinery of government with loving and imperturbable
      patience," said an observer of his time, "and the wheels ran with an ease
      unknown since Washington's first term of office." It had been a constant
      reproach of the critics of the former President that "his ear was always
      to the ground." But he kept it there because it was his sincere conviction
      that it belonged there, ready to apprize him of the vibrations of the
      popular will. Roosevelt was the born leader with an innate instinct of
      command. He did not scorn or flout the popular will; he had too confirmed
      a conviction of the sovereign right of the people to rule for that. But he
      did not wait pusillanimously for the popular mind to make itself up; he
      had too high a conception of the duty of leadership for that. He esteemed
      it his peculiar function as the man entrusted by a great people with the
      headship of their common affairs&mdash;to lead the popular mind, to
      educate it, to inspire it, sometimes to run before it in action, serene in
      the confidence that tardy popular judgment would confirm the rightness of
      the deed.
    </p>
    <p>
      By the end of Roosevelt's first Administration two of the three groups
      that had taken a hand in choosing him for the Vice-Presidency were
      thoroughly sick of their bargain. The machine politicians and the great
      corporations found that their cunning plan to stifle with the wet blanket
      of that depressing office the fires of his moral earnestness and
      pugnacious honesty had overreached itself. Fate had freed him and, once
      freed, he was neither to hold nor to bind. It was less than two years
      before Wall Street was convinced that he was "unsafe," and sadly shook its
      head over his "impetuosity." When Wall Street stamps a man "unsafe," the
      last word in condemnation has been said. It was an even shorter time
      before the politicians found him unsatisfactory. "The breach between Mr.
      Roosevelt and the politicians was, however, inevitable. His rigid
      insistence upon the maintenance and the extension of the merit system
      alone assured the discontent which precedes dislike," wrote another
      observer. "The era of patronage mongering in the petty offices ceased
      suddenly, and the spoilsmen had the right to say that in this respect the
      policy of McKinley had not been followed." It was true. When Roosevelt
      became President the civil service was thoroughly demoralized. Senators
      and Congressmen, by tacit agreement with the executive, used the
      appointing power for the payment of political debts, the reward of party
      services, the strengthening of their personal "fences." But within three
      months it was possible to say with absolute truth that "a marvelous change
      has already been wrought in the morale of the civil service." At the end
      of Roosevelt's first term an unusually acute and informed foreign
      journalist was moved to write, "No President has so persistently
      eliminated politics from his nominations, none has been more unbending in
      making efficiency his sole test."
    </p>
    <p>
      There was the kernel of the whole matter: the President's insistence upon
      efficiency. Roosevelt, however, did not snatch rudely away from the
      Congressmen and Senators the appointing power which his predecessors had
      allowed them gradually to usurp. He continued to consult each member of
      the Congress upon appointments in that member's State or district and
      merely demanded that the men recommended for office should be honest,
      capable, and fitted for the places they were to fill.
    </p>
    <p>
      President Roosevelt was not only ready and glad to consult with Senators
      but he sought and often took the advice of party leaders outside of
      Congress, and even took into consideration the opinions of bosses. In New
      York, for instance, the two Republican leaders, Governor Odell and Senator
      Platt, were sometimes in accord and sometimes in disagreement, but each
      was always desirous of being consulted. A letter written by Roosevelt in
      the middle of his first term to a friendly Congressman well illustrates
      his theory and practice in such cases:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I want to work with Platt. I want to work with Odell. I want to support
      both and take the advice of both. But, of course, ultimately I must be the
      judge as to acting on the advice given. When, as in the case of the
      judgeship, I am convinced that the advice of both is wrong, I shall act as
      I did when I appointed Holt. When I can find a friend of Odell's like
      Cooley, who is thoroughly fit for the position I desire to fill, it gives
      me the greatest pleasure to appoint him. When Platt proposes to me a man
      like Hamilton Fish, it is equally a pleasure to appoint him."
    </p>
    <p>
      This high-minded and common-sense course did not, however, seem to please
      the politicians, for dyed-in-the-wool politicians are curious persons to
      whom half a loaf is no consolation whatever, even when the other half of
      the loaf is to go to the people&mdash;without whom there would be no
      policies at all. Strangely enough, Roosevelt's policy was equally
      displeasing to those of the doctrinaire reformer type, to whom there is no
      word in the language more distasteful than "politician," unless it be the
      word "practical." But there was one class to whom the results of this
      common-sense brand of political action were eminently satisfactory, and
      this class made up the third group that had a part in the selection of
      Theodore Roosevelt for the Vice-Presidency. The plain people, especially
      in the more westerly portions of the country, were increasingly delighted
      with the honesty, the virility, and the effectiveness of the Roosevelt
      Administration. Just before the convention which was to nominate Roosevelt
      for the Presidency to succeed himself, an editorial writer expressed the
      fact thus: "The people at large are not oblivious of the fact that, while
      others are talking and carping, Mr. Roosevelt is carrying on in the White
      House a persistent and never-ending moral struggle with every powerful
      selfish and exploiting interest in the country."
    </p>
    <p>
      Oblivious of it? They were acutely conscious of it. They approved of it
      with heartiness. They liked it so well that, when the time came to
      nominate and elect another President, they swept aside with a mighty rush
      not only the scruples and antagonisms of the Republican politicians and
      the "special interests" but party lines as well, and chose Roosevelt with
      a unanimous voice in the convention and a majority of two and a half
      million votes at the polls.
    </p>
    <p>
      As President, Theodore Roosevelt achieved many concrete results. But his
      greatest contribution to the forward movement of the times was in the
      rousing of the public conscience, the strengthening of the nation's moral
      purpose, and the erecting of a new standard of public service in the
      management of the nation's affairs. It was no little thing that when
      Roosevelt was ready to hand over to another the responsibilities of his
      high office, James Bryce, America's best friend and keenest student from
      across the seas, was able to say that in a long life, during which he had
      studied intimately the government of many different countries, he had
      never in any country seen a more eager, high-minded, and efficient set of
      public servants, men more useful and more creditable to their country,
      than the men then doing the work of the American Government in Washington
      and in the field.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VII. THE SQUARE DEAL FOR BUSINESS
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the times of Roosevelt, the American people were profoundly
      concerned with the trust problem. So was Roosevelt himself. In this
      important field of the relations between "big business" and the people he
      had a perfectly definite point of view, though he did not have a cut and
      dried programme. He was always more interested in a point of view than in
      a programme, for he realized that the one is lasting, the other shifting.
      He knew that if you stand on sound footing and look at a subject from the
      true angle, you may safely modify your plan of action as often and as
      rapidly as may be necessary to fit changing conditions. But if your
      footing is insecure or your angle of vision distorted, the most attractive
      programme in the world may come to ignominious disaster.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were, broadly speaking, three attitudes toward the trust problem
      which were strongly held by different groups in the United States. At one
      extreme was the threatening growl of big business, "Let us alone!" At the
      other pole was the shrill outcry of William Jennings Bryan and his fellow
      exhorters, "Smash the trusts!" In the golden middle ground was the
      vigorous demand of Roosevelt for a "square deal."
    </p>
    <p>
      In his first message to Congress, the President set forth his point of
      view with frankness and clarity. His comprehensive discussion of the
      matter may be summarized thus: The tremendous and highly complex
      industrial development which went on with great rapidity during the latter
      half of the nineteenth century produced serious social problems. The old
      laws and the old customs which had almost the binding force of law were
      once quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of
      wealth. Since the industrial changes which have so enormously increased
      the productive power of mankind, these regulations are no longer
      sufficient. The process of the creation of great corporate fortunes has
      aroused much antagonism; but much of this antagonism has been without
      warrant. There have been, it is true, abuses connected with the
      accumulation of wealth; yet no fortune can be accumulated in legitimate
      business except by conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. The
      men who have driven the great railways across the continent, who have
      built up commerce and developed manufactures, have on the whole done great
      good to the people at large. Without such men the material development of
      which Americans are so justly proud never could have taken place. They
      should therefore recognize the immense importance of this material
      development by leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good
      the strong men upon whom the success of business inevitably rests. It
      cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at
      the interests of one set of men almost inevitably endangers the interests
      of all. The fundamental rule in American national life is that, on the
      whole and in the long run, we shall all go up or down together. Many of
      those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great industrial
      combinations appeal especially to the primitive instincts of hatred and
      fear. These are precisely the two emotions which unfit men for cool and
      steady judgment. The whole history of the world shows that legislation, in
      facing new industrial conditions, will generally be both unwise and
      ineffective unless it is undertaken only after calm inquiry and with sober
      self-restraint.
    </p>
    <p>
      This is one side of the picture as it was presented by the President in
      his message to Congress. It was characteristic that this aspect should be
      put first, for Roosevelt always insisted upon doing justice to the other
      side before he demanded justice for his own. But he then proceeded to set
      forth the other side with equal vigor: There is a widespread conviction in
      the minds of the American people that the great corporations are in
      certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.
      It is true that real and grave evils have arisen, one of the chief of them
      being overcapitalization, with its many baleful consequences. This state
      of affairs demands that combination and concentration in business should
      be, not prohibited, but supervised and controlled. Corporations engaged in
      interstate commerce should be regulated if they are found to exercise a
      license working to the public injury. The first essential in determining
      how to deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of the
      facts. This is to be obtained only through publicity, which is the one
      sure remedy we can now invoke before it can be determined what further
      remedies are needed. Corporations should be subject to proper governmental
      supervision, and full and accurate information as to their operations
      should be made public at regular intervals. The nation should assume
      powers of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an
      interstate business. This is especially true where the corporation derives
      a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or
      tendency in its business. The Federal Government should regulate the
      activities of corporations doing an interstate business, just as it
      regulates the activities of national banks, and, through the Interstate
      Commerce Commission, the operations of the railroads.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt was destined, however, not to achieve the full measure of
      national control of corporations that he desired. The elements opposed to
      his view were too powerful. There was a fortuitous involuntary partnership
      though it was not admitted and was even violently denied between the
      advocates of "Let us alone!" and of "Smash the trusts!" against the
      champion of the middle way. In his "Autobiography" Roosevelt has described
      this situation:
    </p>
    <p>
      "One of the main troubles was the fact that the men who saw the evils and
      who tried to remedy them attempted to work in two wholly different ways,
      and the great majority of them in a way that offered little promise of
      real betterment. They tried (by the Sherman law method) to bolster up an
      individualism already proved to be both futile and mischievous; to remedy
      by more individualism the concentration that was the inevitable result of
      the already existing individualism. They saw the evil done by the big
      combinations, and sought to remedy it by destroying them and restoring the
      country to the economic conditions of the middle of the nineteenth
      century. This was a hopeless effort, and those who went into it, although
      they regarded themselves as radical progressives, really represented a
      form of sincere rural toryism. They confounded monopolies with big
      business combinations, and in the effort to prohibit both alike, instead
      of where possible prohibiting one and drastically controlling the other,
      they succeeded merely in preventing any effective control of either.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the other hand, a few men recognized that corporations and
      combinations had become indispensable in the business world, that it was
      folly to try to prohibit them, but that it was also folly to leave them
      without thoroughgoing control. These men realized that the doctrine of the
      old laissez faire economists, of the believers in unlimited competition,
      unlimited individualism, were, in the actual state of affairs, false and
      mischievous. They realized that the Government must now interfere to
      protect labor, to subordinate the big corporation to the public welfare,
      and to shackle cunning and fraud exactly as centuries before it had
      interfered to shackle the physical force which does wrong by violence. The
      big reactionaries of the business world and their allies and instruments
      among politicians and newspaper editors took advantage of this division of
      opinion, and especially of the fact that most of their opponents were on
      the wrong path; and fought to keep matters absolutely unchanged. These men
      demanded for themselves an immunity from government control which, if
      granted, would have been as wicked and as foolish as immunity to the
      barons of the twelfth century. Many of them were evil men. Many others
      were just as good men as were some of these same barons; but they were as
      utterly unable as any medieval castle-owner to understand what the public
      interest really was. There have been aristocracies which have played a
      great and beneficent part at stages in the growth of mankind; but we had
      come to a stage where for our people what was needed was a real democracy;
      and of all forms of tyranny the least attractive and the most vulgar is
      the tyranny of mere wealth, the tyranny of a plutocracy." *
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Autobiography (Scribner), pp. 424-25.
</pre>
    <p>
      When Roosevelt became President, there were three directions in which
      energy needed to be applied to the solution of the trust problem: in the
      more vigorous enforcement of the laws already on the statute books; in the
      enactment of necessary new laws on various phases of the subject; and in
      the arousing of an intelligent and militant public opinion in relation to
      the whole question. To each of these purposes the new President applied
      himself with characteristic vigor.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Sherman Anti-Trust law, which had already been on the Federal statute
      books for eleven years, forbade "combinations in restraint of trade" in
      the field of interstate commerce. During three administrations, eighteen
      actions had been brought by the Government for its enforcement. At the
      opening of the twentieth century it was a grave question whether the
      Sherman law was of any real efficacy in preventing the evils that arose
      from unregulated combination in business. A decision of the United States
      Supreme Court, rendered in 1895 in the so-called Knight case, against the
      American Sugar Refining Company, had, in the general belief, taken the
      teeth out of the Sherman law. In the words of Mr. Taft, "The effect of the
      decision in the Knight case upon the popular mind, and indeed upon
      Congress as well, was to discourage hope that the statute could be used to
      accomplish its manifest purpose and curb the great industrial trusts
      which, by the acquisition of all or a large percentage of the plants
      engaged in the manufacture of a commodity, by the dismantling of some and
      regulating the output of others, were making every effort to restrict
      production, control prices, and monopolize the business." It was obviously
      necessary that the Sherman act, unless it were to pass into innocuous
      desuetude, should have the original vigor intended by Congress restored to
      it by a new interpretation of the law on the part of the Supreme Court.
      Fortunately an opportunity for such a change presented itself with
      promptness. A small group of powerful financiers had arranged to take
      control of practically the entire system of railways in the Northwest,
      "possibly," Roosevelt has said, "as the first step toward controlling the
      entire railway system of the country." They had brought this about by
      organizing the Northern Securities Company to hold the majority of the
      stock of two competing railways, the Great Northern and the Northern
      Pacific. At the direction of President Roosevelt, suit was brought by the
      Government to prevent the merger. The defendants relied for protection
      upon the immunity afforded by the decision in the Knight case. But the
      Supreme Court now took more advanced ground, decreed that the Northern
      Securities Company was an illegal combination, and ordered its
      dissolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      By the successful prosecution of this case the Sherman act was made once
      more a potentially valuable instrument for the prevention of the more
      flagrant evils that flow from "combinations in restraint of trade." During
      the remaining years of the Roosevelt Administrations, this legal
      instrument was used with aggressive force for the purpose for which it was
      intended. In seven years and a half, forty-four prosecutions were brought
      under it by the Government, as compared with eighteen in the preceding
      eleven years. The two most famous trust cases, next to the Northern
      Securities case and even surpassing it in popular interest, because of the
      stupendous size of the corporations involved, were those against the
      Standard Oil Company and the American Tobacco Company. These companion
      cases were not finally decided in the Supreme Court until the
      Administration of President Taft; but their prosecution was begun while
      Roosevelt was in office and by his direction. They were therefore a
      definite part of his campaign for the solution of the vexed trust problem.
      Both cases were decided, by every court through which they passed, in
      favor of the Government. The Supreme Court finally in 1911 decreed that
      both the Standard Oil and the Tobacco trusts were in violation of the
      Sherman act and ordered their dissolution. There could now no longer be
      any question that the Government could in fact exercise its sovereign will
      over even the greatest and the most powerful of modern business
      organizations.
    </p>
    <p>
      The two cases had one other deep significance which at first blush looked
      like a weakening of the force of the anti-trust law but which was in
      reality a strengthening of it. There had been long and ardent debate
      whether the Sherman act should be held to apply to all restraints of trade
      or only to such as were unreasonable. It was held by some that it applied
      to ALL restraints and therefore should be amended to cover only
      unreasonable restraints. It was held by others that it applied to all
      restraints and properly so. It was held by still others that it applied
      only to unreasonable restraints. But the matter had never been decided by
      competent authority. The decision of the Supreme Court in these two
      outstanding cases, however, put an end to the previous uncertainty. Chief
      Justice White, in his two opinions, laid it down with definiteness that in
      construing and applying the law recourse must be had to the "rule of
      reason." He made clear the conviction of the court that it was "undue"
      restraints of trade which the law forbade and not incidental or
      inconsiderable ones. This definitive interpretation of the law, while it
      caused considerable criticism at the moment, in ultimate effect so cleared
      the air about the Sherman act as effectually to dispose of the demands for
      its amendment in the direction of greater leniency or severity.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the proving of the anti-trust law as an effective weapon against the
      flagrantly offending trusts, according to Roosevelt's conviction, was only
      a part of the battle. As he said, "monopolies can, although in rather
      cumbrous fashion, be broken up by lawsuits. Great business combinations,
      however, cannot possibly be made useful instead of noxious industrial
      agencies merely by lawsuits, and especially by lawsuits supposed to be
      carried on for their destruction and not for their control and
      regulation." He took, as usual, the constructive point of view. He saw
      both sides of the trust question&mdash;the inevitability and the
      beneficence of combination in modern business, and the danger to the
      public good that lay in the unregulated and uncontrolled wielding of great
      power by private individuals. He believed that the thing to do with great
      power was not to destroy it but to use it, not to forbid its acquisition
      but to direct its application. So he set himself to the task of securing
      fresh legislation regarding the regulation of corporate activities.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such legislation was not easy to get; for the forces of reaction were
      strong in Congress. But several significant steps in this direction were
      taken before Roosevelt went out of office. The new Federal Department of
      Commerce and Labor was created, and its head became a member of the
      Cabinet. The Bureau of Corporations was established in the same
      department. These new executive agencies were given no regulatory powers,
      but they did perform excellent service in that field of publicity on the
      value of which Roosevelt laid so much stress.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the year 1906 the passing of the Hepburn railway rate bill for the
      first time gave the Interstate Commerce Commission a measure of real
      control over the railways, by granting to the Commission the power to fix
      maximum rates for the transportation of freight in interstate commerce.
      The Commission had in previous years, under the authority of the act which
      created it and which permitted the Commission to decide in particular
      cases whether rates were just and reasonable, attempted to exercise this
      power to fix in these specific cases maximum rates. But the courts had
      decided that the Commission did not possess this right. The Hepburn act
      also extended the authority of the Commission over express companies,
      sleeping-car companies, pipe lines, private car lines, and private
      terminal and connecting lines. It prohibited railways from transporting in
      interstate commerce any commodities produced or owned by themselves. It
      abolished free passes and transportation except for railway employees and
      certain other small classes of persons, including the poor and unfortunate
      classes and those engaged in religious and charitable work. Under the old
      law, the Commission was compelled to apply to a Federal court on its own
      initiative for the enforcement of any order which it might issue. Under
      the Hepburn act the order went into effect at once; the railroad must
      begin to obey the order within thirty days; it must itself appeal to the
      court for the suspension and revocation of the order, or it must suffer a
      penalty of $5000 a day during the time that the order was disobeyed. The
      act further gave the Commission the power to prescribe accounting methods
      which must be followed by the railways, in order to make more difficult
      the concealment of illegal rates and improper favors to individual
      shippers. This extension and strengthening of the authority of the
      Interstate Commerce Commission was an extremely valuable forward step, not
      only as concerned the relations of the public and the railways, but in
      connection with the development of predatory corporations of the Standard
      Oil type. Miss Ida Tarbell, in her frankly revealing "History of the
      Standard Oil Company", which had been published in 1904, had shown in
      striking fashion how secret concessions from the railways had helped to
      build up that great structure of business monopoly. In Miss Tarbell's
      words, "Mr. Rockefeller's great purpose had been made possible by his
      remarkable manipulation of the railroads. It was the rebate which had made
      the Standard Oil trust, the rebate, amplified, systematized, glorified
      into a power never equalled before or since by any business of the
      country." The rebate was the device by which favored shippers&mdash;favored
      by the railways either voluntarily or under the compulsion of the threats
      of retaliation which the powerful shippers were able to make&mdash;paid
      openly the established freight rates on their products and then received
      back from the railways a substantial proportion of the charges. The
      advantage to the favored shipper is obvious. There were other more adroit
      ways in which the favoritism could be accomplished; but the general
      principle was the same. It was one important purpose&mdash;and effect&mdash;of
      the Hepburn act to close the door to this form of discrimination.
    </p>
    <p>
      One more step was necessary in order to eradicate completely this
      mischievous condition and to "keep the highway of commerce open to all on
      equal terms." It was imperative that the law relative to these abuses
      should be enforced. On this point Roosevelt's own words are significant:
      "Although under the decision of the courts the National Government had
      power over the railways, I found, when I became President, that this power
      was either not exercised at all or exercised with utter inefficiency. The
      law against rebates was a dead letter. All the unscrupulous railway men
      had been allowed to violate it with impunity; and because of this, as was
      inevitable, the scrupulous and decent railway men had been forced to
      violate it themselves, under penalty of being beaten by their less
      scrupulous rivals. It was not the fault of these decent railway men. It
      was the fault of the Government."
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt did not propose that this condition should continue to be the
      fault of the Government while he was at its head, and he inaugurated a
      vigorous campaign against railways that had given rebates and against
      corporations that had accepted&mdash;or extorted-them. The campaign
      reached a spectacular peak in a prosecution of the Standard Oil Company,
      in which fines aggregating over $29,000,000 were imposed by Judge Kenesaw
      M. Landis of the United States District Court at Chicago for the offense
      of accepting rebates. The Circuit Court of Appeals ultimately determined
      that the fine was improperly large, since it had been based on the
      untenable theory that each shipment on which a rebate was paid constituted
      a separate offense. At the second trial the presiding judge ordered an
      acquittal. In spite, however, of the failure of this particular case, with
      its spectacular features, the net result of the rebate prosecutions was
      that the rebate evil was eliminated for good and all from American railway
      and commercial life.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Roosevelt demanded the "square deal" between business and the people,
      he meant precisely what he said. He had no intention of permitting justice
      to be required from the great corporations without insisting that justice
      be done to them in turn. The most interesting case in point was that of
      the Tennessee Coal and Iron Company. To this day the action which
      Roosevelt took in the matter is looked upon, by many of those extremists
      who can see nothing good in "big business," as a proof of his undue
      sympathy with the capitalist. But thirteen years later the United States
      Supreme Court in deciding the case against the United States Steel
      Corporation in favor of the Corporation, added an obiter dictum which
      completely justified Roosevelt's action.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the fall of 1907 the United States was in the grip of a financial
      panic. Much damage was done, and much more was threatened. One great New
      York trust company was compelled to close its doors, and others were on
      the verge of disaster. One evening in the midst of this most trying time,
      the President was informed that two representatives of the United States
      Steel Corporation wished to call upon him the next morning. As he was at
      breakfast the next day word came to him that Judge Gary and Mr. Frick were
      waiting in the Executive Office. The President went over at once, sending
      word to Elihu Root, then Secretary of State, to join him. Judge Gary and
      Mr. Frick informed the President that a certain great firm in the New York
      financial district was upon the point of failure. This firm held a large
      quantity of the stock of the Tennessee Coal and Iron Company. The Steel
      Corporation had been urged to purchase this stock in order to avert the
      failure. The heads of the Steel Corporation asserted that they did not
      wish to purchase this stock from the point of view of a business
      transaction, as the value which the property might be to the Corporation
      would be more than offset by the criticism to which they would be
      subjected. They said that they were sure to be charged with trying to
      secure a monopoly and to stifle competition. They told the President that
      it had been the consistent policy of the Steel Corporation to have in its
      control no more than sixty per cent of the steel properties of the
      country; that their proportion of those properties was in fact somewhat
      less than sixty per cent; and that the acquisition of the holdings of the
      Tennessee Company would raise it only a little above that point. They
      felt, however, that it would be extremely desirable for them to make the
      suggested purchase in order to prevent the damage which would result from
      the failure of the firm in question. They were willing to buy the stocks
      offered because in the best judgment of many of the strongest bankers in
      New York the transaction would be an influential factor in preventing a
      further extension of the panic. Judge Gary and Mr. Frick declared that
      they were ready to make the purchase with this end in view but that they
      would not act without the President's approval of their action.
    </p>
    <p>
      Immediate action was imperative. It was important that the purchase, if it
      were to be made, should be announced at the opening of the New York Stock
      Exchange at ten o'clock that morning. Fortunately Roosevelt never
      shilly-shallied when a crisis confronted him. His decision was
      instantaneous. He assured his callers that while, of course, he could not
      advise them to take the action, proposed, he felt that he had no public
      duty to interpose any objection.
    </p>
    <p>
      This assurance was quite sufficient. The pure chase was made and
      announced, the firm in question did not fail, and the panic was arrested.
      The immediate reaction of practically the whole country was one of relief.
      It was only later, when the danger was past, that critics began to make
      themselves heard. Any one who had taken the trouble to ascertain the facts
      would have known beyond question that the acquisition of the Tennessee
      properties was not sufficient to change the status of the Steel
      Corporation under the anti-trust law. But the critics did not want to know
      the facts. They wanted&mdash;most of them, at least&mdash;to have a stick
      with which to beat Roosevelt. Besides, many of them did not hold
      Roosevelt's views about the square deal. Their belief was that whatever
      big business did was ipso facto evil and that it was the duty of public
      officials to find out what big business wanted to do and then prevent its
      accomplishment.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under a later Administration, Roosevelt was invited to come before a
      Congressional investigating committee to explain what he did in this
      famous case. There he told the complete story of the occurrence simply,
      frankly, and emphatically, and ended with this statement: "If I were on a
      sailboat, I should not ordinarily meddle with any of the gear; but if a
      sudden squall struck us, and the main sheet jammed, so that the boat
      threatened to capsize, I would unhesitatingly cut the main sheet, even
      though I were sure that the owner, no matter how grateful to me at the
      moment for having saved his life, would a few weeks later, when he had
      forgotten his danger and his fear, decide to sue me for the value of the
      cut rope. But I would feel a hearty contempt for the owner who so acted."
    </p>
    <p>
      Two laws passed during the second Roosevelt Administration had an
      important bearing on the conduct of American business, though in a
      different way from those which have already been considered. They were the
      Pure Food law, and the Meat Inspection act. Both were measures for the
      protection of the public health; but both were at the same time measures
      for the control of private business. The Pure Food law did three things:
      it prohibited the sale of foods or drugs which were not pure and
      unadulterated; it prohibited the sale of drugs which contained opium,
      cocaine, alcohol, and other narcotics unless the exact proportion of them
      in the preparation were stated on the package; and it prohibited the sale
      of foods and drugs as anything else than what they actually were. The Meat
      Inspection law required rigid inspection by Government officials of all
      slaughterhouses and packing concerns preparing meat food products for
      distribution in interstate commerce. The imperative need for the passage
      of this law was brought forcibly and vividly to the popular attention
      through a novel, "The Jungle", written by Upton Sinclair, in which the
      disgraceful conditions of uncleanliness and revolting carelessness in the
      Chicago packing houses were described with vitriolic intensity. An
      official investigation ordered by the President confirmed the truth of
      these timely revelations.
    </p>
    <p>
      These achievements on the part of the Roosevelt Administrations were of
      high value. But, after all Roosevelt performed an even greater service in
      arousing the public mind to a realization of facts of national
      significance and stimulating the public conscience to a desire to deal
      with them vigorously and justly. From the very beginning of his
      Presidential career he realized the gravity of the problems created by the
      rise of big business; and he began forthwith to impress upon the people
      with hammer blows the conditions as he saw them, the need for definite
      corrective action, and the absolute necessity for such treatment of the
      case as would constitute the "square deal." An interesting example of his
      method and of the response which it received is to be found in the report
      of an address which he made in 1907. It runs thus:
    </p>
    <p>
      "From the standpoint of our material prosperity there is only one other
      thing as important as the discouragement of a spirit of envy and hostility
      toward business men, toward honest men of means; this is the
      discouragement of dishonest business men. [Great applause.]
    </p>
    <p>
      "Wait a moment; I don't want you to applaud this part unless you are
      willing to applaud also the part I read first, to which you listened in
      silence. [Laughter and applause.] I want you to understand that I will
      stand just as straight for the rights of the honest man who wins his
      fortune by honest methods as I will stand against the dishonest man who
      wins a fortune by dishonest methods. And I challenge the right to your
      support in one attitude just as much as in the other. I am glad you
      applauded when you did, but I want you to go back now and applaud the
      other statement. I will read a little of it over again. 'Every
      manifestation of ignorant envy and hostility toward honest men who acquire
      wealth by honest means should be crushed at the outset by the weight of a
      sensible public opinion.' [Tremendous applause.] Thank you. Now I'll go
      on."
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt's incessant emphasis was placed upon conduct as the proper
      standard by which to judge the actions of men. "We are," he once said, "no
      respecters of persons. If a labor union does wrong, we oppose it as firmly
      as we oppose a corporation which does wrong; and we stand equally stoutly
      for the rights of the man of wealth and for the rights of the wage-worker.
      We seek to protect the property of every man who acts honestly, of every
      corporation that represents wealth honestly accumulated and honestly used.
      We seek to stop wrongdoing, and we desire to punish the wrongdoer only so
      far as is necessary to achieve this end."
    </p>
    <p>
      At another time he sounded the same note&mdash;sounded it indeed with a
      "damnable iteration" that only proved how deeply it was imbedded in his
      conviction.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Let us strive steadily to secure justice as between man and man without
      regard to the man's position, social or otherwise. Let us remember that
      justice can never be justice unless it is equal. Do justice to the rich
      man and exact justice from him; do justice to the poor man and exact
      justice from him&mdash;justice to the capitalist and justice to the
      wage-worker.... I have an equally hearty aversion for the reactionary and
      the demagogue; but I am not going to be driven out of fealty to my
      principles because certain of them are championed by the reactionary and
      certain others by the demagogue. The reactionary is always strongly for
      the rights of property; so am I.... I will not be driven away from
      championship of the rights of property upon which all our civilization
      rests because they happen to be championed by people who champion
      furthermore the abuses of wealth.... Most demagogues advocate some
      excellent popular principles, and nothing could be more foolish than for
      decent men to permit themselves to be put into an attitude of ignorant and
      perverse opposition to all reforms demanded in the name of the people
      because it happens that some of them are demanded by demagogues."
    </p>
    <p>
      Such an attitude on the part of a man like Roosevelt could not fail to be
      misunderstood, misinterpreted, and assailed. Toward the end of his
      Presidential career, when he was attacking with peculiar vigor the
      "malefactors of great wealth" whom the Government had found it necessary
      to punish for their predatory acts in corporate guise, it was gently
      intimated by certain defenders of privilege that he was insane. At other
      times, when he was insisting upon justice even to men who had achieved
      material success, he was placed by the more rabid of the radical opponents
      of privilege in the hierarchy of the worshipers of the golden calf. His
      course along the middle of the onward way exposed him peculiarly to the
      missiles of invective and scorn from the partisans on either side. But
      neither could drive him into the arms of the other.
    </p>
    <p>
      The best evidence of the soundness of the strategy with which he assailed
      the enemies of the common good, with whirling war-club but with scrupulous
      observance of the demands of justice and fair play, is to be found in the
      measure of what he actually achieved. He did arouse the popular mind and
      sting the popular conscience broad awake. He did enforce the law without
      fear or favor. He did leave upon the statute-book and in the machinery of
      government new means and methods for the control of business and for the
      protection of the general welfare against predatory wealth.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0008" id="link2HCH0008">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VIII. THE SQUARE DEAL FOR LABOR
    </h2>
    <p>
      It should go without saying that Roosevelt was vigorously and deeply
      concerned with the relations between capital and labor, for he was
      interested in everything that concerned the men and women of America,
      everything that had to do with human relations. From the very beginning of
      his public life he had been a champion of the workingman when the
      workingman needed defense against exploitation and injustice. But his
      advocacy of the workers' rights was never demagogic nor partial. In
      industrial relations, as in the relations between business and the
      community, he believed in the square deal. The rights of labor and the
      rights of capital must, he firmly held, be respected each by the other&mdash;and
      the rights of the public by both.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt believed thoroughly in trade unions. He realized that one of the
      striking accompaniments of the gigantic developments in business and
      industry of the past few generations was a gross inequality in the
      bargaining relation between the employer and the individual employee
      standing alone.
    </p>
    <p>
      Speaking of the great coal strike which occurred while he was President,
      he developed the idea in this way:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The great coal-mining and coal-carrying companies, which employed their
      tens of thousands, could easily dispense with the services of any
      particular miner. The miner, on the other hand, however expert, could not
      dispense with the companies. He needed a job; his wife and children would
      starve if he did not get one. What the miner had to sell&mdash;his labor&mdash;was
      a perishable commodity; the labor of today&mdash;if not sold today was
      lost forever. Moreover, his labor was not like most commodities&mdash;a
      mere thing; it was a part of a living, human being. The workman saw, and
      all citizens who gave earnest thought to the matter saw that the labor
      problem was not only an economic, but also a moral, a human problem.
      Individually the miners were impotent when they sought to enter a wage
      contract with the great companies; they could make fair terms only by
      uniting into trade unions to bargain collectively. The men were forced to
      cooperate to secure not only their economic, but their simple human
      rights. They, like other workmen, were compelled by the very conditions
      under which they lived to unite in unions of their industry or trade, and
      those unions were bound to grow in size, in strength, and in power for
      good and evil as the industries in which the men were employed grew larger
      and larger." *
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Autobiography (Scribner), pp. 471-78.
</pre>
    <p>
      He was fond of quoting three statements of Lincoln's as expressing
      precisely what he himself believed about capital and labor. The first of
      these sayings was this: "Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital.
      Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor
      had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much
      the higher consideration."
    </p>
    <p>
      This statement, Roosevelt used to say, would have made him, if it had been
      original with him, even more strongly denounced as a communist agitator
      than he already was! Then he would turn from this, which the capitalist
      ought to hear, to another saying of Lincoln's which the workingman ought
      to hear: "Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any
      other rights.. .. Nor should this lead to a war upon the owners of
      property. Property is the fruit of labor;... property is desirable; it is
      a positive good in the world."
    </p>
    <p>
      Then would come the final word from Lincoln, driven home by Roosevelt with
      all his usual vigor and fire: "Let not him who is houseless pull down the
      house of another, but let him work diligently and build one for himself,
      thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe from violence when
      built."
    </p>
    <p>
      In these three sayings, Roosevelt declared, Lincoln "showed the proper
      sense of proportion in his relative estimates of capital and labor, of
      human rights and property rights." Roosevelt's own most famous statement
      of the matter was made in an address which he delivered before the
      Sorbonne in Paris, on his way back from Africa: "In every civilized
      society property rights must be carefully safeguarded. Ordinarily, and in
      the great majority of cases, human rights and property rights are
      fundamentally and in the long run identical; but when it clearly appears
      that there is a real conflict between them, human rights must have the
      upper hand, for property belongs to man and not man to property."
    </p>
    <p>
      Several times it happened to Roosevelt to be confronted with the necessity
      of meeting with force the threat of violence on the part of striking
      workers. He never refused the challenge, and his firmness never lost him
      the respect of any but the worthless among the workingmen. When he was
      Police Commissioner, strikers in New York were coming into continual
      conflict with the police. Roosevelt asked the strike leaders to meet him
      in order to talk things over. These leaders did not know the man with whom
      they were dealing; they tried to bully him. They truculently announced the
      things that they would do if the police were not compliant to their
      wishes. But they did not get far in that direction. Roosevelt called a
      halt with a snap of his jaws. "Gentlemen!" he said, "we want to understand
      one another. That was my object in coming here. Remember, please, that he
      who counsels violence does the cause of labor the poorest service. Also,
      he loses his case. Understand distinctly that order will be kept. The
      police will keep it. Now, gentlemen!" There was surprised silence for a
      moment, and then smashing applause. They had learned suddenly what kind of
      a man Roosevelt was. All their respect was his.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was after he became President that his greatest opportunity occurred to
      put into effect his convictions about the industrial problem. In 1909
      there was a strike which brought about a complete stoppage of work for
      several months in the anthracite coal regions. Both operators and workers
      were determined to make no concession. The coal famine became a national
      menace as the winter approached. "The big coal operators had banded
      together," so Roosevelt has described the situation, "and positively
      refused to take any steps looking toward an accommodation. They knew that
      the suffering among the miners was great; they were confident that if
      order was kept, and nothing further done by the Government, they would
      win; and they refused to consider that the public had any rights in the
      matter."
    </p>
    <p>
      As the situation grew more and more dangerous, the President directed the
      head of the Federal Labor Bureau to make an investigation of the whole
      matter. From this investigation it appeared that the most feasible
      solution of the problem was to prevail upon both sides to agree to a
      commission of arbitration and promise to accept its findings. To this
      proposal the miners agreed; the mine owners insolently declined it.
      Nevertheless, Roosevelt persisted, and ultimately the operators yielded on
      condition that the commission, which was to be named by the President,
      should contain no representative of labor. They insisted that it should be
      composed of (1) an officer of the engineer corps of the army or navy, (2)
      a man with experience in mining, (3) a "man of prominence, eminent as a
      sociologist," (4) a Federal Judge of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania,
      and (5) a mining engineer. In the course of a long and grueling conference
      it looked as though a deadlock could be the only outcome, since the mine
      owners would have no representative of labor on any terms. But it suddenly
      dawned on Roosevelt that the owners were objecting not to the thing but to
      the name. He discovered that they would not object to the appointment of
      any man, labor man or not, so long as he was not appointed as a labor man
      or as a representative of labor. "I shall never forget," he says in his
      "Autobiography", "the mixture of relief and amusement I felt when I
      thoroughly grasped the fact that while they would heroically submit to
      anarchy rather than have Tweedledum, yet if I would call it Tweedledee
      they would accept with rapture." All that he needed to do was to "commit a
      technical and nominal absurdity with a solemn face." When he realized that
      this was the case, Roosevelt announced that he was glad to accept the
      terms laid down, and proceeded to appoint to the third position on the
      Commission the labor man whom he had wanted from the first to appoint, Mr.
      E. E. Clark, the head of the Brotherhood of Railway Conductors. He called
      him, however, an "eminent sociologist," adding in his announcement of the
      appointment this explanation: "For the purposes of such a Commission, the
      term sociologist means a man who has thought and studied deeply on social
      questions and has practically applied his knowledge."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Commission as finally constituted was an admirable one. Its report,
      which removed every menace to peace in the coal industry, was an
      outstanding event in the history of the relations of labor and capital in
      the United States.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the most interesting and significant part of Roosevelt's relation to
      the great coal strike concerned something that did not happen. It
      illustrates his habit of seeing clearly through a situation to the end and
      knowing far in advance just what action he was prepared to take in any
      contingency that might possibly arise. He was determined that work should
      be resumed in the mines and that the country should have coal. He did not
      propose to allow the operators to maintain the deadlock by sheer refusal
      to make any compromise. In case he could not succeed in making them
      reconsider their position, he had prepared a definite and drastic course
      of action. The facts in regard to this plan did not become public until
      many years after the strike was settled, and then only when Roosevelt
      described it in his "Autobiography".
    </p>
    <p>
      The method of action which Roosevelt had determined upon in the last
      resort was to get the Governor of Pennsylvania to appeal to him as
      President to restore order. He had then determined to put Federal troops
      into the coal fields under the command of some first-rate general, with
      instructions not only to preserve order but to dispossess the mine
      operators and to run the mines as a receiver, until such time as the
      Commission should make its report and the President should issue further
      orders in view of that report. Roosevelt found an army officer with the
      requisite good sense, judgment, and nerve to act in such a crisis in the
      person of Major General Schofield. Roosevelt sent for the General and
      explained the seriousness of the crisis. "He was a fine fellow," says
      Roosevelt in his "Autobiography", "a most respectable-looking old boy,
      with side whiskers and a black skull-cap, without any of the outward
      aspect of the conventional military dictator; but in both nerve and
      judgment he was all right." Schofield quietly assured the President that
      if the order was given he would take possession of the mines, and would
      guarantee to open them and run them without permitting any interference
      either by the owners or by the strikers or by any one else, so long as the
      President told him to stay. Fortunately Roosevelt's efforts to bring about
      arbitration were ultimately successful and recourse to the novel expedient
      of having the army operate the coal mines proved unnecessary. No one was
      more pleased than Roosevelt himself at the harmonious adjustment of the
      trouble, for, as he said, "It is never well to take drastic action if the
      result can be achieved with equal efficiency in less drastic fashion." But
      there can be no question that the drastic action would have followed if
      the coal operators had not seen the light when they did.
    </p>
    <p>
      In other phases of national life Roosevelt made his influence equally
      felt. As President he found that there was little which the Federal
      Government could do directly for the practical betterment of living and
      working conditions among the mass of the people compared with what the
      State Governments could do. He determined, however, to strive to make the
      National Government an ideal employer. He hoped to make the Federal
      employee feel, just as much as did the Cabinet officer, that he was one of
      the partners engaged in the service of the public, proud of his work,
      eager to do it efficiently, and confident of just treatment. The Federal
      Government could act in relation to laboring conditions only in the
      Territories, in the District of Columbia, and in connection with
      interstate commerce. But in those fields it accomplished much.
    </p>
    <p>
      The eight-hour law for workers in the executive departments had become a
      mere farce and was continually violated by officials who made their
      subordinates work longer hours than the law stipulated. This condition the
      President remedied by executive action, at the same time seeing to it that
      the shirk and the dawdler received no mercy. A good law protecting the
      lives and health of miners in the Territories was passed; and laws were
      enacted for the District of Columbia, providing for the supervision of
      employment agencies, for safeguarding workers against accidents, and for
      the restriction of child labor. A workmen's compensation law for
      government employees, inadequate but at least a beginning, was put on the
      statute books. A similar law for workers on interstate railways was
      declared unconstitutional by the courts; but a second law was passed and
      stood the test.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was chiefly in the field of executive action, however, that Roosevelt
      was able to put his theories into practice. There he did not have to deal
      with recalcitrant, stupid, or medieval-minded politicians, as he so often
      did in matters of legislation. One case which confronted him found him on
      the side against the labor unions, but, being sure that he was right, he
      did not let that fact disturb him. A printer in the Government Printing
      Office, named Miller, had been discharged because he was a non-union man.
      The President immediately ordered him reinstated.
    </p>
    <p>
      Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, with
      several members of its Executive Council, called upon him to protest. The
      President was courteous but inflexible. He answered their protest by
      declaring that, in the employment and dismissal of men in the Government
      service, he could no more recognize the fact that a man did or did not
      belong to a union as being for or against him, than he could recognize the
      fact that he was a Protestant or a Catholic, a Jew or a Gentile, as being
      for or against him. He declared his belief in trade unions and said that
      if he were a worker himself he would unquestionably join a union. He
      always preferred to see a union shop. But he could not allow his personal
      preferences to control his public actions. The Government was bound to
      treat union and non-union men exactly alike. His action in causing Miller
      to be reinstated was final.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another instance which illustrated Roosevelt's skill in handling a
      difficult situation occurred in 1908 when the Louisville and Nashville
      Railroad and certain other lines announced a reduction in wages. The heads
      of that particular road laid the necessity for the reduction at the door
      of "the drastic laws inimical to the interests of the railroads that have
      in the past year or two been enacted." A general strike, with all the
      attendant discomfort and disorder, was threatened in retaliation. The
      President wrote a letter to the Interstate Commerce Commission, in which
      he said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "These reductions in wages may be justified or they may not. As to this
      the public, which is a vitally interested party, can form no judgment
      without a more complete knowledge of the essential facts and real merits
      of the case than it now has or than it can possibly obtain from the
      special pleadings, certain to be put forth by each side in case their
      dispute should bring about serious interruption to traffic. If the
      reduction in wages is due to natural causes, the loss of business being
      such that the burden should be, and is, equitably distributed, between
      capitalist and wageworker, the public should know it. If it is caused by
      legislation, the public and Congress should know it; and if it is caused
      by misconduct in the past financial or other operations of any railroad,
      then everybody should know it, especially if the excuse of unfriendly
      legislation is advanced as a method of covering up past business
      misconduct by the railroad managers, or as a justification for failure to
      treat fairly the wage-earning employees of the company."
    </p>
    <p>
      The letter closed with a request to the Commission to investigate the
      whole matter with these points in view. But the investigation proved
      unnecessary; the letter was enough. The proposed reduction of wages was
      never heard of again. The strength of the President's position in a case
      of this sort was that he was cheerfully prepared to accept whatever an
      investigation should show to be right. If the reduction should prove to be
      required by natural causes, very well&mdash;let the reduction be made. If
      it was the result of unfair and unwise legislation, very well&mdash;repeal
      the legislation. If it was caused by misconduct on the part of railroad
      managers, very well&mdash;let them be punished. It was hard to get the
      better of a man who wanted only the truth, and was ready to act upon it,
      no matter which way it cut.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1910, after his return from Africa, a speaking trip happened to take
      him to Columbus, Ohio, which had for months been in the grasp of a street
      railway strike. There had been much violence, many policemen had refused
      to do their duty, and many officials had failed in theirs. It was an
      uncomfortable time for an outsider to come and make a speech. But
      Roosevelt did not dodge. He spoke, and straight to the point. His speech
      had been announced as on Law and Order. When he rose to speak, however, he
      declared that he would speak on Law, Order, and Justice. Here are some of
      the incisive things that he said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Now, the first requisite is to establish order; and the first duty of
      every official, in State and city alike, high and low, is to see that
      order obtains and that violence is definitely stopped .... I have the
      greatest regard for the policeman who does his duty. I put him high among
      the props of the State, but the policeman who mutinies, or refuses to
      perform his duty, stands on a lower level than that of the professional
      lawbreaker.... I ask, then, not only that civic officials perform their
      duties, but that you, the people, insist upon their performing them... . I
      ask this particularly of the wage-workers, and employees, and men on
      strike.... I ask them, not merely passively, but actively, to aid in
      restoring order. I ask them to clear their skirts of all suspicion of
      sympathizing with disorder, and, above all, the suspicion of sympathizing
      with those who commit brutal and cowardly assaults.... What I have said of
      the laboring men applies just as much to the capitalists and the
      capitalists' representatives.... The wage-workers and the representatives
      of the companies should make it evident that they wish the law absolutely
      obeyed; that there is no chance of saying that either the labor
      organization or the corporation favors lawbreakers or lawbreaking. But let
      your public servants trust, not in the good will of either side, but in
      the might of the civil arm, and see that law rules, that order obtains,
      and that every miscreant, every scoundrel who seeks brutally to assault
      any other man&mdash;whatever that man's status&mdash;is punished with the
      utmost severity.... When you have obtained law and order, remember that it
      is useless to have obtained them unless upon them you build a
      superstructure of justice. After finding out the facts, see that justice
      is done; see that injustice that has been perpetrated in the past is
      remedied, and see that the chance of doing injustice in the future is
      minimized."
    </p>
    <p>
      Now, any one might in his closet write an essay on Law, Order, and
      Justice, which would contain every idea that is here expressed. The
      essayist might even feel somewhat ashamed of his production on the ground
      that all the ideas that it contained were platitudes. But it is one thing
      to write an essay far from the madding crowd, and it was quite another to
      face an audience every member of which was probably a partisan of either
      the workers, the employers, or the officials, and give them straight from
      the shoulder simple platitudinous truths of this sort applicable to the
      situation in which they found themselves. Any one of them would have been
      delighted to hear these things said about his opponents; it was when they
      were addressed to himself and his associates that they stung. The best
      part of it, however, was the fact that those things were precisely what
      the situation needed. They were the truth; and Roosevelt knew it. His
      sword had a double edge, and he habitually used it with a sweep that cut
      both ways. As a result he was generally hated or feared by the extremists
      on both sides. But the average citizen heartily approved the impartiality
      of his strokes.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the year 1905 the Governor of Idaho was killed by a bomb as he was
      leaving his house. A former miner, who had been driven from the State six
      years before by United States troops engaged in putting down industrial
      disorder, was arrested and confessed the crime. In his confession he
      implicated three officers of the Western Federation of Miners, Moyer,
      Haywood, and Pettibone. These three men were brought from Colorado into
      Idaho by a method that closely resembled kidnaping, though it subsequently
      received the sanction of the United States Supreme Court. While these
      prominent labor leaders were awaiting trial, Colorado, Idaho, and Nevada
      seethed and burst into eruption. Parts of the mining districts were
      transformed into two hostile armed camps. Violence was common. At this
      time Roosevelt coupled the name of a giant among American railroad
      financiers, with those of Moyer and Haywood, and described them all as
      "undesirable citizens." The outbursts of resentment from both sides were
      instantaneous and vicious. There was little to choose between them.
      Finally the President took advantage of a letter of criticism from a
      supporter of the accused labor leaders to reply to both groups of critics.
      He referred to the fact that certain representatives of the great
      capitalists had protested, because he had included a prominent financier
      with Moyer and Haywood, while certain representatives of labor had
      protested on precisely the opposite grounds. Then Roosevelt went on to
      say:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am as profoundly indifferent to the condemnation in one case as in the
      other. I challenge as a right the support of all good Americans, whether
      wage-workers or capitalists, whatever their occupation or creed, or in
      whatever portion of the country they live, when I condemn both the types
      of bad citizenship which I have held up to reprobation.... You ask for a
      'square deal' for Messrs. Moyer and Haywood. So do I. When I say 'square
      deal', I mean a square deal to every one; it is equally a violation of the
      policy of the square deal for a capitalist to protest against denunciation
      of a capitalist who is guilty of wrongdoing and for a labor leader to
      protest against the denunciation of a labor leader who has been guilty of
      wrongdoing. I stand for equal justice to both; and so far as in my power
      lies I shall uphold justice, whether the man accused of guilt has behind
      him the wealthiest corporation, the greatest aggregations of riches in the
      country, or whether he has behind him the most influential labor
      organizations in the country."
    </p>
    <p>
      It should be recorded for the sake of avoiding misapprehension that
      Roosevelt's denunciation of Moyer and Haywood was not based on the
      assumption that they were guilty of the death of the murdered Governor,
      but was predicated on their general attitude and conduct in the industrial
      conflicts in the mining fields.
    </p>
    <p>
      The criticisms of Roosevelt because of his actions in the complex
      relations of capital and labor were often puerile. For instance, he was
      sternly taken to task on one or two occasions because he had labor leaders
      lunch with him at the White House. He replied to one of his critics with
      this statement of his position: "While I am President I wish the labor man
      to feel that he has the same right of access to me that the capitalist
      has; that the doors swing open as easily to the wageworker as to the head
      of a big corporation&mdash;AND NO EASIER."
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER IX. RECLAMATION AND CONSERVATION
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first message of President Roosevelt to Congress contained these
      words: "The forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal
      questions of the United States." At that moment, on December 3, 1901, the
      impulse was given that was to add to the American vocabulary two new
      words, "reclamation" and "conservation," that was to create two great
      constructive movements for the preservation, the increase, and the
      utilization of natural resources, and that was to establish a new
      relationship on the part of the Federal Government to the nation's natural
      wealth.
    </p>
    <p>
      Reclamation and conservation had this in common: the purpose of both was
      the intelligent and efficient utilization of the natural resources of the
      country for the benefit of the people of the country. But they differed in
      one respect, and with conspicuous practical effects. Reclamation, which
      meant the spending of public moneys to render fertile and usable arid
      lands hitherto deemed worthless, trod on no one's toes. It took from no
      one anything that he had; it interfered with no one's enjoyment of
      benefits which it was not in the public interest that he should continue
      to enjoy unchecked. It was therefore popular from the first, and the new
      policy went through Congress as though on well-oiled wheels. Only six
      months passed between its first statement in the Presidential message and
      its enactment into law. Conservation, on the other hand, had to begin by
      withholding the natural resources from exploitation and extravagant use.
      It had, first of all, to establish in the national mind the principle that
      the forests and mines of the nation are not an inexhaustible grab-bag into
      which whosoever will may thrust greedy and wasteful hands, and by this new
      understanding to stop the squandering of vast national resources until
      they could be economically developed and intelligently used. So it was
      inevitable that conservation should prove unpopular, while reclamation
      gained an easy popularity, and that those who had been feeding fat off the
      country's stores of forest and mineral wealth should oppose, with tooth
      and nail, the very suggestion of conservation. It was on the first Sunday
      after he reached Washington as President, before he had moved into the
      White House, that Roosevelt discussed with two men, Gifford Pinchot and F.
      H. Newell, the twin policies that were to become two of the finest
      contributions to American progress of the Roosevelt Administrations. Both
      men were already in the Government service, both were men of broad vision
      and high constructive ability; with both Roosevelt had already worked when
      he was Governor of New York. The name of Newell, who became chief engineer
      of the Reclamation Service, ought to be better known popularly than it is
      in connection with the wonderful work that has been accomplished in making
      the desert lands of western America blossom and produce abundantly. The
      name of Pinchot, by a more fortunate combination of events, has become
      synonymous in the popular mind with the conservation movement.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the very day that the first Roosevelt message was read to the Congress,
      a committee of Western Senators and Congressmen was organized, under the
      leadership of Senator Francis G. Newlands of Nevada, to prepare a
      Reclamation Bill. The only obstacle to the prompt enactment of the bill
      was the undue insistence upon State Rights by certain Congressmen, "who
      consistently fought for local and private interests as against the
      interests of the people as a whole." In spite of this shortsighted
      opposition, the bill became law on June 17, 1902, and the work of
      reclamation began without an instant's delay. The Reclamation Act set
      aside the proceeds of the sale of public lands for the purpose of
      reclaiming the waste areas of the arid West.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lands otherwise worthless were to be irrigated and in those new regions of
      agricultural productivity homes were to be established. The money so
      expended was to be repaid in due course by the settlers on the land and
      the sums repaid were to be used as a revolving fund for the continuous
      prosecution of the reclamation work. Nearly five million dollars was made
      immediately available for the work. Within four years, twenty-six
      "projects" had been approved by the Secretary of the Interior and work was
      well under way on practically all of them. They were situated in fourteen
      States&mdash;Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska,
      Washington, Utah, Wyoming, New Mexico, North Dakota, Oregon, California,
      South Dakota. The individual projects were intended to irrigate areas of
      from eight thousand to two hundred thousand acres each; and the grand
      total of arid lands to which water was thus to be brought by canals,
      tunnels, aqueducts, and ditches was more than a million and a half acres.
    </p>
    <p>
      The work had to be carried out under the most difficult and adventurous
      conditions. The men of the Reclamation Service were in the truest sense
      pioneers, building great engineering works far from the railroads, where
      the very problem of living for the great numbers of workers required was
      no simple one. On the Shoshone in Wyoming these men built the highest dam
      in the world, 310 feet from base to crest. They pierced a mountain range
      in Colorado and carried the waters of the Gunnison River nearly six miles
      to the Uncompahgre Valley through a tunnel in the solid rock. The great
      Roosevelt dam on the Salt River in Arizona with its gigantic curved wall
      of masonry 280 feet high, created a lake with a capacity of fifty-six
      billion cubic feet, and watered in 1915 an area of 750,000 acres.
    </p>
    <p>
      The work of these bold pioneers was made possible by the fearless backing
      which they received from the Administration at Washington. The President
      demanded of them certain definite results and gave them unquestioning
      support. In Roosevelt's own words, "the men in charge were given to
      understand that they must get into the water if they would learn to swim;
      and, furthermore, they learned to know that if they acted honestly, and
      boldly and fearlessly accepted responsibility, I would stand by them to
      the limit. In this, as in every other case, in the end the boldness of the
      action fully justified itself."
    </p>
    <p>
      The work of reclamation was first prosecuted under the United States
      Geological Survey; but in the spring of 1908 the United States Reclamation
      Service was established to carry it on, under the direction of Mr. Newell,
      to whom the inception of the plan was due. Roosevelt paid a fine and
      well-deserved tribute to the man who originated and carried through this
      great national achievement when he said that "Newell's single-minded
      devotion to this great task, the constructive imagination which enabled
      him to conceive it, and the executive power and high character through
      which he and his assistant, Arthur P. Davis, built up a model service&mdash;all
      these made him a model servant. The final proof of his merit is supplied
      by the character and records of the men who later assailed him."
    </p>
    <p>
      The assault to which Roosevelt thus refers was the inevitable aftermath of
      great accomplishment. Reclamation was popular, when it was proposed, while
      it was being carried out, and when the water began to flow in the ditches,
      making new lands of fertile abundance for settlers and farmers. But the
      reaction of unpopularity came the minute the beneficiaries had to begin to
      pay for the benefits received. Then arose a concerted movement for the
      repudiation of the obligation of the settlers to repay the Government for
      what had been spent to reclaim the land. The baser part of human nature
      always seeks a scapegoat; and it might naturally be expected that the
      repudiators and their supporters should concentrate their attacks upon the
      head of the Reclamation Service, to whose outstanding ability and
      continuous labor they owed that for which they were now unwilling to pay.
      But no attack, not even the adverse report of an ill-humored congressional
      committee, can alter the fact of the tremendous service that Newell and
      his loyal associates in the Reclamation Service did for the nation and the
      people of the United States. By 1915 reclamation had added to the arable
      land of the country a million and a quarter acres, of which nearly eight
      hundred thousand acres were already "under water," and largely under
      tillage, producing yearly more than eighteen million dollars' worth of
      crops.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Roosevelt became President there was a Bureau of Forestry in the
      Department of Agriculture, but it was a body entrusted with merely the
      study of forestry problems and principles. It contained all the trained
      foresters in the employ of the Government; but it had no public forest
      lands whatever to which the knowledge and skill of these men could be
      applied. All the forest reserves of that day were in the charge of the
      Public Land Office in the Department of the Interior. This was managed by
      clerks who knew nothing of forestry, and most, if not all, of whom had
      never seen a stick of the timber or an acre of the woodlands for which
      they were responsible. The mapping and description of the timber lay with
      the Geological Survey. So the national forests had no foresters and the
      Government foresters no forests.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was a characteristic arrangement of the old days. More than that, it
      was a characteristic expression of the old attitude of thought and action
      on the part of the American people toward their natural resources. Dazzled
      and intoxicated by the inexhaustible riches of their bountiful land, they
      had concerned themselves only with the agreeable task of utilizing and
      consuming them. To their shortsighted vision there seemed always plenty
      more beyond. With the beginning of the twentieth century a prophet arose
      in the land to warn the people that the supply was not inexhaustible. He
      declared not only that the "plenty more beyond" had an end, but that the
      end was already in sight. This prophet was Gifford Pinchot. His warning
      went forth reinforced by all the authority of the Presidential office and
      all the conviction and driving power of the personality of Roosevelt
      himself. Pinchot's warning cry was startling:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The growth of our forests is but one-third of the annual cut; and we have
      in store timber enough for only twenty or thirty years at our present rate
      of use.... Our coal supplies are so far from being inexhaustible that if
      the increasing rate of consumption shown by the figures of the last
      seventy-five years continues to prevail, our supplies of anthracite coal
      will last but fifty years and of bituminous coal less than two hundred
      years.... Many oil and gas fields, as in Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and
      the Mississippi Valley, have already failed, yet vast quantities of gas
      continue to be poured into the air and great quantities of oil into the
      streams. Cases are known in which great volumes of oil were systematically
      burned in order to get rid of it.... In 1896, Professor Shaler, than whom
      no one has spoken with greater authority on this subject, estimated that
      in the upland regions of the States South of Pennsylvania, three thousand
      square miles of soil have been destroyed as the result of forest
      denudation, and that destruction was then proceeding at the rate of one
      hundred square miles of fertile soil per year.. .. The Mississippi River
      alone is estimated to transport yearly four hundred million tons of
      sediment, or about twice the amount of material to be excavated from the
      Panama Canal. This material is the most fertile portion of the richest
      fields, transformed from a blessing to a curse by unrestricted erosion....
      The destruction of forage plants by overgrazing has resulted, in the
      opinion of men most capable of judging, in reducing the grazing value of
      the public lands by one-half."
    </p>
    <p>
      Here, then, was a problem of national significance, and it was one which
      the President attacked with his usual promptness and vigor. His first
      message to Congress called for the unification of the care of the forest
      lands of the public domain in a single body under the Department of
      Agriculture. He asked that legal authority be granted to the President to
      transfer to the Department of Agriculture lands for use as forest
      reserves. He declared that "the forest reserves should be set apart
      forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not
      sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few." He supplemented this
      declaration with an explanation of the meaning and purpose of the forest
      policy which he urged should be adopted: "Wise forest protection does not
      mean the withdrawal of forest resources, whether of wood, water, or grass,
      from contributing their full share to the welfare of the people, but, on
      the contrary, gives the assurance of larger and more certain supplies. The
      fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. Forest
      protection is not an end in itself; it is a means to increase and sustain
      the resources of our country and the industries which depend upon them.
      The preservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity. We
      have come to see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to make
      way for agriculture, threatens our wellbeing."
    </p>
    <p>
      Nevertheless it was four years before Congress could be brought to the
      common-sense policy of administering the forest lands still belonging to
      the Government. Pinchot and his associates in the Bureau of Forestry spent
      the interval profitably, however, in investigating and studying the whole
      problem of national forest resources and in drawing up enlightened and
      effective plans for their protection and development. Accordingly, when
      the act transferring the National Forests to the charge of the newly
      created United States Forest Service in the Department of Agriculture was
      passed early in 1905, they were ready for the responsibility.
    </p>
    <p>
      The principles which they had formulated and which they now began to apply
      had been summed up by Roosevelt in the statement "that the rights of the
      public to the natural resources outweigh private rights and must be given
      the first consideration." Until the establishment of the Forest Service,
      private rights had almost always been allowed to overbalance public rights
      in matters that concerned not only the National Forests, but the public
      lands generally. It was the necessity of having this new principle
      recognized and adopted that made the way of the newly created Forest
      Service and of the whole Conservation movement so thorny. Those who had
      been used to making personal profit from free and unrestricted
      exploitation of the nation's natural resources would look only with
      antagonism on a movement which put a consideration of the general welfare
      first.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Forest Service nevertheless put these principles immediately into
      practical application. The National Forests were opened to a regulated use
      of all their resources. A law was passed throwing open to settlement all
      land in the National Forests which was found to be chiefly valuable for
      agriculture. Hitherto all such land had been closed to the settler.
      Regulations were established and enforced which favored the settler rather
      than the large stockowner. It was provided that, when conditions required
      the reduction in the number of head of stock grazed in any National
      Forest, the vast herds of the wealthy owner should be affected before the
      few head of the small man, upon which the living of his family depended.
      The principle which excited the bitterest antagonism of all was the rule
      that any one, except a bona fide settler on the land, who took public
      property for private profit should pay for what he got. This was a new and
      most unpalatable idea to the big stock and sheep raisers, who had been
      accustomed to graze their animals at will on the richest lands of the
      public forests, with no one but themselves a penny the better off thereby.
      But the Attorney-General of the United States declared it legal to make
      the men who pastured their cattle and sheep in the National Forests pay
      for this privilege; and in the summer of 1906 such charges were for the
      first time made and collected. The trained foresters of the service were
      put in charge of the National Forests. As a result, improvement began to
      manifest itself in other ways. Within two years the fire prevention work
      alone had completely justified the new policy of forest regulation.
      Eighty-six per cent of the fires that did occur in the National Forests
      were held down to an area of five acres or less. The new service not only
      made rapid progress in saving the timber, but it began to make money for
      the nation by selling the timber. In 1905 the sales of timber brought in
      $60,000; three years later the return was $850,000.
    </p>
    <p>
      The National Forests were trebled in size during the two Roosevelt
      Administrations with the result that there were 194,000,000 acres of
      publicly owned and administered forest lands when Roosevelt went out of
      office. The inclusion of these lands in the National Forests, where they
      were safe from the selfish exploitation of greedy private interests, was
      not accomplished without the bitterest opposition. The wisdom of the
      serpent sometimes had to be called into play to circumvent the adroit
      maneuvering of these interests and their servants in Congress. In 1907,
      for example, Senator Charles W. Fulton of Oregon obtained an amendment to
      the Agricultural Appropriation Bill forbidding the President to set aside
      any additional National Forests in six Northwestern States. But the
      President and the Forest Service were ready for this bold attempt to
      deprive the public of some 16,000,000 acres for the benefit of land
      grabbers and special interests. They knew exactly what lands ought to be
      set aside in those States. So the President first unostentatiously signed
      the necessary proclamations to erect those lands into National Forests,
      and then quietly approved the Agricultural Bill. "The opponents of the
      Forest Service," said Roosevelt, "turned handsprings in their wrath; and
      dire were their threats against the Executive; but the threats could not
      be carried out, and were really only a tribute to the efficiency of our
      action."
    </p>
    <p>
      The development of a sound and enlightened forest policy naturally led to
      the consideration of a similar policy for dealing with the water power of
      the country which had hitherto gone to waste or was in the hands of
      private interests. It had been the immemorial custom that the water powers
      on the navigable streams, on the public domain, and in the National
      Forests should be given away for nothing, and practically without
      question, to the first comer. This ancient custom ran right athwart the
      newly enunciated principle that public property should not pass into
      private possession without being paid for, and that permanent grants,
      except for home-making, should not be made. The Forest Service now began
      to apply this principle to the water powers in the National Forests,
      granting permission for the development and use of such power for limited
      periods only and requiring payment for the privilege. This was the
      beginning of a general water power policy which, in the course of time,
      commended itself to public approval; but it was long before it ceased to
      be opposed by the private interests that wanted these rich resources for
      their own undisputed use.
    </p>
    <p>
      Out of the forest movement grew the conservation movement in its broader
      sense. In the fall of 1907 Roosevelt made a trip down the Mississippi
      River with the definite purpose of drawing general attention to the
      subject of the development of the national inland waterways. Seven months
      before, he had established the Inland Waterways Commission and had
      directed it to "consider the relations of the streams to the use of all
      the great permanent natural resources and their conservation for the
      making and maintenance of permanent homes." During the trip a letter was
      prepared by a group of men interested in the conservation movement and was
      presented to him, asking him to summon a conference on the conservation of
      natural resources. At a great meeting held at Memphis, Tennessee,
      Roosevelt publicly announced his intention of calling such a conference.
    </p>
    <p>
      In May of the following year the conference was held in the East Room of
      the White House. There were assembled there the President, the
      Vice-President, seven Cabinet members, the Supreme Court Justices, the
      Governors of thirty-four States and representatives of the other twelve,
      the Governors of all the Territories, including Alaska, Hawaii, and Porto
      Rico, the President of the Board of Commissioners of the District of
      Columbia, representatives of sixty-eight national societies, four special
      guests, William Jennings Bryan, James J. Hill, Andrew Carnegie, and John
      Mitchell, forty-eight general guests, and the members of the Inland
      Waterways Commission. The object of the conference was stated by the
      President in these words: "It seems to me time for the country to take
      account of its natural resources, and to inquire how long they are likely
      to last. We are prosperous now; we should not forget that it will be just
      as important to our descendants to be prosperous in their time."
    </p>
    <p>
      At the conclusion of the conference a declaration prepared by the
      Governors of Louisiana, New Jersey, Wisconsin, Utah, and South Carolina,
      was unanimously adopted. This Magna Charta of the conservation movement
      declared "that the great natural resources supply the material basis upon
      which our civilization must continue to depend and upon which the
      perpetuity of the nation itself rests," that "this material basis is
      threatened with exhaustion," and that "this conservation of our natural
      resources is a subject of transcendent importance, which should engage
      unremittingly the attention of the Nation, the States, and the people in
      earnest cooperation." It set forth the practical implications of
      Conservation in these words:
    </p>
    <p>
      "We agree that the land should be so used that erosion and soil wash shall
      cease; and that there should be reclamation of arid and semi-arid regions
      by means of irrigation, and of swamp and overflowed regions by means of
      drainage; that the waters should be so conserved and used as to promote
      navigation, to enable the arid regions to be reclaimed by irrigation, and
      to develop power in the interests of the people; that the forests which
      regulate our rivers, support our industries, and promote the fertility and
      productiveness of the soil should be preserved and perpetuated; that the
      minerals found so abundantly beneath the surface should be so used as to
      prolong their utility; that the beauty, healthfulness, and habitability of
      our country should be preserved and increased; that sources of national
      wealth exist for the benefit of the people, and that monopoly thereof
      should not be tolerated."
    </p>
    <p>
      The conference urged the continuation and extension of the forest policies
      already established; the immediate adoption of a wise, active, and
      thorough waterway policy for the prompt improvement of the streams, and
      the conservation of water resources for irrigation, water supply, power,
      and navigation; and the enactment of laws for the prevention of waste in
      the mining and extraction of coal, oil, gas, and other minerals with a
      view to their wise conservation for the use of the people. The declaration
      closed with the timely adjuration, "Let us conserve the foundations of our
      prosperity."
    </p>
    <p>
      As a result of the conference President Roosevelt created the National
      Conservation Commission, consisting of forty-nine men of prominence, about
      one-third of whom were engaged in politics, one-third in various
      industries, and one-third in scientific work. Gifford Pinchot was
      appointed chairman. The Commission proceeded to make an inventory of the
      natural resources of the United States. This inventory contains the only
      authentic statement as to the amounts of the national resources of the
      country, the degree to which they have already been exhausted, and their
      probable duration. But with this inventory there came to an end the
      activity of the Conservation Commission, for Congress not only refused any
      appropriation for its use but decreed by law that no bureau of the
      Government should do any work for any commission or similar body appointed
      by the President, without reference to the question whether such work was
      appropriate or not for such a bureau to undertake. Inasmuch as the
      invaluable inventory already made had been almost entirely the work of
      scientific bureaus of the Government instructed by the President to
      cooperate with the Commission, the purpose and animus of this legislation
      were easily apparent. Congress had once more shown its friendship for the
      special interests and its indifference to the general welfare.
    </p>
    <p>
      In February, 1909, on the invitation of President Roosevelt, a North
      American Conservation Conference, attended by representatives of the
      United States, Canada, and Mexico, was held at the White House. A
      declaration of principles was drawn up and the suggestion made that all
      the nations of the world should be invited to meet in a World Conservation
      Conference. The President forthwith addressed to forty-five nations a
      letter inviting them to assemble at The Hague for such a conference; but,
      as he has laconically expressed it, "When I left the White House the
      project lapsed."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER X. BEING WISE IN TIME
    </h2>
    <p>
      Perhaps the most famous of Roosevelt's epigrammatic sayings is, "Speak
      softly and carry a big stick." The public, with its instinctive preference
      for the dramatic over the significant, promptly seized upon the "big
      stick" half of the aphorism and ignored the other half. But a study of the
      various acts of Roosevelt when he was President readily shows that in his
      mind the "big stick" was purely subordinate. It was merely the ultima
      ratio, the possession of which would enable a nation to "speak softly" and
      walk safely along the road of peace and justice and fair play.
    </p>
    <p>
      The secret of Roosevelt's success in foreign affairs is to be found in
      another of his favorite sayings: "Nine-tenths of wisdom is to be wise in
      time." He has himself declared that his whole foreign policy "was based on
      the exercise of intelligent foresight and of decisive action sufficiently
      far in advance of any likely crisis to make it improbable that we would
      run into serious trouble."
    </p>
    <p>
      When Roosevelt became President, a perplexing controversy with Great
      Britain over the boundary line between Alaska and Canada was in full
      swing. The problem, which had become acute with the discovery of gold in
      the Klondike in 1897, had already been considered, together with eleven
      other subjects of dispute between Canada and the United States, by a Joint
      Commission which had been able to reach no agreement. The essence of the
      controversy was this: The treaty of 1825 between Great Britain and Russia
      had declared that the boundary, dividing British and Russian America on
      that five-hundred-mile strip of land which depends from the Alaskan
      elephant's head like a dangling halter rope, should be drawn "parallel to
      the windings of the coast" at a distance inland of thirty miles. The
      United States took the plain and literal interpretation of these words in
      the treaty. The Canadian contention was that within the meaning of the
      treaty the fiords or inlets which here break into the land were not part
      of the sea, and that the line, instead of following, at the correct
      distance inland, the indentations made by these arms of the sea, should
      leap boldly across them, at the agreed distance from the points of the
      headlands. This would give Canada the heads of several great inlets and
      direct access to the sea far north of the point where the Canadian coast
      had always been assumed to end. Canada and the United States were equally
      resolute in upholding their claims. It looked as if the matter would end
      in a deadlock.
    </p>
    <p>
      John Hay, who had been Secretary of State in McKinley's Cabinet, as he now
      was in Roosevelt's, had done his best to bring the matter to a settlement,
      but had been unwilling to have the dispute arbitrated, for the very good
      reason that, as he said, "although our claim is as clear as the sun in
      heaven, we know enough of arbitration to foresee the fatal tendency of all
      arbitrators to compromise." Roosevelt believed that the "claim of the
      Canadians for access to deep water along any part of the Alaskan coast is
      just exactly as indefensible as if they should now claim the island of
      Nantucket." He was willing, however, to refer the question unconfused by
      other issues to a second Joint Commission of six. The commission was duly
      constituted. There was no odd neutral member of this body, as in an
      arbitration, but merely three representatives from each side. Of the
      British representatives two were Canadians and the third was the Lord
      Chief Justice of England, Lord Alverstone.
    </p>
    <p>
      But before the Commission met, the President took pains to have conveyed
      to the British Cabinet, in an informal but diplomatically correct way, his
      views and his intentions in the event of a disagreement. "I wish to make
      one last effort," he said, "to bring about an agreement through the
      Commission which will enable the people of both countries to say that the
      result represents the feeling of the representatives of both countries.
      But if there is a disagreement, I wish it distinctly understood, not only
      that there will be no arbitration of the matter, but that in my message to
      Congress I shall take a position which will prevent any possibility of
      arbitration hereafter." If this should seem to any one too vigorous
      flourishing of the "big stick," let him remember that it was all done
      through confidential diplomatic channels, and that the judgment of the
      Lord Chief Justice of England, when the final decision was made, fully
      upheld Roosevelt's position.
    </p>
    <p>
      The decision of the Commission was, with slight immaterial modifications,
      in favor of the United States. Lord Alverstone voted against his Canadian
      colleagues. It was a just decision, as most well-informed Canadians
      knew at the time. The troublesome question was settled; the time-honored
      friendship of two great peoples had suffered no interruption; and
      Roosevelt had secured for his country its just due, without public parade
      or bluster, by merely being wise&mdash;and inflexible&mdash;in time.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the same early period of his Presidency, Roosevelt found himself
      confronted with a situation in South America, which threatened a serious
      violation of the Monroe Doctrine. Venezuela was repudiating certain debts
      which the Venezuelan Government had guaranteed to European capitalists.
      German capital was chiefly involved, and Germany proposed to collect the
      debts by force. Great Britain and Italy were also concerned in the matter,
      but Germany was the ringleader and the active partner in the undertaking.
      Throughout the year 1902 a pacific blockade of the Venezuelan coast was
      maintained and in December of that year an ultimatum demanding the
      immediate payment of the debts was presented. When its terms were not
      complied with, diplomatic relations were broken off and the Venezuelan
      fleet was seized. At this point the United States entered upon the scene,
      but with no blare of trumpets.
    </p>
    <p>
      In fact, what really happened was not generally known until several years
      later.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his message of December, 1901, President Roosevelt had made two
      significant statements. Speaking of the Monroe Doctrine, he said, "We do
      not guarantee any state against punishment, if it misconducts itself."
      This was very satisfactory to Germany. But he added&mdash;"provided the
      punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of territory by any
      non-American power." This did not suit the German book so well. For a year
      the matter was discussed. Germany disclaimed any intention to make
      "permanent" acquisitions in Venezuela but contended for its right to make
      "temporary" ones. Now the world had already seen "temporary" acquisitions
      made in China, and it was a matter of common knowledge that this
      convenient word was often to be interpreted in a Pickwickian sense.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the "pacific blockade" passed into the stage of active hostilities,
      the patience of Roosevelt snapped. The German Ambassador, von Holleben,
      was summoned to the White House. The President proposed to him that
      Germany should arbitrate its differences with Venezuela. Von Holleben
      assured him that his "Imperial Master" would not hear of such a course.
      The President persisted that there must be no taking possession, even
      temporarily, of Venezuelan territory. He informed the Ambassador that
      Admiral Dewey was at that moment maneuvering in Caribbean waters, and that
      if satisfactory assurances did not come from Berlin in ten days, he would
      be ordered to proceed to Venezuela to see that no territory was seized by
      German forces. The Ambassador was firm in his conviction that no
      assurances would be forthcoming.
    </p>
    <p>
      A week later Von Holleben appeared at the White House to talk of another
      matter and was about to leave without mentioning Venezuela. The President
      stopped him with a question. No, said the Ambassador, no word had come
      from Berlin. Then, Roosevelt explained, it would not be necessary for him
      to wait the remaining three days. Dewey would be instructed to sail a day
      earlier than originally planned. He added that not a word of all this had
      been put upon paper, and that if the German Emperor would consent to
      arbitrate, the President would praise him publicly for his
      broadmindedness. The Ambassador was still convinced that no arbitration
      was conceivable.
    </p>
    <p>
      But just twelve hours later he appeared at the White House, his face
      wreathed in smiles. On behalf of his Imperial Master he had the honor to
      request the President of the United States to act as arbitrator between
      Germany and Venezuela. The orders to Dewey were never sent, the President
      publicly congratulated the Kaiser on his loyalty to the principle of
      arbitration, and, at Roosevelt's suggestion, the case went to The Hague.
      Not an intimation of the real occurrences came out till long after, not a
      public word or act marred the perfect friendliness of the two nations. The
      Monroe Doctrine was just as unequivocally invoked and just as inflexibly
      upheld as it had been by Grover Cleveland eight years before in another
      Venezuelan case. But the quiet private warning had been substituted for
      the loud public threat.
    </p>
    <p>
      The question of the admission of Japanese immigrants to the United States
      and of their treatment had long disturbed American international
      relations. It became acute in the latter part of 1906, when the city of
      San Francisco determined to exclude all Japanese pupils from the public
      schools and to segregate them in a school of their own. This action seemed
      to the Japanese a manifest violation of the rights guaranteed by treaty.
      Diplomatic protests were instantly forthcoming at Washington; and popular
      demonstrations against the United States boiled up in Tokyo. For the third
      time there appeared splendid material for a serious conflict with a great
      power which might conceivably lead to active hostilities. From such
      beginnings wars have come before now.
    </p>
    <p>
      The President was convinced that the Californians were utterly wrong in
      what they had done, but perfectly right in the underlying conviction from
      which their action sprang. He saw that justice and good faith demanded
      that the Japanese in California be protected in their treaty rights, and
      that the Californians be protected from the immigration of Japanese
      laborers in mass. With characteristic promptness and vigor he set forth
      these two considerations and took action to make them effective. In his
      message to Congress in December he declared: "In the matter now before me,
      affecting the Japanese, everything that is in my power to do will be done
      and all of the forces, military and civil, of the United States which I
      may lawfully employ will be so employed ... to enforce the rights of
      aliens under treaties." Here was reassurance for the Japanese. But he also
      added: "The Japanese would themselves not tolerate the intrusion into
      their country of a mass of Americans who would displace Japanese in the
      business of the land. The people of California are right in insisting that
      the Japanese shall not come thither in mass." Here was reassurance for the
      Californians.
    </p>
    <p>
      The words were promptly followed by acts. The garrison of Federal troops
      at San Francisco was reinforced and public notice was given that violence
      against Japanese would be put down. Suits were brought both in the
      California State courts and in the Federal courts there to uphold the
      treaty rights of Japan. Mr. Victor H. Metcalf, the Secretary of Commerce
      and Labor, himself a Californian, was sent to San Francisco to make a
      study of the whole situation. It was made abundantly clear to the people
      of San Francisco and the Coast that the provision of the Federal
      Constitution making treaties a part of the supreme law of the land, with
      which the Constitution and laws of no State can interfere, would be
      strictly enforced. The report of Secretary Metcalf showed that the school
      authorities of San Francisco had done not only an illegal thing but an
      unnecessary and a stupid thing.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile Roosevelt had been working with equal vigor upon the other side
      of the problem. He esteemed it precisely as important to protect the
      Californians from the Japanese as to protect the Japanese from the
      Californians. As in the Alaskan and Venezuelan cases, he proceeded without
      beat of drum or clash of cymbal. The matter was worked out in unobtrusive
      conferences between the President and the State Department and the
      Japanese representatives in Washington. It was all friendly, informal,
      conciliatory&mdash;but the Japanese did not fail to recognize the
      inflexible determination behind this courteous friendliness. Out of these
      conferences came an informal agreement on the part of the Japanese
      Government that no passports would be issued to Japanese workingmen
      permitting them to leave Japan for ports of the United States. It was
      further only necessary to prevent Japanese coolies from coming into the
      United States through Canada and Mexico. This was done by executive order
      just two days after the school authorities of San Francisco had rescinded
      their discriminatory school decree.
    </p>
    <p>
      The incident is eminently typical of Roosevelt's principles and practice:
      to accord full measure of justice while demanding full measure in return;
      to be content with the fact without care for the formality; to see
      quickly, to look far, and to act boldly.
    </p>
    <p>
      It had a sequel which rounded out the story. The President's ready
      willingness to compel California to do justice to the Japanese was
      misinterpreted in Japan as timidity. Certain chauvinistic elements in
      Japan began to have thoughts which were in danger of becoming inimical to
      the best interests of the United States. It seemed to President Roosevelt
      an opportune moment, for many reasons, to send the American battle fleet
      on a voyage around the world. The project was frowned on in this country
      and viewed with doubt in other parts of the world. Many said the thing
      could not be done, for no navy in the world had yet done it; but Roosevelt
      knew that it could. European observers believed that it would lead to war
      with Japan; but Roosevelt's conviction was precisely the opposite. In his
      own words, "I did not expect it;... I believed that Japan would feel as
      friendly in the matter as we did; but... if my expectations had proved
      mistaken, it would have been proof positive that we were going to be
      attacked anyhow, and... in such event it would have been an enormous gain
      to have had the three months' preliminary preparation which enabled the
      fleet to start perfectly equipped. In a personal interview before they
      left, I had explained to the officers in command that I believed the trip
      would be one of absolute peace, but that they were to take exactly the
      same precautions against sudden attack of any kind as if we were at war
      with all the nations of the earth; and that no excuse of any kind would be
      accepted if there were a sudden attack of any kind and we were taken
      unawares." Prominent inhabitants and newspapers of the Atlantic coast were
      deeply concerned over the taking away of the fleet from the Atlantic to
      the Pacific. The head of the Senate Committee on Naval Affairs, who hailed
      from the State of Maine, declared that the fleet should not and could not
      go because Congress would refuse to appropriate the money; Roosevelt
      announced in response that he had enough money to take the fleet around
      into the Pacific anyhow, that it would certainly go, and that if Congress
      did not choose to appropriate enough money to bring the fleet back, it
      could stay there. There was no further difficulty about the money.
    </p>
    <p>
      The voyage was at once a hard training trip and a triumphant progress.
      Everywhere the ships, their officers, and their men were received with
      hearty cordiality and deep admiration, and nowhere more so than in Japan.
      The nations of the world were profoundly impressed by the achievement. The
      people of the United States were thoroughly aroused to a new pride in
      their navy and an interest in its adequacy and efficiency. It was
      definitely established in the minds of Americans and foreigners that the
      United States navy is rightfully as much at home in the Pacific as in the
      Atlantic. Any cloud the size of a man's hand that may have been gathering
      above the Japanese horizon was forthwith swept away. Roosevelt's plan was
      a novel and bold use of the instruments of war on behalf of peace which
      was positively justified in the event.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XI. RIGHTS, DUTIES, AND REVOLUTIONS
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was a favorite conviction of Theodore Roosevelt that neither an
      individual nor a nation can possess rights which do not carry with them
      duties. Not long after the Venezuelan incident&mdash;in which the right of
      the United States, as set forth in the Monroe Doctrine, to prevent
      European powers from occupying territory in the Western Hemisphere was
      successfully upheld&mdash;an occasion arose nearer home not only to insist
      upon rights but to assume the duties involved. In a message to the Senate
      in February, 1905, Roosevelt thus outlined his conception of the dual
      nature of the Monroe Doctrine:
    </p>
    <p>
      "It has for some time been obvious that those who profit by the Monroe
      Doctrine must accept certain responsibilities along with the rights which
      it confers, and that the same statement applies to those who uphold the
      doctrine.... An aggrieved nation can, without interfering with the Monroe
      Doctrine, take what action it sees fit in the adjustment of its disputes
      with American states, provided that action does not take the shape of
      interference with their form of government or of the despoilment of their
      territory under any disguise. But short of this, when the question is one
      of a money claim, the only way which remains finally to collect it is a
      blockade or bombardment or seizure of the custom houses, and this means...
      what is in effect a possession, even though only a temporary possession,
      of territory. The United States then becomes a party in interest, because
      under the Monroe Doctrine it cannot see any European power seize and
      permanently occupy the territory of one of these republics; and yet such
      seizure of territory, disguised or undisguised, may eventually offer the
      only way in which the power in question can collect its debts, unless
      there is interference on the part of the United States."
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt had already found such interference necessary in the case of
      Germany and Venezuela. But it had been interference in a purely negative
      sense. He had merely insisted that the European power should not occupy
      American territory even temporarily. In the later case of the Dominican
      Republic he supplemented this negative interference with positive action
      based upon his conviction of the inseparable nature of rights and
      obligations.
    </p>
    <p>
      Santo Domingo was in its usual state of chronic revolution. The stakes for
      which the rival forces were continually fighting were the custom houses,
      for they were the only certain sources of revenue and their receipts were
      the only reliable security which could be offered to foreign capitalists
      in support of loans. So thoroughgoing was the demoralization of the
      Republic's affairs that at one time there were two rival "governments" in
      the island and a revolution going on against each. One of these
      governments was once to be found at sea in a small gunboat but still
      insisting that, as the only legitimate government, it was entitled to
      declare war or peace or, more particularly, to make loans. The national
      debt of the Republic had mounted to $32,280,000 of which some $22,000,000
      was owed to European creditors. The interest due on it in the year 1905
      was two and a half million dollars. The whole situation was ripe for
      intervention by one or more European governments.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such action President Roosevelt could not permit. But he could not ignore
      the validity of the debts which the Republic had contracted or the justice
      of the demand for the payment of at least the interest. "It cannot in the
      long run prove possible," he said, "for the United States to protect
      delinquent American nations from punishment for the non-performance of
      their duties unless she undertakes to make them perform their duties." So
      he invented a plan, which, by reason of its success in the Dominican case
      and its subsequent application and extension by later administrations, has
      come to be a thoroughly accepted part of the foreign policy of the United
      States. It ought to be known as the Roosevelt Plan, just as the
      amplification of the Monroe Doctrine already outlined might well be known
      as the Roosevelt Doctrine.
    </p>
    <p>
      A naval commander in Dominican waters was instructed to see that no
      revolutionary fighting was permitted to endanger the custom houses. These
      instructions were carried out explicitly but without any actual use of
      force or shedding of blood. On one occasion two rival forces had planned a
      battle in a custom-house town. The American commander informed them
      courteously but firmly that they would not be permitted to fight there,
      for a battle might endanger the custom house. He had no objection,
      however, to their fighting. In fact he had picked out a nice spot for them
      outside the town where they might have their battle undisturbed. The
      winner could have the town. Would they kindly step outside for their
      fight. They would; they did. The American commander gravely welcomed the
      victorious faction as the rightful rulers of the town. So much for keeping
      the custom houses intact. But the Roosevelt Plan went much further. An
      agreement was entered into with those governmental authorities "who for
      the moment seemed best able to speak for the country" by means of which
      the custom houses were placed under American control. United States forces
      were to keep order and to protect the custom houses; United States
      officials were to collect the customs dues; forty-five per cent of the
      revenue was to be turned over to the Dominican Government, and fifty-five
      per cent put into a sinking fund in New York for the benefit of the
      creditors. The plan succeeded famously. The Dominicans got more out of
      their forty-five per cent than they had been wont to get when presumably
      the entire revenue was theirs. The creditors thoroughly approved, and
      their Governments had no possible pretext left for interference. Although
      the plan concerned itself not at all with the internal affairs of the
      Republic, its indirect influence was strong for good and the island
      enjoyed a degree of peace and prosperity such as it had not known before
      for at least a century. There was, however, strong opposition in the
      United States Senate to the ratification of the treaty with the Dominican
      Republic. The Democrats, with one or two exceptions, voted against
      ratification. A number of the more reactionary Republican Senators, also,
      who were violently hostile to President Roosevelt because of his attitude
      toward great corporations, lent their opposition. The Roosevelt Plan was
      further attacked by certain sections of the press, already antagonistic on
      other grounds, and by some of those whom Roosevelt called the
      "professional interventional philanthropists." It was two years before the
      Senate was ready to ratify the treaty, but meanwhile Roosevelt continued
      to carry it out "as a simple agreement on the part of the Executive which
      could be converted into a treaty whenever the Senate was ready to act."
    </p>
    <p>
      The treaty as finally ratified differed in some particulars from the
      protocol. In the protocol the United States agreed "to respect the
      complete territorial integrity of the Dominican Republic." This covenant
      was omitted in the final document in deference to Roosevelt's opponents
      who could see no difference between "respecting" the integrity of
      territory and "guaranteeing" it. Another clause pledging the assistance of
      the United States in the internal affairs of the Republic, whenever the
      judgment of the American Government deemed it to be wise, was also
      omitted. The provision of the protocol making it the duty of the United
      States to deal with the various creditors of the Dominican Republic in
      order to determine the amount which each was to receive in settlement of
      its claims was modified so that this responsibility remained with the
      Government of the Republic. In Roosevelt's opinion, these modifications in
      the protocol detracted nothing from the original plan. He ascribed the
      delay in the ratification of the treaty to partisanship and bitterness
      against himself; and it is certainly true that most of the treaty's
      opponents were his consistent critics on other grounds.
    </p>
    <p>
      A considerable portion of Roosevelt's success as a diplomat was the fruit
      of personality, as must be the case with any diplomat who makes more than
      a routine achievement. He disarmed suspicion by transparent honesty, and
      he impelled respect for his words by always promising or giving warning of
      not a hairsbreadth more than he was perfectly willing and thoroughly
      prepared to perform. He was always cheerfully ready to let the other
      fellow "save his face." He set no store by public triumphs. He was as
      exigent that his country should do justly as he was insistent that it
      should be done justly by. Phrases had no lure for him, appearances no
      glamour.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was inevitable that so commanding a personality should have an
      influence beyond the normal sphere of his official activities. Only a man
      who had earned the confidence and the respect of the statesmen of other
      nations could have performed such a service as he did in 1905 in bringing
      about peace between Russia and Japan in the conflict then raging in the
      Far East. It was high time that the war should end, in the interest of
      both contestants. The Russians had been consistently defeated on land and
      had lost their entire fleet at the battle of Tsushima. The Japanese were
      apparently on the highroad to victory. But in reality, Japan's success had
      been bought at an exorbitant price. Intelligent observers in the
      diplomatic world who were in a position to realize the truth knew that
      neither nation could afford to go on.
    </p>
    <p>
      On June 8, 1905, President Roosevelt sent to both Governments an identical
      note in which he urged them, "not only for their own sakes, but in the
      interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotiations for
      peace with each other." This was the first that the world heard of the
      proposal. But the President had already conducted, with the utmost
      secrecy, confidential negotiations with Tokyo and with St. Petersburg to
      induce both belligerents to consent to a face to face discussion of peace.
      In Russia he had found it necessary to go directly to the Czar himself,
      through the American Ambassador, George von Lengerke Meyer. Each
      Government was assured that no breath of the matter would be made public
      until both nations had signified their willingness to treat. Neither
      nation was to know anything of the other's readiness until both had
      committed themselves. These advances appear to have been made following a
      suggestion from Japan that Roosevelt should attempt to secure peace. He
      used to say, in discussing the matter, that, while it was not generally
      known or even suspected, Japan was actually "bled white" by the herculean
      efforts she had made. But Japan's position was the stronger, and peace was
      more important for Russia than for her antagonist. The Japanese were more
      clear-sighted than the selfish Russian bureaucracy; and they realized that
      they had gained so much already that there was nothing to be won by
      further fighting.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the public invitation to peace negotiations was extended, the
      conference had already been arranged and the confidential consent of both
      Governments needed only to be made formal. Russia wished the meeting of
      plenipotentiaries to take place at Paris, Japan preferred Chifu, in China.
      Neither liked the other's suggestion, and Roosevelt's invitation to come
      to Washington, with the privilege of adjourning to some place in New
      England if the weather was too hot, was finally accepted. The formal
      meeting between the plenipotentiaries took place at Oyster Bay on the 5th
      of August on board the Presidential yacht, the Mayflower. Roosevelt
      received his guests in the cabin and proposed a toast in these words:
      "Gentlemen, I propose a toast to which there will be no answer and which I
      ask you to drink in silence, standing. I drink to the welfare and
      prosperity of the sovereigns and the peoples of the two great nations
      whose representatives have met one another on this ship. It is my earnest
      hope and prayer, in the interest not only of these two great powers, but
      of all civilized mankind, that a just and lasting peace may speedily be
      concluded between them."
    </p>
    <p>
      The two groups of plenipotentiaries were carried, each on an American
      naval vessel, to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and there at the Navy Yard
      began their conference. Two-thirds of the terms proposed by Japan were
      promptly accepted by the Russian envoys. But an irretrievable split on the
      remainder seemed inevitable. Japan demanded a money indemnity and the
      cession of the southern half of the island of Saghalien, which Japanese
      forces had already occupied. These demands the Russians refused.
    </p>
    <p>
      Then Roosevelt took a hand in the proceedings. He urged the Japanese
      delegates, through the Japanese Ambassador, to give up their demand for an
      indemnity. He pointed out that, when it came to "a question of rubles,"
      the Russian Government and the Russian people were firmly resolved not to
      yield. To Baron Rosen, one of the Russian delegates, he recommended
      yielding in the matter of Saghalien, since the Japanese were already in
      possession and there were racial and historical grounds for considering
      the southern half of the island logically Japanese territory. The envoys
      met again, and the Japanese renewed their demands. The Russians refused.
      Then the Japanese offered to waive the indemnity if the Russians would
      yield on Saghalien. The offer was accepted, and the peace was made.
    </p>
    <p>
      Immediately Roosevelt was acclaimed by the world, including the Russians
      and the Japanese, as a great peacemaker. The Nobel Peace Prize of a medal
      and $40,000 was awarded to him. But it was not long before both in Russia
      and Japan public opinion veered to the point of asserting that he had
      caused peace to be made too soon and to the detriment of the interests of
      the nation in question. That was just what he expected. He knew human
      nature thoroughly; and from long experience he had learned to be
      humorously philosophical about such manifestations of man's ingratitude.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the next year the influence of Roosevelt's personality was again felt
      in affairs outside the traditional realm of American international
      interests. Germany was attempting to intrude in Morocco, where France by
      common consent had been the dominant foreign influence. The rattling of
      the Potsdam saber was threatening the tranquillity of the status quo. A
      conference of eleven European powers and the United States was held at
      Algeciras to readjust the treaty provisions for the protection of
      foreigners in the decadent Moroccan empire. In the words of a historian of
      America's foreign relations, "Although the United States was of all
      perhaps the least directly interested in the subject matter of dispute,
      and might appropriately have held aloof from the meeting altogether, its
      representatives were among the most influential of all, and it was largely
      owing to their sane and irenic influence that in the end a treaty was
      amicably made and signed." * But there was something behind all this. A
      quiet conference had taken place one day in the remote city of Washington.
      The President of the United States and the French Ambassador had discussed
      the approaching meeting at Algeciras. There was a single danger-point in
      the impending negotiations. The French must find a way around it. The
      Ambassador had come to the right man. He went out with a few words
      scratched on a card in the ragged Roosevelt handwriting containing a
      proposal for a solution. ** The proposal went to Paris, then to Morocco.
      The solution was adopted by the conference, and the Hohenzollern menace to
      the peace of the world was averted for the moment. Once more Roosevelt had
      shown how being wise in time was the sure way to peace.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Willie Fletcher Johnson, "America's Foreign Relations",
     vol. II, p. 376.

     ** The author had this story direct from Mr. Roosevelt
     himself.
</pre>
    <p>
      Roosevelt's most important single achievement as President of the United
      States was the building of the Panama Canal. The preliminary steps which
      he took in order to make its building possible have been, of all his
      executive acts, the most consistently and vigorously criticized.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is not our purpose here to follow at length the history of American
      diplomatic relations with Colombia and Panama. We are primarily concerned
      with the part which Roosevelt played in certain international occurrences,
      of which the Panama incident was not the least interesting and
      significant. In after years Roosevelt said laconically, "I took Panama."
      In fact he did nothing of the sort. But it was like him to brush aside all
      technical defenses of any act of his and to meet his critics on their own
      ground. It was as though he said to them, "You roundly denounce me for
      what I did at the time of the revolution which established the Republic of
      Panama. You declare that my acts were contrary to international law and
      international morals. I have a splendid technical defense on the legal
      side; but I care little about technicalities when compared with reality.
      Let us admit that I did what you charge me with. I will prove to you that
      I was justified in so doing. I took Panama; but the taking was a righteous
      act."
    </p>
    <p>
      Fourteen years after that event, in a speech which he made in Washington,
      Roosevelt expressed his dissatisfaction with the way in which President
      Wilson was conducting the Great War. He reverted to what he had done in
      relation to Panama and contrasted his action with the failure of the
      Wilson Administration to take prompt possession of two hundred locomotives
      which had been built in this country for the late Russian Government. This
      is what he said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "What I think, of course, in my view of the proper governmental policy,
      should have been done was to take the two hundred locomotives and then
      discuss. That was the course that I followed, and to which I have ever
      since looked back with impenitent satisfaction, in reference to the Panama
      Canal. If you remember, Panama declared itself independent and wanted to
      complete the Panama Canal and opened negotiations with us. I had two
      courses open. I might have taken the matter under advisement and put it
      before the Senate, in which case we should have had a number of most able
      speeches on the subject. We would have had a number of very profound
      arguments, and they would have been going on now, and the Panama Canal
      would be in the dim future yet. We would have had half a century of
      discussion, and perhaps the Panama Canal. I preferred that we should have
      the Panama Canal first and the half century of discussion afterward. And
      now instead of discussing the canal before it was built, which would have
      been harmful, they merely discuss me&mdash;a discussion which I regard
      with benign interest."
    </p>
    <p>
      The facts of the case are simple and in the main undisputed. Shortly after
      the inauguration of Roosevelt as President, a treaty was negotiated with
      Colombia for the building of a canal at Panama. It provided for the lease
      to the United States of a strip six miles wide across the Isthmus, and for
      the payment to Colombia of $10,000,000 down and $250,000 a year, beginning
      nine years later. The treaty was promptly ratified by the United States
      Senate. A special session of the Colombian Senate spent the summer marking
      time and adjourned after rejecting the treaty by a unanimous vote. The
      dominant motive for the rejection was greed. An attempt was first made by
      the dictatorial government that held the Colombian Congress in its mailed
      hand to extort a large payment from the French Canal Company, whose rights
      and property on the Isthmus were to be bought by the United States for
      $40,000,000. Then $15,000,000 instead of $10,000,000 was demanded from the
      United States. Finally an adroit and conscienceless scheme was invented by
      which the entire rights of the French Canal Company were to be stolen by
      the Colombian Government. This last plot, however, would involve a delay
      of a year or so. The treaty was therefore rejected in order to provide the
      necessary delay.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the people of Panama wanted the Canal. They were tired of serving as
      the milch cow for the fattening of the Government at Bogota. So they
      quietly organized a revolution. It was a matter of common knowledge that
      it was coming. Roosevelt, as well as the rest of the world, knew it and,
      believing in the virtue of being wise in time, prepared for it. Several
      warships were dispatched to the Isthmus.
    </p>
    <p>
      The revolution came off promptly as expected. It was bloodless, for the
      American naval forces, fulfilling the treaty obligations of the United
      States, prevented the Colombian troops on one side of the Isthmus from
      using the Panama Railroad to cross to the other side where the
      revolutionists were. So the revolutionists were undisturbed. A republic
      was immediately declared and immediately recognized by the United States.
      A treaty with the new Republic, which guaranteed its independence and
      secured the cession of a zone ten miles wide across the Isthmus, was drawn
      up inside of two weeks and ratified by both Senates within three months.
      Six weeks later an American commission was on the ground to plan the work
      of construction. The Canal was built. The "half century of discussion"
      which Roosevelt foresaw is now more than a third over, and the discussion
      shows no sign of lagging. But the Panama Canal is in use.
    </p>
    <p>
      Was the President of the United States justified in preventing the
      Colombian Government from fighting on the Isthmus to put down the
      unanimous revolution of the people of Panama? That is precisely all that
      he did. He merely gave orders to the American admiral on the spot to
      "prevent the disembarkation of Colombian troops with hostile intent within
      the limits of the state of Panama." But that action was enough, for the
      Isthmus is separated from Colombia on the one hand by three hundred miles
      of sea, and on the other by leagues of pathless jungle.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt himself has summed up the action of the United States in this
      way:
    </p>
    <p>
      "From the beginning to the end our course was straightforward and in
      absolute accord with the highest of standards of international
      morality.... To have acted otherwise than I did would have been on my part
      betrayal of the interests of the United States, indifference to the
      interests of Panama, and recreancy to the interests of the world at large.
      Colombia had forfeited every claim to consideration; indeed, this is not
      stating the case strongly enough: she had so acted that yielding to her
      would have meant on our part that culpable form of weakness which stands
      on a level with wickedness.... We gave to the people of Panama,
      self-government, and freed them from subjection to alien oppressors. We
      did our best to get Colombia to let us treat her with more than generous
      justice; we exercised patience to beyond the verge of proper
      forbearance.... I deeply regretted, and now deeply regret, the fact that
      the Colombian Government rendered it imperative for me to take the action
      I took; but I had no alternative, consistent with the full performance of
      my duty to my own people, and to the nations of mankind."
    </p>
    <p>
      The final verdict will be given only in another generation by the
      historian and by the world at large. But no portrait of Theodore
      Roosevelt, and no picture of his times, can be complete without the bold,
      firm outlines of his Panama policy set as near as may be in their proper
      perspective.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0012" id="link2HCH0012">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XII. THE TAFT ADMINISTRATION
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the evening of that election day in 1904 which saw Roosevelt made
      President in his own right, after three years of the Presidency given him
      by fate, he issued a brief statement, in which he said: "The wise custom
      which limits the President to two terms regards the substance and not the
      form, and under no circumstances will I be a candidate for or accept
      another nomination." From this determination, which in his mind related to
      a third consecutive term, and to nothing else, he never wavered. Four
      years later, in spite of a widespread demand that he should be a candidate
      to succeed himself, he used the great influence and prestige of his
      position as President and leader of his party to bring about the
      nomination of his friend and close associate, William Howard Taft. The
      choice received general approval from the Republican party and from the
      country at large, although up to the very moment of the nomination in the
      convention at Chicago there was no certainty that a successful effort to
      stampede the convention for Roosevelt would not be made by his more
      irreconcilable supporters.
    </p>
    <p>
      Taft was elected by a huge popular plurality. His opponent was William
      Jennings Bryan, who was then making his third unsuccessful campaign for
      the Presidency. Taft's election, like his nomination, was assured by the
      unreserved and dynamic support accorded him by President Roosevelt. Taft,
      of course, was already an experienced statesman, high in the esteem of the
      nation for his public record as Federal judge, as the first civil Governor
      of the Philippines, and as Secretary of War in the Roosevelt Cabinet.
      There was every reason to predict for him a successful and effective
      Administration. His occupancy of the White House began under smiling
      skies. He had behind him a united party and a satisfied public opinion.
      Even his political opponents conceded that the country would be safe in
      his hands. It was expected that he would be conservatively progressive and
      progressively conservative. Everybody believed in him. Yet within a year
      of the day of his inauguration the President's popularity was sharply on
      the wane. Two years after his election the voters repudiated the party
      which he led. By the end of his Presidential term the career which had
      begun with such happy auguries had become a political tragedy. There were
      then those who recalled the words of the Roman historian, "All would have
      believed him capable of governing if only he had not come to govern."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not that the Taft Administration was barren of achievement. On the
      contrary, its record of accomplishment was substantial. Of two amendments
      to the Federal Constitution proposed by Congress, one was ratified by the
      requisite number of States before Taft went out of office, and the other
      was finally ratified less than a month after the close of his term. These
      were the amendment authorizing the imposition of a Federal income tax and
      that providing for the direct election of United States Senators. Two
      States were admitted to the Union during Taft's term of office, New Mexico
      and Arizona, the last Territories of the United States on the continent,
      except Alaska.
    </p>
    <p>
      Other achievements of importance during Taft's Administration were the
      establishment of the parcels post and the postal savings banks; the
      requirement of publicity, through sworn statements of the candidates, for
      campaign contributions for the election of Senators and Representatives;
      the extension of the authority of the Interstate Commerce Commission over
      telephone, telegraph, and cable lines; an act authorizing the President to
      withdraw public lands from entry for the purpose of conserving the natural
      resources which they may contain&mdash;something which Roosevelt had
      already done without specific statutory authorization; the establishment
      of a Commerce Court to hear appeals from decisions of the Interstate
      Commerce Commission; the appointment of a commission, headed by President
      Hadley of Yale, to investigate the subject of railway stock and bond
      issues, and to propose a law for the Federal supervision of such railway
      securities; the Mann "white slave" act, dealing with the transfer of women
      from one State to another for immoral purposes; the establishment of the
      Children's Bureau in the Department of Commerce and Labor; the empowering
      of the Interstate Commerce Commission to investigate all railway
      accidents; the creation of Forest Reserves in the White Mountains and in
      the southern Appalachians.
    </p>
    <p>
      Taft's Administration was further marked, by economy in expenditure, by a
      considerable extension of the civil service law to cover positions in the
      executive departments hitherto free plunder for the spoilsmen, and by
      efforts on the part of the President to increase the efficiency and the
      economical administration of the public service.
    </p>
    <p>
      But this good record of things achieved was not enough to gain for Mr.
      Taft popular approval. Items on the other side of the ledger were pointed
      out. Of these the three most conspicuous were the Payne-Aldrich tariff,
      the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy, and the insurgent movement in Congress.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Republican party was returned to power in 1908, committed to a
      revision of the tariff. Though the party platform did not so state, this
      was generally interpreted as a pledge of revision downward. Taft made it
      clear during his campaign that such was his own reading of the party
      pledge. He said, for instance, "It is my judgment that there are many
      schedules of the tariff in which the rates are excessive, and there are a
      few in which the rates are not sufficient to fill the measure of
      conservative protection. It is my judgment that a revision of the tariff
      in accordance with the pledge of the platform, will be, on the whole, a
      substantial revision downward, though there probably will be a few
      exceptions in this regard." Five months after Taft's inauguration the
      Payne-Aldrich bill became law with his signature. In signing it the
      President said, "The bill is not a perfect bill or a complete compliance
      with the promises made, strictly interpreted"; but he further declared
      that he signed it because he believed it to be "the result of a sincere
      effort on the part of the Republican party to make downward revision."
    </p>
    <p>
      This view was not shared by even all Republicans. Twenty of them in the
      House voted against the bill on its final passage, and seven of them in
      the Senate. They represented the Middle West and the new element and
      spirit in the Republican party. Their dissatisfaction with the performance
      of their party associates in Congress and in the White House was shared by
      their constituents and by many other Republicans throughout the country. A
      month after the signing of the tariff law, Taft made a speech at Winona,
      Minnesota, in support of Congressman James A. Tawney, the one Republican
      representative from Minnesota who had not voted against the bill. In the
      course of that speech he said; "This is the best tariff bill that the
      Republican party has ever passed, and, therefore, the best tariff bill
      that has been passed at all."
    </p>
    <p>
      He justified Mr. Tawney's action in voting for the bill and his own in
      signing it on the ground that "the interests of the country, the interests
      of the party" required the sacrifice of the accomplishment of certain
      things in the revision of the tariff which had been hoped for, "in order
      to maintain party solidity," which he believed to be much more important
      than the reduction of rates in one or two schedules of the tariff.
    </p>
    <p>
      A second disaster to the Taft Administration came in the famous
      Ballinger-Pinchot controversy. Louis R. Glavis, who had served as a
      special agent of the General Land Office to investigate alleged frauds in
      certain claims to coal lands in Alaska, accused Richard Ballinger, the
      Secretary of the Interior, of favoritism toward those who were attempting
      to get public lands fraudulently. The charges were vigorously supported by
      Mr. Pinchot, who broadened the accusation to cover a general indifference
      on the part of the Secretary of the Interior to the whole conservation
      movement. President Taft, however, completely exonerated Secretary
      Ballinger from blame and removed Glavis for "filing a disingenuous
      statement unjustly impeaching the official integrity of his superior
      officer." Later Pinchot was also dismissed from the service. The charges
      against Secretary Ballinger were investigated by a joint committee of
      Congress, a majority of which exonerated the accused Cabinet officer.
      Nevertheless the whole controversy, which raged with virulence for many
      months, convinced many ardent supporters of the conservation movement, and
      especially many admirers of Mr. Pinchot and of Roosevelt, that the Taft
      Administration at the best was possessed of little enthusiasm for
      conservation. There was a widespread belief, as well, that the President
      had handled the whole matter maladroitly and that in permitting himself to
      be driven to a point where he had to deprive the country of the services
      of Gifford Pinchot, the originator of the conservation movement, he had
      displayed unsound judgment and deplorable lack of administrative ability.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first half of Mr. Taft's term was further marked by acute dissensions
      in the Republican ranks in Congress. Joseph G. Cannon was Speaker of the
      House, as he had been in three preceding Congresses. He was a reactionary
      Republican of the most pronounced type. Under his leadership the system of
      autocratic party control of legislation in the House had been developed to
      a high point of effectiveness. The Speaker's authority had become in
      practice almost unrestricted.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the congressional session of 1909-10 a strong movement of insurgency
      arose within the Republican party in Congress against the control of the
      little band of leaders dominated by the Speaker. In March, 1910, the
      Republican Insurgents, forty in number, united with the Democratic
      minority to overrule a formal decision of the Speaker. A four days'
      parliamentary battle resulted, culminating in a reorganization of the
      all-powerful Rules Committee, with the Speaker no longer a member of it.
      The right of the Speaker to appoint this committee was also taken away.
      When the Democrats came into control of the House in 1911, they completed
      the dethronement of the Speaker by depriving him of the appointment of all
      committees.
    </p>
    <p>
      The old system had not been without its advantages, when the power of the
      Speaker and his small group of associate party leaders was not abused. It
      at least concentrated responsibility in a few prominent members of the
      majority party. But it made it possible for these few men to perpetuate a
      machine and to ignore the desires of the rest of the party representatives
      and of the voters of the party throughout the country. The defeat of
      Cannonism put an end to the autocratic power of the Speaker and relegated
      him to the position of a mere presiding officer. It had also a wider
      significance, for it portended the division in the old Republican party
      out of which was to come the new Progressive party.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the mid-point of the Taft Administration was reached, a practical
      test was given of the measure of popular approval which the President and
      his party associates had achieved. The congressional elections went
      decidedly against the Republicans. The Republican majority of forty-seven
      in the House was changed to a Democratic majority of fifty-four. The
      Republican majority in the Senate was cut down from twenty-eight to ten.
      Not only were the Democrats successful in this substantial degree, but
      many of the Western States elected Progressive Republicans instead of
      Republicans of the old type. During the last two years of his term, the
      President was consequently obliged to work with a Democratic House and
      with a Senate in which Democrats and Insurgent Republicans predominated
      over the old-line Republicans.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second half of Taft's Presidency was productive of little but discord
      and dissatisfaction. The Democrats in power in the House were quite ready
      to harass the Republican President, especially in view of the approaching
      Presidential election. The Insurgents in House and Senate were not
      entirely unwilling to take a hand in the same game. Besides, they found
      themselves more and more in sincere disagreement with the President on
      matters of fundamental policy, though not one of them could fairly
      question his integrity of purpose, impugn his purity of character, or deny
      his charm of personality.
    </p>
    <p>
      Three weeks after Taft's inauguration, Roosevelt sailed for Africa, to be
      gone for a year hunting big game. He went with a warm feeling of
      friendship and admiration for the man whom he had done so much to make
      President. He had high confidence that Taft would be successful in his
      great office. He had no reason to believe that any change would come in
      the friendship between them, which had been peculiarly intimate. From the
      steamer on which he sailed for Africa, he sent a long telegram of cordial
      and hearty good wishes to his successor in Washington.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next year Roosevelt came back to the United States, after a triumphal
      tour of the capitals of Europe, to find his party disrupted and the
      progressive movement in danger of shipwreck. He had no intention of
      entering politics again. But he had no intention, either, of ceasing to
      champion the things in which he believed. This he made obvious, in his
      first speech after his return, to the cheering thousands who welcomed him
      at the Battery. He said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have thoroughly enjoyed myself; and now I am more glad than I can say
      to get home, to be back in my own country, back among people I love. And I
      am ready and eager to do my part so far as I am able, in helping solve
      problems which must be solved, if we of this, the greatest democratic
      republic upon which the sun has ever shone, are to see its destinies rise
      to the high level of our hopes and its opportunities. This is the duty of
      every citizen, but is peculiarly my duty; for any man who has ever been
      honored by being made President of the United States is thereby forever
      rendered the debtor of the American people and is bound throughout his
      life to remember this, his prime obligation."
    </p>
    <p>
      The welcome over, Roosevelt tried to take up the life of a private
      citizen. He had become Contributing Editor of The Outlook and had planned
      to give his energies largely to writing. But he was not to be let alone.
      The people who loved him demanded that they be permitted to see and to
      hear him. Those who were in the thick of the political fight on behalf of
      progress and righteousness called loudly to him for aid. Only a few days
      after Roosevelt had landed from Europe, Governor Hughes of New York met
      him at the Commencement exercises at Harvard and urged him to help in the
      fight which the Governor was then making for a direct primary law.
      Roosevelt did not wish to enter the lists again until he had had more time
      for orientation; but he always found it difficult to refuse a plea for
      help on behalf of a good cause. He therefore sent a vigorous telegram to
      the Republican legislators at Albany urging them to support Governor
      Hughes and to vote for the primary bill. But the appeal went in vain: the
      Legislature was too thoroughly boss-ridden. This telegram, however,
      sounded a warning to the usurpers in the house of the Republican Penelope
      that the fingers of the returned Odysseus had not lost their prowess with
      the heroic bow.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the summer of 1910, Roosevelt made a trip to the West and in a
      speech at Ossawattomie, Kansas, set forth what came to be described as the
      New Nationalism. It was his draft of a platform, not for himself, but for
      the nation. A few fragments from that speech will suggest what Roosevelt
      was thinking about in those days when the Progressive party was stirring
      in the womb. "At many stages in the advance of humanity, this conflict
      between the men who possess more than they have earned and the men who
      have earned more than they possess is the central condition of progress.
      In our day it appears as the struggle of free men to gain and hold the
      right of self-government as against the special interests, who twist the
      methods of free government into machinery for defeating the popular will.
      At every stage, and under all circumstances, the essence of the struggle
      is to equalize opportunity, destroy privilege, and give to the life and
      citizenship of every individual the highest possible value both to himself
      and to the commonwealth.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Every special interest is entitled to justice, but not one is entitled to
      a vote in Congress, to a voice on the bench, or to representation in any
      public office. The Constitution guarantees protection to property, and we
      must make that promise good. But it does not give the right of suffrage to
      any corporation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The absence of effective state and, especially, national restraint upon
      unfair money getting has tended to create a small class of enormously
      wealthy and economically powerful men, whose chief object is to hold and
      increase their power. The prime need is to change the conditions which
      enable these men to accumulate power which it is not for the general
      welfare that they should hold or exercise.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We are face to face with new conceptions of the relations of property to
      human welfare, chiefly because certain advocates of the rights of property
      as against the rights of men have been pushing their claims too far.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The State must be made efficient for the work which concerns only the
      people of the State; and the nation for that which concerns all the
      people. There must remain no neutral ground to serve as a refuge for
      lawbreakers, and especially for lawbreakers of great wealth, who can hire
      the vulpine legal cunning which will teach them how to avoid both
      jurisdictions.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I do not ask for overcentralization; but I do ask that we work in a
      spirit of broad and far-reaching nationalism when we work for what
      concerns our people as a whole.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We must have the right kind of character&mdash;character that makes a
      man, first of all, a good man in the home, a good father, a good husband&mdash;that
      makes a man a good neighbor.... The prime problem of our nation is to get
      the right kind of good citizenship, and to get it, we must have progress,
      and our public men must be genuinely progressive.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I stand for the Square Deal. But when I say that I am for the square deal
      I mean not merely that I stand for fair play under the present rules of
      the game, but that I stand for having those rules changed so as to work
      for a more substantial equality of opportunity and of reward for equally
      good service."
    </p>
    <p>
      These generalizations Roosevelt accompanied by specific recommendations.
      They included proposals for publicity of corporate affairs; prohibition of
      the use of corporate funds for political purposes; governmental
      supervision of the capitalization of all corporations doing an interstate
      business; control and supervision of corporations and combinations
      controlling necessaries of life; holding the officers and directors of
      corporations personally liable when any corporation breaks the law; an
      expert tariff commission and revision of the tariff schedule by schedule;
      a graduated income tax and a graduated inheritance tax, increasing rapidly
      in amount with the size of the estate; conservation of natural resources
      and their use for the benefit of all rather than their monopolization for
      the benefit of the few; public accounting for all campaign funds before
      election; comprehensive workmen's compensation acts, state and national
      laws to regulate child labor and work for women, the enforcement of
      sanitary conditions for workers and the compulsory use of safety
      appliances in industry.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was nothing in all these proposals that should have seemed
      revolutionary or extreme. But there was much that disturbed the
      reactionaries who were thinking primarily in terms of property and only
      belatedly or not at all of human rights. The Bourbons in the Republican
      party and their supporters among the special interests "viewed with
      alarm" this frank attack upon their intrenched privileges. The
      Progressives, however, welcomed with eagerness this robust leadership. The
      breach in the Republican party was widening with steadily accelerating
      speed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the fall of 1910 a new demand arose that Roosevelt should enter
      actively into politics. Though it came from his own State, he resisted it
      with energy and determination. Nevertheless the pressure from his close
      political associates in New York finally became too much for him, and he
      yielded. They wanted him to go as a delegate to the Republican State
      Convention at Saratoga and to be a candidate for Temporary Chairman of the
      Convention&mdash;the officer whose opening speech is traditionally
      presumed to sound the keynote of the campaign. Roosevelt went and, after a
      bitter fight with the reactionists in the party, led by William Barnes of
      Albany, was elected Temporary Chairman over Vice-President James S.
      Sherman. The keynote was sounded in no uncertain tones, while Mr. Barnes
      and his associates fidgeted and suffered.
    </p>
    <p>
      Then came a Homeric conflict, with a dramatic climax. The reactionary gang
      did not know that it was beaten. Its members resisted stridently an
      attempt to write a direct primary plank into the party platform. They
      wished to rebuke Governor Hughes, who was as little to their liking as
      Roosevelt himself, and they did not want the direct primary. After
      speeches by young James Wadsworth, later United States Senator, Job
      Hedges, and Barnes himself, in which they bewailed the impending demise of
      representative government and the coming of mob rule, it was clear that
      the primary plank was defeated. Then rose Roosevelt. In a speech that
      lashed and flayed the forces of reaction and obscurantism, he demanded
      that the party stand by the right of the people to rule. Single-handed he
      drove a majority of the delegates into line. The plank was adopted.
      Thenceforward the convention was his. It selected, as candidate for
      Governor, Henry W. Stimson, who had been a Federal attorney in New York
      under Roosevelt and Secretary of War in Taft's Cabinet. When this victory
      had been won, Roosevelt threw himself into the campaign with his usual
      abandon and toured the State, making fighting speeches in scores of cities
      and towns. But in spite of Roosevelt's best efforts, Stimson was defeated.
    </p>
    <p>
      All this active participation in local political conflicts seriously
      distressed many of Roosevelt's friends and associates. They felt that he
      was too big to fritter himself away on small matters from which he&mdash;and
      the cause whose great champion he was&mdash;had so little to gain and so
      much to lose. They wanted him to wait patiently for the moment of destiny
      which they felt sure would come. But it was never easy for Roosevelt to
      wait. It was the hardest thing in the world for him to decline an
      invitation to enter a fight&mdash;when the cause was a righteous one.
    </p>
    <p>
      So the year 1911 passed by, with the Taft Administration steadily losing
      prestige, and the revolt of the Progressives within the Republican party
      continually gathering momentum. Then came 1912, the year of the Glorious
      Failure.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0013" id="link2HCH0013">
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIII. THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Progressive party and the Progressive movement were two things. The
      one was born on a day, lived a stirring, strenuous span of life, suffered
      its fatal wound, lingered on for a few more years, and received its coup
      de grace. The other sprang like a great river system from a multitude of
      sources, flowed onward by a hundred channels, always converging and
      uniting, until a single mighty stream emerged to water and enrich and
      serve a broad country and a great people. The one was ephemeral, abortive&mdash;a
      failure. The other was permanent, creative&mdash;a triumph. The two were
      inseparable, each indispensable to the other. Just as the party would
      never have existed if there had been no movement, so the movement would
      not have attained such a surpassing measure of achievement so swiftly
      without the party.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Progressive party came into full being at the convention held in
      Chicago on August 5, 1912 under dramatic circumstances. Every drama must
      have a beginning and this one had opened for the public when, on the 10th
      of February in the same year, the Republican Governors of West Virginia,
      Nebraska, New Hampshire, Wyoming, Michigan, Kansas, and Missouri addressed
      a letter to Roosevelt, in which they declared that, in considering what
      would best insure the continuation of the Republican party as a useful
      agency of good government, they had reached the conclusion that a large
      majority of the Republican voters of the country favored Roosevelt's
      nomination, and a large majority of the people favored his election as the
      next President. They asserted their belief that, in view of this public
      demand, he should soon declare whether, if the nomination came to him
      unsolicited and unsought, he would accept it. They concluded their request
      with this paragraph:
    </p>
    <p>
      "In submitting this request we are not considering your personal
      interests. We do not regard it as proper to consider either the interest
      or the preference of any man as regards the nomination for the Presidency.
      We are expressing our sincere belief and best judgment as to what is
      demanded of you in the interests of the people as a whole. And we feel
      that you would be unresponsive to a plain public duty if you should
      decline to accept the nomination, coming as the voluntary expression of
      the wishes of a majority of the Republican voters of the United States,
      through the action of their delegates in the next National Convention."
    </p>
    <p>
      The sincerity and whole-heartedness of the convictions here expressed are
      in no wise vitiated by the fact that the letter was not written until the
      seven Governors were assured what the answer to it would be. For the very
      beginning of our drama, then, we must go back a little farther to that day
      in late January of 1912 when Theodore Roosevelt himself came face to face
      with a momentous decision. On that day he definitely determined that his
      duty to the things in which he profoundly believed&mdash;and no less to
      the friends and associates who shared his beliefs&mdash;constrained him
      once more to enter the arena of political conflict and lead the fight.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt had come to this conclusion with extreme reluctance. He had no
      illusions as to the probable effect upon his personal fortunes. Twice he
      had been President once by the hand of fate, once by a great popular vote.
      To be President again could add nothing to his prestige or fame; it could
      only subject him for four years to the dangerous vagaries of the unstable
      popular mood. He had nothing to gain for himself by entering the ring of
      political conflict again; the chances for personal loss were great. His
      enemies, his critics, and his political adversaries would have it that he
      was eaten up with ambition, that he came back from his African and
      European trip eager to thrust himself again into the limelight of national
      political life and to demand for himself again a great political prize.
      But his friends, his associates, and those who, knowing him at close
      range, understood him, realized that this was no picture of the truth. He
      accepted what hundreds of Progressive leaders and followers throughout the
      country&mdash;for the man in the ranks had as ready access to him as the
      most prominent leader, and received as warm consideration&mdash;asserted
      was his clear duty and obligation.
    </p>
    <p>
      A letter which he had written two days before Christmas, 1911, shows
      unmistakably how his mind was working in those days of prologue to the
      great decision. The letter was entirely private, and was addressed to my
      father who was a publisher and a friend and not a politician. There is,
      therefore, no reason whatever why the letter should not be accepted as an
      accurate picture of Mr. Roosevelt's mind at that time: "Now for the
      message Harold gave me, that I should write you a little concerning
      political conditions. They are very, very mixed. Curiously enough, my
      article on the trusts was generally accepted as bringing me forward for
      the Presidential nomination. Evidently what really happened was that there
      had been a strong undercurrent of feeling about me, and that the talk
      concerning the article enabled this feeling to come to the surface. I do
      not think it amounts to anything. It merely means that a great many people
      do not get the leadership they are looking for from any of the prominent
      men in public life, and that under the circumstances they grasp at any
      one; and as my article on the McNamaras possessed at least the merit of
      being entirely clearcut and of showing that I knew my own mind and had
      definite views, a good many plain people turned longingly to me as a
      leader. Taft is very weak, but La Follette has not developed real strength
      east of the Mississippi River, excepting of course in Wisconsin. West of
      the River he has a large following, although there is a good deal of
      opposition to him even in States like Kansas, Washington, and California.
      East of the Mississippi, I believe he can only pick up a few delegates
      here and there. Taft will have most of the Southern delegates, he will
      have the officeholders, and also the tepid and acquiescent, rather than
      active, support of the ordinary people who do not feel very strongly one
      way or the other, and who think it is the usual thing to renominate a
      President. If there were a strong candidate against him, he would I
      believe be beaten, but there are plenty of men, many of the leaders not
      only here but in Texas, for instance, in Ohio, in New Hampshire and
      Illinois, who are against him, but who are even more against La Follette,
      and who regard themselves as limited to the alternative between the two.
      There is, of course, always the danger that there may be a movement for
      me, the danger coming partly because the men who may be candidates are
      very anxious that the ticket shall be strengthened and care nothing for
      the fate of the man who strengthens it, and partly because there is a good
      deal of honest feeling for me among plain simple people who wish
      leadership, but who will not accept leadership unless they believe it to
      be sincere, fearless, and intelligent. I most emphatically do not wish the
      nomination. Personally I should regard it as a calamity to be nominated.
      In the first place, I might very possibly be beaten, and in the next
      place, even if elected I should be confronted with almost impossible
      conditions out of which to make good results. In the tariff, for instance,
      I would have to face the fact that men would keep comparing what I did,
      not with what the Democrats would or could have done but with an ideal, or
      rather with a multitude of entirely separate and really incompatible
      ideals. I am not a candidate, I will never be a candidate; but I have to
      tell the La Follette men and the Taft men that while I am absolutely
      sincere in saying that I am not a candidate and do not wish the
      nomination, yet that I do not feel it would be right or proper for me to
      say that under no circumstances would I accept it if it came; because,
      while wildly improbable, it is yet possible that there might be a public
      demand which would present the matter to me in the light of a duty which I
      could not shirk. In other words, while I emphatically do not want office,
      and have not the slightest idea that any demand for me will come, yet if
      there were a real public demand that in the public interest I should do a
      given job, it MIGHT be that I would not feel like flinching from the task.
      However, this is all in the air, and I do not for one moment believe that
      it will be necessary for me even to consider the matter. As for the
      Democrats, they have their troubles too. Wilson, although still the
      strongest man the Democrats could nominate, is much weaker than he was. He
      has given a good many people a feeling that he is very ambitious and not
      entirely sincere, and his demand for the Carnegie pension created an
      unpleasant impression. Harmon is a good old solid Democrat, with the
      standards of political and commercial morality of twenty years ago, who
      would be eagerly welcomed by all the conservative crowd. Champ Clark is a
      good fellow, but impossible as President.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I think a good deal will depend upon what this Congress does. Taft may
      redeem himself. He was fairly strong at the end of the last session, but
      went off lamentably on account of his wavering and shillyshallying on so
      many matters during his speaking trip. His speeches generally hurt him,
      and rarely benefit him. But it is possible that the Democrats in Congress
      may play the fool, and give him the chance to appear as the strong leader,
      the man who must be accepted to oppose them."
    </p>
    <p>
      This was what Roosevelt at the end, of December sincerely believed would
      be the situation as time went on. But he underestimated the strength and
      the volume of the tide that was rising.
    </p>
    <p>
      The crucial decision was made on the 18th of January. I was in the closest
      possible touch with Roosevelt in those pregnant days, and I know, as well
      as any but the man himself could know, how his mind was working. An entry
      in my diary on that date shows the origin of the letter of the seven
      governors:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Senator Beveridge called on T. R. to urge him to make a public statement
      soon. T. R. impressed by his arguments and by letters just received from
      three Governors, Hadley, Glasscock, and Bass. Practically determined to
      ask these Governors, and Stubbs and Osborne, to send him a joint letter
      asking him to make a public statement to the effect that if there is a
      genuine popular demand for his nomination he will not refuse-in other
      words to say to him in a joint letter for publication just what they have
      each said to him in private letters. Such joint action would give him a
      proper reason&mdash;or occasion&mdash;for making a public declaration. T.
      R. telegraphed Frank Knox, Republican State Chairman of Michigan and
      former member of his regiment, to come down, with intention of asking him
      to see the various governors. H. H., at Ernest Abbott's suggestion, asked
      him not to make final decision till he has had conference&mdash;already
      arranged&mdash;with editorial staff. T. R. agrees, but the inevitableness
      of the matter is evident."
    </p>
    <p>
      After that day, things moved rapidly. Two days later the diary contains
      this record: "Everett Colby, William Fellowes Morgan, and Mark Sullivan
      call on T. R. All inclined to agree that time for statement is practically
      here. T. R.&mdash;The time to use a man is when the people want to use
      him." M. S.&mdash;"The time to set a hen is when the hen wants to set."
      Frank Knox comes in response to telegram. Nat Wright also present at
      interview where Knox is informed of the job proposed for him. Gifford
      Pinchot also present at beginning of interview while T. R. tells how he
      views the situation, but leaves (at T. R.'s suggestion) before real
      business of conference begins. Plan outlined to Knox, who likes it, and
      subsequently, in H. H.'s office, draws up letter for Governors. Draft
      shown to T. R., who suggests a couple of added sentences emphasizing that
      the nomination must come as a real popular demand, and declaring that the
      Governors are taking their action not for his sake, but for the sake of
      the country. Knox takes copy of letter and starts for home, to go out to
      see Governors as soon as possible.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22d of January the Conference with The Outlook editorial staff took
      place and is thus described in my diary:
    </p>
    <p>
      "T. R. had long conference with entire staff. All except R. D. T. [Mr.
      Townsend, Managing Editor of The Outlook] and H. H. inclined to deprecate
      a public statement now. T. R.&mdash;'I have had all the honor the American
      public can give me. If I should be elected I would go back not so young as
      I once was, with all the first fine flavor gone, and take up the horrible
      task of going in and out, in and out, of the same hole over and over
      again. But I cannot decline the call. Too many of those who have fought
      with me the good fight for the things we believe in together, declare that
      at this critical moment I am the instrument that ought to be used to make
      it possible for me to refuse. I BELIEVE I SHALL BE BROKEN IN THE USING.
      But I cannot refuse to permit myself to be used. I am not going to get
      those good fellows out on the end of a limb and then saw off the limb.' R.
      D. T. suggested that it be said frankly that the Governors wrote the joint
      letter at T. R.'s request. T. R. accepted like a shot. Went into H. H.'s
      room, dictated two or three sentences to that effect, which H. H. later
      incorporated in letter. [This plan was later given up, I believe on the
      urging of some or all of the Governors involved.] T. R.&mdash;'I can't go
      on telling my friends in private letters what my position is, but asking
      them not to make it public, without seeming furtive.' In afternoon H. H.
      suggests that T. R. write first draft of his letter of reply soon as
      possible to give all possible time for consideration and revision. T. R.
      has two inspirations&mdash;to propose presidential primaries in order to
      be sure of popular demand, and to use statement made at Battery when he
      returned home from Europe."
    </p>
    <p>
      The next day's entry reads as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sent revised letter to Knox. T. R. said, "Not to make a public statement
      soon would be to violate my cardinal principle&mdash;never hit if you can
      help it, but when you have to, hit hard. NEVER hit soft. You'll never get
      any thanks for hitting soft." McHarg called with three men from St. Louis.
      T. R. said exactly the same thing as usual&mdash;he would never accept the
      nomination if it came as the result of an intrigue, only if it came as the
      result of a genuine and widespread popular demand. The thing he wants to
      be sure of is that there is this widespread popular demand that he "do a
      job," and that the demand is genuine."
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile Frank Knox was consulting the seven Governors, each one of whom
      was delighted to have an opportunity to say to Roosevelt in this formal,
      public way just what they had each said to him privately and forcefully.
      The letter was signed and delivered to T. R. On the 24th of February
      Roosevelt replied to the letter of the seven Governors in unequivocal
      terms, "I will accept the nomination for President if it is tendered to
      me, and I will adhere to this decision until&mdash;the convention has
      expressed its preference." He added the hope that so far as possible the
      people might be given the chance, through direct primaries, to record
      their wish as to who should be the nominee. A month later, in a great
      address at Carnegie Hall in New York, he gave voice publicly to the same
      thought that he had expressed to his friends in that editorial conference:
      "The leader for the time being, whoever he may be, is but an instrument,
      to be used until broken and then cast aside; and if he is worth his salt
      he will care no more when he is broken than a soldier cares when he is
      sent where his life is forfeit that the victory may be won. In the long
      fight for righteousness the watchword for all is, 'Spend and be spent.' It
      is of little matter whether any one man fails or succeeds; but the cause
      shall not fail, for it is the cause of mankind."
    </p>
    <p>
      The decision once made, Roosevelt threw himself into the contest for
      delegates to the nominating convention with his unparalleled vigor and
      forcefulness. His main opponent was, of course, the man who had been his
      friend and associate and whom he had done more than any other single force
      to make President as his successor. William Howard Taft had the undivided
      support of the national party organization; but the Progressive
      Republicans the country over thronged to Roosevelt's support with wild
      enthusiasm. The campaign for the nomination quickly developed two aspects,
      one of which delighted every Progressive in the Republican party, the
      other of which grieved every one of Roosevelt's levelheaded friends. It
      became a clean-cut conflict between progress and reaction, between the
      interests of the people, both as rulers and as governed, and the special
      interests, political and business. But it also became a bitter conflict of
      personalities between the erstwhile friends. The breach between the two
      men was afterwards healed, but it was several years after the reek of the
      battle had drifted away before even formal relations were restored between
      them.
    </p>
    <p>
      A complicating factor in the campaign was the candidacy of Senator La
      Follette of Wisconsin. In July, 1911, La Follette had begun, at the
      earnest solicitation of many Progressive leaders in Congress and out, an
      active campaign for the Republican nomination. Progressive organizations
      were perfected in numerous States and "in less than three months," as La
      Follette has written in his Autobiography, his candidacy "had taken on
      proportions which compelled recognition." Four months later a conference
      of some three hundred Progressives from thirty States, meeting in Chicago,
      declared that La Follette was, because of his record, the logical
      candidate for the Presidency. Following this conference he continued to
      campaign with increasing vigor, but concurrently the enthusiasm of some of
      his leading supporters began to cool and their support of his candidacy to
      weaken. Senator La Follette ascribes this effect to the surreptitious
      maneuvering of Roosevelt, whom he credits with an overwhelming appetite
      for another Presidential term, kept in check only by his fear that he
      could not be nominated or elected. But there is no evidence of any value
      whatever that Roosevelt was conducting underground operations or that he
      desired to be President again. The true explanation of the change in those
      Progressives who had favored the candidacy of La Follette and yet had
      gradually ceased to support him, is to be found in their growing
      conviction that Taft and the reactionary forces in the Republican party
      which he represented could be defeated only by one man&mdash;and that not
      the Senator from Wisconsin. In any event the La Follette candidacy rapidly
      declined until it ceased to be a serious element in the situation.
      Although the Senator, with characteristic consistency and pertinacity,
      stayed in the fight till the end, he entered the Convention with the
      delegates of but two States, his own Wisconsin and North Dakota, pledged
      to support him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The pre-convention campaign was made unusually dramatic by the fact that,
      for the first time in the history of Presidential elections, the voters of
      thirteen States were privileged not only to select the delegates to the
      Convention by direct primary vote but to instruct them in the same way as
      to the candidate for whom they should cast their ballots. There were 388
      such popularly instructed delegates from California, Georgia, Illinois,
      Maryland, Massachusetts, Nebraska, New Jersey, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon,
      Pennsylvania, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. It was naturally in these
      States that the two candidates concentrated their campaigning efforts. The
      result of the selection of delegates and of the preferential vote in these
      States was the best possible evidence of the desire of the rank and file
      of the party as to the Presidential candidate. Of these 388 delegates,
      Senator La Follette secured 36; President Taft 71&mdash;28 in Georgia, 2
      in Illinois, 18 in Massachusetts, 14 in Ohio, and 9 in Pennsylvania; and
      Roosevelt 281&mdash;26 in California, 56 in Illinois, 16 in Maryland, 18
      in Massachusetts, 16 in Nebraska, 28 in New Jersey, 34 in Ohio, 10 in
      Oregon, 67 in Pennsylvania, and 10 in South Dakota. Roosevelt therefore,
      in those States where the voters could actually declare at primary
      elections which candidate they preferred, was the expressed choice of more
      than five times as many voters as Taft.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the Republican convention met in Chicago an interesting and peculiar
      situation presented itself. There were 1078 seats in the Convention. Of
      the delegates elected to those seats Taft had committed to him the vast
      majority of the delegates from the States which have never cast an
      electoral vote for a Republican candidate for President since there was a
      Republican party. Roosevelt had in support of him the great majority of
      the delegates from the States which are normally Republican and which must
      be relied upon at election time if a Republican President is to be chosen.
      Of the 1078 seats more than 200 were contested. Aside from these contested
      seats, neither candidate had a majority of the delegates. The problem that
      confronted each side was to secure the filling of a sufficient number of
      the disputed seats with its retainers to insure a majority for its
      candidate. In the solution of this problem the Taft forces had one
      insuperable advantage. The temporary roll of a nominating convention is
      made up by the National Committee of the party. The Republican National
      Committee had been selected at the close of the last national convention
      four years before. It accordingly represented the party as it had then
      stood, regardless of the significant changes that three and a quarter
      years of Taft's Presidency had wrought in party opinion.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the National Committee the Taft forces had a strength of more than two
      to one; and all but an insignificant number of the contests were decided
      out of hand in favor of Mr. Taft. The temporary roll of the Convention
      therefore showed a distinct majority against Roosevelt. From the fall of
      the gavel, the Roosevelt forces fought with vigor and determination for
      what they described as the "purging of the roll" of those Taft delegates
      whose names they declared had been placed upon it by fraud. But at every
      turn the force of numbers was against them; and the Taft majority which
      the National Committee had constituted in the Convention remained intact,
      an impregnable defense against the Progressive attack.
    </p>
    <p>
      These preliminary engagements concerned with the determination of the
      final membership of the Convention had occupied several days. Meanwhile
      the temper of the Roosevelt delegates had burned hotter and hotter.
      Roosevelt was present, leading the fight in person&mdash;not, of course,
      on the floor of the Convention, to which he was not a delegate, but at
      headquarters in the Congress Hotel. There were not wanting in the
      Progressive forces counsels of moderation and compromise. It was suggested
      by those of less fiery mettle that harmony might be arrived at on the
      basis of the elimination of both Roosevelt and Taft and the selection of a
      candidate not unsatisfactory to either side. But Roosevelt, backed by the
      majority of the Progressive delegates, stood firm and immovable on the
      ground that the "roll must be purged" and that he would consent to no
      traffic with a Convention whose make-up contained delegates holding their
      seats by virtue of fraud. "Let them purge the roll," he declared again and
      again, "and I will accept any candidate the Convention may name." But the
      organization leaders knew that a yielding to this demand for a
      reconstitution of the personnel of the Convention would result in but one
      thing&mdash;the nomination for Roosevelt&mdash;and this was the one thing
      they were resolved not to permit.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the hours of conflict and turmoil passed, there grew steadily and
      surely in the Roosevelt ranks a demand for a severance of relations with
      the fraudulent Convention and the formation of a new party devoted,
      without equivocation or compromise, to Progressive principles. A typical
      incident of these days of confusion and uncertainty was the drawing up of
      a declaration of purpose by a Progressive alternate from New Jersey,
      disgusted with the progress of the machine steam roller and disappointed
      at the delayed appearance of a positive Progressive programme of action.
      Circulated privately, with the knowledge and approval of Roosevelt, it was
      promptly signed by dozens of Progressive delegates. It read as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "We, the undersigned, in the event that the Republican National Convention
      as at present constituted refuses to purge its roll of the delegates
      fraudulently placed upon it by the action of the majority of the
      Republican National Committee, pledge ourselves, as American citizens
      devoted to the progressive principles of genuine popular rule and social
      justice, to join in the organization of a new party founded upon those
      principles, under the leadership of Theodore Roosevelt."
    </p>
    <p>
      The first signer of the declaration was Governor Hiram W. Johnson of
      California, the second, Governor Robert S. Vessey of South Dakota, the
      third, Governor Joseph M. Carey of Wyoming, and farther down the list were
      the names of Gifford and Amos Pinchot, James R. Garfield, ex-Governor John
      Franklin Fort of New Jersey, with Everett Colby and George L. Record of
      the same State, Matthew Hale of Massachusetts, "Jack" Greenway of Arizona,
      Judge Ben B. Lindsey of Colorado, Medill McCormick of Illinois, George
      Rublee of New Hampshire, and Elon Huntington Hooker, of New York, who was
      to become the National Treasurer of the new party. The document was, of
      course, a purely informal assertion of purpose; but it was the first
      substantial straw to predict the whirlwind which the masters of the
      convention were to reap.
    </p>
    <p>
      When at last it had become unmistakably clear that the Taft forces were
      and would remain to the end in control of the Convention, the Progressive
      delegates, with a few exceptions, united in dramatic action. Speaking for
      them with passion and intensity Henry J. Allen of Kansas announced their
      intention to participate no longer in the actions of a convention vitiated
      by fraud. The Progressive delegates would, he declared, remain in their
      places but they would neither vote nor take any part whatever in the
      proceedings. He then read, by permission of the Convention, a statement
      from Roosevelt, in which he pronounced the following indictment:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Convention has now declined to purge the roll of the fraudulent
      delegates placed thereon by the defunct National Committee, and the
      majority which has thus indorsed the fraud was made a majority only
      because it included the fraudulent delegates themselves who all sat as
      judges on one another's cases.... The Convention as now composed has no
      claim to represent the voters of the Republican party.... Any man
      nominated by the Convention as now constituted would merely be the
      beneficiary of this successful fraud; it would be deeply discreditable for
      any man to accept the Convention's nomination under these circumstances;
      and any man thus accepting it would have no claim to the support of any
      Republican on party grounds and would have forfeited the right to ask the
      support of any honest man of any party on moral grounds."
    </p>
    <p>
      So while most of the Roosevelt delegates sat in ominous quiet and refused
      to vote, the Convention proceeded to nominate Taft for President by the
      following vote: Taft 561&mdash;21 votes more than a majority; Roosevelt
      107; La Follette 41; Cummins 17; Hughes 2; absent 6; present and not
      voting 344.
    </p>
    <p>
      Then the Taft delegates went home to meditate on the fight which they had
      won and the more portentous fight which they must wage in the coming
      months on a broader field. The Roosevelt delegates, on the other hand,
      went out to Orchestra Hall, and in an exalted mood of passionate devotion
      to their cause and their beloved leader proceeded to nominate Theodore
      Roosevelt for the Presidency and Hiram Johnson for the Vice-Presidency. A
      committee was sent to notify Roosevelt of the nomination and when he
      appeared in the hall all precedents of spontaneous enthusiasm were broken.
      This was no conventional&mdash;if the double entendre may be permitted&mdash;demonstration.
      It had rather the quality of religious exaltation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt made a short speech, in which he adjured his hearers to go to
      their several homes "to find out the sentiment of the people at home and
      then again come together, I suggest by mass convention, to nominate for
      the Presidency a Progressive on a Progressive platform that will enable us
      to appeal to Northerner and Southerner, Easterner and Westerner,
      Republican and Democrat alike, in the name of our common American
      citizenship. If you wish me to make the fight I will make it, even if only
      one State should support me."
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus ended the first act in the drama. The second opened with the
      gathering of some two thousand men and women at Chicago on August 5, 1912.
      It was a unique gathering. Many of the delegates were women; one of the
      "keynote" speeches was delivered by Miss Jane Addams of Hull House. The
      whole tone and atmosphere of the occasion seemed religious rather than
      political. The old-timers among the delegates, who found themselves in the
      new party for diverse reasons, selfish, sincere, or mixed, must have felt
      astonishment at themselves as they stood and shouted out Onward Christian
      Soldiers as the battle-hymn of their new allegiance. The long address
      which Roosevelt made to the Convention he denominated his "Confession of
      Faith." The platform which the gathering adopted was entitled "A Contract
      with the People." The sessions of the Convention seethed with enthusiasm
      and burned hot with earnest devotion to high purpose. There could be no
      doubt in the mind of any but the most cynical of political reactionaries
      that here was the manifestation of a new and revivifying force to be
      reckoned with in the future development of American political life.
    </p>
    <p>
      The platform adopted by the Progressive Convention was no less a novelty.
      Its very title&mdash;even the fact that it had a title marked it off from
      the pompous and shopworn documents emanating from the usual nominating
      Convention&mdash;declared a reversal of the time-honored view of a
      platform as, like that of a street-car, "something to get in on, not
      something to stand on." The delegates to that Convention were perfectly
      ready to have their party sued before the bar of public opinion for breach
      of contract if their candidates when elected did not do everything in
      their power to carry out the pledges of the platform. The planks of the
      platform grouped themselves into three main sections: political reforms,
      control of trusts and combinations, and measures of "social and industrial
      justice."
    </p>
    <p>
      In the first section were included direct primaries, nation-wide
      preferential primaries for the selection of candidates for the Presidency,
      direct popular election of United States Senators, the short ballot, the
      initiative, referendum and recall, an easier method of amending the
      Federal constitution, woman suffrage, and the recall of judicial decisions
      in the form of a popular review of any decision annulling a law passed
      under the police power of the State.
    </p>
    <p>
      The platform in the second place opposed vigorously the indiscriminate
      dissolution of trusts and combinations, on the ground that combination in
      the business field was not only inevitable but necessary and desirable for
      the promotion of national and international efficiency. It condemned the
      evils of inflated capitalization and unfair competition; and it proposed,
      in order to eliminate those evils while preserving the unquestioned
      advantages that flow from combination, the establishment of a strong
      Federal commission empowered and directed to maintain permanent active
      supervision over industrial corporations engaged in interstate commerce,
      doing for them what the Federal Government now does for the national banks
      and, through the Interstate Commerce Commission, for the transportation
      lines.
    </p>
    <p>
      Finally in the field of social justice the platform pledged the party to
      the abolition of child labor, to minimum wage laws, the eight-hour day,
      publicity in regard to working conditions, compensation for industrial
      accidents, continuation schools for industrial education, and to
      legislation to prevent industrial accidents, occupational diseases,
      overwork, involuntary unemployment, and other injurious effects incident
      to modern industry.
    </p>
    <p>
      To stand upon this platform and to carry out the terms of this "contract
      with the people," the Convention nominated without debate or dissent
      Theodore Roosevelt for President and Hiram W. Johnson of California for
      Vice-President. Governor Johnson was an appropriate running mate for
      Roosevelt. In his own State he had led one of the most virile and fast
      moving of the local Progressive movements. He burned with a white-hot
      enthusiasm for the democratic ideal and the rights of man as embodied in
      equality of opportunity, freedom of individual development, and protection
      from the "dark forces" of special privilege, political autocracy and
      concentrated wealth. He was a brilliant and fiery campaigner where his
      convictions were enlisted.
    </p>
    <p>
      So passed the second act in the drama of the Progressive party.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIV. THE GLORIOUS FAILURE
    </h2>
    <p>
      The third act in the drama of the Progressive party was filled with the
      campaign for the Presidency. It was a three-cornered fight. Taft stood for
      Republican conservatism and clung to the old things. Roosevelt fought for
      the progressive rewriting of Republican principles with added emphasis on
      popular government and social justice as defined in the New Nationalism.
      The Democratic party under the leadership of Woodrow Wilson espoused with
      more or less enthusiasm the old Democratic principles freshly interpreted
      and revivified in the declaration they called the New Freedom. The
      campaign marked the definite entrance of the nation upon a new era. One
      thing was clear from the beginning: the day of conservatism and reaction
      was over; the people of the United States had definitely crossed their
      Rubicon and had committed themselves to spiritual and moral progress.
    </p>
    <p>
      The campaign had one dramatic incident. On the 14th of October, just
      before entering the Auditorium at Milwaukee, Roosevelt was shot by a
      fanatic. His immediate action was above everything characteristic. Some
      time later in reply to a remark that he had been foolhardy in going on
      with his speech just after the attack, Roosevelt said, "Why, you know, I
      didn't think I had been mortally wounded. If I had been mortally wounded,
      I would have bled from the lungs. When I got into the motor I coughed hard
      three times, and put my hand up to my mouth; as I did not find any blood,
      I thought that I was not seriously hurt, and went on with my speech."
    </p>
    <p>
      The opening words of the speech which followed were equally typical:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Friends, I shall ask you to be as quiet as possible. I don't know whether
      you fully understand that I have just been shot; but it takes more than
      that to kill a Bull Moose.... The bullet is in me now, so that I cannot
      make a very long speech, but I will try my best.... First of all, I want
      to say this about myself; I have altogether too important things to think
      of to feel any concern over my own death; and now I cannot speak
      insincerely to you within five minutes of being shot. I am telling you the
      literal truth when I say that my concern is for many other things. It is
      not in the least for my own life. I want you to understand that I am ahead
      of the game anyway. No man has had a happier life than I have led; a
      happier life in every way. I have been able to do certain things that I
      greatly wished to do, and I am interested in doing other things. I can
      tell you with absolute truthfulness that I am very much uninterested in
      whether I am shot or not. It was just as when I was colonel of my
      regiment. I always felt that a private was to be excused for feeling at
      times some pangs of anxiety about his personal safety, but I cannot
      understand a man fit to be a colonel who can pay any heed to his personal
      safety when he is occupied as he ought to be occupied with the absorbing
      desire to do his duty."
    </p>
    <p>
      There was a great deal of self-revelation in these words. Even the critic
      accustomed to ascribe to Roosevelt egotism and love of gallery applause
      must concede the courage, will-power, and self-forgetfulness disclosed by
      the incident.
    </p>
    <p>
      The election was a debacle for reaction, a victory for Democracy, a
      triumph in defeat for the Progressive party. Taft carried two States, Utah
      and Vermont, with eight electoral votes; Woodrow Wilson carried forty
      States, with 435 electoral votes; and Roosevelt carried five States,
      Michigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, and Washington, and
      eleven out of the thirteen votes of California, giving him 88 electoral
      votes. Taft's popular vote was 3,484,956; Wilson's was 6,293,019; while
      Roosevelt's was 4,119,507. The fact that Wilson was elected by a minority
      popular vote is not the significant thing, for it is far beyond the
      capability of any political observer to declare what would have been the
      result if there had been but two parties in the field. The triumph for the
      Progressive party lay in the certainty that its emergence had compelled
      the election of a President whose face was toward the future. If the
      Roosevelt delegates at Chicago in June had acquiesced in the result of the
      steam-roller Convention, it is highly probable that Woodrow Wilson would
      not have been the choice of the Democratic Convention that met later at
      Baltimore.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the succeeding four years the Progressive party, as a national
      organization, continued steadily to "dwindle, peak, and pine." More and
      more of its members and supporters slipped or stepped boldly back to the
      Republican party. Its quondam Democratic members had largely returned to
      their former allegiance with Wilson, either at the election or after it.
      Roosevelt once more withdrew from active participation in public life,
      until the Great War, with its gradually increasing intrusions upon
      American interests and American rights, aroused him to vigorous and
      aggressive utterance on American responsibility and American duty. He
      became a vigorous critic of the Administration.
    </p>
    <p>
      Once more a demand began to spring up for his nomination for the
      Presidency; the Progressive party began to show signs of reviving
      consciousness. There had persisted through the years a little band of
      irreconcilables who were Progressives or nothing. They wanted a new party
      of radical ideas regardless of anything in the way of reformation and
      progress that the old parties might achieve. There were others who
      preferred to go back to the Republican party rather than to keep up the
      Progressive party as a mere minority party of protest, but who hoped in
      going back to be able to influence their old party along the lines of
      progress. There were those who were Rooseveltians pure and simple and who
      would follow him wherever he led.
    </p>
    <p>
      All these groups wanted Roosevelt as President. They united to hold a
      convention of the Progressive party at Chicago in 1916 on the same days on
      which the Republican Convention met there. Each convention opened with a
      calculating eye upon the activities of the other. But both watched with
      even more anxious surmise for some sign of intention from the Progressive
      leader back at Oyster Bay. He held in his single hand the power of life
      and death for the Progressive party. His decision as to cooperative action
      with the Republicans or individual action as a Progressive would be the
      most important single factor in the campaign against Woodrow Wilson, who
      was certain of renomination. Three questions confronted and puzzled the
      two bodies of delegates: Would the Republicans nominate Roosevelt or
      another? If another, what would Roosevelt do? If another, what would the
      Progressives do?
    </p>
    <p>
      For three days the Republican National Convention proceeded steadily and
      stolidly upon its appointed course. Everything had been done in the
      stereotyped way on the stereotyped time-table in the stereotyped language.
      No impropriety or infelicity had been permitted to mar the smooth texture
      of its surface. The temporary chairman in his keynote speech had been as
      mildly oratorical, as diffusely patriotic, and as nobly sentimental as any
      Fourth of July orator of a bygone day. The whole tone of the Convention
      had been subdued and decorous with the decorum of incertitude and
      timidity. That Convention did not know what it wanted. It only knew that
      there was one thing that it did not want and that it was afraid of, and
      another thing it would rather not have and was afraid it would have to
      take. It wanted neither Theodore Roosevelt nor Charles E. Hughes, and its
      members were distinctly uncomfortable at the thought that they might have
      to take one or the other. It was an old-fashioned convention of the
      hand-picked variety. It smacked of the former days when the direct primary
      had not yet introduced the disturbing thought that the voters and not the
      office-holders and party leaders ought to select their candidates.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was a docile, submissive convention, not because it was ruled by a
      strong group of men who knew what they wanted and proposed to compel their
      followers to give it to them, but because it was composed of politicians
      great and small to whom party regularity was the breath of their nostrils.
      They were ready to do the regular thing; but the only two things in sight
      were confoundedly irregular.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two drafts were ready for their drinking and they dreaded both. They could
      nominate one of two men, and to nominate either of them was to fling open
      the gates of the citadel of party regularity and conformity and let the
      enemy in. Was it to be Roosevelt or Hughes? Roosevelt they would not have.
      Hughes they would give their eye teeth not to take. No wonder they were
      subdued and inarticulate. No wonder they suffered and were unhappy. So
      they droned along through their stereotyped routine, hoping dully against
      fate.
    </p>
    <p>
      The hot-heads in the Progressive Convention wanted no delay, no
      compromise. They would have nominated Theodore Roosevelt out of hand with
      a whoop, and let the Republican Convention take him or leave him. But the
      cooler leaders realized the importance of union between the two parties
      and knew, or accurately guessed, what the attitude of Roosevelt would be.
      With firm hand they kept the Convention from hasty and irrevocable action.
      They proposed that overtures be made to the Republican Convention with a
      view to harmonious agreement. A conference was held between committees of
      the two conventions to see if common ground could be discovered. At the
      first session of the joint committee it appeared that there was sincere
      desire on both sides to get together, but that the Progressives would have
      no one but Roosevelt, while the Republicans would not have him but were
      united on no one else. When the balloting began in the Republican
      Convention, the only candidate who received even a respectable block of
      votes was Hughes, but his total was hardly more than half of the necessary
      majority. For several ballots there was no considerable gain for any of
      the numerous candidates, and when the Convention adjourned late Friday
      night the outcome was as uncertain as ever. But by Saturday morning the
      Republican leaders and delegates had resigned themselves to the
      inevitable, and the nomination of Hughes was assured. When the Progressive
      Convention met that morning, the conference committee reported that the
      Republican members of the committee had proposed unanimously the selection
      of Hughes as the candidate of both parties.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus began the final scene in the Progressive drama, and a more thrilling
      and intense occasion it would be difficult to imagine. It was apparent
      that the Progressive delegates would have none of it. They were there to
      nominate their own beloved leader and they intended to do it. A telegram
      was received from Oyster Bay proposing Senator Lodge as the compromise
      candidate, and the restive delegates in the Auditorium could with the
      greatest difficulty be held back until the telegram could be received and
      read at the Coliseum. A direct telephone wire from the Coliseum to a
      receiver on the stage of the Auditorium kept the Progressive body in
      instant touch with events in the other Convention. In the Auditorium the
      atmosphere was electric. The delegates bubbled with excitement. They
      wanted to nominate Roosevelt and be done with it. The fear that the other
      Convention would steal a march on them and make its nomination first set
      them crazy with impatience. The hall rumbled and sputtered and fizzed and
      detonated. The floor looked like a giant corn popper with the kernels
      jumping and exploding like mad.
    </p>
    <p>
      The delegates wanted action; the leaders wanted to be sure that they had
      kept faith with Roosevelt and with the general situation by giving the
      Republican delegates a chance to hear his last proposal. Bainbridge Colby,
      of New York, put Roosevelt in nomination with brevity and vigor; Hiram
      Johnson seconded the nomination with his accustomed fire. Then, as the
      word came over the wire that balloting had been resumed in the Coliseum,
      the question was put at thirty-one minutes past twelve, and every delegate
      and every alternate in the Convention leaped to his feet with upstretched
      arm and shouted "Aye."
    </p>
    <p>
      Doubtless more thrilling moments may come to some men at some time,
      somewhere, but you will hardly find a delegate of that Progressive
      Convention to believe it. Then the Convention adjourned, to meet again at
      three to hear what the man they had nominated would say.
    </p>
    <p>
      At five o'clock in the afternoon, after a couple of hours of impatient and
      anxious marking time with routine matters, the Progressive delegates
      received the reply from their leader. It read thus:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am very grateful for the honor you confer upon me by nominating me as
      President. I cannot accept it at this time. I do not know the attitude of
      the candidate of the Republican party toward the vital questions of the
      day. Therefore, if you desire an immediate decision, I must decline the
      nomination.
    </p>
    <p>
      "But if you prefer to wait, I suggest that my conditional refusal to run
      be placed in the hands of the Progressive National Committee. If Mr.
      Hughes's statements, when he makes them, shall satisfy the committee that
      it is for the interest of the country that he be elected, they can act
      accordingly and treat my refusal as definitely accepted.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If they are not satisfied, they can so notify the Progressive party, and
      at the same time they can confer with me, and then determine on whatever
      action we may severally deem appropriate to meet the needs of the country.
    </p>
    <p>
      "THEODORE ROOSEVELT."
    </p>
    <p>
      Puzzled, disheartened, overwhelmed, the Progressive delegates went away.
      They could not then see how wise, how farsighted, how inevitable
      Roosevelt's decision was. Some of them will never see it. Probably few of
      them as they went out of those doors realized that they had taken part in
      the last act of the romantic and tragic drama of the National Progressive
      party. But such was the fact, for the march of events was too much for it.
      Fate, not its enemies, brought it to an end.
    </p>
    <p>
      So was born, lived a little space, and died the Progressive party. At its
      birth it caused the nomination, by the Democrats, and the election, by the
      people, of Woodrow Wilson. At its death it brought about the nomination of
      Charles E. Hughes by the Republicans. It forced the writing into the
      platforms of the more conservative parties of principles and programmes of
      popular rights and social regeneration. The Progressive party never
      attained to power, but it wielded a potent power. It was a glorious
      failure.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XV. THE FIGHTING EDGE
    </h2>
    <p>
      Theodore Roosevelt was a prodigious coiner of phrases. He added scores of
      them, full of virility, picturesqueness, and flavor to the every-day
      speech of the American people. They stuck, because they expressed ideas
      that needed expressing and because they expressed them so well that no
      other combinations of words could quite equal them. One of the best,
      though not the most popular, of his phrases is contained in the following
      quotation:
    </p>
    <p>
      "One of the prime dangers of civilization has always been its tendency to
      cause the loss of virile fighting virtues, of the fighting edge. When men
      get too comfortable and lead too luxurious lives, there is always danger
      lest the softness eat like an acid into their manliness of fiber."
    </p>
    <p>
      He used the same phrase many times. Here is another instance:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Unjust war is to be abhorred; but woe to the nation that does not make
      ready to hold its own in time of need against all who would harm it! And
      woe, thrice over, to the nation in which the average man loses the
      fighting edge, loses the power to serve as a soldier if the day of need
      should arise!"
    </p>
    <p>
      That was it&mdash;THE FIGHTING EDGE. Roosevelt had it, if ever man had.
      The conviction of the need for that combination of physical and spiritual
      qualities that this represented, if a man is to take his place and keep it
      in the world, became an inseparable part of his consciousness early in
      life. It grew in strength and depth with every year that he lived. He
      learned the need of preparedness on that day in Maine when he found
      himself helpless before the tormenting of his young fellow travelers. In
      the gymnasium on Twentieth Street, within the boxing ring at Harvard, in
      the New York Assembly, in the conflicts with the spoilsmen in Washington,
      on the frontier in cowboy land, in Mulberry Street and on Capitol Hill,
      and in the jungle before Santiago, the lesson was hammered into him by the
      stern reality of events. The strokes fell on malleable metal.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the spring of 1897, Roosevelt had been appointed Assistant Secretary of
      the Navy, largely through the efforts of his friend, Senator Henry Cabot
      Lodge of Massachusetts. The appointment was excellent from every point of
      view. Though Roosevelt had received no training for the post so far as
      technical education was concerned, he brought to his duties a profound
      belief in the navy and a keen interest in its development. His first
      published book had been "The Naval War of 1812"; and the lessons of that
      war had not been lost upon him. It was indeed a fortuitous circumstance
      that placed him in this branch of the national service just as relations
      between Spain and the United States were reaching the breaking point. When
      the battleship Maine was sunk in Havana Harbor, his reaction to that
      startling event was instantaneous. He was convinced that the sinking of
      the Maine made war inevitable, but he had long been certain that war ought
      to come. He believed that the United States had a moral duty toward the
      Cuban people, oppressed, abused, starved, and murdered at the hands of
      Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      He was not the head of the Navy Department, but that made little
      difference. The Secretary was a fine old gentleman, formerly president of
      the Massachusetts Peace Society, and by temperament indisposed to any
      rapid moves toward war. But he liked his Assistant Secretary and did not
      put too stern a curb upon his impetuous activity and Roosevelt's activity
      was vigorous and unceasing. Secretary Long has described it, rather with
      justice than with enthusiasm.
    </p>
    <p>
      "His activity was characteristic. He was zealous in the work of putting
      the navy in condition for the apprehended struggle. His ardor sometimes
      went faster than the President or the Department approved.... He worked
      indefatigably, frequently incorporating his views in memoranda which he
      would place every morning on my desk. Most of his suggestions had,
      however, so far as applicable, been already adopted by the various
      bureaus, the chiefs of which were straining every nerve and leaving
      nothing undone. When I suggested to him that some future historian reading
      his memoranda, if they were put on record, would get the impression that
      the bureaus were inefficient, he accepted the suggestion with the generous
      good nature which is so marked in him. Indeed, nothing could be pleasanter
      than our relations. He was heart and soul in his work. His typewriters had
      no rest. He, like most of us, lacks the rare knack of brevity. He was
      especially stimulating to the younger officers who gathered about him and
      made his office as busy as a hive. He was especially helpful in the
      purchasing of ships and in every line where he could push on the work of
      preparation for war."
    </p>
    <p>
      One suspects that the Secretary may have been more complacently convinced
      of the forehandedness of the bureau chiefs than was his impatient
      associate. For, while the navy was apparently in better shape than the
      army in those days, there must have been, even in the Department where
      Roosevelt's typewriters knew no rest, some of that class of desk-bound
      officers whom he met later when he was organizing the Rough Riders. His
      experience with one such officer in the War Department was humorous. This
      bureaucrat was continually refusing Roosevelt's applications because they
      were irregular. In each case Roosevelt would appeal to the Secretary of
      War, with whom he was on the best of terms, and would get from him an
      order countenancing the irregularity. After a number of experiences of
      this kind, the harassed slave of red tape threw himself back in his chair
      and exclaimed, "Oh, dear! I had this office running in such good shape&mdash;and
      then along came the war and upset everything!"
    </p>
    <p>
      But there were plenty of good men in the navy; and one of them was
      Commodore George Dewey. Roosevelt had kept his eye on him for some time as
      an officer who "could be relied upon to prepare in advance, and to act
      promptly, fearlessly, and on his own responsibility when the emergency
      arose." When he began to foresee the probability of war, Roosevelt
      succeeded in having Dewey sent to command the Asiatic squadron; and just
      ten days after the Maine was blown up this cablegram went from Washington
      to Hong Kong:
    </p>
    <p>
      "DEWEY, Hong Kong:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Order the squadron, except the Monocacy, to Hong Kong. Keep full of coal.
      In the event of declaration of war Spain, your duty will be to see that
      the Spanish squadron does not leave the Asiatic coast, and then offensive
      operations in Philippine Islands. Keep Olympia until further orders.
      Roosevelt."
    </p>
    <p>
      The declaration of war lagged on for nearly two months, but when it
      finally came, just one week elapsed between the sending of an order to
      Dewey to proceed at once to the Philippines and to "capture vessels or
      destroy" and the elimination of the sea power of Spain in the Orient. The
      battle of Manila Bay was a practical demonstration of the value of the
      "fighting edge," as exemplified in an Assistant Secretary who fought
      procrastination, timidity, and political expedience at home and in a naval
      officer who fought the enemy's ships on the other side of the world.
    </p>
    <p>
      When war actually came, Roosevelt could not stand inactivity in
      Washington. He was a fighter and he must go where the real fighting was.
      With Leonard Wood, then a surgeon in the army, he organized the First
      United States Volunteer Cavalry. He could have been appointed Colonel, but
      he knew that Wood knew more about the soldier's job than he, and he
      insisted upon taking the second place. The Secretary of War thought him
      foolish to step aside thus and suggested that Roosevelt become Colonel and
      Wood Lieutenant-Colonel, adding that Wood would do the work anyway. But
      that was not the Roosevelt way. He replied that he did not wish to rise on
      any man's shoulders, that he hoped to be given every chance that his deeds
      and his abilities warranted, that he did not wish what he did not earn,
      and that, above all, he did not wish to hold any position where any one
      else did the work. Lieutenant-Colonel he was made.
    </p>
    <p>
      The regiment, which will always be affectionately known as the Rough
      Riders, was "raised, armed, equipped, drilled, mounted, dismounted, kept
      for two weeks on a transport, and then put through two victorious
      aggressive fights, in which it lost a third of the officers, and a fifth
      of the enlisted men, all within a little over fifty days." Roosevelt began
      as second in command, went through the battle of San Juan Hill as Colonel,
      and ended the war in command of a brigade, with the brevet of
      Brigadier-General. The title of Colonel stuck to him all his life.
    </p>
    <p>
      When he became President, his instinctive commitment to the necessity of
      being prepared had been stoutly reinforced by his experience in what he
      called "the war of America the Unready." His first message to Congress was
      a long and exhaustive paper, dealing with many matters of importance. But
      almost one-fifth of it was devoted to the army and the navy. "It is not
      possible," he said, "to improvise a navy after war breaks out. The ships
      must be built and the men trained long in advance." He urged that Congress
      forthwith provide for several additional battleships and heavy armored
      cruisers, together with the proportionate number of smaller craft, and he
      pointed out the need for many more officers and men. He declared that
      "even in time of peace a warship should be used until it wears out, for
      only so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency. The officers and
      men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water, for it is
      there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned." But his
      most vigorous insistence was upon gunnery. "In battle," he said once to
      the graduates of the Naval Academy, "the only shots that count are those
      that hit, and marksmanship is a matter of long practice and intelligent
      reasoning." To this end he demanded "unceasing" gunnery practice.
    </p>
    <p>
      In every succeeding message to Congress for seven years he returned to the
      subject of the navy, demanding ships, officers, men, and, above all,
      training. His insistence on these essentials brought results, and by the
      time the cruise of the battle fleet around the world had been achieved,
      the American navy, ship for ship, was not surpassed by any in the world.
      Perhaps it would be more accurate to say, ship's crew for ship's crew; for
      it was the officers and men of the American navy who made it possible for
      the world cruise to be made without the smallest casualty.
    </p>
    <p>
      The question of marksmanship had been burned into Roosevelt's mind in
      those days when the Spanish War was brewing. He has related in his
      "Autobiography" how it first came to his attention through a man whose
      name has in more recent years become known the world over in connection
      with the greatest task of the American navy. Roosevelt's account is as
      follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "There was one deficiency... which there was no time to remedy, and of the
      very existence of which, strange to say, most of our best men were
      ignorant. Our navy had no idea how low our standard of marksmanship was.
      We had not realized that the modern battleship had become such a
      complicated piece of mechanism that the old methods of training in
      marksmanship were as obsolete as the old muzzle-loading broadside guns
      themselves. Almost the only man in the navy who fully realized this was
      our naval attach at Paris, Lieutenant Sims. He wrote letter after letter
      pointing out how frightfully backward we were in marksmanship. I was much
      impressed by his letters.... As Sims proved to be mistaken in his belief
      that the French had taught the Spaniards how to shoot, and as the
      Spaniards proved to be much worse even than we were, in the service
      generally Sims was treated as an alarmist. But although I at first partly
      acquiesced in this view, I grew uneasy when I studied the small proportion
      of hits to shots made by our vessels in battle. When I was President I
      took up the matter, and speedily became convinced that we needed to
      revolutionize our whole training in marksmanship. Sims was given the lead
      in organizing and introducing the new system; and to him more than to any
      other one man was due the astonishing progress made by our fleet in this
      respect, a progress which made the fleet, gun for gun, at least three
      times as effective, in point of fighting efficiency, in 1908, as it was in
      1902" *.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     *Autobiography (Scribner), pp. 212-13.
</pre>
    <p>
      Theodore Roosevelt was a thoroughgoing, bred-in-the-bone individualist,
      but not as the term is ordinarily understood. He continually emphasized
      not the rights of the individual, but his duties, obligations, and
      opportunities. He knew that human character is the greatest thing in the
      world and that men and women are the real forces that move and sway the
      world's affairs. So in all his preaching and doing on behalf of a great
      and efficient navy, the emphasis that he always laid was upon the men of
      the navy, their efficiency and their spirit. He once remarked, "I believe
      in the navy of the United States primarily because I believe in the
      intelligence, the patriotism, and the fighting edge of the average man of
      the navy." To the graduating class at Annapolis, he once said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "There is not one of you who is not derelict in his duty to the whole
      Nation if he fails to prepare himself with all the strength that in him
      lies to do his duty should the occasion arise; and one of your great
      duties is to see that shots hit. The result is going to depend largely
      upon whether you or your adversary hits. I expect you to be brave. I
      rather take that for granted.... But, in addition, you have got to prepare
      yourselves in advance. Every naval action that has taken place in the last
      twenty years ... has shown, as a rule, that the defeated party has
      suffered not from lack of courage, but because it could not make the best
      use of its weapons, or had not been given the right weapons... . I want
      every one here to proceed upon the assumption that any foe he may meet
      will have the courage. Of course, you have got to show the highest degree
      of courage yourself or you will be beaten anyhow, and you will deserve to
      be; but in addition to that you must prepare yourselves by careful
      training so that you may make the best possible use of the delicate and
      formidable mechanism of a modern warship."
    </p>
    <p>
      Theodore Roosevelt was an apostle of preparedness from the hour that he
      began to think at all about affairs of public moment&mdash;and that hour
      came to him earlier in life than it does to most men. In the preface to
      his history of the War of 1812, which he wrote at the age of twenty-four,
      this sentence appears: "At present people are beginning to realize that it
      is folly for the great English-speaking Republic to rely for defense upon
      a navy composed partly of antiquated hulks, and partly of new vessels
      rather more worthless than the old." His prime interest, from the point of
      view of preparedness, lay in the navy. His sense of proportion told him
      that the navy was the nation's first line of defense. He knew that without
      an efficient navy a nation situated as the United States was would be
      helpless before an aggressive enemy, and that, given a navy of sufficient
      size and effectiveness, the nation could dispense with a great army. For
      the army he demanded not size but merely efficiency. One of his principal
      points of attack in his criticism of the army was the system of promotion
      for officers. He assailed sharply the existing practice of "promotion by
      mere seniority." In one of his messages to Congress he pointed out that a
      system of promotion by merit existed in the Military Academy at West
      Point. He then went on to say that from the time of the graduation of the
      cadets into the army "all effort to find which man is best or worst and
      reward or punish him accordingly, is abandoned: no brilliancy, no amount
      of hard work, no eagerness in the performance of duty, can advance him,
      and no slackness or indifference, that falls short of a court-martial
      offense, can retard him. Until this system is changed we cannot hope that
      our officers will be of as high grade as we have a right to expect,
      considering the material from which we draw. Moreover, when a man renders
      such service as Captain Pershing rendered last spring in the Moro
      campaign, it ought to be possible to reward him without at once jumping
      him to the grade of brigadier-general."
    </p>
    <p>
      It is not surprising to find in this message also a name that was later to
      become famous in the Great War. Roosevelt had an uncanny gift of prophecy.
    </p>
    <p>
      More than once, as President, he picked out for appreciation and
      commendation the very men who were to do the big things for America when
      the critical hour came.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0016" id="link2HCH0016">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVI. THE LAST FOUR YEARS
    </h2>
    <p>
      When the Great War broke out in August, 1914, Roosevelt instantly
      stiffened to attention. He immediately began to read the lessons that were
      set for the world by the gigantic conflict across the sea and it was not
      long before he was passing them on to the American people. Like every
      other good citizen, he extended hearty support to the President in his
      conduct of America's foreign relations in the crisis. At the same time,
      however, he recognized the possibility that a time might come when it
      would be a higher moral duty to criticize the Administration than to
      continue unqualified support. Three weeks after war had begun, Roosevelt
      wrote in "The Outlook":
    </p>
    <p>
      "In common with the immense majority of our fellow countrymen, I shall
      certainly stand by not only the public servants in control of the
      Administration at Washington, but also all other public servants, no
      matter of what party, during this crisis; asking only that they with
      wisdom and good faith endeavor to take every step that can be taken to
      safeguard the honor and interest of the United States, and, so far as the
      opportunity offers, to promote the cause of peace and justice throughout
      the world. My hope, of course, is that in their turn the public servants
      of the people will take no action so fraught with possible harm to the
      future of the people as to oblige farsighted and patriotic men to protest
      against it."
    </p>
    <p>
      One month later, in a long article in "The Outlook", Roosevelt reiterated
      this view in these words:
    </p>
    <p>
      ".... We, all of us, without regard to party differences, must stand ready
      loyally to support the Administration, asking nothing except that the
      policy be one that in truth and in fact tells for the honor and interest
      of our Nation and in truth and in fact is helpful to the cause of a
      permanent and righteous world peace."
    </p>
    <p>
      In the early months of the war, Roosevelt thus scrupulously endeavored to
      uphold the President's hands, to utter no criticism that might hamper him,
      and to carry out faithfully the President's adjuration to neutrality. He
      recognized clearly, however, the price that we must pay for neutrality,
      and he set it forth in the following passage from the same article: "A
      deputation of Belgians has arrived in this country to invoke our
      assistance in the time of their dreadful need. What action our Government
      can or will take I know not. It has been announced that no action can be
      taken that will interfere with our entire neutrality. It is certainly
      eminently desirable that we should remain entirely neutral, and nothing
      but urgent need would warrant breaking our neutrality and taking sides one
      way or the other. Our first duty is to hold ourselves ready to do whatever
      the changing circumstances demand in order to protect our own interests in
      the present and in the future; although, for my own part, I desire to add
      to this statement the proviso that under no circumstances must we do
      anything dishonorable, especially toward unoffending weaker nations.
      Neutrality may be of prime necessity in order to preserve our own
      interests, to maintain peace in so much of the world as is not affected by
      the war, and to conserve our influence for helping toward the
      reestablishment of general peace when the time comes; for if any outside
      Power is able at such time to be the medium for bringing peace, it is more
      likely to be the United States than any other. But we pay the penalty of
      this action on behalf of peace for ourselves, and possibly for others in
      the future, by forfeiting our right to do anything on behalf of peace for
      the Belgians in the present. We can maintain our neutrality only by
      refusal to do anything to aid unoffending weak powers which are dragged
      into the gulf of bloodshed and misery through no fault of their own. Of
      course it would be folly to jump into the gulf ourselves to no good
      purpose; and very probably nothing that we could have done would have
      helped Belgium. We have not the smallest responsibility for what has
      befallen her, and I am sure that the sympathy of this country for the men,
      women, and children of Belgium is very real. Nevertheless, this sympathy
      is compatible with full acknowledgment of the unwisdom of our uttering a
      single word of official protest unless we are prepared to make that
      protest effective; and only the clearest and most urgent national duty
      would ever justify us in deviating from our rule of neutrality and
      noninterference. But it is a grim comment on the professional pacifist
      theories as hitherto developed that our duty to preserve peace for
      ourselves may necessarily mean the abandonment of all effective efforts to
      secure peace for other unoffending nations which through no fault of their
      own are dragged into the War."
    </p>
    <p>
      The rest of the article concerned itself with the lessons taught by the
      war, the folly of pacifism, the need for preparedness if righteousness is
      not to be sacrificed for peace, the worthlessness of treaties unsanctioned
      by force, and the desirability of an association of nations for the
      prevention of war. On this last point Roosevelt wrote as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "But in view of what has occurred in this war, surely the time ought to be
      ripe for the nations to consider a great world agreement among all the
      civilized military powers TO BACK RIGHTEOUSNESS BY FORCE. Such an
      agreement would establish an efficient World League for the Peace of
      Righteousness. Such an agreement could limit the amount to be spent on
      armaments and, after defining carefully the inalienable rights of each
      nation which were not to be transgressed by any other, could also provide
      that any cause of difference among them, or between one of them and one of
      a certain number of designated outside non-military nations, should be
      submitted to an international court, including citizens of all these
      nations, chosen not as representatives of the nations, BUT AS JUDGES and
      perhaps in any given case the particular judges could be chosen by lot
      from the total number. To supplement and make this effectual it should be
      solemnly covenanted that if any nation refused to abide by the decision of
      such a court the others would draw the sword on behalf of peace and
      justice, and would unitedly coerce the recalcitrant nation. This plan
      would not automatically bring peace, and it may be too soon to hope for
      its adoption; but if some such scheme could be adopted, in good faith and
      with a genuine purpose behind it to make it effective, then we would have
      come nearer to the day of world peace. World peace will not come save in
      some such manner as that whereby we obtain peace within the borders of
      each nation; that is, by the creation of reasonably impartial judges and
      by putting an efficient police power&mdash;that is, by putting force in
      efficient fashion&mdash;behind the decrees of the judges. At present each
      nation must in the last resort trust to its own strength if it is to
      preserve all that makes life worth having. At present this is imperative.
      This state of things can be abolished only when we put force, when we put
      the collective armed power of civilization, behind some body which shall
      with reasonable justice and equity represent the collective determination
      of civilization to do what is right."
    </p>
    <p>
      From this beginning Roosevelt went on vigorously preaching preparedness
      against war; and the Great War had been raging for a scant seven months
      when he was irresistibly impelled to utter open criticism of President
      Wilson. In April, 1915, in The Metropolitan Magazine, to which he had
      transferred his writings, he declared that "the United States, thanks to
      Messrs. Wilson and Bryan, has signally failed in its duty toward Belgium."
      He maintained that the United States, under the obligations assumed by the
      signature of The Hague Conventions, should have protested to Germany
      against the invasion of Belgium.
    </p>
    <p>
      For two years thereafter, while Germany slapped America first on one cheek
      and then on the other, and treacherously stabbed her with slinking spies
      and dishonored diplomats, Roosevelt preached, with growing indignation and
      vehemence, the cause of preparedness and national honor. He found it
      impossible to support the President further. In February, 1916, he wrote:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Eighteen months have gone by since the Great War broke out. It needed no
      prescience, no remarkable statesmanship or gift of forecasting the future,
      to see that, when such mighty forces were unloosed, and when it had been
      shown that all treaties and other methods hitherto relied upon for
      national protection and for mitigating the horror and circumscribing the
      area of war were literally 'scraps of paper,' it had become a vital
      necessity that we should instantly and on a great and adequate scale
      prepare for our own defense. Our men, women, and children&mdash;not in
      isolated cases, but in scores and hundreds of cases&mdash;have been
      murdered by Germany and Mexico; and we have tamely submitted to wrongs
      from Germany and Mexico of a kind to which no nation can submit without
      impairing its own self-respect and incurring the contempt of the rest of
      mankind. Yet, during these eighteen months not one thing has been done....
      Never in the country's history has there been a more stupendous instance
      of folly than this crowning folly of waiting eighteen months after the
      elemental crash of nations took place before even making a start in an
      effort&mdash;and an utterly inefficient and insufficient effort-for some
      kind of preparation to ward off disaster in the future.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If President Wilson had shown the disinterested patriotism, courage, and
      foresight demanded by this stupendous crisis, I would have supported him
      with hearty enthusiasm. But his action, or rather inaction, has been such
      that it has become a matter of high patriotic duty to oppose him.... No
      man can support Mr. Wilson without at the same time supporting a policy of
      criminal inefficiency as regards the United States Navy, of short-sighted
      inadequacy as regards the army, of abandonment of the duty owed by the
      United States to weak and well-behaved nations, and of failure to insist
      on our just rights when we are ourselves maltreated by powerful and
      unscrupulous nations."
    </p>
    <p>
      Theodore Roosevelt could not, without violating the integrity of his own
      soul, go on supporting either positively by word or negatively by silence
      the man who had said, on the day after the Lusitania was sunk, "There is
      such a thing as a nation being too proud to fight," and who later called
      for a "peace without victory." He could have nothing but scorn for an
      Administration whose Secretary of War could say, two months after the
      United States had actually entered the war, that there was "difficulty. ..
      disorder and confusion... in getting things started," and could then add,
      "but it is a happy confusion. I delight in the fact that when we entered
      this war we were not like our adversary, ready for it, anxious for it,
      prepared for it, and inviting it."
    </p>
    <p>
      Until America entered the war Roosevelt used his voice and his pen with
      all his native energy and fire to convince the American people of three
      things that righteousness demanded that the United States forsake its
      supine neutrality and act; that the United States should prepare itself
      thoroughly for any emergency that might arise; and that the hyphenated
      Americanism of those who, while enjoying the benefits of American
      citizenship, "intrigue and conspire against the United States, and do
      their utmost to promote the success of Germany and to weaken the defense
      of this nation" should be rigorously curbed. The sermons that he preached
      on this triple theme were sorely needed. No leadership in this phase of
      national life was forthcoming from the quarter where the American people
      had every right to look for leadership. The White House had its face set
      in the opposite direction.
    </p>
    <p>
      In August, 1915, an incident occurred which set the contrast between the
      Rooseveltian and Wilsonian lines of thought in bold relief. Largely
      through the initiative of General Leonard Wood there had been organized at
      Plattsburg, New York, an officers' training camp where American business
      men were given an all too brief course of training in the art and duty of
      leading soldiers in camp and in the field. General Wood was in command of
      the Plattsburg camp. He invited Roosevelt to address the men in training.
      Roosevelt accepted gladly, and in the course of his speech made these
      significant statements:
    </p>
    <p>
      "For thirteen months America has played an ignoble part among the nations.
      We have tamely submitted to seeing the weak, whom we have covenanted to
      protect, wronged. We have seen our men, women, and children murdered on
      the high seas without protest. We have used elocution as a substitute for
      action.
    </p>
    <p>
      "During this time our government has not taken the smallest step in the
      way of preparedness to defend our own rights. Yet these thirteen months
      have made evident the lamentable fact that force is more dominant now in
      the affairs of the world than ever before, that the most powerful of
      modern military nations is utterly brutal and ruthless in its disregard of
      international morality, and that righteousness divorced from force is
      utterly futile. Reliance upon high sounding words, unbacked by deeds, is
      proof of a mind that dwells only in the realm of shadow and of sham.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is not a lofty thing, on the contrary, it is an evil thing, to
      practise a timid and selfish neutrality between right and wrong. It is
      wrong for an individual. It is still more wrong for a nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Therefore, friends, let us shape our conduct as a nation in accordance
      with the highest rules of international morality. Let us treat others
      justly and keep the engagements we have made, such as these in The Hague
      conventions, to secure just treatment for others. But let us remember that
      we shall be wholly unable to render service to others and wholly unable to
      fulfill the prime law of national being, the law of self-preservation,
      unless we are thoroughly prepared to hold our own. Let us show that a free
      democracy can defend itself successfully against any organized and
      aggressive military despotism."
    </p>
    <p>
      The men in the camp heard him gladly and with enthusiasm. But the next day
      the Secretary of War sent a telegram of censure to General Wood in which
      he said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have just seen the reports in the newspapers of the speech made by
      ex-President Roosevelt at the Plattsburg camp. It is difficult to conceive
      of anything which could have a more detrimental effect upon the real value
      of this experiment than such an incident.... No opportunity should have
      been furnished to any one to present to the men any matter excepting that
      which was essential to the necessary training they were to receive.
      Anything else could only have the effect of distracting attention from the
      real nature of the experiment, diverting consideration to issues which
      excite controversy, antagonism, and ill feeling and thereby impairing if
      not destroying, what otherwise would have been so effective."
    </p>
    <p>
      On this telegram Roosevelt's comment was pungent: "If the Administration
      had displayed one-tenth the spirit and energy in holding Germany and
      Mexico to account for the murder of men, women, and children that it is
      now displaying in the endeavor to prevent our people from being taught the
      need of preparation to prevent the repetition of such murders in the
      future, it would be rendering a service to the people of the country."
    </p>
    <p>
      Theodore Roosevelt could have little effect upon the material preparedness
      of the United States for the struggle which it was ultimately to enter.
      But he could and did have a powerful effect upon the spiritual
      preparedness of the American people for the efforts, the trials, and the
      sacrifices of that struggle. No voice was raised more persistently or more
      consistently than his. No personality was thrown with more power and more
      effect into the task of arousing the people of the United States to their
      duty to take part in the struggle against Prussianism. No man, in public
      or private life, urged so vigorously and effectively the call to arms
      against evil and for the right. His was the "voice crying in the
      wilderness," and to him the American spirit hearkened and awoke.
    </p>
    <p>
      At last the moment came. Roosevelt had but one desire and one thought. He
      wanted to get to the firing-line. This was no impulse, no newly formed
      project. For two months he had been in correspondence with the Secretary
      of War on the subject. A year or more before that he had offered, in case
      America went into the war, to raise a volunteer force, train it, and take
      it across to the front. The idea was not new to him, even then. As far
      back as 1912 he had said on several different occasions, "If the United
      States should get into another war, I should raise a brigade of cavalry
      and lead it as I did my regiment in Cuba." It never occurred to him in
      those days that a former Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army,
      with actual experience in the field, would be refused permission to
      command troops in an American war. The idea would hardly have occurred to
      any one else. But that is precisely what happened.
    </p>
    <p>
      On February 2, 1917, Roosevelt wrote to the Secretary of War reminding him
      that his application for permission to raise a division of infantry was
      already on file in the Department, saying that he was about to sail for
      Jamaica, and asking the Secretary to inform him if he believed there would
      be war and a call for volunteers, for in that case he did not intend to
      sail. Secretary Baker replied, "No situation has arisen which would
      justify my suggesting a postponement of the trip you propose." Before this
      reply was received Roosevelt had written a second letter saying that, as
      the President had meanwhile broken off diplomatic relations with Germany,
      he should of course not sail. He renewed his request for permission to
      raise a division, and asked if a certain regular officer whom he would
      like to have for his divisional Chief of Staff, if the division were
      authorized, might be permitted to come to see him with a view to "making
      all preparations that are possible in advance." To this the Secretary
      replied, "No action in the direction suggested by you can be taken without
      the express sanction of Congress. Should the contingency Occur which you
      have in mind, it is to be expected that Congress will complete its
      legislation relating to volunteer forces and provide, under its own
      conditions, for the appointment of officers for the higher commands."
    </p>
    <p>
      Roosevelt waited five weeks and then earnestly renewed his request. He
      declared his purpose to take his division, after some six weeks of
      preliminary training, direct to France for intensive training so that it
      could be sent to the front in the shortest possible time. Secretary Baker
      replied that no additional armies could be raised without the consent of
      Congress, that a plan for a much larger army was ready for the action of
      Congress when ever required, and that the general officers for all
      volunteer forces were to be drawn from the regular army. To this Roosevelt
      replied with the respectful suggestion that, as a retired
      Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army, he was eligible to any
      position of command over American troops. He recounted also his record of
      actual military experience and referred the Secretary to his immediate
      superiors in the field in Cuba as to his fitness for command of troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      When war had been finally declared, Secretary Baker and Roosevelt
      conferred together at length about the matter. Thereafter Mr. Baker wrote
      definitely, declaring that he would be obliged to withhold his approval
      from an expedition of the sort proposed. The grounds which he gave for the
      decision were that the soldiers sent across must not be "deprived... of
      the most experienced leadership available, in deference to any mere
      sentimental consideration," and that it should appear from every aspect of
      the expeditionary force, if one should be sent over (a point not yet
      determined upon) that "military considerations alone had determined its
      composition."
    </p>
    <p>
      To this definite refusal on the part of the Secretary of War Roosevelt
      replied at length. In his letter was a characteristic passage commenting
      upon Secretary Baker's reference to "sentimental considerations":
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have not asked you to consider any "sentimental value" in this matter.
      I am speaking of moral effect, not of sentimental value. Sentimentality is
      as different from morality as Rousseau's life from Abraham Lincoln's. I
      have just received a letter from James Bryce urging "the dispatch of an
      American force to the theater of war," and saying, "The moral effect of
      the appearance in the war line of an American force would be immense."
      From representatives of the French and British Governments and of the
      French, British, and Canadian military authorities, I have received
      statements to the same effect, in even more emphatic form, and earnest
      hopes that I myself should be in the force. Apparently your military
      advisers in this matter seek to persuade you that a "military policy" has
      nothing to do with "moral effect." If so, their militarism is like that of
      the Aulic Council of Vienna in the Napoleonic Wars, and not like that of
      Napoleon, who stated that in war the moral was to the material as two to
      one. These advisers will do well to follow the teachings of Napoleon and
      not those of the pedantic militarists of the Aulic Council, who were the
      helpless victims of Napoleon."
    </p>
    <p>
      Secretary Baker replied with a reiteration of his refusal. Roosevelt made
      one further attempt. When the Draft Law passed Congress, carrying with it
      the authorization to use volunteer forces, he telegraphed the President
      asking permission to raise two divisions, and four if so directed. The
      President replied with a definite negative, declaring that his conclusions
      were "based entirely upon imperative considerations of public policy and
      not upon personal or private choice." Meanwhile applications had been
      received from over three hundred thousand men desirous of joining
      Roosevelt's volunteer force, of whom it was estimated that at least two
      hundred thousand were physically fit, double the number needed for four
      divisions. That a single private citizen, by "one blast upon his bugle
      horn" should have been able to call forth three hundred thousand
      volunteers, all over draft age, was a tremendous testimony to his power.
      If his offer had been accepted when it was first made, there would have
      been an American force on the field in France long before one actually
      arrived there. It was widely believed, among men of intelligence and
      insight, not only in America but in Great Britain and France, that the
      arrival of such a force, under the command of a man known, admired, and
      loved the world over, would have been a splendid reinforcement to the
      Allied morale and a sudden blow to the German confidence. But the
      Administration would not have it so.
    </p>
    <p>
      I shall never forget one evening with Theodore Roosevelt on a speaking
      tour which he was making through the South in 1912. There came to our
      private car for dinner Senator Clarke of Arkansas and Jack Greenway, young
      giant of football fame and experience with the Rough Riders in Cuba. After
      dinner, Jack, who like many giants, is one of the most diffident men
      alive, said hesitatingly:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Colonel, I've long wanted to ask you something."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Go right ahead," said T. R., "what is it?"
    </p>
    <p>
      "Well, Colonel," said Jack, "I've always believed that it was your
      ambition to die on the field of battle."
    </p>
    <p>
      T. R. brought his hand down on the table with a crash that must have hurt
      the wood.
    </p>
    <p>
      "By Jove," said he, "how did you know that?"
    </p>
    <p>
      "Well, Colonel," said Jack, "do you remember that day in Cuba, when you
      and I were going along a trail and came upon ____ [one of the regiment]
      propped against a tree, shot through the abdomen? It was evident that he
      was done for. But instead of commiserating him, you grabbed his hand and
      said something like this, 'Well, old man, isn't this splendid!' Ever since
      then I've been sure you would be glad to die in battle yourself."
    </p>
    <p>
      T. R.'s face sobered a little.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You're right, Jack," he said. "I would."
    </p>
    <p>
      The end of Theodore Roosevelt's life seemed to come to him not in action
      but in quietness. But the truth was other than that. For it, let us turn
      again to Browning's lines:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     I was ever a fighter, so&mdash;one fight more,
     The best and the last!
     I would hate that death bandaged my eyes, and forbore,
     And bade me creep past.
</pre>
    <p>
      On the fifth of January in 1919, after sixty years of life, full of
      unwearied fighting against evil and injustice and falseness, he "fell on
      sleep." The end came peacefully in the night hours at Sagamore Hill. But
      until he laid him down that night, the fight he waged had known no
      relaxation. Nine months before he had expected death, when a serious
      mastoid operation had drained his vital forces. Then his one thought had
      been, not for himself, but for his sons to whom had been given the
      precious privilege, denied to him, of taking part in their country's and
      the world's great fight for righteousness. His sister, Mrs. Corinne
      Douglas Robinson, tells how in those shadowy hours he beckoned her to him
      and in the frailest of whispers said, "I'm glad it's I that lie here and
      that my boys are in the fight over there."
    </p>
    <p>
      His last, best fight was worthy of all the rest. With voice and pen he
      roused the minds and the hearts of his countrymen to their high mission in
      defense of human rights. It was not given to him to fall on the field of
      battle. But he went down with his face to the forces of evil with which he
      had never sought a truce.
    </p>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <hr />
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
    </h2>
    <p>
      The reader who is primarily interested in the career and personality of
      Roosevelt would do well to begin with his own volume, "Theodore Roosevelt,
      An Autobiography". But it was written in 1912, before the great campaign
      which produced the Progressive party.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Theodore Roosevelt the Citizen" (1904), by Jacob A. Riis, was published
      just after Roosevelt became President. It is an intimate and naively
      enthusiastic portrait by a man who was an intimate friend and an ardent
      admirer.
    </p>
    <p>
      There are two lives written since his death that are complete and
      discriminating. They are "The Life of Theodore Roosevelt" (1919), by
      William Draper Lewis, and "Theodore Roosevelt, an Intimate Biography"
      (1919), by William Roscoe Thayer.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Impressions of Theodore Roosevelt" (1919) is a volume of first-hand
      experiences, written by Lawrence F. Abbott of "The Outlook". The author
      was closely associated with Roosevelt on "The Outlook"; and after the
      African hunting trip met him at Khartum and went with him on his tour of
      the capitals of Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      A small volume by Charles G. Washburn, "Theodore Roosevelt, the Logic of
      His Career" (1916), contains the interpretation of a long-time friend and
      sincere admirer.
    </p>
    <p>
      Collections of Roosevelt's writings and speeches covering the years from
      his becoming Governor of New York to the end of his Presidential terms are
      found in "The Roosevelt Policy", 2 vols. (1908) and "Presidential
      Addresses and State Papers", 4 vols. (1904). "The New Nationalism" (1910)
      is a collection of his speeches delivered between his return from Africa
      and the beginning of the Progressive campaign. His writings and speeches
      during the Great War are found in several volumes: "America and the World
      War" (1915); "Fear God and Take Your Own Part" (1916); "The Foes of Our
      Own Household" (1917); "The Great Adventure" (1919).
    </p>
    <p>
      Material on the Progressive movement and the Progressive party are to be
      found in "The Progressive Movement" (1915), by Benjamin Parke De Witt,
      "The Progressive Movement, Its Principles and Its Programme" (1913), by S.
      J. Duncan-Clark, "Presidential Nominations and Elections" (1916), by
      Joseph Bucklin Bishop, and "Third Party Movements" (1916), by Fred E.
      Haynes. The story of La Follette is set forth at greater length in his
      "Autobiography; A Personal Narrative of Political Experiences" (1918).
      Three other autobiographies contribute to an understanding of politics:
      "The Autobiography of Thomas C. Platt" (1910); J. B. Foraker, "Notes of a
      Busy Life", 2 vols. (1916). S. M. Cullom, "Fifty Years of Public Service"
      (1911).
    </p>
    <p>
      The history of the country during the years when Roosevelt became a
      national figure is recounted by J. H. Latane in "America as a World Power"
      and by F. A. Ogg in "National Progress", both volumes in the "American
      Nation" Series. Briefer summaries of the general history of at least a
      part of the period treated in the present volume are to be found in
      Frederic L. Paxson's "The New Nation" (1915), and Charles A. Beard's
      "Contemporary American History" (1914).
    </p>
    <p>
      The prosecution of the trusts may be followed in "Trust Laws and Unfair
      Competition" (Government Printing Office, 1916). Much useful material is
      contained in "Trusts, Pools and Corporations", edited by W. Z. Ripley
      (1916). W. H. Taft in "The Anti-Trust Law and the Supreme Court" (1914)
      defends the Sherman Act as interpreted by the courts during his
      administration.
    </p>
    <p>
      The progress of social and industrial justice is outlined in "Principles
      of Labor Legislation" (1916), by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews. The
      problems of conservation and the history of governmental policy are set
      forth by C. R. Van Hise in "The Conservation of Natural Resources in the
      United States" (1910).
    </p>
    <p>
      The "American Year Book" for the years 1910 to 1919 and the "New
      International Year Book" for the years 1907 to 1919 are invaluable sources
      of accurate and comprehensive information on the current history of the
      United States for the period which they cover.
    </p>
    <p>
      Willis Fletcher Johnson's "America's Foreign Relations", 2 vols. (1915) is
      a history of the relations of the United States to the rest of the world.
      A shorter account is given in C. R. Fish's "American Diplomacy" (1915).
    </p>
    <p>
      But much of the best material for the historical study of the first decade
      and a half of the twentieth century is to be found in the pages of the
      magazines and periodicals published during those years. "The Outlook",
      "The Independent", "The Literary Digest", "Collier's", "The Review of
      Reviews", "The World's Work", "Current Opinion", "The Nation", "The
      Commoner", La Follette's "Weekly"&mdash;all these are sources of great
      value. The Outlook is of especial usefulness because of Mr. Roosevelt's
      connection with it as Contributing Editor during the years between 1909
      and 1914.
    </p>
    <p>
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">





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