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diff --git a/2657-h/2657-h.htm b/2657-h/2657-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d076757 --- /dev/null +++ b/2657-h/2657-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,18485 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="us-ascii"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + The Papers and Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Five + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd7; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, +Volume Five, by Abraham Lincoln + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Five + Constitutional Edition + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Commentator: Theodore Roosevelt, Carl Schurz, and Joseph Choate + +Editor: Arthur Brooks Lapsley + +Release Date: July 5, 2009 [EBook #2657] +Last Updated: October 29, 2012 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h1> + THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN + </h1> + <h2> + VOLUME FIVE + </h2> + <h3> + CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION + </h3> + <h4> + Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley + </h4> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Volume + Five, 1858-1862</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>1858</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> TO H. C. WHITNEY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> TO J. W. SOMERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> TO A. CAMPBELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> TO J. GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0008"> TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> TO B. C. COOK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0010"> TO HON. J. M. PALMER. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0012"> TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0013"> ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0014"> TO B. C. COOK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0015"> TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0016"> FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0017"> SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0018"> FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0019"> VERSE TO "LINNIE" </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0020"> NEGROES ARE MEN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0021"> TO A. SYMPSON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0022"> SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0023"> THE FIGHT MUST GO ON </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0024"> REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0025"> TO H. C. WHITNEY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0026"> TO H. D. SHARPE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0027"> TO A. SYMPSON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0028"> ON BANKRUPTCY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_NOTE"> NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0031"> A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0032"> TO M. W. DELAHAY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0033"> TO W. M. MORRIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0034"> TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0035"> TO T. CANISIUS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0036"> TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE + STATE OF ILLINOIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0037"> ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0038"> <b>1859</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0039"> FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0040"> TO S. GALLOWAY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0041"> IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0042"> SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0043"> SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0044"> ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0045"> ON MORTGAGES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0046"> FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0047"> TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0048"> TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0049"> AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0050"> ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0051"> <b>1860</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0052"> SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, + 1860 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0053"> RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0054"> TO J. W. SOMERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0055"> ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A POLITICAL + SPEECH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0056"> TO H. TAYLOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0057"> TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS + DELEGATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0058"> REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO + CONVENTION TO INFORM </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0059"> ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN + CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0060"> To C. B. SMITH. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0061"> FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0062"> TO E. B. WASHBURNE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0063"> TO S. HAYCRAFT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0064"> ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0065"> UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0066"> TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0067"> TO A. JONAS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0068"> TO JOHN B. FRY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0069"> TO THURLOW WEED </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0070"> SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0071"> TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0072"> TO E. B. WASHBURNE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0073"> TO W. H. HERNDON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0074"> TO L. M. BOND. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0075"> LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0076"> EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0077"> TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0078"> TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0079"> TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0080"> TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0081"> BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0082"> OPINION ON SECESSION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0083"> SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0084"> TO A. H. STEPHENS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0085"> SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0086"> TO D. HUNTER. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0087"> TO I. N. MORRIS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0088"> ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0089"> <b>1861</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0090"> TO W. H. SEWARD. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0091"> TO E. D. MORGAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0092"> PATRONAGE CLAIMS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0093"> FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0094"> REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0095"> REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0096"> ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT + INDIANAPOLIS, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0097"> INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0098"> ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, + OHIO, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0099"> ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0100"> ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0101"> ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0102"> ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0103"> ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0104"> ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0105"> ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0106"> ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0107"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0108"> REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT + ALBANY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0109"> ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT + ALBANY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0110"> ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0111"> ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0112"> ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0113"> ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0114"> ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0115"> REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0116"> ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0117"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0118"> ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0119"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0120"> ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0121"> ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0122"> ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0123"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, + PENNSYLVANIA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0124"> ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, + PHILADELPHIA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0125"> REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0126"> ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0127"> ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT + HARRISBURG, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0128"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0129"> REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0130"> WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0131"> FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0132"> REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0133"> REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0134"> REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0135"> TO SECRETARY SEWARD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0136"> REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0137"> TO SECRETARY SEWARD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0138"> TO J. COLLAMER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0139"> TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0140"> NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0141"> ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0142"> AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0143"> TO G. E. PATTEN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0144"> RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0145"> PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0146"> TO ——— STUART. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0147"> TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0148"> TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0149"> RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0150"> ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0151"> SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0152"> REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0153"> REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA + CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0154"> PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0155"> PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0156"> TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0157"> TO GOVERNOR HICKS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0158"> ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0159"> PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0160"> REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, + APRIL 27, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0161"> LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0162"> MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0163"> CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0164"> PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0165"> COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0166"> ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0167"> PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS + CORPUS IN FLORIDA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0168"> TO SECRETARY WELLES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0169"> PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A + DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0170"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0171"> TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0172"> TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0173"> LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST + CASUALTIES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0174"> TO COLONEL BARTLETT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0175"> MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0176"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0177"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0178"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0179"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0180"> TO N. W. EDWARDS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0181"> TO SECRETARY CAMERON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0182"> HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0183"> TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0184"> August 5, 1861. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0185"> ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE + WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, JULY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0186"> TO SECRETARY SEWARD. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0187"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0188"> TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0189"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0190"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0191"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0192"> TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0193"> MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE + BULL RUN DEFEAT. JULY 23, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0194"> TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0195"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0196"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0197"> TO SECRETARY CHASE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0198"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0199"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0200"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0201"> ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0202"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0203"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0204"> TO SECRETARY CAMERON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0205"> PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, AUGUST + 12, 1861. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0206"> TO JAMES POLLOCK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0207"> TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0208"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0209"> PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH REBEL + STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0210"> TO SECRETARY CAMERON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0211"> TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0212"> TO GENERAL FREMONT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0213"> TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0214"> TO GENERAL FREMONT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0215"> TO MRS. FREMONT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0216"> TO JOSEPH HOLT, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0217"> TO GENERAL SCOTT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0218"> TO SECRETARY CAMERON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0219"> TO GENERAL FREMONT, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0220"> To O. H. BROWNING. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0221"> MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0222"> TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0223"> TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0224"> ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF + HABEAS CORPUS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0225"> TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0226"> TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0227"> TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0228"> TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0229"> WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0230"> WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0231"> ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0232"> EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0233"> ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE OF + MISSOURI. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0234"> REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0235"> INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT + LOUIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0236"> OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF + INFORMATION TO HORACE GREELEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0237"> ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND + THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0238"> ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0239"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0240"> LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0241"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0242"> <b>1862</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0243"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0244"> TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0245"> TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0246"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0247"> MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0248"> TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0249"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0250"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0251"> INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0252"> TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0253"> TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0254"> TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0255"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0256"> TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0257"> PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0258"> TO SECRETARY STANTON, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0259"> PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0260"> OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0262"> TO WM. H. HERNDON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0263"> RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0264"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0265"> TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0266"> EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL + PRISONERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0267"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. WASHINGTON CITY, February + 15, 1862 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0268"> FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0269"> EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.—IN RELATION TO + STATE PRISONERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0270"> ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0271"> SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0272"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED + EMANCIPATION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0273"> INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0274"> PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0275"> PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0276"> INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME + BORDER SLAVE STATE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0277"> PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0278"> FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0279"> SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0280"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0281"> TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0282"> GIFT OF SOME RABBITS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0283"> INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0284"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0285"> TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0286"> TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0287"> PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR + VICTORIES, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0288"> ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0289"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0290"> TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0291"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0292"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0293"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0294"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0295"> RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0296"> TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0297"> FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0298"> TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0299"> PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN + PORTS. </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h1> + THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, <br /> Volume Five, 1858-1862 + </h1> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1858 + </h2> + <h2> + TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 19, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + SYDNEY SPRING, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your letter introducing Mr. Faree was duly received. + There was no opening to nominate him for Superintendent of Public + Instruction, but through him Egypt made a most valuable contribution to + the convention. I think it may be fairly said that he came off the lion of + the day—or rather of the night. Can you not elect him to the + Legislature? It seems to me he would be hard to beat. What objection could + be made to him? What is your Senator Martin saying and doing? What is Webb + about? + </p> + <p> + Please write me. Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. C. WHITNEY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was + received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting against + the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be successfully + contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the charge, and I am just + considering a little as to the best shape to put a contradiction in. Show + this to whomever you please, but do not publish it in the paper. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. W. SOMERS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred + dollars, was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and herewith + you have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to who shall be the + Republican candidate for the Legislature in your district, further than + that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have you ever got in the way of + consulting with McKinley in political matters? He is true as steel, and + his judgment is very good. The last I heard from him, he rather thought + Weldon, of De Witt, was our best timber for representative, all things + considered. But you there must settle it among yourselves. It may well + puzzle older heads than yours to understand how, as the Dred Scott + decision holds, Congress can authorize a Territorial Legislature to do + everything else, and cannot authorize them to prohibit slavery. That is + one of the things the court can decide, but can never give an intelligible + reason for. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. CAMPBELL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + A. CAMPBELL, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any + sum not exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a + privilege would be more available now than it was then. I am aware that + times are tighter now than they were then. Please write me at all events, + and whether you can now do anything or not I shall continue grateful for + the past. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0006" id="link2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas + Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they are + making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends for the + lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. Billings and Job, + respectively, have been up here, and were each as I learn, talking largely + about it. If they do so, it can only be done by carrying the Fillmore men + of 1856 very differently from what they seem to [be] going in the other + party. Below is the vote of 1856, in your district: + </p> + <p> + Counties. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Counties. Buchanan. Fremont. Fillmore. + Bond............ 607 153 659 + Madison......... 1451 1111 1658 + Montgomery...... 992 162 686 + —— —— —— + 3050 1426 3003 +</pre> + <p> + By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they get + one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they will beat + you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, you beat them + 179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the Fillmore votes, and + their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by just two votes. + </p> + <p> + This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856. + </p> + <p> + Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted ground, and + how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge better than I. + </p> + <p> + Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of tactics + than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide awake and + actively working. + </p> + <p> + Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0007" id="link2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + JNO. MATHERS, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly + received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive + rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point which I + shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The speech, not very + well reported, appears in the State journal of this morning. You doubtless + will see it; and I hope that you will perceive in it that I am already + improving. I would mail you a copy now, but have not one [at] hand. I + thank you for your letter and shall be pleased to hear from you again. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0008" id="link2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + HON. J. GILLESPIE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my + return from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than hurt, + though you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. We must make + a job of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper agencies, and secure all + the Americans you can, at once. I do hope, on closer inspection, you will + find they are not half gone. Make a little test. Run down one of the + poll-books of the Edwardsville precinct, and take the first hundred known + American names. Then quietly ascertain how many of them are actually going + for Douglas. I think you will find less than fifty. But even if you find + fifty, make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you can, at + all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall compensate for + the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to check the stampede at + once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you before long. + </p> + <p> + There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope there + will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0009" id="link2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO B. C. COOK. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + Hon. B. C. COOK. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man + insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run + Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those + counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating + pretty extreme abolitionists. + </p> + <p> + It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not + very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon + this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0010" id="link2H_4_0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HON. J. M. PALMER. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + HON. J. M. PALMER. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred + to [me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday. + </p> + <p> + I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August 31st, + and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of to-morrow. Judge + Trumbull has not yet reached here. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0011" id="link2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I + shall pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th. + </p> + <p> + Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see you. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0012" id="link2H_4_0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. + </h2> + <h3> + OTTAWA, August 22, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the + Republican club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am a good + deal pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and while I hope to + be at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot yet say when. Can you + not see me at Monticello on the 6th of September? + </p> + <p> + Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here + yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. There + was a vast concourse of people—more than could get near enough to + hear. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0013" id="link2H_4_0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. + </h2> + <h3> + August??, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my + idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the + difference, is no democracy. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0014" id="link2H_4_0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO B. C. COOK. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + HON. B. C. COOK. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have a letter from a very true friend, and + intelligent man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and + Bureau, to run Douglas Republican for Congress and for the Legislature in + those counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks + nominating pretty extreme abolitionists. It is thought they will do + nothing if our folks nominate men who are not very [undecipherable word + looks like "obnoxious"] to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your + eye upon this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0015" id="link2H_4_0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. + </h2> + <h3> + BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR DOCTOR:—Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one + from Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. You will + see by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at Danville on the + 22d of Sept.,—the day after Douglas speaks there. My recent + experience shows that speaking at the same place the next day after D. is + the very thing,—it is, in fact, a concluding speech on him. Please + show this to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell them they must excuse + me from writing separate letters to them. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + P. S.—Give full notice to all surrounding country. A.L. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0016" id="link2H_4_0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., + </h2> + <h3> + SEPT. 8, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced the + Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that mean? It + means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs—in other + words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did Judge Douglas + invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular sovereignty was floating about + several ages before the author of the Nebraska Bill was born—indeed, + before Columbus set foot on this continent. In the year 1776 it took form + in the noble words which you are all familiar with: "We hold these truths + to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," etc. Was not this the + origin of popular sovereignty as applied to the American people? Here we + are told that governments are instituted among men deriving their just + powers from the consent of the governed. If that is not popular + sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of words. If Judge + Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, let us pursue the + inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it the right of + emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a lot of + "niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no invention of his + because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in 1848 in his so called + Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas thought of such a thing. Then + what was it that the "Little Giant" invented? It never occurred to General + Cass to call his discovery by the odd name of popular sovereignty. He had + not the face to say that the right of the people to govern "niggers" was + the right of the people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness + of things were not moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put a + hundred "niggers" through under the lash in Nebraska a "sacred" right of + self-government. And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's discovery, + and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed and flog + negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0017" id="link2H_4_0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, + </h2> + <h3> + SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is being + made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it end?" These + questions imply that those who ask them consider the slavery question a + very insignificant matter they think that it amounts to little or nothing + and that those who agitate it are extremely foolish. Now it must be + admitted that if the great question which has caused so much trouble is + insignificant, we are very foolish to have anything to do with it—if + it is of no importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves + with something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant + matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important enough to + demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the Union. In one of + Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to one which was made by me + in Springfield some time ago. The judge makes one quotation from that + speech that requires some little notice from me at this time. I regret + that I have not my Springfield speech before me, but the judge has quoted + one particular part of it so often that I think I can recollect it. It + runs I think as follows: + </p> + <p> + "We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the + avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery + agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only + not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease + until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. + </p> + <p> + "A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government + cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the + Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect + it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the + other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of + it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is + in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it + forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well + as new, North as well as South." + </p> + <p> + Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great deal of + fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make the people of + this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines in my Springfield + speech. Let us see if that portion of my Springfield speech of which Judge + Douglas complains so bitterly, is as objectionable to others as it is to + him. We are, certainly, far into the fifth year since a policy was + initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end + to slavery agitation. On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas + introduced the Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that + policy, so he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery + question. Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss, + but at all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been + the result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us + by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing but + ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the passage of the + Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country—there would be no + more slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and the vexed question would + be left entirely to the people of the Territories. Such was the opinion of + Judge Douglas, and such were the opinions of the leading men of the + Democratic Party. Even as late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a + short time subsequent to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, that + the territory of Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. Perhaps + he thought so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and it may be + a long time before she may be so. + </p> + <p> + We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and what + a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union with a + constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of her citizens. + Did the angry debates which took place at Washington during the last + season of Congress lead you to suppose that the slavery agitation was + settled? + </p> + <p> + An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the + constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a large + majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a probability + that she will remain out for some time. But Judge Douglas says the slavery + question is settled. He says the bill he introduced into the Senate of the + United States on the 4th day of January, 1854, settled the slavery + question forever! Perhaps he can tell us how that bill settled the slavery + question, for if he is able to settle a question of such great magnitude + he ought to be able to explain the manner in which he does it. He knows + and you know that the question is not settled, and that his ill-timed + experiment to settle it has made it worse than it ever was before. + </p> + <p> + And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of negro + equality. He thinks—he says at least—that the Republican party + is in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and that a man + can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate black men to + office and to associate with them on terms of perfect equality. He knows + that we advocate no such doctrines as these, but he cares not how much he + misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes by so doing. To show you what + my opinion of negro equality was in times past, and to prove to you that I + stand on that question where I always stood, I will read you a few + extracts from a speech that was made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made + in reply to one of Judge Douglas's speeches. + </p> + <p> + (Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the true + metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been more pleased. + And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and comparing their + conservative sentiments with those now advocated by Mr. Lincoln, testified + their approval by loud applause. How any reasonable man can hear one of + Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being converted to Republicanism is + something that we can't account for. Ed.) + </p> + <p> + Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance, it + overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It has + divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown discord in + the American Tract Society. The churches have split and the society will + follow their example before long. So it will be seen that slavery is + agitated in the religious as well as in the political world. Judge Douglas + is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican party will lead to + a general mixture of the white and black races. Perhaps I am wrong in + saying that he is afraid, so I will correct myself by saying that he + pretends to fear that the success of our party will result in the + amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I think I can show plainly, from + documents now before me, that Judge Douglas's fears are groundless. The + census of 1800 tells us that in that year there were over four hundred + thousand mulattoes in the United States. Now let us take what is called an + Abolition State—the Republican, slavery-hating State of New + Hampshire—and see how many mulattoes we can find within her borders. + The number amounts to just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old + Dominion—in the Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia—there + were a few more mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. + How many do you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred + and seventy-five—twenty-three thousand more than there were in all + the free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three hundred and + forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; and in the free + States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes—and a large + number of them were imported from the South. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0018" id="link2H_4_0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., + </h2> + <h3> + SEPT. 13, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, as I + understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on the + leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me by a + gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is a friend of + mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor does that make + any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I should forget it, I + will give you my answer before proceeding with the line of argument I have + marked out for this discussion. + </p> + <p> + The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on the + leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the former + consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while the latter do + not consider it either a moral, a social or a political wrong; and the + action of each, as respects the growth of the country and the expansion of + our population, is squared to meet these views. I will not affirm that the + Democratic party consider slavery morally, socially and politically right, + though their tendency to that view has, in my opinion, been constant and + unmistakable for the past five years. I prefer to take, as the accepted + maxim of the party, the idea put forth by Judge Douglas, that he "don't + care whether slavery is voted down or voted up." I am quite willing to + believe that many Democrats would prefer that slavery should be always + voted down, and I know that some prefer that it be always voted up; but I + have a right to insist that their action, especially if it be their + constant action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on this + subject. Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, bearing + directly or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded with this + notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall outrun in + the race of empire across to the Pacific—every measure, I say, up to + the Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly + suggested that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, on + the contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure the + blessings of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to the + negro, to the white man, to the soil, and to the State. Regarding it as an + evil, they will not molest it in the States where it exists, they will not + overlook the constitutional guards which our fathers placed around it; + they will do nothing that can give proper offence to those who hold slaves + by legal sanction; but they will use every constitutional method to + prevent the evil from becoming larger and involving more negroes, more + white men, more soil, and more States in its deplorable consequences. They + will, if possible, place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief + that it is in course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own good + time. And to this end they will, if possible, restore the government to + the policy of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new Territories + from the baneful influence of human bondage, as the Northwestern + Territories were sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of 1787, and the + Compromise Act of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length and breadth, + the modern Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as freedom, and ought + to have room for expansion all over the continent, if people can be found + to carry it. All, or nearly all, of Judge Douglas's arguments are logical, + if you admit that slavery is as good and as right as freedom, and not one + of them is worth a rush if you deny it. This is the difference, as I + understand it, between the Republican and Democratic parties. + </p> + <p> + My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of the + Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory cannot + prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have stated what + cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this decision is made are + equally applicable to the free States as to the free Territories, and that + the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge Douglas for indorsing this + decision commit him, in advance, to the next decision and to all other + decisions corning from the same source. And when, by all these means, you + have succeeded in dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and + made it impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you + have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray of + hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite sure + that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What + constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is not our + frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and our navy. + These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those may be turned + against us without making us weaker for the struggle. Our reliance is in + the love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the + spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands + everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of + despotism at your own doors. Familiarize yourselves with the chains of + bondage and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. Accustomed to trample + on the rights of others, you have lost the genius of your own independence + and become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among + you. And let me tell you, that all these things are prepared for you by + the teachings of history, if the elections shall promise that the next + Dred Scott decision and all future decisions will be quietly acquiesced in + by the people. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0019" id="link2H_4_0019"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VERSE TO "LINNIE" + </h2> + <h3> + September 30,? 1858. + </h3> + <p> + TO "LINNIE": + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + A sweet plaintive song did I hear + And I fancied that she was the singer. + May emotions as pure as that song set astir + Be the wont that the future shall bring her. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0020" id="link2H_4_0020"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NEGROES ARE MEN + </h2> + <h3> + TO J. U. BROWN. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858 HON. J. U. BROWN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly + than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have expressly + disclaimed all intention to bring about social and political equality + between the white and black races and in all the rest I have done the same + thing by clear implication. + </p> + <p> + I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in the + word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence. + </p> + <p> + I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal" is the great + fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; that negro + slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our frame of + government, that principle has not been made one of legal obligation; that + by our frame of government, States which have slavery are to retain it, or + surrender it at their own pleasure; and that all others—individuals, + free States and national Government—are constitutionally bound to + leave them alone about it. + </p> + <p> + I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity + springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed. + </p> + <p> + That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is not + present. + </p> + <p> + In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle + there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created + equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, to + keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." + </p> + <p> + Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature existed and + we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more + strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the institution of slavery + among its elements." + </p> + <p> + Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does exist. In + them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in laying those + foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that the declaration of + the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a great fundamental + principle, and that Congress, which lays the foundations of society, + should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to the incorporation of slavery + and its elements. + </p> + <p> + But it does not follow that social and political equality between whites + and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The declaration + does not so require. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + [Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at + Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were pasted in + a little book in which the above letter was also written.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0021" id="link2H_4_0021"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. SYMPSON. + </h2> + <h3> + BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + A. SYMPSON, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Since parting with you this morning I heard some things + which make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week among + the National Democrats, trying to induce them to content themselves by + voting for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas candidates for + senator and representative. Have this headed off, if you can. Call + Wagley's attention to it and have him and the National Democrat for Rep. + to counteract it as far as they can. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0022" id="link2H_4_0022"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY + </h2> + <h3> + TO N. B. JUDD. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858 HON. N. B. JUDD + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same + day. As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my + ability; but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I have + been on expenses so long without earning anything that I am absolutely + without money now for even household purposes. Still, if you can put in + two hundred and fifty dollars for me toward discharging the debt of the + committee, I will allow it when you and I settle the private matter + between us. This, with what I have already paid, and with an outstanding + note of mine, will exceed my subscription of five hundred dollars. This, + too, is exclusive of my ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of + which, being added to my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily + upon one no better off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had the + post of honor, it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling badly,—"And + this too shall pass away," never fear. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0023" id="link2H_4_0023"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE FIGHT MUST GO ON + </h2> + <h3> + TO H. ASBURY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858. + </p> + <p> + HENRY ASBURY, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight + must go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at the end + of one or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the ingenuity to be + supported in the late contest both as the best means to break down and to + uphold the slave interest. No ingenuity can keep these antagonistic + elements in harmony long. Another explosion will soon come. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0024" id="link2H_4_0024"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED + </h2> + <h3> + TO C. H. RAY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858 + </p> + <p> + DR. C. H. RAY + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they + may be called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do so, + please get two copies of each number of your paper containing the whole, + and send them to me by express; and I will pay you for the papers and for + your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one away in the + [undecipherable word] and to put the other in a scrapbook. Remember, if + part of any debate is on both sides of the sheet it will take two sets to + make one scrap-book. + </p> + <p> + I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling like + h-ll yet." Quit that—you will soon feel better. Another "blow up" is + coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be supported both + as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave power; but no + ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0025" id="link2H_4_0025"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. C. WHITNEY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form the + late joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I wrote to + Dr. Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two sets of the + numbers of the Tribune which contain the reports of those discussions. Up + to date I have no word from him on the subject. Will you, if in your + power, procure them and forward them to me by express? If you will, I will + pay all charges, and be greatly obliged, to boot. Hoping to visit you + before long, I remain + </p> + <p> + As ever your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0026" id="link2H_4_0026"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. D. SHARPE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + H. D. SHARPE, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I do + not know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over the + contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I desired the + result of the late canvass to have been different, I still regard it as an + exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly entered upon a durable + struggle as to whether this nation is to ultimately become all slave or + all free, and though I fall early in the contest, it is nothing if I shall + have contributed, in the least degree, to the final rightful result. + </p> + <p> + Respectfully yours, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0027" id="link2H_4_0027"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. SYMPSON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I expect the result of the election went hard with you. + So it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have + supposed. I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the long run. + Step by step the objects of the leaders will become too plain for the + people to stand them. I write merely to let you know that I am neither + dead nor dying. Please give my respects to your good family, and all + inquiring friends. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0028" id="link2H_4_0028"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON BANKRUPTCY + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_NOTE" id="link2H_NOTE"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. + </h2> + <h3> + December [?], 1858. + </h3> + <p> + Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress of + society. + </p> + <p> + The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer for + debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to enable + transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, legislation and + adjudication begin to be necessary. + </p> + <p> + Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general or + special? + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT" id="link2H_SECT"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general, + </h2> + <h3> + if possible. (Read the section.) + </h3> + <p> + Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and in + so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.) + </p> + <p> + Just reasoning—policy—is in favor of general legislation—else + the Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller + cases—a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much + more perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts between + P. & B. and S.C. + </p> + <p> + It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired of + its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So they may—so + may individuals; and which—the Legislature or the courts—is + best suited to try the question of fraud in either case? + </p> + <p> + It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be + robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just terms + to obtain it. + </p> + <p> + Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every possible + way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, he will have + no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if he has practiced + fraud let the courts so decide. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0031" id="link2H_4_0031"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + </h2> + <p> + The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805, + prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the + United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion, is + binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the same + section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in establishing lines + between them. That law, being in force at the time each became a + purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase. + </p> + <p> + And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters any + interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run straight + lines through the section from the opposite quarter section corners, + fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or intersect each other, + as the middle or centre of the section. + </p> + <p> + Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent + erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the latter, + it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the above might + be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no better single + rules can be prescribed. + </p> + <p> + At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent + authority. + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0032" id="link2H_4_0032"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO M. W. DELAHAY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + M. W. DELAHAY, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at your + Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just now, but I + have the impression from it that the convention was to be at Leavenworth; + but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter from Judge M. F. + Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to come, and he fixes + the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off of the river, and will + require more time and labor to get to it. It will push me hard to get + there without injury to my own business; but I shall try to do it, though + I am not yet quite certain I shall succeed. + </p> + <p> + I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me to + come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay away. + Write me again. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0033" id="link2H_4_0033"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO W. M. MORRIS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + W. M. MORRIS, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at + Galesburg is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must stick to + the courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three different audiences + during the last month and this; but I did so under circumstances which + made it a waste of no time whatever. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0034" id="link2H_4_0034"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in + Boston, on the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, + was duly received. My engagements are such that I cannot attend. + </p> + <p> + Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political parties + were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was the head of + one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it is both curious + and interesting that those supposed to descend politically from the party + opposed to Jefferson should now be celebrating his birthday in their own + original seat of empire, while those claiming political descent from him + have nearly ceased to breathe his name everywhere. + </p> + <p> + Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its supposed + superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the rights of + property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and assuming that the + so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, and their opponents the + anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally interesting to note how + completely the two have changed hands as to the principle upon which they + were originally supposed to be divided. The Democracy of to-day hold the + liberty of one man to be absolutely nothing, when in conflict with another + man's right of property; Republicans, on the contrary, are for both the + man and the dollar, but in case of conflict the man before the dollar. + </p> + <p> + I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated men + engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long + and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought himself out of + his own coat and into that of the other. If the two leading parties of + this day are really identical with the two in the days of Jefferson and + Adams, they have performed the same feat as the two drunken men. + </p> + <p> + But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of Jefferson + from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with great confidence + that he could convince any sane child that the simpler propositions of + Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would fail, utterly, with one who + should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of Jefferson are + the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied and + evaded, with no small show of success. One dashingly calls them + "glittering generalities." Another bluntly calls them "self-evident lies." + And others insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." These + expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect—the + supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring those of + classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a convocation of + crowned heads plotting against the people. They are the vanguard, the + miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We must repulse them, or they + will subjugate us. This is a world of compensation; and he who would be no + slave must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others + deserve it not for themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain + it. All honor to Jefferson to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a + struggle for national independence by a single people, had the coolness, + forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere revolutionary document an + abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so to embalm it + there that to-day and in all coming days it shall be a rebuke and a + stumbling-block to the very harbingers of reappearing tyranny and + oppression. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0035" id="link2H_4_0035"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO T. CANISIUS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + DR. THEODORE CANISIUS. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German + citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in + regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and + whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other + opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received. + </p> + <p> + Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no privilege + of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from what she has done + an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I would do, I may without + impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as I understand the + Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption in Illinois, or in any + other place where I have a right to oppose it. Understanding the spirit of + our institutions to aim at the elevation of men, I am opposed to whatever + tends to degrade them. I have some little notoriety for commiserating the + oppressed negro; and I should be strangely inconsistent if I could favor + any project for curtailing the existing rights of white men, even though + born in different lands, and speaking different languages from myself. As + to the matter of fusion, I am for it if it can be had on Republican + grounds; and I am not for it on any other terms. A fusion on any other + terms would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would lose the whole North, + while the common enemy would still carry the whole South. The question of + men is a different one. There are good, patriotic men and able statesmen + in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if they would now place + themselves on Republican ground, but I am against letting down the + Republican standard a hairsbreadth. + </p> + <p> + I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions + substantially. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0036" id="link2H_4_0036"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. + </h2> + <h3> + GENTLEMEN: + </h3> + <p> + In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what your + duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the Seventh + Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the principal and + interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, we reply that said + last clause of said section is certainly indefinite, general, and + ambiguous in its description of the bonds to be issued by you; giving no + time at which the bonds are to be made payable, no place at which either + principal or interest are to be paid, and no rate of interest which the + bonds are to bear; nor any other description except that they are to be + coupon bonds, which in commercial usage means interest-paying bonds with + obligations or orders attached to them for the payment of annual or + semiannual interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining, if + this act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms + "coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from the + time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by itself the + creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But your inquiry in + regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to be paid or shall + begin to run until January 1, 1860, is whether the Act of February 18, + 1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give bonds with any coupons + attached payable before the first day of July, 1860. We have very maturely + considered this question and have arrived at the conclusion that you have + a right to use such measures as will secure the State against the loss of + six months' interest on these bonds by the indefiniteness of the Act of + 1859. While it cannot be denied that the letter of the laws favor the + construction claimed by some of the creditors that interest-bearing bonds + were required to be issued to them, inasmuch as the restriction that no + interest is to run on said bonds until 1st January, 1860, relates solely + to the bonds issued under the Act of 1857. And the Act of 1859 directing + you to issue new bonds does not contain this restriction, but directs you + to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the very indefiniteness and generality + of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of interest, no time due, no place of + payment, no postponement of the time when interest commences, necessarily + implies that the Legislature intended to invest you with a discretion to + impose such terms and restrictions as would protect the interest of the + State; and we think you have a right and that it is your duty to see that + the State Bonds are so issued that the State shall not lose six months' + interest. Two plans present themselves either of which will secure the + State. 1st. If in literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing + interest from 1st July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented + three thousand from every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of coupon + bonds; by this plan $3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be + extinguished in consideration of paying $2910 interest on the first of + January, 1860—and the interest on the $3000 would forever cease; + this would be no doubt most advantageous to the State. But if the Auditor + will not consent to this, then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond all the coupons + payable before 1st July, 1860. + </p> + <p> + One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the + Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question. + </p> + <p> + May 28, 1859. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0037" id="link2H_4_0037"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK + </h2> + <h3> + TO H. C. WHITNEY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858. + </p> + <p> + H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring + whether I received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did receive + them, and am very much obliged. There is some probability that my + scrap-book will be reprinted, and if it shall, I will save you a copy. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0038" id="link2H_4_0038"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1859 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0039" id="link2H_4_0039"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0040" id="link2H_4_0040"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO S. GALLOWAY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter + of the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect you + here; and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to come. And yet + I fear you have formed an estimate of me which can scarcely be sustained + on a personal acquaintance. + </p> + <p> + Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention—the repudiation of + Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law—I + very much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are viewed + by many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle against, and + in disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the very thing that + will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept out of our national + convention. There is another thing our friends are doing which gives me + some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward "popular sovereignty." There + are three substantial objections to this: First, no party can command + respect which sustains this year what it opposed last. Secondly, Douglas + (who is the most dangerous enemy of liberty, because the most insidious + one) would have little support in the North, and by consequence, no + capital to trade on in the South, if it were not for his friends thus + magnifying him and his humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, Douglas's popular + sovereignty, accepted by the public mind as a just principle, nationalizes + slavery, and revives the African slave trade inevitably. + </p> + <p> + Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are + identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the argument + which establishes one will establish the other. Try a thousand years for a + sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the people of Kansas from + having slaves, and, when you have found it, it will be an equally good one + why Congress should not hinder the people of Georgia from importing slaves + from Africa. + </p> + <p> + As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the few + distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their sympathy + last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and right-minded; + but still he may not be the most suitable as a candidate for the + Presidency. + </p> + <p> + I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you propose a + correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters anxiously. + </p> + <p> + I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I shall, + I will present your respects as requested. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0041" id="link2H_4_0041"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. + </h2> + <h3> + TO HAWKINS TAYLOR + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859. + </p> + <p> + HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake + about my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d + Tuesday of this month. I have had no thought of being there. + </p> + <p> + It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I + neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me much to + see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it is little + less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving invitations which I + am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged to go to Minnesota; and I + now have two invitations to go to Ohio. These last are prompted by Douglas + going there; and I am really tempted to make a flying trip to Columbus and + Cincinnati. + </p> + <p> + I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks Grimes + about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an election in Iowa. + Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other friends, and believe me + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0042" id="link2H_4_0042"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. + </h2> + <h3> + SEPTEMBER 16, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that I + appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State,—an + audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase, + and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, remembering this, I feel that + it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your + expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified in + raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared before you. You + would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as a + consequence of your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, + therefore, that you will commence with very moderate expectations; and + perhaps, if you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest + you to a moderate degree. + </p> + <p> + Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat + embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I have + been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which the Ohio + Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I have read an + article, in which, among other statements, I find the following: + </p> + <p> + "In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of last + fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and attempted to + defend that vile conception against the Little Giant." + </p> + <p> + I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of + making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,—it + furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the + gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct it. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have found + that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under his very + nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. I therefore + propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is a + misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you will + bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very "memorable" + debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this newspaper refers. In + the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas and myself had, at the town + of Ottawa, I used the language which I will now read. Having been + previously reading an extract, I continued as follows: + </p> + <p> + "Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is + the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution + of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; and anything that + argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the + negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a + man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, + while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to + interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I + believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do + so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between + the white and the black races. There is a physical difference between the + two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their ever living together + upon the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a + necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am + in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I + have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding + all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to + all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,—the + right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as + much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with judge Douglas, he is + not my equal in many respects,—certainly not in color, perhaps not + in moral or intellectual endowments. But in the right to eat the bread, + without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, + and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man." + </p> + <p> + Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement like + this occurred, I said: + </p> + <p> + "While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me to + know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality between + the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this + occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the question was asked me, I + thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard + to it. I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of + bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white + and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making + voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, or + intermarry with the white people; and I will say in addition to this that + there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I + believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of + social and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live, while + they do remain together there must be the position of superior and + inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the + superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this occasion I + do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior + position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not understand that + because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I must necessarily want + her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am + now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for + either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get + along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this + that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child, who was + in favor of producing perfect equality, social and political, between + negroes and white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that + I ever heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness, and + that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M. Johnson. + I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not going to enter at + large upon this subject), that I have never had the least apprehension + that I or my friends would marry negroes, if there was no law to keep them + from it; but as judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great + apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, I + give him the most solemn pledge that I will to the very last stand by the + law of the State which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes." + </p> + <p> + There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former occasions, + said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the extent of its + ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not only perceive, as a + probability, that in that contest I did not at any time say I was in favor + of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof that twice—once + substantially, and once expressly—I declared against it. Having + shown you this, there remains but a word of comment upon that newspaper + article. It is this, that I presume the editor of that paper is an honest + and truth-loving man, and that he will be greatly obliged to me for + furnishing him thus early an opportunity to correct the misrepresentation + he has made, before it has run so long that malicious people can call him + a liar. + </p> + <p> + The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report of + his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce the subject + of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be somewhat relieved by + the fact that he dealt exclusively in that subject while he was here. I + shall, therefore, without much hesitation or diffidence, enter upon this + subject. + </p> + <p> + The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the African + slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority of the States + of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other sort of slavery, + prohibited by State constitutions. They also found a law existing, + supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded from almost all the + territory the United States then owned. This was the condition of the + country, with reference to the institution of slavery, on the first of + January, 1854. A few days after that, a bill was introduced into Congress, + which ran through its regular course in the two branches of the national + legislature, and finally passed into a law in the month of May, by which + the Act of Congress prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of + the United States was repealed. In connection with the law itself, and, in + fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing prohibition was not only + repealed, but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part of Congress + never thereafter to exercise any power that they might have, real or + supposed, to prohibit the extension or spread of slavery. This was a very + great change; for the law thus repealed was of more than thirty years' + standing. Following rapidly upon the heels of this action of Congress, a + decision of the Supreme Court is made, by which it is declared that + Congress, if it desires to prohibit the spread of slavery into the + Territories, has no constitutional power to do so. Not only so, but that + decision lays down principles which, if pushed to their logical + conclusion,—I say pushed to their logical conclusion,—would + decide that the constitutions of free States, forbidding slavery, are + themselves unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not say the judges said this, + and let no man say I affirm the judges used these words; but I only say it + is my opinion that what they did say, if pressed to its logical + conclusion, will inevitably result thus. + </p> + <p> + Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its + principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the + institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is + ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so + believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is the + original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say "chief + purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly true that if + the National House shall fall into the hands of the Republicans, they will + have to attend to all the other matters of national house-keeping, as well + as this. The chief and real purpose of the Republican party is eminently + conservative. It proposes nothing save and except to restore this + government to its original tone in regard to this element of slavery, and + there to maintain it, looking for no further change in reference to it + than that which the original framers of the Government themselves expected + and looked forward to. + </p> + <p> + The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now + the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a Congressional + slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott decision, making + slavery lawful in all the States. These are not pressing us just now. They + are not quite ready yet. The authors of these measures know that we are + too strong for them; but they will be upon us in due time, and we will be + grappling with them hand to hand, if they are not now headed off. They are + not now the chief danger to the purpose of the Republican organization; + but the most imminent danger that now threatens that purpose is that + insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. This is the miner and sapper. While + it does not propose to revive the African slave trade, nor to pass a slave + code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is preparing us for the + onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to + come on, and the word of command for them to advance shall be given. I say + this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; for there is a broad distinction, as I + now understand it, between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + </p> + <p> + I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition of + "genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would be about this: That + each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all those + things which exclusively concern him. Applied to government, this + principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things + which pertain to it, and all the local governments shall do precisely as + they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. I + understand that this government of the United States, under which we live, + is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is supposed + that I have any war to make upon that principle. + </p> + <p> + Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle, + no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man + neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied in + government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new Territory + into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making + their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits or to + establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to be + enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are afterwards + to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the families of + communities, of which they are but an incipient member, or the general + head of the family of States as parent of all, however their action may + affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere. + That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. + </p> + <p> + He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His explanations + explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most lengthy, + and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of this long series of + explanations is his great essay in Harper's Magazine. I will not attempt + to enter on any very thorough investigation of his argument as there made + and presented. I will nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here + in drawing your attention to certain points in it. Such of you as may have + read this document will have perceived that the judge early in the + document quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican party, + without naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being Governor + Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen months ago + this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a sentiment upon this + subject, and in such a manner that it should get into print, that the + public might see it beyond the circle of my hearers; and my expression of + it at that time is the quotation that Judge Douglas makes. He has not made + the quotation with accuracy, but justice to him requires me to say that it + is sufficiently accurate not to change the sense. + </p> + <p> + The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery element + is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall probably not + have perfect peace in this country with it until it either masters the + free principle in our government, or is so far mastered by the free + principle as for the public mind to rest in the belief that it is going to + its end. This sentiment, which I now express in this way, was, at no great + distance of time, perhaps in different language, and in connection with + some collateral ideas, expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas has + been so much annoyed by the expression of that sentiment that he has + constantly, I believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered, + been referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well + as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the purpose of + making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in the expression + of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop to say all that might + properly be said upon this point, but I only ask your attention to it for + the purpose of making one or two points upon it. + </p> + <p> + If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge Douglas + himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and the + Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in 1699, and + continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while he did not say + so, we all know that it has continued with more or less violence ever + since the Revolution. + </p> + <p> + Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the framers of + the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself that slavery began + to be an element of discord among the white people of this country as far + back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years ago, or five generations of + men,—counting thirty years to a generation. Now, it would seem to me + that it might have occurred to Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned + his attention to these facts, that there was something in the nature of + that thing, slavery, somewhat durable for mischief and discord. + </p> + <p> + There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, before I + leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 is the + precise period of our history when we had comparative peace upon this + question,—the precise period of time when we came nearer to having + peace about it than any other time of that entire one hundred and sixty + years in which he says it began, or of the eighty years of our own + Constitution. Then it would be worth our while to stop and examine into + the probable reason of our coming nearer to having peace then than at any + other time. This was the precise period of time in which our fathers + adopted, and during which they followed, a policy restricting the spread + of slavery, and the whole Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country + looked forward to the ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when + a policy had been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and + right-minded men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end, + and that they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think + Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or not, it + is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and elsewhere, to consider + whether that is not the truth of the case. If he had looked at these two + facts,—that this matter has been an element of discord for one + hundred and sixty years among this people, and that the only comparative + peace we have had about it was when that policy prevailed in this + government which he now wars upon, he might then, perhaps, have been + brought to a more just appreciation of what I said fifteen months ago,—that + "a house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe that this + government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free. I do not + expect the house to fall, I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but I do + expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all + the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread + of it, and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it + is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it + forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well + as new, North as well as South." That was my sentiment at that time. In + connection with it, I said: "We are now far into the fifth year since a + policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and confident promise of + putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of the policy + that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented." I + now say to you here that we are advanced still farther into the sixth year + since that policy of Judge Douglas—that popular sovereignty of his—for + quieting the slavery question was made the national policy. Fifteen months + more have been added since I uttered that sentiment; and I call upon you + and all other right-minded men to say whether that fifteen months have + belied or corroborated my words. + </p> + <p> + While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude that + this true view of this element of discord among us—as I believe it + is—is attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that + Governor Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, but + because he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. Nor do I + believe because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. Hickman of + Pennsylvania, in, different language, since that time, has declared his + belief in the utter antagonism which exists between the principles of + liberty and slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking + of Hickman, let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen + him, and know scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much of + him: Of all the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my + notice, he alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal. And now, without + indorsing anything else he has said, I will ask this audience to give + three cheers for Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing + cheers for Hickman.] + </p> + <p> + Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your attention + is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, than from any + express declaration of it at any point. It is a general feature of that + document, and, indeed, of all of Judge Douglas's discussions of this + question, that the Territories of the United States and the States of this + Union are exactly alike; that there is no difference between them at all; + that the Constitution applies to the Territories precisely as it does to + the States; and that the United States Government, under the Constitution, + may not do in a State what it may not do in a Territory, and what it must + do in a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is that a true view of + the case? It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty, but is it true? + </p> + <p> + Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether upon the + proposition that the States must, without the interference of the General + Government, do all those things that pertain exclusively to themselves,—that + are local in their nature, that have no connection with the General + Government. After Judge Douglas has established this proposition, which + nobody disputes or ever has disputed, he proceeds to assume, without + proving it, that slavery is one of those little, unimportant, trivial + matters which are of just about as much consequence as the question would + be to me whether my neighbor should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; + that there is no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a + matter of dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for + settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing which, + like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the soil, cannot + be dug out by the millions of men who will come thereafter; that it is one + of those little things that is so trivial in its nature that it has nor + effect upon anybody save the few men who first plant upon the soil; that + it is not a thing which in any way affects the family of communities + composing these States, nor any way endangers the General Government. + Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well known fact that we have + never had a serious menace to our political existence, except it sprang + from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only upon a par with onions + and potatoes. + </p> + <p> + Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according to + his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the + Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the other + chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this other + question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a Territory for a + year or two, and pass away, without his track being left upon the soil, or + an act which he did for good or for evil being left behind, is a question + of vast national magnitude; it is so much opposed in its nature to + locality that the nation itself must decide it: while this other matter of + planting slavery upon a soil,—a thing which, once planted, cannot be + eradicated by the succeeding millions who have as much right there as the + first comers, or, if eradicated, not without infinite difficulty and a + long struggle, he considers the power to prohibit it as one of these + little local, trivial things that the nation ought not to say a word + about; that it affects nobody save the few men who are there. + </p> + <p> + Take these two things and consider them together, present the question of + planting a State with the institution of slavery by the side of a question + who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, and is there a man + here, is there a man on earth, who would not say the governor question is + the little one, and the slavery question is the great one? I ask any + honest Democrat if the small, the local, and the trivial and temporary + question is not, Who shall be governor? while the durable, the important, + and the mischievous one is, Shall this soil be planted with slavery? + </p> + <p> + This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind from + his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery really looks + small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash upon his back would + hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back does not hurt him. That is + the build of the man, and consequently he looks upon the matter of slavery + in this unimportant light. + </p> + <p> + Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this + policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way, a + good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in this + country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a Democrat,—a + man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent amongst Democrats + to-day, it is true; but that man did not take exactly this view of the + insignificance of the element of slavery which our friend judge Douglas + does. In contemplation of this thing, we all know he was led to exclaim, + "I tremble for my country when I remember that God is just!" We know how + he looked upon it when he thus expressed himself. There was danger to this + country,—danger of the avenging justice of God, in that little + unimportant popular sovereignty question of judge Douglas. He supposed + there was a question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in the enslaving + of any race of men, or any man, and that those who did so braved the arm + of Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, every friend of + that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye between Jefferson and + Douglas as to what is the true view of this element among us. + </p> + <p> + There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the + Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your attention, + and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no difference + between them, why not make the Territories States at once? What is the + reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union when it was + organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can any of you tell + any reason why it should not have come into the Union at once? They are + fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery question,—the largest + and most important with which they could possibly deal: what could they do + by coming into the Union that they are not fit to do, according to his + view, by staying out of it? Oh, they are not fit to sit in Congress and + decide upon the rates of postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific + duties on foreign goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit to + decide these vastly important matters, which are national in their import, + but they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro question. + But, gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time on this + head, and I pass on. + </p> + <p> + Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very near + kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I commenced these + remarks, that I would read that article, but I now believe I will: + </p> + <p> + "This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively that + the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the Kansas-Nebraska + Act of 1854, as well as the members of the Continental Congress of 1774., + and the founders of our system of government subsequent to the Revolution, + regarded the people of the Territories and Colonies as political + communities which were entitled to a free and exclusive power of + legislation in their provisional legislatures, where their representation + could alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity." + </p> + <p> + When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would contradict his + own history, he put in what he knew would pass synonymous with it, + "internal polity." Whenever we find that in one of his speeches, the + substitute is used in this manner; and I can tell you the reason. It would + be too bald a contradiction to say slavery; but "internal polity" is a + general phrase, which would pass in some quarters, and which he hopes will + pass with the reading community for the same thing. + </p> + <p> + "This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and + peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may wander + upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be exercised + where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a government, and + capable of performing its various functions and duties,—a fact to be + ascertained and determined by" who do you think? Judge Douglas says "by + Congress!" "Whether the number shall be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty + thousand inhabitants, does not affect the principle." + </p> + <p> + Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his own + words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the public + domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When it does + pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed into an + organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for that at ten + thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I would like to know + what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are they all to be treated, + until they are large enough to be organized into a political community, as + wanderers upon the public land, in violation of law? And if so treated and + driven out, at what point of time would there ever be ten thousand? If + they were not driven out, but remained there as trespassers upon the + public land in violation of the law, can they establish slavery there? No; + the judge says popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can they + exclude it then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. I + would like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition the + people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten + thousand? + </p> + <p> + But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question as to + when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed into a + regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." Judge Douglas + says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. No, that is all the + Southerners want. That is what all those who are for slavery want. They do + not want Congress to prohibit slavery from coming into the new + Territories, and they do not want popular sovereignty to hinder it; and as + Congress is to say when they are ready to be organized, all that the South + has to do is to get Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off until they + are ready to be admitted as a State, and the South has all it wants in + taking slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that we now + have or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash of the + pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not have this + popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it at last + does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to anything at all, + Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for your reflection than + for comment. After all that is said, at last, by a dash of the pen, + everything that has gone before is undone, and he puts the whole question + under the control of Congress. After fighting through more than three + hours, if you undertake to read it, he at last places the whole matter + under the control of that power which he has been contending against, and + arrives at a result directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do. + He at last leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress. + </p> + <p> + There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's Magazine + essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our Revolutionary + times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the other was to show + that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely squelched out this popular + sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard to this argument drawn from the + history of former times, to enter into a detailed examination of the + historical statements he has made. I have the impression that they are + inaccurate in a great many instances,—sometimes in positive + statement, but very much more inaccurate by the suppression of statements + that really belong to the history. But I do not propose to affirm that + this is so to any very great extent, or to enter into a very minute + examination of his historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this + principle,—that if it were important for me to pass out of this lot + in the least period of time possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by + a calculation of my known strength and agility that I could clear it at a + bound, it would be folly for me to stop and consider whether I could or + not crawl through a crack. So I say of the whole history contained in his + essay where he endeavored to link the men of the Revolution to popular + sovereignty. It only requires an effort to leap out of it, a single bound + to be entirely successful. If you read it over, you will find that he + quotes here and there from documents of the Revolutionary times, tending + to show that the people of the colonies were desirous of regulating their + own concerns in their own way, that the British Government should not + interfere; that at one time they struggled with the British Government to + be permitted to exclude the African slave trade,—if not directly, to + be permitted to exclude it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to + discourage and destroy it. From these and many things of this sort, judge + Douglas argues that they were in favor of the people of our own + Territories excluding slavery if they wanted to, or planting it there if + they wanted to, doing just as they pleased from the time they settled upon + the Territory. Now, however his history may apply and whatever of his + argument there may be that is sound and accurate or unsound and + inaccurate, if we can find out what these men did themselves do upon this + very question of slavery in the Territories, does it not end the whole + thing? If, after all this labor and effort to show that the men of the + Revolution were in favor of his popular sovereignty and his mode of + dealing with slavery in the Territories, we can show that these very men + took hold of that subject, and dealt with it, we can see for ourselves how + they dealt with it. It is not a matter of argument or inference, but we + know what they thought about it. + </p> + <p> + It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one + important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the + history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats it as + the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation of Congress + in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the Missouri Compromise + was established and slavery excluded from a country half as large as the + present United States. All this is left out of his history, and in nowise + alluded to by him, so far as I can remember, save once, when he makes a + remark, that upon his principle the Supreme Court were authorized to + pronounce a decision that the act called the Missouri Compromise was + unconstitutional. All that history has been left out. But this part of the + history of the country was not made by the men of the Revolution. + </p> + <p> + There was another part of our political history, made by the very men who + were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of the + Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. In 1784, I + believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for the government + of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a frame or draft of an + ordinance for the government of this country, here in Ohio, our neighbors + in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our neighbors in Wisconsin and + Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not only for the government of that + Territory, but for the Territories south of the Ohio River, Mr. Jefferson + expressly provided for the prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says, and + perhaps is right, that that provision was lost from that ordinance. I + believe that is true. When the vote was taken upon it, a majority of all + present in the Congress of the Confederation voted for it; but there were + so many absentees that those voting for it did not make the clear majority + necessary, and it was lost. But three years after that, the Congress of + the Confederation were together again, and they adopted a new ordinance + for the government of this Northwest Territory, not contemplating + territory south of the river, for the States owning that territory had + hitherto refrained from giving it to the General Government; hence they + made the ordinance to apply only to what the Government owned. In fact, + the provision excluding slavery was inserted aside, passed unanimously, or + at any rate it passed and became a part of the law of the land. Under that + ordinance we live. First here in Ohio you were a Territory; then an + enabling act was passed, authorizing you to form a constitution and State + Government, provided it was republican and not in conflict with the + Ordinance of '87. When you framed your constitution and presented it for + admission, I think you will find the legislation upon the subject will + show that, whereas you had formed a constitution that was republican, and + not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87, therefore you were admitted + upon equal footing with the original States. The same process in a few + years was gone through with in Indiana, and so with Illinois, and the same + substantially with Michigan and Wisconsin. + </p> + <p> + Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to + whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. Congress + always turned their attention to it, and in all their movements upon this + subject they traced their course by that Ordinance of '87. When they + admitted new States, they advertised them of this Ordinance, as a part of + the legislation of the country. They did so because they had traced the + Ordinance of '87 throughout the history of this country. Begin with the + men of the Revolution, and go down for sixty entire years, and until the + last scrap of that Territory comes into the Union in the form of the State + of Wisconsin, everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of '87, + excluding slavery from that vast extent of country. + </p> + <p> + I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the + United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was made + by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts of + Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give force to + that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands of the new + officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old ones, who had + been legislated out of existence by the change in the Government from the + Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, but I believe Indiana once + or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the General Government for the privilege + of suspending that provision and allowing them to have slaves. A report + made by Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was directly + against it, and the action was to refuse them the privilege of violating + the Ordinance of '87. + </p> + <p> + This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, as + familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history of our + country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar with that + part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall your attention to + it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary a thing it is that a + man who has occupied a position upon the floor of the Senate of the United + States, who is now in his third term, and who looks to see the government + of this whole country fall into his own hands, pretending to give a + truthful and accurate history o the slavery question in this country, + should so entirely ignore the whole of that portion of our history—the + most important of all. Is it not a most extraordinary spectacle that a man + should stand up and ask for any confidence in his statements who sets out + as he does with portions of history, calling upon the people to believe + that it is a true and fair representation, when the leading part and + controlling feature of the whole history is carefully suppressed? + </p> + <p> + But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this most + remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the leading men of + the Revolution were for his great principle of nonintervention by the + government in the question of slavery in the Territories, while history + shows that they decided, in the cases actually brought before them, in + exactly the contrary way, and he knows it. Not only did they so decide at + that time, but they stuck to it during sixty years, through thick and + thin, as long as there was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage + of political action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they + clung to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men of + the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the + naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject matter of + his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting upon a + precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if a + prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them to convict + A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before them. + </p> + <p> + I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution + acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, they + ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a consideration + of his own argument, he had a right to make you believe that they + understood the principles of government, but misapplied them, that he has + arisen to enlighten the world as to the just application of this + principle. He has a right to try to persuade you that he understands their + principles better than they did, and, therefore, he will apply them now, + not as they did, but as they ought to have done. He has a right to go + before the community and try to convince them of this, but he has no right + to attempt to impose upon any one the belief that these men themselves + approved of his great principle. There are two ways of establishing a + proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon reason, and the other + is, to show that great men in former times have thought so and so, and + thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. Now, if Judge Douglas + will demonstrate somehow that this is popular sovereignty,—the right + of one man to make a slave of another, without any right in that other or + any one else to object,—demonstrate it as Euclid demonstrated + propositions,—there is no objection. But when he comes forward, + seeking to carry a principle by bringing to it the authority of men who + themselves utterly repudiate that principle, I ask that he shall not be + permitted to do it. + </p> + <p> + I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: "Our + fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, understood + this question just as well, and even better than, we do now." That is + true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas in that to the bitter + end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by me, and truthfully show how + they acted, understanding it better than we do. All I ask of you, Judge + Douglas, is to stick to the proposition that the men of the Revolution + understood this subject better than we do now, and with that better + understanding they acted better than you are trying to act now. + </p> + <p> + I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as dealt + with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between Judge Douglas + and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to commence a process of + catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his questions, and propounded + some to him. Among others propounded to him was one that I have here now. + The substance, as I remember it, is, "Can the people of a United States + Territory, under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the + wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, + prior to the formation of a State constitution?" He answered that they + could lawfully exclude slavery from the United States Territories, + notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was something about that + answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge ever since. + </p> + <p> + The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United States + a right to carry his slaves into the United States Territories. And now + there was some inconsistency in saying that the decision was right, and + saying, too, that the people of the Territory could lawfully drive slavery + out again. When all the trash, the words, the collateral matter, was + cleared away from it, all the chaff was fanned out of it, it was a bare + absurdity,—no less than that a thing may be lawfully driven away + from where it has a lawful right to be. Clear it of all the verbiage, and + that is the naked truth of his proposition,—that a thing may be + lawfully driven from the place where it has a lawful right to stay. Well, + it was because the judge could n't help seeing this that he has had so + much trouble with it; and what I want to ask your especial attention to, + just now, is to remind you, if you have not noticed the fact, that the + judge does not any longer say that the people can exclude slavery. He does + not say so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in the speech that he + made here; and, so far as I know, since his re-election to the Senate he + has never said, as he did at Freeport, that the people of the Territories + can exclude slavery. He desires that you, who wish the Territories to + remain free, should believe that he stands by that position; but he does + not say it himself. He escapes to some extent the absurd position I have + stated, by changing his language entirely. What he says now is something + different in language, and we will consider whether it is not different in + sense too. It is now that the Dred Scott decision, or rather the + Constitution under that decision, does not carry slavery into the + Territories beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control + it as other property. He does not say the people can drive it out, but + they can control it as other property. The language is different; we + should consider whether the sense is different. Driving a horse out of + this lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; it is putting + him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort of exclusion of + him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the worms devour him; but + neither of these things is the same as "controlling him as other + property." That would be to feed him, to pamper him, to ride him, to use + and abuse him, to make the most money out of him, "as other property"; + but, please you, what do the men who are in favor of slavery want more + than this? What do they really want, other than that slavery, being in the + Territories, shall be controlled as other property? If they want anything + else, I do not comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, first, for the + purpose of pointing out the change of ground the judge has made; and, in + the second place, the importance of the change,—that that change is + not such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular sovereignty the + power to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. I know the judge + sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it as other property + by unfriendly legislation they may control it to death; as you might, in + the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so lightly and ride him so much + that he would die. But when you come to legislative control, there is + something more to be attended to. I have no doubt, myself, that if the + Territories should undertake to control slave property as other property + that is, control it in such a way that it would be the most valuable as + property, and make it bear its just proportion in the way of burdens as + property, really deal with it as property,—the Supreme Court of the + United States will say, "God speed you, and amen." But I undertake to give + the opinion, at least, that if the Territories attempt by any direct + legislation to drive the man with his slave out of the Territory, or to + decide that his slave is free because of his being taken in there, or to + tax him to such an extent that he cannot keep him there, the Supreme Court + will unhesitatingly decide all such legislation unconstitutional, as long + as that Supreme Court is constructed as the Dred Scott Supreme Court is. + The first two things they have already decided, except that there is a + little quibble among lawyers between the words "dicta" and "decision." + They have already decided a negro cannot be made free by Territorial + legislation. + </p> + <p> + What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that it is + one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a long opinion, + but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The Constitution of the + United States forbids Congress to deprive a man of his property, without + due process of law; the right of property in slaves is distinctly and + expressly affirmed in that Constitution: therefore, if Congress shall + undertake to say that a man's slave is no longer his slave when he crosses + a certain line into a Territory, that is depriving him of his property + without due process of law, and is unconstitutional." There is the whole + Dred Scott decision. They add that if Congress cannot do so itself, + Congress cannot confer any power to do so; and hence any effort by the + Territorial Legislature to do either of these things is absolutely decided + against. It is a foregone conclusion by that court. + </p> + <p> + Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all lawyers + here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot be tolerated + for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do that which it + cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation to control this + property, as property, for its benefit as property, would be hailed by + this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully sustained; but any legislation + driving slave property out, or destroying it as property, directly or + indirectly, will most assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional. + </p> + <p> + Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the + Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control + it as other property; then it follows logically that every one who swears + to support the Constitution of the United States must give that support to + that property which it needs. And, if the Constitution carries slavery + into the Territories, beyond the power of the people, to control it as + other property, then it also carries it into the States, because the + Constitution is the supreme law of the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were + not for my excessive modesty, I would say that I told that very thing to + Judge Douglas quite a year ago. This argument is here in print, and if it + were not for my modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If + you read it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made it + better than he has made it since. + </p> + <p> + There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there is no + sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is the right + of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the Territory; and + saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the conclusion. He says if that + is so, this consequence will follow; and because this consequence would + follow, his argument is, the decision cannot, therefore, be that way,—"that + would spoil my popular sovereignty; and it cannot be possible that this + great principle has been squelched out in this extraordinary way. It might + be, if it were not for the extraordinary consequences of spoiling my + humbug." + </p> + <p> + Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is, an + effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations of + negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as expounded by + the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of power a total + absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It seems to be his + purpose to make the whole of that decision to result in a mere negative + declaration of a want of power in Congress to do anything in relation to + this matter in the Territories. I know the opinion of the Judges states + that there is a total absence of power; but that is, unfortunately; not + all it states: for the judges add that the right of property in a slave is + distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. It does not stop at + saying that the right of property in a slave is recognized in the + Constitution, is declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but says + it is affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to saying + that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot be + detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is part + of the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that decision + to be altogether negative, when the express language at the vital part is + that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. I think myself, and + I repeat it here, that this decision does not merely carry slavery into + the Territories, but by its logical conclusion it carries it into the + States in which we live. One provision of that Constitution is, that it + shall be the supreme law of the land,—I do not quote the language,—any + constitution or law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This + Dred Scott decision says that the right of property in a slave is affirmed + in that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any State + constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a thing + which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law of the land, + even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of that supreme law, + and there is no escape from it. In my judgment there is no avoiding that + result, save that the American people shall see that constitutions are + better construed than our Constitution is construed in that decision. They + must take care that it is more faithfully and truly carried out than it is + there expounded. + </p> + <p> + I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I said + that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure that now + threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent slavery from + being nationalized in the United States. I propose to ask your attention + for a little while to some propositions in affirmance of that statement. + Take it just as it stands, and apply it as a principle; extend and apply + that principle elsewhere; and consider where it will lead you. I now put + this proposition, that Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will + reopen the African slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety + of ways in which you can turn the subject or look at it. + </p> + <p> + The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by his + principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that the people + in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they want them; and + I defy any man on earth to show any distinction between the two things,—to + show that the one is either more wicked or more unlawful; to show, on + original principles, that one is better or worse than the other; or to + show, by the Constitution, that one differs a whit from the other. He will + tell me, doubtless, that there is no constitutional provision against + people taking slaves into the new Territories, and I tell him that there + is equally no constitutional provision against buying slaves in Africa. He + will tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular sovereignty, ought + to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves if they want them; + and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much entitled to popular + sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want them, as the people + of the Territory are to have slaves if they want them. I ask any man, + dealing honestly with himself, to point out a distinction. + </p> + <p> + I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without stating + that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a distinction + between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of the + laws against the African slave trade. And why? He then seeks to give a + reason that would not apply to his popular sovereignty in the Territories. + What is that reason? "The abolition of the African slave trade is a + compromise of the Constitution!" I deny it. There is no truth in the + proposition that the abolition of the African slave trade is a compromise + of the Constitution. No man can put his finger on anything in the + Constitution, or on the line of history, which shows it. It is a mere + barren assertion, made simply for the purpose of getting up a distinction + between the revival of the African slave trade and his "great principle." + </p> + <p> + At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was + expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and + insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was + equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, and + I can show by history that in regard to these two things public opinion + was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there was more done + in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery than was ever done + to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be misunderstood, I say again + that at the time of the formation of the Constitution, public expectation + was that the slave trade would be abolished, but no more so than the + spread of slavery in the Territories should be restrained. They stand + alike, except that in the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by public + opinion, showing that it was more committed against the spread of slavery + in the Territories than against the foreign slave trade. + </p> + <p> + Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the public + sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; but there was + at the time a very great commercial interest involved in it, and extensive + capital in that branch of trade. There were doubtless the incipient stages + of improvement in the South in the way of farming, dependent on the slave + trade, and they made a proposition to Congress to abolish the trade after + allowing it twenty years,—a sufficient time for the capital and + commerce engaged in it to be transferred to other channel. They made no + provision that it should be abolished in twenty years; I do not doubt that + they expected it would be, but they made no bargain about it. The public + sentiment left no doubt in the minds of any that it would be done away. I + repeat, there is nothing in the history of those times in favor of that + matter being a compromise of the constitution. It was the public + expectation at the time, manifested in a thousand ways, that the spread of + slavery should also be restricted. + </p> + <p> + Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong in + slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter of + dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal with + brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of question, + but that at the South the question is between the negro and the crocodile, + that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a perfect right, + according to interest, to do just as you please,—when this is done, + where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers will have formed + public opinion for the slave trade. They will be ready for Jeff. Davis and + Stephens and other leaders of that company to sound the bugle for the + revival of the slave trade, for the second Dred Scott decision, for the + flood of slavery to be poured over the free States, while we shall be here + tied down and helpless and run over like sheep. + </p> + <p> + It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who want to + adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to that party, + and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to it, but + nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty is as good a + way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to be persuaded + easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, into this belief, + that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery as any, and we can do + that without straining our old party ties or breaking up old political + associations. We can do so without being called negro-worshipers. We can + do that without being subjected to the jibes and sneers that are so + readily thrown out in place of argument where no argument can be found. So + let us stick to this popular sovereignty,—this insidious popular + sovereignty. + </p> + <p> + Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened, + which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion, this + course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for the + Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is to carry + slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, hear of + anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in the Declaration + of National Independence; that it does not mean negroes at all; and when + "all men" were spoken of, negroes were not included? + </p> + <p> + I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon paper + by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time to find a man + in an audience who would declare that he had ever known of anybody saying + so five years ago. But last year there was not a Douglas popular sovereign + in Illinois who did not say it. Is there one in Ohio but declares his firm + belief that the Declaration of Independence did not mean negroes at all? I + do not know how this is; I have not been here much; but I presume you are + very much alike everywhere. Then I suppose that all now express the belief + that the Declaration of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon + one of them to say that he said it five years ago. + </p> + <p> + If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that + strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,—and + a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the negro, in + your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. They are + taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among reptiles and + crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it. + </p> + <p> + Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public + opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, this popular + sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a change in the + public mind to the extent I have stated. There is no man in this crowd who + can contradict it. + </p> + <p> + Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I ask you + to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be plastered on, + layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to deal with the negro + every where as with the brute. If public sentiment has not been debauched + already to this point, a new turn of the screw in that direction is all + that is wanting; and this is constantly being done by the teachers of this + insidious popular sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, + until your minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for + all these things, and you will receive and support, or submit to, the + slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code enforced in our + Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the + very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is but carrying out those + words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,—many, many years ago,—I + believe more than thirty years, when he told an audience that if they + would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation they + must go back to the era of our independence, and muzzle the cannon which + thundered its annual joyous return on the Fourth of July; they must blow + out the moral lights around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and + eradicate the love of liberty: but until they did these things, and others + eloquently enumerated by him, they could not repress all tendencies to + ultimate emancipation. + </p> + <p> + I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these popular + sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around us; + teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the + Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile + and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a matter of dollars and + cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, if + there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact that there is + now going on among you a steady process of debauching public opinion on + this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0043" id="link2H_4_0043"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + </h2> + <p> + My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in my life + that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as this: I + therefore—though I am no longer a young man—make this + appearance under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that when + one is embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with it is to + quit talking or thinking about it, and go at something else. + </p> + <p> + I understand that you have had recently with you my very distinguished + friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, without having had an + opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of seeing a report of the + speech that he made here, that he did me the honor to mention my humble + name. I suppose that he did so for the purpose of making some objection to + some sentiment at some time expressed by me. I should expect, it is true, + that judge Douglas had reminded you, or informed you, if you had never + before heard it, that I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that + this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free; that + a house divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I had expressed it, I + did not expect the house to fall, that I did not expect the Union to be + dissolved, but that I did expect that it would cease to be divided, that + it would become all one thing, or all the other; that either the opponents + of slavery would arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the + public mind would rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate + extinction, or the friends of slavery will push it forward until it + becomes alike lawful in all the States, old or new, free as well as slave. + I did, fifteen months ago, express that opinion, and upon many occasions + Judge Douglas has denounced it, and has greatly, intentionally or + unintentionally, misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that + opinion. + </p> + <p> + I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did so + here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different + language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor Seward of + New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced them; that he + tried to point out that there was something couched in this opinion which + led to the making of an entire uniformity of the local institutions of the + various States of the Union, in utter disregard of the different States, + which in their nature would seem to require a variety of institutions and + a variety of laws, conforming to the differences in the nature of the + different States. + </p> + <p> + Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war + between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the onset + of continual war between the different States, the slave and free States. + </p> + <p> + This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, the + 9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next evening, I made + some reply to it. I informed him that many of the inferences he drew from + that expression of mine were altogether foreign to any purpose entertained + by me, and in so far as he should ascribe these inferences to me, as my + purpose, he was entirely mistaken; and in so far as he might argue that, + whatever might be my purpose, actions conforming to my views would lead to + these results, he might argue and establish if he could; but, so far as + purposes were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me. + </p> + <p> + When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of declaring + war between the different States of the Union, that I had not said that I + did not expect any peace upon this question until slavery was + exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when that institution + was put where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in + course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, from the organization of + our government until a very recent period of time, the institution had + been placed and continued upon such a basis; that we had had comparative + peace upon that question through a portion of that period of time, only + because the public mind rested in that belief in regard to it, and that + when we returned to that position in relation to that matter, I supposed + we should again have peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, + assure you, that I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose in + any way of interfering with the institution of slavery, where it exists. I + believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United States, or + rather under the form of government under which we live, to interfere with + the institution of slavery, or any other of the institutions of our sister + States, be they free or slave States. I declared then, and I now + re-declare, that I have as little inclination to interfere with the + institution of slavery where it now exists, through the instrumentality of + the General Government, or any other instrumentality, as I believe we have + no power to do so. I accidentally used this expression: I had no purpose + of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. + So, upon the first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply + to me, he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject, + and seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose of + entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. "Oh, + no," said he, "he [Lincoln] won't enter into the slave States to disturb + the institution of slavery, he is too prudent a man to do such a thing as + that; he only means that he will go on to the line between the free and + slave States, and shoot over at them. This is all he means to do. He means + to do them all the harm he can, to disturb them all he can, in such a way + as to keep his own hide in perfect safety." + </p> + <p> + Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very + dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along with + it as well as I could. + </p> + <p> + It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the line + at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, and + purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the best + chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some + Kentuckians about this audience—we are close to Kentucky; and + whether that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by speaking + distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians would hear me + on the other side of the river. For that reason I propose to address a + portion of what I have to say to the Kentuckians. + </p> + <p> + I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what they + call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is wrong, + morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further spread in—these + United States, and I should not object if it should gradually terminate in + the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I say to you Kentuckians + that I understand you differ radically with me upon this proposition; that + you believe slavery is a good thing; that slavery is right; that it ought + to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. Now, there being this broad + difference between us, I do not pretend, in addressing myself to you + Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that would be a vain effort. I do + not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you that you ought to + nominate for the next Presidency, at Charleston, my distinguished friend + Judge Douglas. In all that there is a difference between you and him, I + understand he is sincerely for you, and more wisely for you than you are + for yourselves. I will try to demonstrate that proposition. Understand, + now, I say that I believe he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for + you, than you are for yourselves. + </p> + <p> + What do you want more than anything else to make successful your views of + slavery,—to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and + perpetuate the nationality of it? What do you want more than anything + else? What—is needed absolutely? What is indispensable to you? Why, + if I may, be allowed to answer the question, it is to retain a hold upon + the North, it is to retain support and strength from the free States. If + you can get this support and strength from the free States, you can + succeed. If you do not get this support and this strength from the free + States, you are in the minority, and you are beaten at once. + </p> + <p> + If that proposition be admitted,—and it is undeniable,—then + the next thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this + nation, is the only man that affords you any hold upon the free States; + that no other man can give you any strength in the free States. This being + so, if you doubt the other branch of the proposition, whether he is for + you—whether he is really for you, as I have expressed it,—I + propose asking your attention for a while to a few facts. + </p> + <p> + The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is + wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and ought + to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is my + Kentuckian I am talking to now. + </p> + <p> + I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you and + more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a + government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the country, + substantially, enters into the execution—or administration, rather—of + the government, in such a government, what lies at the bottom of all of it + is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, that Judge Douglas is not + only the man that promises you in advance a hold upon the North, and + support in the North, but he constantly moulds public opinion to your + ends; that in every possible way he can he constantly moulds the public + opinion of the North to your ends; and if there are a few things in which + he seems to be against you,—a few things which he says that appear + to be against you, and a few that he forbears to say which you would like + to have him say you ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the + forbearing to say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by + consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you. + </p> + <p> + Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to the + fact—for a well established fact it is—that the Judge never + says your institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man in + the United States, I believe, with the exception of Senator Douglas, who + has not, at some time in his life, declared his opinion whether the thing + is right or wrong; but Senator Douglas never declares it is wrong. He + leaves himself at perfect liberty to do all in your favor which he would + be hindered from doing if he were to declare the thing to be wrong. On the + contrary, he takes all the chances that he has for inveigling the + sentiment of the North, opposed to slavery, into your support, by never + saying it is right. This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to + give him full credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to + the whole which he does for you. + </p> + <p> + Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the floor of + the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I understand, a great + many times, that he does not care whether slavery is "voted up or voted + down." This again shows you, or ought to show you, if you would reason + upon it, that he does not believe it to be wrong; for a man may say when + he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that he, dues not care whether it be + voted up or voted down but no man can logically say that he cares not + whether a thing goes up or goes down which to him appears to be wrong. You + therefore have a demonstration in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your + favorite institution, which you would have spread out and made perpetual, + is no wrong. + </p> + <p> + Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, + shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there distinctly told + the people that there was a "line drawn by the Almighty across this + continent, on the one side of which the soil must always be cultivated by + slaves"; that he did not pretend to know exactly where that line was, but + that there was such a line. I want to ask your attention to that + proposition again; that there is one portion of this continent where the + Almighty has signed the soil shall always be cultivated by slaves; that + its being cultivated by slaves at that place is right; that it has the + direct sympathy and authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these + Northern audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other + side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of Douglas's + views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make the other + argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is right on that + side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if you have that + property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and stamp of the + Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is wrong to have + constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So Douglas is moulding the + public opinion of the North, first to say that the thing is right in your + State over the Ohio River, and hence to say that that which is right there + is not wrong here, and that all laws and constitutions here recognizing it + as being wrong are themselves wrong, and ought to be repealed and + abrogated. He will tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose here to have + laws against slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that your climate is + not suited to it, that your climate is not suited to slave labor, and + therefore you have constitutions and laws against it. + </p> + <p> + Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be sound. + You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned sugar-cane, and you + won't raise that long), but they do raise it in Louisiana. You don't raise + it in Ohio, because you can't raise it profitably, because the climate + don't suit it. They do raise it in Louisiana, because there it is + profitable. Now, Douglas will tell you that is precisely the slavery + question: that they do have slaves there because they are profitable, and + you don't have them here because they are not profitable. If that is so, + then it leads to dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is + there, then, anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising + sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in your + law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, but if any + man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical law that + forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with Douglas, whenever + your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as surely you will have + reached the conclusion that although it is not profitable in Ohio, if any + man wants it, is wrong to him not to let him have it. + </p> + <p> + In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of + Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about which + you and I differ. + </p> + <p> + In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I believe + it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had expressed the + opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. + Let me state that again: five years ago no living man had expressed the + opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. If + there is in this large audience any man who ever knew of that opinion + being put upon paper as much as five years ago, I will be obliged to him + now or at a subsequent time to show it. + </p> + <p> + If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within the + space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this question, has + got his entire party, so far as I know, without exception, in saying that + the negro has no share in the Declaration of Independence. If there be now + in all these United States one Douglas man that does not say this, I have + been unable upon any occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you said + this five years ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter that you + Kentuckians ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern public + sentiment upon that question. + </p> + <p> + Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to bring + the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, the negro + is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone are + contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already degraded the + black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers from the + condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the condition of a + brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas credit for this. That is + the largest possible stride that can be made in regard to the perpetuation + of your thing of slavery. + </p> + <p> + A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians! + </p> + <p> + Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please. + </p> + <p> + In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are trying + to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the Bible. You + are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by divine + ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, upon that + subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that slavery was—right + by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the slavery of the white + man, of men without reference to color; and he knows very well that you + may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but you will + never win any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser argument for you: + he makes the argument that the slavery of the black man; the slavery of + the man who has a skin of a different color from your own, is right. He + thereby brings to your support Northern voters who could not for a moment + be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery. Will you + give him credit for that? Will you not say that in this matter he is more + wisely for you than you are for yourselves? + </p> + <p> + Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having been + entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your behalf, he is + ready for another. + </p> + <p> + At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests between + the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but that in all + questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for the negro. He did + not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. He made it a great many + times in the canvass in Illinois last year (though I don't know that it + was reported in any of his speeches there, but he frequently made it). I + believe he repeated it at Columbus, and I should not wonder if he repeated + it here. It is, then, a deliberate way of expressing himself upon that + subject. It is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to express + himself upon that point of his case. It therefore requires deliberate + attention. + </p> + <p> + The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, you + are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever is + opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, against the + white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict + between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as much + as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I say + that there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only does + not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it positively + wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be enslaved; that + the mass of white men are really injured by the effects of slave labor in + the vicinity of the fields of their own labor. + </p> + <p> + But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more than to + say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that that fallacy + will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white men. At all + events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is for your benefit it + is made. + </p> + <p> + The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and the + crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is any + struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose that if a + crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call them, alligators) + should come across a white man, he would kill him if he could; and so he + would a negro. But what, at last, is this proposition? I believe it is a + sort of proposition in proportion, which may be stated thus: "As the negro + is to the white man, so is the crocodile to the negro; and as the negro + may rightfully treat the crocodile as a beast or reptile, so the white man + may rightfully treat the negro as a beast or a reptile." That is really + the "knip" of all that argument of his. + </p> + <p> + Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank Judge + Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any of + yourselves have done. + </p> + <p> + Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls it, + gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade whenever + you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider awhile what I + shall advance in support of that proposition. + </p> + <p> + He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the + Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for argument's + sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go there equally to + buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you point out the difference? + The man who goes into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, or any other + new Territory, with the sacred right of taking a slave there which belongs + to him, would certainly have no more right to take one there than I would, + who own no slave, but who would desire to buy one and take him there. You + will not say you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the man who does + not own a slave has an equal right to buy one and take him to the + Territory as the other does. + </p> + <p> + A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere with + the slave trade? + </p> + <p> + Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to whip + foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us. + </p> + <p> + Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. + </p> + <p> + Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but I do + not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. + </p> + <p> + I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred right in + the people, if you please, if carried to its logical conclusion gives + equally the sacred right to the people of the States or the Territories + themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy them cheapest; and if any + man can show a distinction, I should like to hear him try it. If any man + can show how the people of Kansas have a better right to slaves, because + they want them, than the people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, I + want him to do it. I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular + sovereignty" for the people to have slaves because they want them, it is + popular sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to + do so. + </p> + <p> + I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to + notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid of + that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, who + resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the laws that + prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition to such repeal + upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of the compromises of + the Constitution of the United States. Now, it would be very interesting + to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends turn, to the Constitution of + the United States and point out that compromise, to show where there is + any compromise in the Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; + express or implied, by which the administrators of that Constitution are + under any obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at + least I think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect the + African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to + which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended there is + abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of the + Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so expected, they + gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no provision in the + Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. The migration or + importation of such persons as the States shall see fit to admit shall not + be prohibited, but a certain tax might be levied upon such importation. + But what was to be done after that time? The Constitution is as silent + about that as it is silent, personally, about myself. There is absolutely + nothing in it about that subject; there is only the expectation of the + framers of the Constitution that the slave trade would be abolished at the + end of that time; and they expected it would be abolished, owing to public + sentiment, before that time; and the put that provision in, in order that + it should not be abolished before that time, for reasons which I suppose + they thought to be sound ones, but which I will not now try to enumerate + before you. + </p> + <p> + But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that time, + they expected that the spread of slavery into the new Territories should + also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that the framers of the + Constitution of the United States expected that slavery should be + prohibited from extending into the new Territories, as it is to prove that + it was expected that the slave trade should be abolished. Both these + things were expected. One was no more expected than the other, and one was + no more a compromise of the Constitution than the other. There was nothing + said in the Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into the + Territory. I grant that; but there was something very important said about + it by the same generation of men in the adoption of the old Ordinance of + '87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our neighbors in + Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and Wisconsin, are + happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That generation of men, + though not to the full extent members of the convention that framed the + Constitution, were to some extent members of that convention, holding + seats at the same time in one body and the other, so that if there was any + compromise on either of these subjects, the strong evidence is that that + compromise was in favor of the restriction of slavery from the new + Territories. + </p> + <p> + But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of those + laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the Constitution. You + Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with that. You ought not to + be! You ought to be patient! You ought to know that if he said less than + that, he would lose the power of "lugging" the Northern States to your + support. Really, what you would push him to do would take from him his + entire power to serve you. And you ought to remember how long, by + precedent, Judge Douglas holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. + You ought to remember that by the time you yourselves think you are ready + to inaugurate measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that + sufficient time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to + break through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than he + said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,—and + precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise to be + a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to touch," he + himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy it. By a mere + calculation of time it will only be four years more until he is ready to + take back his profession about the sacredness of the Compromise abolishing + the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you are ready to have his services + in that direction, by fair calculation, you may be sure of having them. + </p> + <p> + But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, that + he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of the Dred + Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; that he + declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your property into + the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the decision of the + Supreme Court of the United States. + </p> + <p> + He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He said + that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so many words: + You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never said it since. You + may hunt in every speech that he has since made, and he has never used + that expression once. He has never seemed to notice that he is stating his + views differently from what he did then; but by some sort of accident, he + has always really stated it differently. He has always since then declared + that "the Constitution does not carry slavery into the Territories of the + United States beyond the power of the people legally to control it, as + other property." Now, there is a difference in the language used upon that + former occasion and in this latter day. There may or may not be a + difference in the meaning, but it is worth while considering whether there + is not also a difference in meaning. + </p> + <p> + What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some way to + put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the line, or change + its character so that, as property, it is out of existence. But what is + the controlling of it "as other property"? Is controlling it as other + property the same thing as destroying it, or driving it away? I should + think not. I should think the controlling of it as other property would be + just about what you in Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling + of property means the controlling of it for the benefit of the owner of + it. While I have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would say + "God speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that should thus + control slave property, they would sing quite a different tune if, by the + pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to pass laws which + virtually excluded it,—and that upon a very well known principle to + all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, it cannot do by + indirection; that as the Legislature has not the power to drive slaves + out, they have no power, by indirection, by tax, or by imposing burdens in + any way on that property, to effect the same end, and that any attempt to + do so would be held by the Dred Scott court unconstitutional. + </p> + <p> + Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they can + exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to nothing + more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully drive out + that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at first that the + slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories under the Constitution + of the United States, and yet asserted that he might be lawfully driven + out. That being the proposition, it is the absurdity I have stated. He is + not willing to stand in the face of that direct, naked, and impudent + absurdity; he has, therefore, modified his language into that of being + "controlled as other property." + </p> + <p> + The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it will + go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in Illinois to + break down a court, because it had made a decision he did not like. But he + now not only swears by the court, the courts having got to working for + you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by the courts, as + unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts of unfriendly + legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in effect, destroy + property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly enough that there can + be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature to make them so + burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that law to be + unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your benefit "I swear by + the court; I give it up"; and while that is going on he has been getting + all his men to swear by the courts, and to give it up with him. In this + again he serves you faithfully, and, as I say, more wisely than you serve + yourselves. + </p> + <p> + Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact that + Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion + that this government "cannot endure permanently, half slave and half + free." He has complained of Seward for using different language, and + declaring that there is an "irrepressible conflict" between the principles + of free and slave labor. [A voice: "He says it is not original with + Seward. That it is original with Lincoln."] I will attend to that + immediately, sir. Since that time, Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the + same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman: why? There is a little + chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may + yet be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to + hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man. + </p> + <p> + But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or + unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That same idea + was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in 1856,—quite + two years before it was expressed by the first of us. And while Douglas + was pluming himself that in his conflict with my humble self, last year, + he had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as he delighted to call it, and + had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet + Seward he would have "squelched" it there also, it never occurred to him + to breathe a word against Pryor. I don't think that you can discover that + Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea there. + No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington + City and made the editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, after making + use of that expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and heretical. + From all this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion is heretical + in his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a desire that + the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by those fairly + known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall become slave. + When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise offensive to him. In + this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have Judge Douglas with you. + </p> + <p> + There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate Douglas + at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the wonderful capacity of + the man,—the power he has of doing what would seem to be impossible. + Let me call your attention to one of these apparently impossible things: + </p> + <p> + Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme + anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing their + desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That would, of itself, + have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that wonder is heightened when + we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly opposed to them, a man who + believes in the divine right of slavery, was also expressing his desire + that Douglas should be reelected; that another man that may be said to be + kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, the Vice-President, and of your own + State, was also agreeing with the anti-slavery men in the North that + Douglas ought to be re-elected. Still to heighten the wonder, a senator + from Kentucky, whom I have always loved with an affection as tender and + endearing as I have ever loved any man, who was opposed to the + anti-slavery men for reasons which seemed sufficient to him, and equally + opposed to Wise and Breckinridge, was writing letters into Illinois to + secure the reelection of Douglas. Now, that all these conflicting elements + should be brought, while at daggers' points with one another, to support + him, is a feat that is worthy for you to note and consider. It is quite + probable that each of these classes of men thought, by the re-election of + Douglas, their peculiar views would gain something: it is probable that + the anti-slavery men thought their views would gain something; that Wise + and Breckinridge thought so too, as regards their opinions; that Mr. + Crittenden thought that his views would gain something, although he was + opposed to both these other men. It is probable that each and all of them + thought that they were using Douglas; and it is yet an unsolved problem + whether he was not using them all. If he was, then it is for you to + consider whether that power to perform wonders is one for you lightly to + throw away. + </p> + <p> + There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It is + but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it + is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you may + be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the + Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend to + "stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat + you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat you + we have to beat you both together. We know that you are "all of a + feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do + it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as + deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and + resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say,—beat + you,—you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + </p> + <p> + I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, + what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly + can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave + you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution; to abide by all + and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to + the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we + have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, + Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as + good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the + difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always + that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we + claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls when + we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have the honor to inform + you that I once did have a chance in that way. + </p> + <p> + I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing + takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you + mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is + elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That is + so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is a + Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do with + your half of it? Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and push + your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside of us + outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way between + your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come + over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can + better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no obligation + whatever to return those specimens of your movable property that come + hither? You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, + as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligations to + do anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be? Will + you make war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as + gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a good + cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown + yourselves capable of this upon various occasions: but, man for man, you + are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are + of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer + in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal, it + would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will + make nothing by attempting to master us. + </p> + <p> + But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the Kentuckians + than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that whatever course + you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose to address a few + remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with them the best means of + keeping that promise that I have in good faith made. + </p> + <p> + It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of which I + will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that the + interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of '87, or + through any other act of the General Government never has made or ever can + make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make free States of Ohio, + Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free upon his "great + principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people of those several + States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, and probably here, he + undertook to compliment the people that they themselves have made the + State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance of '87 was not entitled in any + degree to divide the honor with them. I have no doubt that the people of + the State of Ohio did make her free according to their own will and + judgment, but let the facts be remembered. + </p> + <p> + In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with the + clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very nearly + unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you—speaking of you as + one people—that you did so unembarrassed by the actual presence of + the institution amongst you; that you made it a free State not with the + embarrassment upon you of already having among you many slaves, which if + they had been here, and you had sought to make a free State, you would not + know what to do with. If they had been among you, embarrassing + difficulties, most probably, would have induced you to tolerate a slave + constitution instead of a free one, as indeed these very difficulties have + constrained every people on this continent who have adopted slavery. + </p> + <p> + Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you not find + your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should be a free + State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found it so. Let us + take an illustration between the States of Ohio and Kentucky. Kentucky is + separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. A portion of Kentucky, by + reason of the course of the Ohio, is farther north than this portion of + Ohio, in which we now stand. Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; + Ohio is entirely free from it: What made that difference? Was it climate? + No. A portion of Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. Was + it soil? No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable to + slave than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side of + the line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free of + it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the range of + conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that made that + difference, other than that there was no law of any sort keeping it out of + Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of Ohio. If there is any + other reason than this, I confess that it is wholly beyond my power to + conceive of it. This, then, I offer to combat the idea that that Ordinance + has never made any State free. + </p> + <p> + I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; and + what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as between Indiana + and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One additional argument is + applicable also to Indiana. In her Territorial condition she more than + once petitioned Congress to abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least + so far as to suspend its operation for a time, in order that they should + exercise the "popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them. + The men then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the + Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the evidence + that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not for that + Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier out of the way; + that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at last in Indiana being + a free State. Tell me not then that the Ordinance of '87 had nothing to do + with making Indiana a free State, when we find some men chafing against, + and only restrained by, that barrier. + </p> + <p> + Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest Territory, + including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, was acquired + first, I believe, by the British Government, in part at least, from the + French. Before the establishment of our independence it became a part of + Virginia, enabling Virginia afterward to transfer it to the General + Government. There were French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at + the same time there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in + the tract of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these + French settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more + than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,—at Kaskaskia, + in Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in + Missouri. The number of slaves was not very great, but there was about the + same number in each place. They were there when we acquired the Territory. + There was no effort made to break up the relation of master and slave, and + even the Ordinance of 1787 was not so enforced as to destroy that slavery + in Illinois; nor did the Ordinance apply to Missouri at all. + </p> + <p> + What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois and + Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the latter + part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe sometime in 1820. + They had been filling up with American people about the same period of + time; their progress enabling them to come into the Union about the same + time. At the end of that ten years, in which they had been so preparing + (for it was about that period of time), the number of slaves in Illinois + had actually decreased; while in Missouri, beginning with very few, at the + end of that ten years there were about ten thousand. This being so, and it + being remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain extent, in + the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of Missouri and the + southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of latitude, so that + climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the other, and that in + the soil there is no material difference so far as bears upon the question + of slavery being settled upon one or the other,—there being none of + those natural causes to produce a difference in filling them, and yet + there being a broad difference to their filling up, we are led again to + inquire what was the cause of that difference. + </p> + <p> + It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep that + country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was the + Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during that ten + years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased from a few to + ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the difference? + </p> + <p> + I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge + Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national + restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is a + fallacy,—a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth + about it. + </p> + <p> + Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this same + proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have become so + upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois itself came into + the Union as a slave State, and that the people, upon the "great + principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it a free State. Allow + me but a little while to state to you what facts there are to justify him + in saying that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. + </p> + <p> + I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves there. + They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, there had been a + Territorial law for indenturing black persons. Under that law, in + violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any enforcement of the + Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been a small number of slaves + introduced as indentured persons. Owing to this, the clause for the + prohibition of slavery was slightly modified. Instead of running like + yours, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, + of which the party shall have been duly convicted, should exist in the + State, they said that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should + thereafter be introduced; and that the children of indentured servants + should be born free; and nothing was said about the few old French slaves. + Out of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified + because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and again that + Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the facts sustain + the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and impartial men to + decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, worthy of being + remembered, that that little thing, those few indentured servants being + there, was of itself sufficient to modify a constitution made by a people + ardently desiring to have a free constitution; showing the power of the + actual presence of the institution of slavery to prevent any people, + however anxious to make a free State, from making it perfectly so. + </p> + <p> + I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do. + </p> + <p> + I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I could + talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, then: + Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: If one man + chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man nor anybody else + has a right to object. Apply it to government, as he seeks to apply it, + and it is this: If, in a new Territory into which a few people are + beginning to enter for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to + either exclude slavery from their limits, or to establish it there, + however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the + infinitely greater number of persons who are afterward to inhabit that + Territory, or the other members of the family of communities of which they + are but an incipient member, or the general head of the family of States + as parent of all, however their action may affect one or the other of + these, there is no power or right to interfere. That is Douglas's popular + sovereignty applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty + in the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the + abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as he + pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern + him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a general + government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the + local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to those + matters which exclusively concern them. + </p> + <p> + Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must decide + that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to decide who shall + be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall be any of their + officers. These are vast national matters in his estimation; but the + little matter in his estimation is that of planting slavery there. That is + purely of local interest, which nobody should be allowed to say a word + about. + </p> + <p> + Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human + comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion about + the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is necessary + connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws within it + the whole of the labor of the community. They assume that nobody works + unless capital excites them to work. They begin next to consider what is + the best way. They say there are but two ways: one is to hire men, and to + allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to buy the men, and + drive them, to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed + to discuss the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off + in the condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide + that they are better off in the condition of slaves. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That there is + a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That it does exist, + and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are industrious, and + sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests should after a + while accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed to enjoy it in + peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have accumulated it, to + use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire other people to + labor for them, is right. In doing so they do not wrong the man they + employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to work upon, or + shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for others, hired + laborers, receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own + capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of capital + and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But I + insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one + eighth of the labor of the country. + </p> + <p> + [The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his ability + to become an employer, must have every precedence over him who labors + under the inducement of force. He continued:] + </p> + <p> + I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we expect + upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do so, I think + we want and must have a national policy in regard to the institution of + slavery that acknowledges and deals with that institution as being wrong. + Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the + nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to any + policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as being an + indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a + policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong: When I say this, I do + not mean to say that this General Government is charged with the duty of + redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that + it is charged with preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs + to itself. This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing + for the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and perpetuity + of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. We believe—nay, + we know—that that is the only thing that has ever threatened the + perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which has ever menaced the + destruction of the government under which we live is this very thing. To + repress this thing, we think, is, Providing for the general welfare. Our + friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make our argument for + them, but we who think it is wrong in all its relations, or in some of + them at least, must decide as to our own actions and our own course, upon + our own judgment. + </p> + <p> + I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the + States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the + general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an + efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as I + understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the + outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor + general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of + the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial + slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either + Congresses or courts. The people of these United States are the rightful + masters of both Congresses and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, + but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold + conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary custom; we + must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In all these + things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real purpose, and in + none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. If we shall adopt a + platform that fails to recognize or express our purpose, or elect a man + that declares himself inimical to our purpose, we not only take nothing by + our success, but we tacitly admit that we act upon no other principle than + a desire to have "the loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our + apparent success is really an injury to us. + </p> + <p> + I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, that + all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next Presidential + election and in all future time. I am anxious that that should be; but + there are things seriously to be considered in relation to that matter. If + the terms can be arranged, I am in favor of the union. But suppose we + shall take up some man, and put him upon one end or the other of the + ticket, who declares himself against us in regard to the prevention of the + spread of slavery, who turns up his nose and says he is tired of hearing + anything more about it, who is more against us than against the enemy, + what will be the issue? Why, he will get no slave States, after all,—he + has tried that already until being beat is the rule for him. If we + nominate him upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and not + only so, but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the + principle we really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a + single electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of Maryland. + There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate because + we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We cannot get our + men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot give the State of + Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would be flatter down than the + "Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart to wish to see us. + </p> + <p> + After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There are + plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough for me + to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will profess their + sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on the ground that + our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There are scores of them, good + men in their character for intelligence and talent and integrity. If such + a one will place himself upon the right ground, I am for his occupying one + place upon the next Republican or opposition ticket. I will heartily go + for him. But unless he does so place himself, I think it a matter of + perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis; + that if a union be made, the elements will scatter so that there can be no + success for such a ticket, nor anything like success. The good old maxims + of the Bible axe applicable, and truly applicable, to human affairs, and + in this, as in other things, we may say here that he who is not for us is + against us; he who gathereth not with us, scattereth. I should be glad to + have some of the many good and able and noble men of the South to place + themselves where we can confer upon them the high honor of an election + upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do + that thing. It would enable us to teach them that, inasmuch as we select + one of their own number to carry out our principles, we are free from the + charge that we mean more than we say. + </p> + <p> + But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to do. I + believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have stayed and + heard me with great patience, for which I return you my most sincere + thanks. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0044" id="link2H_4_0044"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS + </h2> + <h3> + TO EDWARD WALLACE. + </h3> + <p> + CLINTON, October 11, 1859 + </p> + <p> + Dr. EDWARD WALLACE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before I + left Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a letter + of yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for my tariff + views, and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter upon the subject. + I was an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times I made more speeches on + that subject than any other. + </p> + <p> + I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a + moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in as + not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles changes, and + uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is my opinion that just + now the revival of that question will not advance the cause itself, or the + man who revives it. + </p> + <p> + I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general impression + is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere long force its old + opponents to take it up; and then its old friends can join in and + establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, the Old Whigs, have + been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, and we shall not be able + to re-establish the policy until the absence of it shall have demonstrated + the necessity for it in the minds of men heretofore opposed to it. With + this view, I should prefer to not now write a public letter on the + subject. I therefore wish this to be considered confidential. I shall be + very glad to receive a letter from you. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0045" id="link2H_4_0045"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON MORTGAGES + </h2> + <h3> + TO W. DUNGY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859. + </p> + <p> + WM. DUNGY, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given + to secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if the + mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one assigned + will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the assigned note + may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. There is redemption + on execution sales from the United States Court just as from any other + court. + </p> + <p> + You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the suit, + and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. Write again. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0046" id="link2H_4_0046"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, + </h2> + <h3> + DECEMBER, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + ............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly fear + the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the + Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own statement + of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, you "won't stand + it." You will break up the Union. If we shall constitutionally elect a + President, it will be our duty to see that you submit. Old John Brown has + been executed for treason against a State. We cannot object, even though + he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, + bloodshed and treason. It could avail him nothing that he might think + himself right. So, if we constitutionally elect a President, and therefore + you undertake to destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you + as old John Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty. We + hope and believe that in no section will a majority so act as to render + such extreme measures necessary. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0047" id="link2H_4_0047"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859 + </h3> + <p> + MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN. + </p> + <p> + GENT.:—Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure + to be able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any of the + rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of being + misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from doing justice + to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him by the use of nay + name in connection with alleged wrongs to me. + </p> + <p> + In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty of any + unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I answer + unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political allegiance to + any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, holding over, + having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He never was in any + caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. Senator, never gave me + any promises or pledges to support me, and subsequent events have greatly + tended to prove the wisdom, politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The + election of Judge Trumbull strongly tended to sustain and preserve the + position of that lion of the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the + Missouri Compromise, and left them in a position of joining with us in + forming the Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention in + 1856. + </p> + <p> + During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and still + is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr. Judd—certainly + none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman of the State Central + Committee led to my greater intercourse with him, and to my giving him a + larger share of my confidence, than with or to almost any other friend; + and I have never suspected that that confidence was, to any degree, + misplaced. + </p> + <p> + My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican party, + in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment of the + Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I deem it an + impossibility that he could have been dealing treacherously with me. He + has also, at all times, appeared equally true and faithful to the party. + In his position as chairman of the committee, I believe he did all that + any man could have done. The best of us are liable to commit errors, which + become apparent by subsequent developments; but I do not know of a single + error, even, committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted together + politically. + </p> + <p> + I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before the + receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to pronounce + them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and belief. I have + been, and still am, very anxious to take no part between the many friends, + all good and true, who are mentioned as candidates for a Republican + gubernatorial nomination; but I can not feel that my own honor is quite + clear if I remain silent when I hear any one of them assailed about + matters of which I believe I know more than his assailants. + </p> + <p> + I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in the + canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted treacherously + to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of them in whose + honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater confidence than I + have in those of Mr. Judd. + </p> + <p> + I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at + liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice requires. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0048" id="link2H_4_0048"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC. + </p> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar + one from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the + Republican members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both + requesting of me, for publication in permanent form, copies of the + political debates between Senator Douglas and myself last year, has been + received. With my grateful acknowledgments to both you and them for the + very flattering terms in which the request is communicated, I transmit you + the copies. The copies I send you are as reported and printed by the + respective friends of Senator Douglas and myself, at the time—that + is, his by his friends, and mine by mine. It would be an unwarrantable + liberty for us to change a word or a letter in his, and the changes I have + made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, and very few in number. I + wish the reprint to be precisely as the copies I send, without any comment + whatever. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0049" id="link2H_4_0049"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH + </h2> + <h3> + TO J. W. FELL, + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859. + </p> + <p> + J. W. FELL, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There is + not much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much of me. + If anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and not to go + beyond the material. If it were thought necessary to incorporate anything + from any of my speeches I suppose there would be no objection. Of course + it must not appear to have been written by myself. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + ——— + </p> + <p> + I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents were + both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families—second families, + perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a + family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others + in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, + emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or + 1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, not in + battle, but by stealth, when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest. + His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks County, + Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England family of + the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity of + Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, + Abraham, and the like. + </p> + <p> + My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he + grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is + now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home + about the time that State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with + many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. + There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever required + of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin"' to the Rule of + Three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to sojourn in + the neighborhood he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely + nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age I + did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to the + Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school since. The + little advance I now have upon this store of education I have picked up + from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + </p> + <p> + I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At + twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at + that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as a + sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war; and I was elected + a captain of volunteers, a success which gave me more pleasure than any I + have had since. I went the campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature + the same year (1832), and was beaten—the only time I ever have been + beaten by the people. The next and three succeeding biennial elections I + was elected to the Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During + this legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to + practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress. + Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, + practiced law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in + politics; and generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active + canvasses. I was losing interest in politics when the repeal of the + Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is + pretty well known. + </p> + <p> + If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I + am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on an + average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse black + hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0050" id="link2H_4_0050"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET + </h2> + <h3> + To N. B. JUDD. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859 HON. N. B. JUDD. + </p> + <p> + DEAR Sir:—I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to + not be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some + for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when I wrote the + letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. Your discomfited + assailants are most bitter against me; and they will, for revenge upon me, + lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to the Seward egg in the North, and + go far toward squeezing me out in the middle with nothing. Can you help me + a little in this matter in your end of the vineyard. I mean this to be + private. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0051" id="link2H_4_0051"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1860 + </h2> + <p> + SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK FEBRUARY 27, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:—The facts with which + I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there + anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be + any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the + inferences and observations following that presentation. + </p> + <p> + In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New York + Times, Senator Douglas said: + </p> + <p> + "Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, + understood this question just as well, and even better than we do now." + </p> + <p> + I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so + adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting-point for a + discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed by + Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: What was the understanding + those fathers had of the question mentioned? + </p> + <p> + What is the frame of Government under which we live? + </p> + <p> + The answer must be—the Constitution of the United States. That + Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which the + present Government first went into operation), and twelve subsequently + framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789. + </p> + <p> + Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the + "thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our + fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost + exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they + fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that + time. + </p> + <p> + Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, + need not now be repeated. + </p> + <p> + I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers who + framed the Government under which we live." + </p> + <p> + What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers + understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"? + </p> + <p> + It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or + anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control as + to slavery in our Federal Territories? + </p> + <p> + Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the + negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue—this + question is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood + "better than we." + </p> + <p> + Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted upon + this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it—how they + expressed that better understanding. + </p> + <p> + In 1784, three years before the Constitution—the United States then + owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other—the Congress of the + Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that + Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed the + Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. Of these, + Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the + prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing + local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The + other of the four—James McHenry voted against the prohibition, + showing that, for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it. + </p> + <p> + In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was in + session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was the + only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of + prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress of the + Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed the + Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They were + William Blount and William Few; and they both voted for the prohibition + thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from + Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the Federal + Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. This time the + prohibition became a law, being part of what is now well known as the + Ordinance of '87. + </p> + <p> + The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems not to + have been directly before the convention which framed the original + Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any + of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that + precise question. + </p> + <p> + In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act + was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of + slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported + by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the + House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages + without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches without + yeas and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this + Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the + original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S. + Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William Few, + Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, Richard + Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James Madison. + </p> + <p> + This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from + Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade + Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both their + fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the Constitution + would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. + </p> + <p> + Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then President + of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the bill; thus + completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in his + understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything + in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to + slavery in Federal territory. + </p> + <p> + No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North + Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting the + State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that which now + constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of + cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal + Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides this, + slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances, + Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not absolutely prohibit + slavery within them. But they did interfere with it—take control of + it—even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the + Territory of Mississippi: In the act of organization they prohibited the + bringing of slaves into the Territory from any place without the United + States, by fine and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act passed + both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that Congress were + three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitution. They were + John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all, probably, voted + for it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to it upon + record, if, in their understanding, any line dividing local from Federal + authority, or anything in the Constitution, properly forbade the Federal + Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. + </p> + <p> + In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our + former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; but + this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804, + Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now + constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, + was an old and comparatively large city. There were other considerable + towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly + intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, + prohibit slavery; but they did interfere with it take control of it—in + a more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. + The substance of the provision therein made in relation to slaves was: + </p> + <p> + First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from foreign + parts. + </p> + <p> + Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported into + the United States since the first day of May, 1798. + </p> + <p> + Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, and + for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine + upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. + </p> + <p> + This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which + passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham Baldwin + and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable + they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without + recording their opposition to it, if, in their understanding, it violated + either the line properly dividing local from Federal authority, or any + provision of the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were taken, + by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various phases of + the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"—Rufus King and + Charles Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted + for slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as + steadily voted against slavery prohibition, and against all compromises. + By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing + local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was + violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr. + Pinckney, by his vote, showed that in his understanding there was some + sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. + </p> + <p> + The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of + any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover. + </p> + <p> + To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two in + 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in 1819-20—there + would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, John Langdon, Roger + Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read, each twice, and Abraham + Baldwin three times. The true number of those of the "thirty-nine" whom I + have shown to have acted upon the question which, by the text, they + understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to + have acted upon it in any way. + </p> + <p> + Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who + framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their official + responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question + which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and even better than + we do now"; and twenty-one of them—a clear majority of the whole + "thirty-nine"—so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross + political impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their understanding, any + proper division between local and Federal authority, or anything in the + Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. + Thus the twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so + actions under such responsibilities speak still louder. + </p> + <p> + Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of slavery + in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they acted upon the + question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known. They may have + done so because they thought a proper division of local from Federal + authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, stood in + the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted against the + prohibition on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds of + expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can + conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional + measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote + against a measure which he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he + deems it inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the + two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their + understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or + anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as + to slavery in Federal territory. + </p> + <p> + The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered, + have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of + Federal control on slavery in the Federal Territories. But there is much + reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not + have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it + been manifested at all. + </p> + <p> + For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted + whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however + distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original + Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever + understanding may have been manifested by any of the "thirty tine" even on + any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should look into + their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the foreign slave + trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would appear + to us that on the direct question of Federal control of slavery in Federal + Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have + acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of the + most noted anti-slavery men of those times—as Dr. Franklin, + Alexander Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not one now + known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South + Carolina. + </p> + <p> + The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed the + original Constitution, twenty-one—a clear majority of the whole—certainly + understood that no proper division of local from Federal authority, nor + any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control + slavery in the Federal Territories; whilst all the rest probably had the + same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the understanding of our + fathers who framed the original Constitution; and the text affirms that + they understood the question "better than we." + </p> + <p> + But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question + manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the + original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have + already stated, the present frame of "the Government under which we live" + consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and + adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in + Federal Territories violates the Constitution, point us to the provisions + which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix + upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original + instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves + upon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be deprived + of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law"; while Senator + Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth + amendment, providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States + by the Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the + people." + </p> + <p> + Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first Congress + which sat under the Constitution—the identical Congress which passed + the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the + Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they were + the identical same individual men who, at the same session, and at the + same time within the session, had under consideration, and in progress + toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments, and this act prohibiting + slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The Constitutional + amendments were introduced before and passed after the act enforcing the + Ordinance of '87; so that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce + the Ordinance, the Constitutional amendments were also pending. + </p> + <p> + The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the framers + of the original Constitution, as before stated, were pre-eminently our + fathers who framed that part of "the Government under which we live," + which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government to control + slavery in the Federal Territories. + </p> + <p> + Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that the + two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried to + maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other? + And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with + the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those who did the two + things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether they really were + inconsistent better than we—better than he who affirms that they are + inconsistent? + </p> + <p> + It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the original + Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed the + amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who may be + fairly called "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live." + And, so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in his + whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper division of + local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I + go a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in the world + ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I might + almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present + century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper division of local + from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. To + those who now so declare, I give not only "our fathers who framed the + Government under which we live," but with them all other living men within + the century in which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall + not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them. + </p> + <p> + Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not + mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers did. + To do so would be to discard all the lights of current experience to + reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is that, if we would + supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we should do + so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even their + great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most + surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the + question better than we. + </p> + <p> + If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of local + from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he + is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful evidence + and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead others who + have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, into the false + belief that "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live" + were of the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for + truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day sincerely + believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," + used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have led them + to understand that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or + some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control + as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he + should, at the same time, brave the responsibility of declaring that, in + his opinion, he understands their principles better than they did + themselves; and especially should he not shirk that responsibility by + asserting that they "understood the question just as well, and even better + than we do now." + </p> + <p> + But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the + Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and + even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they acted + upon it. This is all Republicans ask—all Republicans desire—in + relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again + marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected + only because of, and so far as, its actual presence among us makes that + toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those + fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For + this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they + will be content. + </p> + <p> + And now, if they would listen—as I suppose they will not—I + would address a few words to the Southern people. + </p> + <p> + I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just + people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and justice + you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak of us + Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, + as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or + murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your + contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional + condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended + to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable + prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be admitted or permitted + to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause, and to + consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves? Bring + forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough + to hear us deny or justify. + </p> + <p> + You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden + of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that + our party has no existence in your section—gets no votes in your + section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If + it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get + votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot + escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you + are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for + we shall get votes in your section this very year. You will then begin to + discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof, does not touch the + issue. The fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your + making, and not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is + primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by, some + wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or + practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to + have started to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If + our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit + of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are + sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on + the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong your + section; and so meet us as if it were possible that something may be said + on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that + the principle which "our fathers who framed the Government under which we + live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and + again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand + your condemnation without a moment's consideration. + </p> + <p> + Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional + parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years + before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the United + States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition + of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy of + the Government upon that subject up to, and at, the very moment he penned + that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he wrote La Fayette + that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same + connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of free + States. + </p> + <p> + Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon + this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or + in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast + the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon + you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we + commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right + application of it. + </p> + <p> + But you say you are conservative—eminently conservative—while + we are revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is + conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a new and + untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point + in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed the Government + under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, and scout, and + spit upon that old policy and insist upon substituting something new. + True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. + You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in + rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are + for reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave code + for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to + prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in the + Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" + that "if one man would enslave another, no third man should object," + fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; but never a man among you in + favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according + to the practice of "our fathers who framed the Government under which we + live." Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an + advocate in the century within which our Government originated. Consider, + then, whether your claim of conservatism for yourselves, and your charge + of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear and stable + foundations. + </p> + <p> + Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it + formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny + that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy + of the fathers. We resisted and still resist your innovation; and thence + comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that question + reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has + been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace + of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times. + </p> + <p> + You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; + and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John Brown was no + Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his + Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that + matter you know it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are + inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do + not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for + persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the + proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not + know to be true is simply malicious slander. + </p> + <p> + Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the + Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and + declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We + know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held + to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under which we live. + You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it occurred, + some important State elections were near at hand, and you were in evident + glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you could get an + advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and your + expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew that, as + to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not much + inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and + declarations are accompanied with a continued protest against any + interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. + Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common + with "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," declare + our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us declare + even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know + there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally + know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. In your + political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the other with + sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to the charge, + defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder + among the slaves. + </p> + <p> + Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the + Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton insurrection, + twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times as many lives were + lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your very elastic + fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by Black + Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United States, I do + not think a general or even a very extensive slave insurrection is + possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained. The + slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can incendiary freemen, + black or white, supply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in + parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied the indispensable + connecting trains. + </p> + <p> + Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their + masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for an + uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty individuals + before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite master or + mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave revolution in + Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar + circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, though not connected + with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only about twenty were + admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a + friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted the + calamity. Occasional poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy + assassinations in the field, and local revolts, extending to a score or + so, will continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no + general insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for + a long time. Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will be + alike disappointed. + </p> + <p> + In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in + our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably, + and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and + their places be, pari passu, filled up by free white laborers. If, on the + contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the + prospect held up." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of + emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as + to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding States only. + The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of + restraining the extension of the institution—the power to insure + that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is + now free from slavery. + </p> + <p> + John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was + an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the + slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, + with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That + affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts related in + history at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods + over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by + Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little + else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John + Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the + same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and on + New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of the two + things. + </p> + <p> + And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John Brown, + Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human + action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be changed. + There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which + cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot destroy that + judgment and feeling—that sentiment—by breaking up the + political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter + and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your + heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the + sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, + into some other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would + the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? + </p> + <p> + But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your + constitutional rights. + </p> + <p> + That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not + fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to + deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But we + are proposing no such thing. + </p> + <p> + When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-understood + allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into + the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such + right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is + literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such + a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. + </p> + <p> + Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the + Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution + as you please on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule + or ruin, in all events. + </p> + <p> + This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme + Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor. Not + quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and + decision, the court have decided the question for you in a sort of way. + The court have substantially said it is your constitutional right to take + slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. + When I say, the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made in + a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite + agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so made + as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, + and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact—the + statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is + distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." + </p> + <p> + An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in + a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in mind, + the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is + impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity + that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there—"distinctly," + that is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words + meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of no + other meaning. + </p> + <p> + If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is + affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to + show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the + Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with + language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in + that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and + wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is + spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," as a debt payable in + service or labor. Also, it would be open to show, by contemporaneous + history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of + speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution + the idea that there could be property in man. + </p> + <p> + To show all this, is easy and certain. + </p> + <p> + When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice, + is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken + statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + </p> + <p> + And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed the + Government under which we live",—the men who made the Constitution—decided + this same constitutional question in our favor, long ago; decided it + without division among themselves, when making the decision, without + division among themselves about the meaning of it after it was made, and, + so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any mistaken + statement of facts. + </p> + <p> + Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to + break up this Government unless such a court decision as yours is shall be + at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political action? + But you will not abide the election of a Republican President! In that + supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you say, + the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A + highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "stand + and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a murderer!" + </p> + <p> + To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I had + a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my + own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of + destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distinguished + in principle. + </p> + <p> + A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all parts + of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one with + another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much + provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though + the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly + consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of + our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the + subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we + can, what will satisfy them. + </p> + <p> + Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered + to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against + us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections + are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing + to do with invasions and, insurrections? We know it will not. We so know + because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and + insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the + charge and the denunciation. + </p> + <p> + The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not only + let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them + alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so + trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but + with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly + protested our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to + convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they + have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + </p> + <p> + These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will + convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join + them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly—done in + acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated—we must + place ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition law + must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is + wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits; or in private. We + must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must + pull down our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be + disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will + cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us. + </p> + <p> + I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most + of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and say + what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone have never + disturbed them—so that after all it is what we say which + dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we + cease saying. + </p> + <p> + I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the overthrow of + our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong of + slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; + and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow + of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to resist the + demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that they do not demand the whole + of this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they + can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as they + do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot + cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal right and a + social blessing. + </p> + <p> + Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction + that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and + constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and + swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality its + universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension—its + enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant if we thought slavery + right; all we ask they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. + Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact upon + which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, they + are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being right; but + thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we cast our votes + with their view, and against our own? In view of our moral, social, and + political responsibilities, can we do this? Wrong as we think slavery is, + we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to + the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, + while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the national + Territories, and to overrun us here in these free States? If our sense of + duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and + effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances + wherewith we are so industriously plied and belabored-contrivances such as + groping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as + the search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead + man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a question about which all true + men do care—such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield + to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule, and calling, not the sinners, + but the righteous to repentance—such as invocations to Washington, + imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did. + </p> + <p> + Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, + nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government nor of + dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, AND IN + THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0052" id="link2H_4_0052"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860 + </h2> + <p> + MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:—If the Republican + party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to its + keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the affairs of + national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may come up, + whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration of the + Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will then be + compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question which now + assumes an overwhelming importance—the question of slavery. It is + true that in the organization of the Republican party this question of + slavery was more important than any other: indeed, so much more important + has it become that no more national question can even get a hearing just + at present. The old question of tariff—a matter that will remain one + of the chief affairs of national house-keeping to all time; the question + of the management of financial affairs; the question of the disposition of + the public domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it + well settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? + these will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, and + these questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has the + control of the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even obtain a + hearing, and I do not propose to detain you upon these topics or what sort + of hearing they should have when opportunity shall come. + </p> + <p> + For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, the + all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us—and by + that I mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American + people, here and elsewhere—all of us wish this question settled, + wish it out of the way. It stands in the way, and prevents the adjustment, + and the giving of necessary attention to other questions of national + house-keeping. The people of the whole nation agree that this question + ought to be settled, and yet it is not settled. And the reason is that + they are not yet agreed how it shall be settled. All wish it done, but + some wish one way and some another, and some a third, or fourth, or fifth; + different bodies are pulling in different directions, and none of them, + having a decided majority, are able to accomplish the common object. + </p> + <p> + In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with the + avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and forever put + an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again declared that + under this policy, when once successfully established, the country would + be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under the operation of that + policy this agitation has not only not ceased, but it has been constantly + augmented. And this too, although, from the day of its introduction, its + friends, who promised that it would wholly end all agitation, constantly + insisted, down to the time that the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that it + was working admirably, and that its inevitable tendency was to remove the + question forever from the politics of the country. Can you call to mind + any Democratic speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, + down to the time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not predicted that + the slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the abolition excitement + was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," "they have made the most + they can out of this question and it is now forever settled"? But since + the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my experience, has ever pretended + that he could see the end. That cry has been dropped. They themselves do + not pretend, now, that the agitation of this subject has come to an end + yet. + </p> + <p> + The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we + cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether we + will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot avoid + considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live without eating. + It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as much and closely as the + natural wants attach to our natural bodies. Now I think it important that + this matter should be taken up in earnest, and really settled: And one way + to bring about a true settlement of the question is to understand its true + magnitude. + </p> + <p> + There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it has + been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks out + afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our fathers hoped, + by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay settled. Then the + compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and final settlement of the + question. The two great parties, each in national convention, adopted + resolutions declaring that the settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 + was a finality that it would last forever. Yet how long before it was + unsettled again? It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged + more furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since. + </p> + <p> + These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There must be + some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which they were + designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, that inadequacy, + is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences. + </p> + <p> + I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our best + and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this question. + They have constantly brought forward small cures for great sores—plasters + too small to cover the wound. That is one reason that all settlements have + proved temporary—so evanescent. + </p> + <p> + Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, in + round numbers—not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,—about + one sixth of the whole population of the United States are slaves. The + owners of these slaves consider them property. The effect upon the minds + of the owners is that of property, and nothing else it induces them to + insist upon all that will favorably affect its value as property, to + demand laws and institutions and a public policy that shall increase and + secure its value, and make it durable, lasting, and universal. The effect + on the minds of the owners is to persuade them that there is no wrong in + it. The slaveholder does not like to be considered a mean fellow for + holding that species of property, and hence, he has to struggle within + himself and sets about arguing himself into the belief that slavery is + right. The property influences his mind. The dissenting minister who + argued some theological point with one of the established church was + always met with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and + pointed him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see it + so." Then he showed him a single word—"Can you see that?" "Yes, I + see it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word and + asked, "Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this species of + property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to say, but if they + do, they see it as it is through two thousand millions of dollars, and + that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it is that they do not see it as + we see it. Certain it is that this two thousand millions of dollars, + invested in this species of property, all so concentrated that the mind + can grasp it at once—this immense pecuniary interest—has its + influence upon their minds. + </p> + <p> + But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and we + see it through no such medium. + </p> + <p> + To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, not + property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in the + Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. I say we + think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to the slaves as + well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put forward to batter + down that idea are also calculated to break down the very idea of a free + government, even for white men, and to undermine the very foundations of + free society. We think slavery a great moral wrong, and, while we do not + claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a + wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that a + respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God + that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will + properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white + men—in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political + evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence makes it + necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to be treated as a + wrong. + </p> + <p> + Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the idea + that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce that + irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly abused for + mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict. + </p> + <p> + Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the + perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our + adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to the + Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. Now we + claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them this one + proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except slavery? Did + any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men must agree that this + thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity of the Union. But if it was + threatened by any other influence, would not all men say that the best + thing that could be done, if we could not or ought not to destroy it, + would be at least to keep it from growing any larger? Can any man believe, + that the way to save the Union is to extend and increase the only thing + that threatens the Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and bigger? + </p> + <p> + Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some + philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some philosophical + opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there are but two + policies in regard to slavery that can be at all maintained. The first, + based on the property view that slavery is right, conforms to that idea + throughout, and demands that we shall do everything for it that we ought + to do if it were right. We must sweep away all opposition, for opposition + to the right is wrong; we must agree that slavery is right, and we must + adopt the idea that property has persuaded the owner to believe that + slavery is morally right and socially elevating. This gives a + philosophical basis for a permanent policy of encouragement. + </p> + <p> + The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is wrong, + and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it is wrong. + Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap down to be + misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to attack it where it + exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a government anew, in view + of the actual presence of slavery we should find it necessary to frame + just such a government as our fathers did—giving to the slaveholder + the entire control where the system was established, while we possessed + the power to restrain it from going outside those limits. From the + necessities of the case we should be compelled to form just such a + government as our blessed fathers gave us; and, surely, if they have so + made it, that adds another reason why we should let slavery alone where it + exists. + </p> + <p> + If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I might + seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake in bed with + my children, that would be another question. I might hurt the children + more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much more if I found it in + bed with my neighbor's children, and I had bound myself by a solemn + compact not to meddle with his children under any circumstances, it would + become me to let that particular mode of getting rid of the gentleman + alone. But if there was a bed newly made up, to which the children were to + be taken, and it was proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them + there with them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I + ought to decide! + </p> + <p> + That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to which + our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say whether they + shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does not seem as if there + could be much hesitation what our policy should be! + </p> + <p> + Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is wrong, and + a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an effort has been made + for a policy that shall treat it as neither right nor wrong. It is based + upon utter indifference. Its leading advocate [Douglas] has said, "I don't + care whether it be voted up or down." "It is merely a matter of dollars + and cents." "The Almighty has drawn a line across this continent, on one + side of which all soil must forever be cultivated by slave labor, and on + the other by free." "When the struggle is between the white man and the + negro, I am for the white man; when it is between the negro and the + crocodile, I am for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It holds + that it makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become free + or slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned + cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the plausible + sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty." + </p> + <p> + This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of the + question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the permanent + policy of the country, for it is based on a public indifference. There is + nobody that "don't care." All the people do care one way or the other! I + do not charge that its author, when he says he "don't care," states his + individual opinion; he only expresses his policy for the government. I + understand that he has never said as an individual whether he thought + slavery right or wrong—and he is the only man in the nation that has + not! Now such a policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as + necessary to the political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly + baseless: the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no + durability or permanence. + </p> + <p> + But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public opinion + that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in public opinion; + the public mind must be so far debauched as to square with this policy of + caring not at all. The people must come to consider this as "merely a + question of dollars and cents," and to believe that in some places the + Almighty has made slavery necessarily eternal. This policy can be brought + to prevail if the people can be brought round to say honestly, "We don't + care"; if not, it can never be maintained. It is for you to say whether + that can be done. + </p> + <p> + You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a long + stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Do you + know of any Democrat, of either branch of the party—do you know one + who declares that he believes that the Declaration of Independence has any + application to the negro? Judge Taney declares that it has not, and Judge + Douglas even vilifies me personally and scolds me roundly for saying that + the Declaration applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a + Democrat here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the negro? + Do any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps fifty + audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such + Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him + right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not one of + these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I venture to + defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered the belief that + the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the repeal of the + Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all thought negroes were + men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes were included. But the + whole Democratic party has deliberately taken negroes from the class of + men and put them in the class of brutes. Turn it as you will it is simply + the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, in saying that the people cannot be + brought to this new doctrine, but note that long stride. One more as long + completes the journey from where negroes are estimated as men to where + they are estimated as mere brutes—as rightful property! + </p> + <p> + That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., which + I know came from the same source as this policy—that saying marks + another step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that statement. "In the + struggle between the white man and the negro" assumes that there is a + struggle, in which either the white man must enslave the negro or the + negro must enslave the white. There is no such struggle! It is merely the + ingenious falsehood to degrade and brutalize the negro. Let each let the + other alone, and there is no struggle about it. If it was like two wrecked + seamen on a narrow plank, when each must push the other off or drown + himself, I would push the negro off or a white man either, but it is not; + the plank is large enough for both. This good earth is plenty broad enough + for white man and negro both, and there is no need of either pushing the + other off. + </p> + <p> + So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the crocodile," + etc., is made up from the idea that down where the crocodile inhabits, a + white man can't labor; it must be nothing else but crocodile or negro; if + the negro does not the crocodile must possess the earth; in that case he + declares for the negro. The meaning of the whole is just this: As a white + man is to a negro, so is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may + rightfully treat the crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the + negro. This very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he + deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still further + brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point of utter + indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. When that time + shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I refer may prevail. But + I hope the good freemen of this country will never allow it to come, and + until then the policy can never be maintained. + </p> + <p> + Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to care + whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in the + Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think what they + please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not the people of the + Territories detailed from the States? If this feeling of indifference this + absence of moral sense about the question prevails in the States, will it + not be carried into the Territories? Will not every man say, "I don't + care, it is nothing to me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, must they + not say, "I don't care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted + down"? It results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery. + Even if fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to nationalize + slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only two roads to + the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and almost as + short as the other. + </p> + <p> + What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think + slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed to it, + but yet act with the Democratic party—where are they? Let us apply a + few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you denounce all + attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that you think wrong that + you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why are you so careful, so + tender, of this one wrong and no other? You will not let us do a single + thing as if it was wrong; there is no place where you will even allow it + to be called wrong! We must not call it wrong in the free States, because + it is not there, and we must not call it wrong in the slave States, + because it is there; we must not call it wrong in politics because that is + bringing morality into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the + pulpit because that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring + it into the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such + unsuitable places—and there is no single place, according to you, + where this wrong thing can properly be called wrong! + </p> + <p> + Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should + themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish them + success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the + emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried to + get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party contested + the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and when the news + came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was taking hold of + this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing that you say can + properly be done to remove this wrong—did you bow your heads in + sorrow because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know one single + Democrat that showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On the contrary + every man threw up his hat, and hallooed at the top of his lungs, "Hooray + for Democracy!" + </p> + <p> + Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question of + slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no other. It + is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this Government under + which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so framed it and + everything about it as to square with the idea that it was wrong, so far + as the necessities arising from its existence permitted. In forming the + Constitution they found the slave trade existing, capital invested in it, + fields depending upon it for labor, and the whole system resting upon the + importation of slave labor. They therefore did not prohibit the slave + trade at once, but they gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years. + Why was this? What other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would + they have done this if they had not thought slavery wrong? + </p> + <p> + Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the + Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the first + Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the framers were + members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into Territories. Thus the + same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut off the supply and + prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts show conclusively that + they considered that the thing was wrong. + </p> + <p> + If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of the + Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of government, + to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations yet to come, they + use language as short and direct and plain as can be found, to express + their meaning In all matters but this of slavery the framers of the + Constitution used the very clearest, shortest, and most direct language. + But the Constitution alludes to slavery three times without mentioning it + once The language used becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and mystical. They + speak of the "immigration of persons," and mean the importation of slaves, + but do not say so. In establishing a basis of representation they say "all + other persons," when they mean to say slaves—why did they not use + the shortest phrase? In providing for the return of fugitives they say + "persons held to service or labor." If they had said slaves it would have + been plainer, and less liable to misconstruction. Why did n't they do it? + We cannot doubt that it was done on purpose. Only one reason is possible, + and that is supplied us by one of the framers of the Constitution—and + it is not possible for man to conceive of any other—they expected + and desired that the system would come to an end, and meant that when it + did, the Constitution should not show that there ever had been a slave in + this good free country of ours. + </p> + <p> + I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching triumph of + the Republicans in the bearing of their political adversaries. A great + deal of their war with us nowadays is mere bushwhacking. At the battle of + Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had charged again and again upon the + unbroken squares of British infantry, at last they were giving up the + attempt, and going off in disorder, when some of the officers in mere + vexation and complete despair fired their pistols at those solid squares. + The Democrats are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing else. + I will take up a few of these arguments. + </p> + <p> + There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for that + saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has been thrust + under their noses again and again that almost every good man since the + formation of our Government has uttered that same sentiment, from General + Washington, who "trusted that we should yet have a confederacy of free + States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down to the latest days, yet they + refuse to notice that at all, and persist in railing at Seward for saying + it. Even Roger A. Pryor, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered the same + sentiment in almost the same language, and yet so little offence did it + give the Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the States—the + Douglas organ there—while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and spasms + of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call + bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can see + through. + </p> + <p> + Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the South; + John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a Republican! You + have never implicated a single Republican in that Harper's Ferry + enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the Republican party is + guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do know + it, you are inexcusable not to designate the man and prove the fact. If + you do not know it, you are inexcusable to assert it, and especially to + persist in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the + proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not + know to be true is simply malicious slander. Some of you admit that no + Republican designedly aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but + still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such + results. We do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and make + no declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who framed + the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how declarations + that were patriotic when they made them are villainous when we make them. + You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that affair—and I will + say frankly that I know of nothing in your character that should lead us + to suppose that you would. You had just been soundly thrashed in elections + in several States, and others were soon to come. You rejoiced at the + occasion, and only were troubled that there were not three times as many + killed in the affair. You were in evident glee; there was no sorrow for + the killed nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you were rejoicing + that by charging Republicans with this thing you might get an advantage of + us in New York, and the other States. You pulled that string as tightly as + you could, but your very generous and worthy expectations were not quite + fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the charge was a slander as to + himself at least, and was not inclined by it to cast his vote in your + favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had nothing else to do. You + are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you think you can slander a + woman into loving you or a man into voting for you, try it till you are + satisfied! + </p> + <p> + Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it + understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am merely + going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at the outset, I + am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New England under which + laborers can strike when they want to, where they are not obliged to work + under all circumstances, and are not tied down and obliged to labor + whether you pay them or not! I like the system which lets a man quit when + he wants to, and wish it might prevail everywhere. One of the reasons why + I am opposed to slavery is just here. What is the true condition of the + laborer? I take it that it is best for all to leave each man free to + acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe + in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than + good. So, while we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to + allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else. + When one starts poor, as most do in the race of life, free society is such + that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there is no fixed + condition of labor for his whole life. I am not ashamed to confess that + twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, mauling rails, at work on a + flatboat—just what might happen to any poor man's son! I want every + man to have a chance—and I believe a Black man is entitled to it—in + which he can better his condition; when he may look forward and hope to be + a hired laborer this year and the next, work for himself afterward, and + finally to hire men to work for him! That is the system. Up here in New + England, you have a soil that scarcely sprouts black-eyed beans, and yet + where will you find wealthy men so wealthy, and poverty so rarely in + extremity? There is not another such place on earth! I desire that if you + get too thick here, and find it hard to better your condition on this + soil, you may have a chance to strike and go somewhere else, where you may + not be degraded, nor have your families corrupted, by forced rivalry with + negro slaves. I want you to have a clean bed and no snakes in it! Then you + can better your condition, and so it may go on and on in one endless round + so long as man exists on the face of the earth! + </p> + <p> + Now, to come back to this shoe strike,—if, as the senator from + Illinois asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, consider + briefly how you will meet the difficulty. You have done nothing, and have + protested that you have done nothing, to injure the South. And yet, to get + back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing something which you are now + doing. What is it? You must stop thinking slavery wrong! Let your + institutions be wholly changed; let your State constitutions be subverted; + glorify slavery, and so you will get back the shoe trade—for what? + You have brought owned labor with it, to compete with your own labor, to + underwork you, and to degrade you! Are you ready to get back the trade on + those terms? + </p> + <p> + But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; orders + were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes into the + Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the Union has actually + begun! but orders are the same. Your factories have not struck work, + neither those where they make anything for coats, nor for pants nor for + shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. Mason has not reached the + manufacturers who ought to have made him a coat and pants! To make his + proof good for anything he should have come into the Senate barefoot! + </p> + <p> + Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a good + many people who are very much concerned about the loss of Southern trade. + Now either these people are sincere or they are not. I will speculate a + little about that. If they are sincere, and are moved by any real danger + of the loss of Southern trade, they will simply get their names on the + white list, and then, instead of persuading Republicans to do likewise, + they will be glad to keep you away! Don't you see that they cut off + competition? They would not be whispering around to Republicans to come in + and share the profits with them. But if they are not sincere, and are + merely trying to fool Republicans out of their votes, they will grow very + anxious about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are going to + get broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic votes, oh, no, + no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom you meet: I leave + it to you to determine from the facts. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. You say +we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden of proof +is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that our party +has no existence in your section—gets no votes in your section. The fact +is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If it does, then in +case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in your +section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this +conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will +probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get +votes in your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in +your section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be +fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until +you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we + ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started—to a +discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, put +in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or for any +other object, then our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are +justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of +whether our principle put in practice would wrong your section; and so +meet it as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do +you accept the challenge? No? Then you really believe that the principle +which our fathers who framed the Government under which we live thought so +clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their +official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation +without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in our +faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington in his +Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington gave that +warning, he had, as President of the United States, approved and signed an +act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern +Territory, which act embodied the policy of government upon that subject, +up to and at the very moment he penned that warning; and about one year +after he penned it he wrote La Fayette that he considered that prohibition +a wise measure, expressing in the same connection his hope that we should +sometime have a confederacy of free States. +</pre> + <p> + Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon + this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or + in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast + the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon + you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we + commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right + application of it. + </p> + <p> + But you say you are conservative—eminently conservative—while + we are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is + conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new + and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the + point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who framed the + Government under which we live; while you with one accord reject and scout + and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting something new. + </p> + <p> + True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. + You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but you are + unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some + of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a congressional + slave code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the + Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining + slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat + pur-rinciple" that if one man would enslave another, no third man should + object—fantastically called "popular sovereignty." But never a man + among you in favor of prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, + according to the practice of our fathers who framed the Government under + which we live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or + an advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And yet + you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative." + </p> + <p> + It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy shall + be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us Republicans do our + part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through + passion and ill-temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much + as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them + if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all + they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy with + us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + </p> + <p> + Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered + to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against + us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections + are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, in the future, if we have nothing + to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not. We so know + because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and + insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the + charge and the denunciation. + </p> + <p> + The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not only + let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them + alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so + trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our organization, but + with no success. In all our platforms and speeches, we have constantly + protested our purpose to let them alone; but this had no tendency to + convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they + have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + </p> + <p> + These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will + convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join + them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly—done in + acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated—we must + place ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law must be + enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, + whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private. We must + arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull + down our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be + disinfected of all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease + to believe that all their troubles proceed from us. So long as we call + slavery wrong, whenever a slave runs away they will overlook the obvious + fact that he ran away because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen + off. Whenever a master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under + it, he will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because + they are hurt, and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally + abolitionist. + </p> + <p> + I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this way. + Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, + and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone—have + never disturbed them—so that, after all, it is what we say which + dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we + cease saying. + </p> + <p> + I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the overthrow + of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong + of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; + and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow + of these constitutions will be demanded. It is nothing to the contrary + that they do not demand the whole of this just now. Demanding what they + do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of + this consummation. Holding as they do that slavery is morally right, and + socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national + recognition of it, as a legal right, and a social blessing. + </p> + <p> + Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction + that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and + constitutions against it are themselves wrong and should be silenced and + swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality—its + universality: if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension—its + enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant, if we thought slavery + right; all we ask, they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. + Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact on + which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right as they do, they + are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being right; but, + thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we cast our votes + with their view, and against our own? In view of our moral, social, and + political responsibilities, can we do this? + </p> + <p> + Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it + is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual + presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow + it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in + these free States? + </p> + <p> + If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, + fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those + sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and + belabored—contrivances such as groping for some middle ground + between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who would be + neither a living man nor a dead man—such as a policy of "don't care" + on a question about which all free men do care—such as Union appeals + beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine + rule, and caning, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance—such + as invocations of Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington did. + </p> + <p> + Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, + nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government, nor of + dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might; and in + that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it. + </p> + <p> + [As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the wildest + scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven for years. + The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our space to-day to a + very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. Abraham Lincoln, of + Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0053" id="link2H_4_0053"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + </h2> + <h3> + TO —————— March 16, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring + on the money basis—first, because in the main it is wrong; and + secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. + </p> + <p> + I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects in + a political contest, the use of some is both right and indispensable. With + me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been one of great pecuniary + loss. + </p> + <p> + I now distinctly say this—if you shall be appointed a delegate to + Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the + trip. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0054" id="link2H_4_0054"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. W. SOMERS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of + February 26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you had + better settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in fair + practice there will take you into partnership. If you had not that + difficulty, I still should think it an even balance whether you would not + better remain in Chicago, with such a chance for copartnership. + </p> + <p> + If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or Atchison. + Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing places. + </p> + <p> + I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest + interest for your welfare. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0055" id="link2H_4_0055"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A POLITICAL SPEECH + </h2> + <h3> + TO C. F. McNEIL. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860 + </p> + <p> + C. F. MCNEIL, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, + inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I ever + charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this much is true: + Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some sort of speech in + Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn—two hundred dollars being offered + in the first letter. I wrote that I could do it in February, provided they + would take a political speech if I could find time to get up no other. + They agreed; and subsequently I informed them the speech would have to be + a political one. When I reached New York, I for the first time learned + that the place was changed to "Cooper Institute." I made the speech, and + left for New Hampshire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for + pay nor having any offered me. Three days after a check for two hundred + dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; and I took it, and did not know + it was wrong. My understanding now is—though I knew nothing of it at + the time—that they did charge for admittance to the Cooper + Institute, and that they took in more than twice two hundred dollars. + </p> + <p> + I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no explanation + made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a fuss, and that + they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it if we don't. + </p> + <p> + When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the + gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club, + having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the + exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by The + Press of your town. + </p> + <p> + My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial and + no explanation. + </p> + <p> + Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0056" id="link2H_4_0056"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. TAYLOR. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that + you have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered all I + ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from the East. + </p> + <p> + Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are quite + conflicting—some very confident he will, and others that he will not + be. I think his nomination possible, but that the chances are against him. + </p> + <p> + I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to Chicago. + Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we wish you to + notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, how many, and + when you will arrive. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0057" id="link2H_4_0057"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION + </h2> + <h3> + AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860. + </h3> + <p> + I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0058" id="link2H_4_0058"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM + </h2> + <h3> + LINCOLN OF HIS NOMINATION, + </h3> + <p> + MAY 19, 1860. + </p> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:—I tender to you, and + through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people + represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, which + you now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible of the great + responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor—a + responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the + far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names + were before the convention—I shall, by your leave, consider more + fully the resolutions of the convention, denominated their platform, and + without any unnecessary or unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. + Chairman, in writing—not doubting that the platform will be found + satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. + </p> + <p> + And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of + you, by the hand. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0059" id="link2H_4_0059"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT + </h2> + <h3> + OF THE UNITED STATES + </h3> + <p> + TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS. + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, President of Republican National Convention. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over + which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of + yourself and others, acting as a committee of the convention for that + purpose. + </p> + <p> + The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter + meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or disregard it + in any part. + </p> + <p> + Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the + views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the + rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation, to the + inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and + prosperity of all—I am most happy to co-operate for the practical + success of the principles declared by the convention. + </p> + <p> + Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0060" id="link2H_4_0060"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + To C. B. SMITH. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HON. C. B. SMITH. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no time + until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much indebted to + Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you personally. Your + saying, you no longer consider it a doubtful State is very gratifying. The + thing starts well everywhere—too well, I almost fear, to last. But + we are in, and stick or go through must be the word. + </p> + <p> + Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0061" id="link2H_4_0061"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, + </h2> + <p> + WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS + OF LETTERS IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. + </p> + <p> + (Doctrine.) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, ———, 1860 + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to + obtain his opinions on certain political points, has been received by him. + He has received others of a similar character, but he also has a greater + number of the exactly opposite character. The latter class beseech him to + write nothing whatever upon any point of political doctrine. They say his + positions were well known when he was nominated, and that he must not now + embarrass the canvass by undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets + that he cannot oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do + so. + </p> + <p> + Yours, etc., + </p> + <p> + JNO. J. NICOLAY. <a name="link2H_4_0062" id="link2H_4_0062"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, MAY 26, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have several letters from you written since the + nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of + answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by our + friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far as I can + learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they get no + back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope you will + write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't make your + letters so short as mine. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0063" id="link2H_4_0063"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO S. HAYCRAFT. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its + origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party organization, + nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope I neither am or + ever have been less devoted to the Union than yourself or any other + patriotic man. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0064" id="link2H_4_0064"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" + </h2> + <h3> + TO G. ASHMUN. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—It seems as if the question whether my first name is + "Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if the + letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think fit, have + my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment + about this. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0065" id="link2H_4_0065"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY + </h2> + <h3> + TO S. GALLOWAY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. + Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I have + scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public + announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some + strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated publishing a + biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their + own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the same + time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard, + their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized nothing—would + be responsible for nothing. How they could so misunderstand me, passes + comprehension. As a matter wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, + without time and opportunity [sic] to carefully examine and consider every + word of it and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such + time and Opportunity [sic]. But, in my present position, when, by the + lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I can + neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send forth, + by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make + points upon without end? Were I to do so, the convention would have a + right to re-assemble and substitute another name for mine. + </p> + <p> + For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets—I am + determined to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw the + proof sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication. + </p> + <p> + Now, do not mistake me—I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., + & Co.—do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may + be nothing wrong in their proposed book—I sincerely hope there will + not. I barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party + account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the + party bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing—will + be responsible for nothing. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [The custom then, and it may have been a good one, was for the + Presidential candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking—or + as we have it now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his + mouth shut. Ed.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0066" id="link2H_4_0066"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. MY DEAR SIR:—It appears to me that you and I + ought to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of + introduction of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the + single term I was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no + recollection that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line + from you. + </p> + <p> + The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so far as + I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0067" id="link2H_4_0067"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. JONAS. + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HON. A. JONAS. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or + even better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing lodges; + but in point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or elsewhere. I was + never in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-Nothing lodges were + in existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had + never been there before in my life, and never afterward, till the joint + debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in 1854 when I spoke in some hall + there, and after the speaking, you, with others, took me to an + oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and parted + with me at, the Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage for + Naples before daylight in the morning, having come in by the same route + after dark the evening, previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting + at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson, + as I understood, started this same story about my having been in a + Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; I + taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested it; and + I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went to the office + of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, was told that no + stage-office for that line was kept there, and that I must see the driver + before retiring, to insure his calling for me in the morning; and a + servant was sent with me to find the driver, who, after taking me a square + or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and in my + hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the upper + part of a building, and promised to call with the stage for me at the + Quincy House. I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called + and took me. This is all. + </p> + <p> + That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect could + be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the lodges and + never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would put the matter + at rest. + </p> + <p> + And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point if + they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some degree of + offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason it must not + publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0068" id="link2H_4_0068"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN B. FRY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John + Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according + to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the + South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort + to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense + and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it + administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At least so I + hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that + of Mr. Botts. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0069" id="link2H_4_0069"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THURLOW WEED + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas is + managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men in + Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which has + badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has induced + the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, if they can + keep a few of the Northern States away from us by throwing them to + Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all this. + </p> + <p> + I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry New + York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from your State think + the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. Still, it will + require close watching and great efforts on the other side. + </p> + <p> + Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which + sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a valuable + hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track both here + and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the same as + the Hunt movement in New York—to throw States to Douglas. In our + State, we know the thing is engineered by Douglas men, and we do not + believe they can make a great deal out of it. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0070" id="link2H_4_0070"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS + </h2> + <h3> + TO HON. JOHN —————— + </h3> + <p> + (Private.) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost + exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some of + our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard me + against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC———____, I + have not heard near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and + I am slow to listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their + quarrels on either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow + bygones to be bygones, and look to the present and future only. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0071" id="link2H_4_0071"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, + in which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax that two + members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the first and sixth + districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor will not exceed six + thousand." + </p> + <p> + I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured since + that it was not so. Your secretary of state,—Mr. Smith, I think,—whom + you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; more recently, Mr. + Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of those districts, wrote a + relative here that his election was sure by at least five thousand, and + that Washburne's majority would be from 14,000 to 17,000; and still later, + Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at New York serving on a national + committee, wrote me that we were having a desperate fight in Maine, which + would end in a splendid victory for us. + </p> + <p> + Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter to + Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State + elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main + turn in November. + </p> + <p> + You must not allow it. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0072" id="link2H_4_0072"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 9, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right glad + to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. It + relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo Medill, on + August 30th, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. Hamlin saying we + were in great danger of losing two members of Congress in Maine, and that + your brother would not have exceeding six thousand majority for Governor. + I addressed you at once, at Galena, asking for your latest information. As + you are at Washington, that letter you will receive some time after the + Maine election. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0073" id="link2H_4_0073"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO W. H. HERNDON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain + that Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. + Pennsylvania 25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is safe. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0074" id="link2H_4_0074"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO L. M. BOND. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to embitter + the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such a course as + would in fact embitter their feelings you can better judge by my published + speeches than by anything I would say in a short letter if I were inclined + now, as I am not, to define my position anew. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0075" id="link2H_4_0075"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD + </h2> + <h3> + TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MISS GRACE BEDELL. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:—Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is + received. I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have + three sons—one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with their + mother constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I have never + worn any, do you not think that people would call it a piece of silly + affectation were I to begin wearing them now? + </p> + <p> + I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0076" id="link2H_4_0076"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + </h2> + <h3> + TO D. HUNTER. + </h3> + <p> + (Private and Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR DAVID HUNTER + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, + for which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer + unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have + determined in case of Republican success at the approaching Presidential + election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, south, for the + purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many + chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real + movement of this sort in the Army would leak out and become known to you. + In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which + you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of + it. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0077" id="link2H_4_0077"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as + early a day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet me at + Chicago? If you can, please name as early a day as you conveniently can, + and telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time before the day named to + communicate by mail. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0078" id="link2H_4_0078"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + </h2> + <h3> + (Private and Confidential.) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer + briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who will put + themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you do will find + no cause to complain of me. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. CELEBRATION OF LINCOLN'S ELECTION, REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS NOVEMBER 20, 1860 + </p> + <p> + FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:—Please excuse me on this occasion from + making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have thought fit + by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I rejoice with you in the + success which has thus far attended that cause. Yet in all our rejoicings + let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward any citizen + who by his vote has differed with us. Let us at all times remember that + all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and should dwell + together in the bonds of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg you to accept + my thanks, and to excuse me from further speaking at this time. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0079" id="link2H_4_0079"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. A. H. STEPHENS. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have read in the newspapers your speech recently + delivered (I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled + members. If you have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much obliged + if you will send me a copy. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0080" id="link2H_4_0080"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + </h2> + <h3> + (Private) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to + Governor Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find open for + your inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you and he see no + reason to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor Seward at once. If + you see reason to the contrary write me at once. + </p> + <p> + I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in the + Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is, + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0081" id="link2H_4_0081"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE + </h2> + <h3> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE + </h3> + <p> + (Private and Confidential.) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as possible, + any of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by + entertaining propositions for compromise of any sort on "slavery + extension." There is no possible compromise upon it but which puts us + under again, and leaves all our work to do over again. Whether it be a + Missouri line or Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let + either be done, and immediately filibustering and extending slavery + recommences. On that point hold firm, as with a chain of steel. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0082" id="link2H_4_0082"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + OPINION ON SECESSION + </h2> + <h3> + TO THURLOW WEED + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should the + convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my views + on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my speeches that + I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I probably think + either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and Eli Thayer's popular + sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by the election; that + filibustering for all south of us and making slave States of it would + follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I probably think all + opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive slave clause of the + Constitution ought to be withdrawn. + </p> + <p> + I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my speeches, + about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in any way lawfully + get out of the Union without the consent of the others; and that it is the + duty of the President and other government functionaries to run the + machine as it is. + </p> + <p> + Truly yours, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0083" id="link2H_4_0083"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH + </h2> + <h3> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE + </h3> + <p> + (Confidential) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Last night I received your letter giving an account of + your interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please + present my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall + be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or + retake the forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0084" id="link2H_4_0084"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. H. STEPHENS. + </h2> + <h3> + (For your own eye only) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, + and for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the present + peril the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on me. Do the + people of the South really entertain fear that a Republican administration + would, directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them + about the slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and + still, I hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The + South would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days + of Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think + slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and + ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the + only substantial difference between us. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0085" id="link2H_4_0085"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE + </h2> + <h3> + MEMORANDUM + </h3> + <p> + December [22?], 1860 + </p> + <p> + Resolved: That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be + enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that object, + not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but punishing all + who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to liberty, securing free men + against being surrendered as slaves. + </p> + <p> + That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in conflict + with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no opposition to the + execution of such law of Congress ought to be made. + </p> + <p> + That the Federal Union must be preserved. + </p> + <p> + Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the Senate + Committee of Thirteen. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0086" id="link2H_4_0086"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO D. HUNTER. + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR DAVID HUNTER. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. + The most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as + possible for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my judgment is + that they are to be retaken. When I shall determine definitely my time of + starting to Washington, I will notify you. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0087" id="link2H_4_0087"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO I. N. MORRIS + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. I. N. MORRIS. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Without supposing that you and I are any nearer + together, politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my sincere + thanks for your Union resolution, expressive of views upon which we never + were, and, I trust, never will be at variance. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0088" id="link2H_4_0088"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET + </h2> + <h3> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860. + </p> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New + England. I cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands + in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. + Tuck. Which of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I + decide for myself? + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0089" id="link2H_4_0089"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1861 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + (Private.) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861. + </p> + <p> + HON. W. H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours without signature was received last night. I have + been considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington somewhat + earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is not the most + dangerous point for us. Our adversaries have us now clearly at + disadvantage on the second Wednesday of February, when the votes should be + officially counted. If the two houses refuse to meet at all, or meet + without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do not think that this + counting is constitutionally essential to the election, but how are we to + proceed in the absence of it? In view of this, I think it is best for me + not to attempt appearing in Washington till the result of that ceremony is + known. + </p> + <p> + It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to be at + the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can ascertain + definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the South, and who, and + how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have no word from Mr. Gilmer in + answer to my request for an interview with him. I look for something on + the subject, through you, before long. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0090" id="link2H_4_0090"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO W. H. SEWARD. + </h2> + <h3> + (Private.) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861 + </p> + <p> + HON. W. H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer + will, on a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the + Cabinet. The preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, up to + date—he has a living position in the South, while they have not. He + is only better than Winter Davis in that he is farther south. I fear, if + we could get, we could not safely take more than one such man—that + is, not more than one who opposed us in the election—the danger + being to lose the confidence of our own friends. Your selection for the + State Department having become public, I am happy to find scarcely any + objection to it. I shall have trouble with every other Northern Cabinet + appointment—so much so that I shall have to defer them as long as + possible to avoid being teased into insanity, to make changes. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0091" id="link2H_4_0091"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO E. D. MORGAN + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + SIR:—Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the + Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to + Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and + people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude to you + and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you to notify + them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + P.S.—Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least + time possible. A. L. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0092" id="link2H_4_0092"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PATRONAGE CLAIMS + </h2> + <h3> + TO THURLOW WEED + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861 + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, + in relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense + patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to advance + the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United States Senate. + </p> + <p> + It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The + gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with + the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness toward Mr. + Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed protest that my + name must not be used in the senatorial election in favor of or against + any one. Any other representation of me is a misrepresentation. + </p> + <p> + As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise you to + learn that I have information that you claim to have my authority to + arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you have so claimed; but + still so some men say. On that subject you know all I have said to you is + "justice to all," and I have said nothing more particular to any one. I + say this to reassure you that I have not changed my position. + </p> + <p> + In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I am, + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0093" id="link2H_4_0093"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MY FRIENDS:—One who has never been placed in a like position cannot + understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at + this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived among you, and + during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your hands. + Here the most cherished ties of earth were assumed. Here my children were + born, and here one of them lies buried. To you, my friends, I owe all that + I have, all that I am. All the strange checkered past seems to crowd upon + my mind. To-day I leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than + that which devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God who + assisted him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the same + almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support me I + shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of our fathers + may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. Permit me to ask that + with equal sincerity and faith you will all invoke His wisdom and goodness + for me. + </p> + <p> + With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, one + and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0094" id="link2H_4_0094"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as you are + aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet has + expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still shining." I bid you an + affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0095" id="link2H_4_0095"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + </h2> + <h3> + INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: + </p> + <p> + Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and while I + cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more than + that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instrument, + perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a most + magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do thank you for it. You + have been pleased to address yourself to me chiefly in behalf of this + glorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty + sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one and + inseparable, my hearty consideration. While I do not expect, upon this + occasion, or until I get to Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I + will only say to the salvation of the Union there needs but one single + thing—the hearts of a people like yours. + </p> + <p> + The people—when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the + liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell + cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I shall be + placed—and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such—my + reliance will be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and + I wish you to remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and not + mine; that if the union of these States and the liberties of this people + shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of age, + but a great deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit these United + States, and to their posterity in all coming time. It is your business to + rise up and preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for me. + </p> + <p> + I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already + intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve but + for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind + that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with + office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the Union and shall + the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest generations? + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0096" id="link2H_4_0096"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:—I am here to thank you much + for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support + given by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and + just cause of the whole country and the whole world. + </p> + <p> + Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by + the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the + same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. + </p> + <p> + The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and often + with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, the meaning + of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, + not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly + deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. + </p> + <p> + What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army + into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile + intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would + be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if + the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other + property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold + the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or + all of these things be invasion or coercion? Do our professed lovers of + the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and + invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United + States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of + means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be + exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist + would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a + family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort + of "free-love" arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction. + </p> + <p> + By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak + not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, + for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State + cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary + right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all + which is larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given case, + should be equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of + principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of name + be an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful + principle, may a State, being no more than one fiftieth part of the nation + in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a + proportionably large subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What + mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, + with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not + asserting anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And + now allow me to bid you farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0097" id="link2H_4_0097"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH + </h2> + <h3> + ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF + </h3> + <p> + CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + </p> + <p> + Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:—Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of + Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people assembled + together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say that. But it is + what might reasonably have been expected—that this great city of + Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, I am + entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence of the reception which has been + given, I will not say to me, but to the President-elect of the United + States of America. Most heartily do I thank you, one and all, for it. + </p> + <p> + I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year previous + to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful manner, + but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the + Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately + beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone that result longer by + nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they could by any other + way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, + and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected. I also told + them how I expected they would be treated after they should have been + beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said upon + that subject. I then said: + </p> + <p> + "When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do + with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the + Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as + we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We + mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your + institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, + and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you so + far as degenerate men, if we have degenerated, may, according to the + example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. + </p> + <p> + "We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no + difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean + to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your + bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you + accordingly." + </p> + <p> + Fellow-citizens of Kentucky—friends and brethren, may I call you in + my new position?—I see no occasion and feel no inclination to + retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault + shall not be mine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0098" id="link2H_4_0098"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN:—I thank you and those whom you represent for the + compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far as + there is an allusion to our present national difficulties, which + expresses, as you have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I shall + have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions which the + address you have now read suggests. + </p> + <p> + I deem it my duty—a duty which I owe to my constituents—to + you, gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development + of the present national difficulties before I express myself decidedly as + to what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be false to anything + that you have expected of me. + </p> + <p> + I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of all + governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more numerous, and + as you added that those were the sentiments of the gentlemen present, + representing not only the working class, but citizens of other callings + than those of the mechanic, I am happy to concur with you in these + sentiments, not only of the native-born citizens, but also of the Germans + and foreigners from other countries. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve not + only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the condition of + mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the details of the question, + I will simply say that I am for those means which will give the greatest + good to the greatest number. + </p> + <p> + In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the + government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the wild + lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home. + </p> + <p> + In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than + other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a people + borne down by the weight of their shackles—the oppression of tyranny—to + make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens; but + rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than to add anything + that would tend to crush them. + </p> + <p> + Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries of + Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire to make + this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to throw aught in + their way to prevent them from coming to the United States. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0099" id="link2H_4_0099"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 13, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF + OHIO:—It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, + that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the + votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that + weighty responsibility. I cannot but know what you all know, that without + a name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has + fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his + Country; and so feeling, I can turn and look for that support without + which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I turn, + then, and look to the American people and to that God who has never + forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to + the policy of the new administration. In this I have received from some a + degree of credit for having kept silence, and from others some + deprecation. I still think that I was right. + </p> + <p> + In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and without + a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has seemed + fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I should + have gained a view of the whole field, being at liberty to modify and + change the course of policy as future events may make a change necessary. + </p> + <p> + I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good + thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going + wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is + nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon + political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most + consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is + time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this + people. + </p> + <p> + Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether extemporaneously, + and I will now come to a close. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0100" id="link2H_4_0100"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 14, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. + Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, nothing + shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the American people. + I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides + of the river. It is only the different understanding of that instrument + that causes difficulty. The only dispute on both sides is, "What are their + rights?" If the majority should not rule, who would be the judge? Where is + such a judge to be found? We should all be bound by the majority of the + American people; if not, then the minority must control. Would that be + right? Would it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that the + majority should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for + condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned out, and + a better man with better views put in my place. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0101" id="link2H_4_0101"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of + Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more + grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the cause + I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and that sincere + feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark that in every short + address I have made to the people, in every crowd through which I have + passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present distracted + condition of the country. It is natural to expect that I should say + something on this subject; but to touch upon it at all would involve an + elaborate discussion of a great many questions and circumstances, + requiring more time than I can at present command, and would, perhaps, + unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully developed + themselves. The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and + fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give + this subject all the consideration I possibly can before specially + deciding in regard to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly + right as possible. When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition + to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, + or which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the + peace of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me + to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the + people generally throughout the country, especially if the expectation has + been based upon anything which I may have heretofore said. Notwithstanding + the troubles across the river [the speaker pointing southwardly across the + Monongahela, and smiling], there is no crisis but an artificial one. What + is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends + over the river? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and + there is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, + there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any time + by turbulent men aided by designing politicians, My advice to them, under + such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people only + keep their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles will come to an + end, and the question which now distracts the country will be settled, + just as surely as all other difficulties of a like character which have + originated in this government have been adjusted. Let the people on both + sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared + away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as + heretofore. But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject + than I intended at the outset. + </p> + <p> + It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. + Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question + must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of national + housekeeping. It is to the government what replenishing the meal-tub is to + the family. Every varying circumstances will require frequent + modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of supply. So far + there is little difference of opinion among the people. It is as to + whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home + production in the home market, that controversy begins. One party insists + that such adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another; + while the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run + all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is a plank upon + this subject which should be a general law to the incoming administration. + We should do neither more nor less than we gave the people reason to + believe we would when they gave us their votes. Permit me, + fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago platform, or + rather have it read in your hearing by one who has younger eyes. + </p> + <p> + [Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago + platform, as follows:] + </p> + <p> + "That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government + by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these + imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interest of + the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which + secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, + to mechanics and manufacturers adequate return for their skill, labor, and + enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence." + </p> + <p> + As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of + difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured + judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some general ideas + are about all. I have long thought it would be to our advantage to produce + any necessary article at home which can be made of as good quality and + with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the difference of the + carrying from abroad. In such case the carrying is demonstrably a dead + loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true standard of value, is it + not plain that if equal labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in + England and another out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down + in a track at home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by + the carriage? If there be a present cause why one can be both made and + carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without + carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought + gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The condition of the treasury at + this time would seem to render an early revision of the tariff + indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before Congress, may + or may not become a law. I am not posted as to its particular provisions, + but if they are generally satisfactory, and the bill shall now pass, there + will be an end for the present. If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose + the whole subject will be one of the most pressing and important for the + next Congress. By the Constitution, the executive may recommend measures + which he may think proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and + it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to + affect the action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me + against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to control + the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress + should originate as well as perfect its measures without external bias. I + therefore would rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be + a member of the next Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself + thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the + tariff as shall produce a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, + so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and + classes of the people. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0102" id="link2H_4_0102"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:—We have been marching + about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers that + have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are in earnest + about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you as to suppose + that that earnestness is about me personally? I would be doing you an + injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to testify your respect + for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; and here let me say that it + is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the Union and the + Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with you alone. This fact + is strongly impressed upon my mind at present. In a community like this, + whose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the + cause of liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion + is made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics, + and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that there + is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is called, is + altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation there are + differences of opinion on politics. There are differences of opinion even + here. You did not all vote for the person who now addresses you. What is + happening now will not hurt those who are farther away from here. Have + they not all their rights now as they ever have had? Do they not have + their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the same + Constitution that they have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have they + not a position as citizens of this common country, and have we any power + to change that position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this + excitement? Why all these complaints? + </p> + <p> + As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation in + facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, therefore, be + argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of itself. + </p> + <p> + [Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words from + him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that the crowd + was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all parties, he + continued:] + </p> + <p> + This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had been + here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans should + have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his friends have + joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to save the good old ship + of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on + another voyage. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0103" id="link2H_4_0103"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 16, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:—I + am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not + personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved country. + Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his address to me, the + fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home, on my rather + circuitous route to the Federal capital. I am very happy that he was + enabled in truth to congratulate myself and company on that fact. It is + true we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We have + not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to me—I + say not alone by them, but by the whole population of the country through + which we have passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to + any other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the + peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper for + all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an evidence of + the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and the + perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am unwilling on any + occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to have it supposed for + a moment that these demonstrations are tendered to me personally. They are + tendered to the country, to the institutions of the country, and to the + perpetuity of the liberties of the country, for which these institutions + were made and created. + </p> + <p> + Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able + to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the threatened + difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability + to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken + this favored land, through the instrumentality of this great and + intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall surely fail; with it, + I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficulties to the Country, it + is natural that it should be expected that something should be said by + myself with regard to particular measures. Upon more mature reflection, + however, others will agree with me that, when it is considered that these + difficulties are without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any + individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the + developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak + authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall speak + authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the Constitution, + the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and of each + section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable expectations + of those who have confided to me their votes. In this connection allow me + to say that you, as a portion of the great American people, need only to + maintain your composure, stand up to your sober convictions of right, to + your obligations to the Constitution, and act in accordance with those + sober convictions, and the clouds now on the horizon will be dispelled, + and we shall have a bright and glorious future; and when this generation + has passed away, tens of thousands will inhabit this country where only + thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length; I + have no voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnificent + reception, and bid you farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0104" id="link2H_4_0104"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since leaving + home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour of the + morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here from any wish + to see me as an individual, but because I am for the time being the + representative of the American people. I could not, if I would, address + you at any length. I have not the strength, even if I had the time, for a + speech at each of these many interviews that are afforded me on my way to + Washington. I appear merely to see you, and to let you see me, and to bid + you farewell. I hope it will be understood that it is from no + disinclination to oblige anybody that I do not address you at greater + length. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0105" id="link2H_4_0105"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:—I See you have erected a very fine and + handsome platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak from + it. If I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about to deliver + you a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to understand that I mean + no discourtesy to you by thus declining. I intend discourtesy to no one. + But I wish you to understand that, though I am unwilling to go upon this + platform, you are not at liberty to draw inferences concerning any other + platform with which my name has been or is connected. I wish you long life + and prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of those + institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, our + happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious + destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0106" id="link2H_4_0106"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:—I have no speech to make to you; and no time + to speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see + me; and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are concerned I + have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I do + not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0107" id="link2H_4_0107"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MR. MAYOR:—I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms + in which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to + myself. I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, and + will not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at this + time. I presume that in the two or three courses through which I shall + have to go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will therefore only + express to you my thanks for this kind reception. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0108" id="link2H_4_0108"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR MORGAN:—I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the + capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to the + Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the people of the + capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and magnificent + welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this time + contains a larger population than did the whole of the United States of + America at the time they achieved their national independence, and I was + proud—to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens, as I + now have the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this + reception is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Because of + this I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country + where freedom of thought is tolerated, citizens attach themselves to + political parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute + this act to the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the + various parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best + advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is past + it is altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, until the + next election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended + me to-day is not given to me personally,—it should not be so,—but + as the representative, for the time being, of the majority of the nation. + If the election had fallen to any of the more distinguished citizens who + received the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted + him that greets me this day, in testimony of the universal, unanimous + devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the + perpetual liberties of succeeding generations in this country. + </p> + <p> + I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater + length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful thanks for this + manifest devotion—not to me, but the institutions of this great and + glorious country. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0109" id="link2H_4_0109"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF NEW + YORK:—It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, with + feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently experienced, that I + meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the renown + of those great men who have stood here, and have spoken here, and have + been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from + any attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the + generous manner in which you have invited me, and by the still more + generous manner in which you have received me, to speak further. You have + invited and received me without distinction of party. I cannot for a + moment suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree with + reference to my personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am + regarded, at this time, as the representative of the majesty of this great + nation. I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the case, + and this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that this + reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a free + people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an evidence of + devotion to me, or to any one man personally. + </p> + <p> + And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty + remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, the + humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the + Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them. + </p> + <p> + You have generously tendered me the support—the united support—of + the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation—in behalf + of the present and future of the nation—in behalf of civil and + religious liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I + do not propose to enter into an explanation of any particular line of + policy, as to our present difficulties, to be adopted by the incoming + administration. I deem it just to you, to myself, to all, that I should + see everything, that I should hear everything, that I should have every + light that can be brought within my reach, in order that, when I do so + speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to take correct and true + ground; and for this reason I do not propose to speak at this time of the + policy of the Government. But when the time comes, I shall speak, as well + as I am able, for the good of the present and future of this country for + the good both of the North and of the South—for the good of the one + and the other, and of all sections of the country. In the meantime, if we + have patience, if we restrain ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run + off in a passion, I still have confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of + the universe, will, through the instrumentality of this great and + intelligent people, bring us through this as He has through all the other + difficulties of our country. Relying on this, I again thank you for this + generous reception. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0110" id="link2H_4_0110"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:—I thank you very kindly for this + great reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to meet + an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am the more + gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it is tendered, + not to the individual but to the high office you have called me to fill. I + have neither strength nor time to make any extended remarks on this + occasion, and I can only repeat to you my sincere thanks for the kind + reception you have thought proper to extend to me. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0111" id="link2H_4_0111"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS:—It is altogether impossible I should make myself + heard by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, although I + appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, and to let you see + rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying that I am highly + gratified—as much here, indeed, under the circumstances, as I have + been anywhere on my route—to witness this noble demonstration—made, + not in honor of an individual, but of the man who at this time humbly, but + earnestly, represents the majesty of the nation. + </p> + <p> + This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, + doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one alone. + As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates an earnest + desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to political + differences, to save—not the country, because the country will save + itself but to save the institutions of the country, those institutions + under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we have grown to a + great, and intelligent, and a happy people—the greatest, the most + intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These noble + manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that the whole people + are willing to make common cause for this object; that if, as it ever must + be, some have been successful in the recent election and some have been + beaten, if some are satisfied and some are dissatisfied, the defeated + party are not in favor of sinking the ship, but are desirous of running it + through the tempest in safety, and willing, if they think the people have + committed an error in their verdict now, to wait in the hope of reversing + it and setting it right next time. I do not say that in the recent + election the people did the wisest thing, that could have been done—indeed, + I do not think they did; but I do say that in accepting the great trust + committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor to prove + worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole country, + for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I am, cannot + fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm. + </p> + <p> + I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid you + all an affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0112" id="link2H_4_0112"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK. + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS:—I see that you are providing a platform for me. I + shall have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the + company tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is brought to + me. As I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at another gathering, + you must not draw the inference that I have any intention of deserting any + platform with which I have a legitimate connection because I do not stand + on yours. Allow me to thank you for this splendid reception, and I now bid + you farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0113" id="link2H_4_0113"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:—I have but a moment to stand before you to + listen to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this reception, + and for the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me by our mutual + friends. I will say in a single sentence, in regard to the difficulties + that lie before me and our beloved country, that if I can only be as + generously and unanimously sustained as the demonstrations I have + witnessed indicate I shall be, I shall not fail; but without your + sustaining hands I am sure that neither I nor any other man can hope to + surmount these difficulties. I trust that in the course I shall pursue I + shall be sustained not only by the party that elected me, but by the + patriotic people of the whole country. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0114" id="link2H_4_0114"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:—I appear before you not to make a speech. I + have not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches at + every station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we go along. + If I had the strength, and should take the time, I should not get to + Washington until after the inauguration, which you must be aware would not + fit exactly. That such an untoward event might not transpire, I know you + will readily forego any further remarks; and I close by bidding you + farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0115" id="link2H_4_0115"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS:—I have stepped before you merely in compliance with + what appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a speech. + I do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could not be heard by + any but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what is still worse than + that, I have nothing just now to say that is worthy of your hearing. I beg + you to believe that I do not now refuse to address you from any + disposition to disoblige you, but to the contrary. But, at the same time, + I beg of you to excuse me for the present. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0116" id="link2H_4_0116"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:—I am rather an old man to avail myself + of such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so distinct, + and presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot well avoid it—and + that is, that I did not understand when I was brought into this room that + I was to be brought here to make a speech. It was not intimated to me that + I was brought into the room where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had made + speeches, and where one in my position might be expected to do something + like those men or say something worthy of myself or my audience. I + therefore beg you to make allowance for the circumstances in which I have + been by surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the habit of + thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that have for + some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to do so, + and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers call them, and + I were called upon to make an argument about it to the best of my ability, + I could do so without much preparation. But that is not what you desire to + have done here to-night. + </p> + <p> + I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of + silence—of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I + have been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that was + the proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, and + required to make a speech, when you all approve more than anything else of + the fact that I have been keeping silence. And now it seems to me that the + response you give to that remark ought to justify me in closing just here. + I have not kept silence since the Presidential election from any party + wantonness, or from any indifference to the anxiety that pervades the + minds of men about the aspect of the political affairs of this country. I + have kept silence for the reason that I supposed it was peculiarly proper + that I should do so until the time came when, according to the custom of + the country, I could speak officially. + </p> + <p> + I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this + country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes—forbidding an + anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see + to-morrow—it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to + the last minute, before I should take ground that I might be disposed, by + the shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I have said several + times upon this journey, and I now repeat it to you, that when the time + does come, I shall then take the ground that I think is right—right + for the North, for the South, for the East, for the West, for the whole + country. And in doing so I hope to feel no necessity pressing upon me to + say anything in conflict with the Constitution, in conflict with the + continued union of these States, in conflict with the perpetuation of the + liberties of this people, or anything in conflict with anything whatever + that I have ever given you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, + have I said enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and, "Three cheers for + LINCOLN!"] Now, my friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion + between you and me, and I really feel called upon to decide the question + myself. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0117" id="link2H_4_0117"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 20, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. MAYOR:—It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my + acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great + commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done by the + people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in political + sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I see that for + the great principles of our Government the people are pretty nearly or + quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this + time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so justly, + I can only say I agree with the sentiments expressed. In my devotion to + the Union I hope I am behind no man in the nation. As to my wisdom in + conducting affairs so as to tend to the preservation of the Union, I fear + too great confidence may have been placed in me. I am sure I bring a heart + devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever bring me to consent—willingly + to consent—to the destruction of this Union (in which not only the + great city of New York, but the whole country, has acquired its + greatness), unless it would be that thing for which the Union itself was + made. I understand that the ship is made for the carrying and preservation + of the cargo; and so long as the ship is safe with the cargo, it shall not + be abandoned. This Union shall never be abandoned, unless the possibility + of its existence shall cease to exist without the necessity of throwing + passengers and cargo overboard. So long, then, as it is possible that the + prosperity and liberties of this people can be preserved within this + Union, it shall be my purpose at all tunes to preserve it. And now, Mr. + Mayor, renewing my thanks for this cordial reception, allow me to come to + a close. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0118" id="link2H_4_0118"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:—I shall only + thank you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not personally, + but as the temporary representative of the majesty of the nation. To the + kindness of your hearts, and of the hearts of your brethren in your State, + I should be very proud to respond, but I shall not have strength to + address you or other assemblages at length, even if I had the time to do + so. I appear before you, therefore, for little else than to greet you, and + to briefly say farewell. You have done me the very high honor to present + your reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with whom it + is an honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no State can be + poor. He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested enough, to + require a response of an hour, well considered. I could not in an hour + make a worthy response to it. I therefore, ladies and gentlemen of New + Jersey, content myself with saying, most heartily do I indorse all the + sentiments he has expressed. Allow me, most gratefully, to bid you + farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0119" id="link2H_4_0119"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MR. MAYOR:—I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. + With regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I bring + to it a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest desire to do + what is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the ability to do + anything unaided of God, and that without His support and that of this + free, happy, prosperous, and intelligent people, no man can succeed in + doing that the importance of which we all comprehend. Again thanking you + for the reception you have given me, I will now bid you farewell, and + proceed upon my journey. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0120" id="link2H_4_0120"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to visit + this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging their kind + invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the presiding officers + of each body, and I suppose they intended I should speak to you through + them, as they are the representatives of all of you; and if I were to + speak again here, I should only have to repeat in a great measure much + that I have said, which would be disgusting to my friends around me who + have met here. I have no speech to make, but merely appear to see you and + let you look at me; and as to the latter I think I have greatly the best + of the bargain. My friends, allow me to bid you farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0121" id="link2H_4_0121"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:—I + am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of which I have been + the object. I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our + early history. In the Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the + Old Thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their + limits than New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I + mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being able + to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the younger + members have ever seen Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all the + accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties + of the country; and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as + the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river, the + contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at that time, all + fixed themselves on my memory more than any single Revolutionary event; + and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early impressions + last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I + was, that there must have been something more than common that these men + struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing that something + even more than national independence, that something that held out a great + promise to all the people of the world to all time to come—I am + exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties + of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea + for which that struggle was made; and I shall be most happy indeed if I + shall be a humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this his + almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle. + You give me this reception, as I understand, without distinction of party. + I learn that this body is composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the + exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a chief magistrate, did + not think I was the man. I understand, nevertheless, that they come + forward here to greet me as the constitutionally elected President of the + United States—as citizens of the United States to meet the man who, + for the time being, is the representative of the majesty of the nation—united + by the single purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the + liberties of the people. As such, I accept this reception more gratefully + than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an individual. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0122" id="link2H_4_0122"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a reception by + the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to you and them my + thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey have given through + their chosen representatives to me as the representative, for the time + being, of the majesty of the people of the United States. I appropriate to + myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with which I have been + greeted. I think little should be given to any man, but that it should be + a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. I + understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the people + of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those with whom I + have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be regarded by me as + expressing their devotion to the Union, the Constitution, and the + liberties of the people. + </p> + <p> + You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest and + wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national + affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why I should not + speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. It is proper + that I should avail myself of all the information and all the time at my + command, in order that when the time arrives in which I must speak + officially, I shall be able to take the ground which I deem best and + safest, and from which I may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor + to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the + South, and the whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper, + certainly with no malice toward any section. I shall do all that may be in + my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The man + does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who would do + more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly. + And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, will you not? [Loud + cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] Received as I am by the members + of a Legislature the majority of whom do not agree with me in political + sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in piloting the ship + of state through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it is; for if it + should suffer wreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for another + voyage. + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg + leave to stop here. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0123" id="link2H_4_0123"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:—I appear before you + to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The + reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the + individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should + represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy mayor has + said, that there is great anxiety amongst the citizens of the United + States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that this dissatisfied + portion of our fellow-citizens does not point us to anything in which they + are being injured or about to be injured; for which reason I have felt all + the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety + of the country at this time is artificial. If there be those who differ + with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the substantial + difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may + not do considerable harm; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope + that has been expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore + peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and + most happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil that + hope. I promise you that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I + will bring a head equal to that heart will be for future times to + determine. It were useless for me to speak of details of plans now; I + shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak + then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do speak then, it is + useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I shall take such ground as + I deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the + country, and tend to the perpetuity of the nation and the liberty of these + States and these people. Your worthy mayor has expressed the wish, in + which I join with him, that it were convenient for me to remain in your + city long enough to consult your merchants and manufacturers; or, as it + were, to listen to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls + wherein the Constitution of the United States and, I will add, the + Declaration of Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I assure + you and your mayor that I had hoped on this occasion, and upon all + occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the + teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I have never asked anything + that does not breathe from those walls. All my political warfare has been + in favor of the teachings that come forth from these sacred walls. May my + right hand forget its cunning and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth + if ever I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have + addressed you longer than I expected to do, and now allow me to bid you + goodnight. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0124" id="link2H_4_0124"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. CUYLER:—I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing + here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the + devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we + live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of + restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I can + say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have + been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments + which originated and were given to the world from this hall. I have never + had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied + in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers + which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted + that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that were + endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that + independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea + it was that kept the confederacy so long together. It was not the mere + matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland, but that + sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone + to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for all future + time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be + lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is the sentiment embodied in + the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can the country be saved + upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men + in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that + principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved + without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be + assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the + present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no + necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say, in + advance, that there will be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the + Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defence. + </p> + <p> + My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect to + be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely to + do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, have said + something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by + and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0125" id="link2H_4_0125"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. CHAIRMAN:—I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen + fit to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, I + attended a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have since + carried with me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the city on + that occasion. The programme established provides for my presence in + Harrisburg in twenty-four hours from this time. I expect to be in + Washington on Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility that I should + accept your kind invitation. There are no people whom I would more gladly + accommodate than those of Delaware; but circumstances forbid, gentlemen. + With many regrets for the character of the reply I am compelled to give + you, I bid you adieu. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0126" id="link2H_4_0126"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 22, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:—I appear not to make a + speech. I have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength to + make them on every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to make. + There is plenty of matter to speak about in these times, but it is well + known that the more a man speaks the less he is understood—the more + he says one thing, the more his adversaries contend he meant something + else. I shall soon have occasion to speak officially, and then I will + endeavor to put my thoughts just as plain as I can express myself—true + to the Constitution and Union of all the States, and to the perpetual + liberty of all the people. Until I so speak, there is no need to enter + upon details. In conclusion, I greet you most heartily, and bid you an + affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0127" id="link2H_4_0127"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF + REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF + PENNSYLVANIA:—I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks + in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for + this reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised + me upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for the + overwhelming support it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause + which I think a just one, in the late election. + </p> + <p> + Allusion has been made to the fact—the interesting fact perhaps we + should say—that I for the first time appear at the capital of the + great commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his + Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the + history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly + interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under + the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for the first time allowed the + privilege of standing in old Independence Hall to have a few words + addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of manifesting + my deep regret that I had not more time to express something of my own + feelings excited by the occasion, that had been really the feelings of my + whole life. + </p> + <p> + Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the + country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it + to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was pleased that it went + to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, according to the + arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated gloriously to the wind, + without an accident, in the bright, glowing sunshine of the morning, I + could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that + beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor + could I help feeling then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that + proceeding I was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the flag; I + had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I had applied + but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in raising it. In the + whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who had arranged it, + and if I can have the same generous co-operation of the people of this + nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting + gloriously. + </p> + <p> + I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in + regard to what has been said about the military support which the General + Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper + emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It is + not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a necessity + may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. While I am + exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your streets of your + military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that + force upon a proper emergency—while I make these acknowledgments I + desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that + I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will + never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed + fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to direct, if + so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be + through no fault of mine. + </p> + <p> + Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some + remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is supposed + to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I + now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which + I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that + they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or + subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they stand, adding only now + that I am pleased to have an expression from you, gentlemen of + Pennsylvania, signifying that they are satisfactory to you. + </p> + <p> + And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of + Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0128" id="link2H_4_0128"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 27, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. MAYOR:—I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of + this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first time + in my life, since the present phase of politics has presented itself in + this country, that I have said anything publicly within a region of + country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take this occasion + to say that I think very much of the ill feeling that has existed and + still exists between the people in the section from which I came and the + people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one another. I + therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and + all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never have had, any + other than as kindly feelings toward you as to the people of my own + section. I have not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you + in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any + purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, + under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to + withhold from my own neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall + become better acquainted—and I say it with great confidence—we + shall like each other better. I thank you for the kindness of this + reception. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0129" id="link2H_4_0129"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 28, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MY FRIENDS:—I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to + me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this city + of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those under + which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of + taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom were + politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose. + </p> + <p> + I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did on + yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called upon me, + that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed between you and + the people of your surroundings and that people from among whom I came, + has depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding. + </p> + <p> + I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we all + desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of this + misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the people of + your section of the country, that we regard you as in all things our + equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same + treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no wise disposed, if + it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of your rights + under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowly to split + hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are determined to give you, + as far as lies in our hands, all your rights under the Constitution—not + grudgingly, but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, + we will become better acquainted, and be better friends. + </p> + <p> + And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my thanks + for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little more of + your good music, I bid you good-night. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0130" id="link2H_4_0130"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + [During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the + President-elect spoke as follows:] + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility of + these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. The + positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I announce + them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my Constitutional + advisers. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0131" id="link2H_4_0131"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:—In compliance with a custom as + old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, + and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of + the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the + execution of his office." + </p> + <p> + I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters + of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. + </p> + <p> + Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that + by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their + peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any + reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to + the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. + It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses + you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that + </p> + <p> + "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the + institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no + lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." + </p> + <p> + Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had + made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, + more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a + law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now + read: + </p> + <p> + "Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and + especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic + institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to + that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our + political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed + force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, + as amongst the gravest of crimes." + </p> + <p> + I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the + public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is + susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to + be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, + that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the + laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when + lawfully demanded, for whatever cause—as cheerfully to one section + as to another. + </p> + <p> + There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from + service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the + Constitution as any other of its provisions: + </p> + <p> + "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, + escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation + therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered + up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." + </p> + <p> + It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who + made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the + intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their + support to the whole Constitution—to this provision as much as to + any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within + the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are + unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they + not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to + keep good that unanimous oath? + </p> + <p> + There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced + by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a + very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but + little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And + should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a + merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? + </p> + <p> + Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of + liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so + that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it + not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that + clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each + State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in + the several States"? + </p> + <p> + I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no + purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. + And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as + proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, + both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all + those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting + to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. + </p> + <p> + It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under + our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and + greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the + executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many + perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of + precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional + term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of + the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + </p> + <p> + I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, + the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not + expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe + to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic + law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express + provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure forever—it + being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in + the instrument itself. + </p> + <p> + Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association + of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a contract be + peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a + contract may violate it—break it, so to speak; but does it not + require all to lawfully rescind it? + </p> + <p> + Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in + legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the + Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was + formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured + and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further + matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted + and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation + in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining + and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." + </p> + <p> + But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States + be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the + Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + </p> + <p> + It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can + lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect + are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, + against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or + revolutionary, according to circumstances. + </p> + <p> + I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the + Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as + the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the + Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be + only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as + practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall + withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the + contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the + declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and + maintain itself. + </p> + <p> + In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall + be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power + confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and + places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; + but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no + invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where + hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so + great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding + the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers + among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist + in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to + do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I + deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. + </p> + <p> + The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of + the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense + of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and + reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current + events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, + and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised + according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope + of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of + fraternal sympathies and affections. + </p> + <p> + That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the + Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither + affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To + those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? + </p> + <p> + Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national + fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not + be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate + a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly + from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to + are greater than all the real ones you fly from—will you risk the + commission of so fearful a mistake? + </p> + <p> + All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be + maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the + Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so + constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, + if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of + the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a + majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional + right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution—certainly + would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the + vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to + them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the + Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no + organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to + every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight + can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express + provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be + surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not + expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The + Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the + Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. + </p> + <p> + From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, + and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority + will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There + is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is acquiescence on + one side or the other. + </p> + <p> + If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a + precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their + own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by + such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy + a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the + present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion + sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. + </p> + <p> + Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a + new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? + </p> + <p> + Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A + majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and + always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and + sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects + it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is + impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly + inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or + despotism in some form is all that is left. + </p> + <p> + I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional + questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such + decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to + the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect + and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the + government. And, while it is obviously possible that such decision may be + erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being + limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled + and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than + could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid + citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital + questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by + decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary + litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have + ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned + the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in + this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from + which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, + and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to + political purposes. + </p> + <p> + One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be + extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be + extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause + of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave + trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a + community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law + itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in + both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be + perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation + of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly + suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one + section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not + be surrendered at all by the other. + </p> + <p> + Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective + sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A + husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the + reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do + this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either + amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to + make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after + separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can + make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than + laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; + and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease + fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again + upon you. + </p> + <p> + This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. + Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can + exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary + right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that + many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national + Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I + fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole + subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the + instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor + rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act + upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems + preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people + themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions + originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which + might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. + I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which amendment, + however, I have not seen—has passed Congress, to the effect that the + Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of + the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid + misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak + of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision + to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being + made express and irrevocable. + </p> + <p> + The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they + have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the + States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the + executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer + the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, + unimpaired by him, to his successors. + </p> + <p> + Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of + the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present + differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the + Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your + side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice + will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American + people. + </p> + <p> + By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have + wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and + have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their + own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue + and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, + can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years. + </p> + <p> + My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. + Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to + hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take + deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good + object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still + have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the + laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have + no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted + that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there + still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, + patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet + forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way + all our present difficulty. + </p> + <p> + In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the + momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can + have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath + registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the + most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it. + </p> + <p> + I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be + enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds of + affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field + and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this + broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as + surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0132" id="link2H_4_0132"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION + </h2> + <h3> + TO WM. H. SEWARD. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your + acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, was + duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude with me, + and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal. + The public interest, I think, demands that you should; and my personal + feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and + answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0133" id="link2H_4_0133"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:—As I + have so frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to address + the people of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can now but + repeat the assurance of my gratification at the support you gave me at the + election, and at the promise of a continuation of that support which is + now tendered to me. + </p> + <p> + Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a + President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you that + in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have ever given + reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to believe that I assume + to be any better than others who have gone before me. I prefer rather to + have it understood that if we ever have a government on the principles we + profess, we should remember, while we exercise our opinion, that others + have also rights to the exercise of their opinions, and that we should + endeavor to allow these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no + bad feeling. I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and wish + it to be understood, that there may be no allusion to unpleasant + differences. + </p> + <p> + We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to all the + privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. We should + bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say nothing insulting or + irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so that we may not, like + Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than other people. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will prevent my + giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left them now, but I + could not well deny myself to so large and respectable a body. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0134" id="link2H_4_0134"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and confidence, + and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, Mr. Chairman, have + expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, your sanction of what I + have enunciated in my inaugural address. This is very grateful to my + feelings. The object was one of great delicacy, in presenting views at the + opening of an administration under the peculiar circumstances attending my + entrance upon the official duties connected with the Government. I studied + all the points with great anxiety, and presented them with whatever of + ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. If it met the + approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall be exceedingly + gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of friends + everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who have voted with + us; and like every other man of you, I like them as certainly as I do + others. As the President in the administration of the Government, I hope + to be man enough not to know one citizen of the United States from + another, nor one section from another. I shall be gratified to have good + friends of Massachusetts and others who have thus far supported me in + these national views still to support me in carrying them out. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0135" id="link2H_4_0135"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY SEWARD + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To + whom the reply should be addressed—that is, by what title or style—I + do not quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. + </p> + <p> + Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War Department, + with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here yesterday? I wish to + examine the General's opinion, which I have not yet done. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0136" id="link2H_4_0136"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:—Please accept my + sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure to + confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly + disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns and + governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction I accept + the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same disposition is + reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and yourselves. + </p> + <p> + Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain + undisturbed, and also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness of + yourselves personally. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0137" id="link2H_4_0137"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY SEWARD + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. DEAR SIR:—What think you of sending + ministers at once as follows: Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay + to Spain; Corwin to Mexico? + </p> + <p> + We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as possible. + This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0138" id="link2H_4_0138"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. COLLAMER + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. JACOB COLLAMER. MY DEAR SIR:—God help me. It is said I have + offended you. I hope you will tell me how. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + March 14, 1861. DEAR SIR:—I am entirely unconscious that you have + any way offended me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of + kindness and confidence. Your humble servant, J. COLLAMER. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [Returned with indorsement:] +</pre> + <p> + Very glad to know that I have n't. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0139" id="link2H_4_0139"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. P. M. G. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who + wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think Virginia + should be heard, in such cases. + </p> + <p> + LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0140" id="link2H_4_0140"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort + Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give + me your opinion in writing on this question. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Same to other members of the Cabinet.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0141" id="link2H_4_0141"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES + </h3> + <p> + The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my + predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to take + its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British Government + through its minister here to refer the matter in controversy between that + government and the Government of the United States to the arbitrament of + the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or the + Republic of the Swiss Confederation. + </p> + <p> + In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to the + Senate the precise questions following, namely: + </p> + <p> + "Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign + powers above named the dispute now existing between the governments of the + United States and Great Britain concerning the boundary line between + Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall + find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it + in the treaty of June 15, 1846, shall he be authorized to establish a line + according to the treaty as nearly as possible? Which of the three powers + named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United + States?" + </p> + <p> + I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in this + important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive the + advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask the Senate + for their advice on the three questions before recited. + </p> + <p> + ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0142" id="link2H_4_0142"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS + </h2> + <h3> + TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861 HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I believe it is a necessity with us to make the + appointments I mentioned last night—that is, Charles F. Adams to + England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, and + Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem, + but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. Dayton. Mr. + Adams I take because you suggested him, coupled with his eminent fitness + for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense + pressure of their respective States, and their fitness also. + </p> + <p> + The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up—three + being in New England and two from a single State. I have considered this, + and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, being done, leaves but + five full missions undisposed of—Rome, China, Brazil, Peru, and + Chili. And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in other words, what about our + German friends? + </p> + <p> + Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What say + you? + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0143" id="link2H_4_0143"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO G. E. PATTEN. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN. + </p> + <p> + WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:—I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans + Patten last May at Springfield, Ill. + </p> + <p> + Respectfully, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, then a + schoolboy, had ever taken place.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0144" id="link2H_4_0144"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + </h2> + <h3> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:—I have received a copy of the + resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if in + my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate to + the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to the War Department + during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On examination of + the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the highest respect for + the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the present moment the + publication of it would be inexpedient. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861 <a name="link2H_4_0145" + id="link2H_4_0145"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861 HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail + as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum + attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for that + object. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Inclosure.] + </p> + <p> + Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at New + York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for one + month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on board the + receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to leave + Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred + men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant shipping. A large + steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0146" id="link2H_4_0146"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO ——— STUART. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR STUART: + </p> + <p> + Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of giving her + the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have already appointed + William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge Trumbull's brother to a + land-office. Will it do for me to go on and justify the declaration that + Trumbull and I have divided out all the offices among our relatives? Dr. + Wallace, you know, is needy, and looks to me; and I personally owe him + much. + </p> + <p> + I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. Could + you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need know + nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her part. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0147" id="link2H_4_0147"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + </h2> + <h3> + NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, Brooklyn, N. Y. + </p> + <p> + Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment under + sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward to-morrow. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0148" id="link2H_4_0148"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible + delay, assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to + Pensacola Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from the + mainland reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. + </p> + <p> + You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you deem + it necessary, after you have established yourself within the harbor, and + will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one other steamer. + </p> + <p> + This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to no + person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0149" id="link2H_4_0149"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER + </h2> + <h3> + ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861. + </p> + <p> + All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited will + aid by every means in their power the expedition under the command of + Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, and + co-operating with him as he may desire. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0150" id="link2H_4_0150"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON CITY, April 1, 1861 + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your + ship (and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and + instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will + therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the + Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or + patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your ability + to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able to give you a + better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting that you will have + full confidence in the disposition of the Government toward you, I remain, + etc., + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0151" id="link2H_4_0151"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER + </h2> + <h3> + MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, APRIL 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Some thoughts for the President's Consideration, + </p> + <p> + First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a + policy either domestic or foreign. + </p> + <p> + Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable. + The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for + patronage, have prevented attention to other and more grave matters. + </p> + <p> + Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for both + domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the + administration, but danger upon the country. + </p> + <p> + Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I + suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or + general ones for ulterior and occasional action. + </p> + <p> + Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and + perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as a + ruling one, namely, that we must CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC + FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR + DISUNION: In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, + to one of patriotism or union. + </p> + <p> + The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a + slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper manifested + by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union men in the + South. + </p> + <p> + I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I + deem it fortunate that the last administration created the necessity. + </p> + <p> + For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the ports in + the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be prepared + for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law. + </p> + <p> + This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would + maintain every fort and possession in the South. + </p> + <p> + FOR FOREIGN NATIONS, + </p> + <p> + I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once. + </p> + <p> + I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents + into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental + spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. + </p> + <p> + And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France, + </p> + <p> + Would convene Congress and declare war against them. + </p> + <p> + But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of + it. + </p> + <p> + For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it + incessantly. + </p> + <p> + Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in + it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on + it must end, and all agree and abide. + </p> + <p> + It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor assume + responsibility. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0152" id="link2H_4_0152"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. W. H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Since parting with you I have been considering your + paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's + Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at the end + of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either domestic or + foreign." + </p> + <p> + At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power + confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and + places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and + imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in + connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing him + to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, + comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single + exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. + </p> + <p> + Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be + done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on + a more national and patriotic one. + </p> + <p> + The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a + new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we + have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, + all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign + policy. + </p> + <p> + Upon your Closing propositions—that, + </p> + <p> + "Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it. + </p> + <p> + "For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it + incessantly. + </p> + <p> + "Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in + it, or, + </p> + <p> + "Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it + must end, and all agree and abide"— + </p> + <p> + I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of + policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed + without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; + still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am + entitled to have, the advice of all the Cabinet. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0153" id="link2H_4_0153"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, + Esq. + </p> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, + you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: + </p> + <p> + "Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which + prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive + intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the + industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an + excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending difficulties, + and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: therefore + </p> + <p> + "Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this + Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present to him + this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate to + this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue + in regard to the Confederate States. + </p> + <p> + "Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April 8, + 1861." + </p> + <p> + In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official term + expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep + regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and + injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and + what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, + it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural + address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the + best expression I can give of my purposes. + </p> + <p> + As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me will + be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to + the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is + necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force + against or among the people anywhere." By the words "property and places + belonging to the Government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and + property which were in the possession of the Government when it came to my + hands. + </p> + <p> + But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the + United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been + made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I + can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved + upon me. And in every event I shall, to the extent of my ability, repel + force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been + assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails + to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing + that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies and + possibly demands this. + </p> + <p> + I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property + situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging to + the Government of the United States as much as they did before the + supposed secession. + </p> + <p> + Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the + duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; not + meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to + relieve a fort upon a border of the country. + </p> + <p> + From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must + not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I + reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as + a modification. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0154" id="link2H_4_0154"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, + </h2> + <h3> + AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now + are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South + Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by + combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of + judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals bylaw: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, I, A. LINCOLN, President of the United States, in virtue + of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought + fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several + States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, in + order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly + executed. + </p> + <p> + The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State + authorities through the War Department. + </p> + <p> + I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort + to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National + Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs + already long enough endured. + </p> + <p> + I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces + hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and + property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the + utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to + avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, + or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. + </p> + <p> + And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to + disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within twenty + days from date. + </p> + <p> + Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an + extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested + by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and + Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective + chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July + next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their + wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of + the United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the year + of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the + independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + By the President: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0155" id="link2H_4_0155"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 + </h2> + <h3> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </h3> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has + broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, + Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for + the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein + conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to + be uniform throughout the United States: + </p> + <p> + And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection have + threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers + thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good + citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and + in waters of the United States: + </p> + <p> + And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued requiring + the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, + calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and + convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine + thereon: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, with a + view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of the + public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens + pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have assembled and + deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have + ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the + ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United + States, and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose + a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of + vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate + such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either of + the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the + blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of + such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave + the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest + convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, + as may be deemed advisable. + </p> + <p> + And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended + authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a + vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, such + person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the + prevention and punishment of piracy. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the year + of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the + independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0156" id="link2H_4_0156"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + </p> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is + received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the + peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. + </p> + <p> + For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of + bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge myself, of + course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning + in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them around Baltimore, and not + through it." I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will + consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to it. By + this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be + avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert + your influence to prevent this. + </p> + <p> + Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with the + maintenance of the Government. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0157" id="link2H_4_0157"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GOVERNOR HICKS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR HICKS: + </p> + <p> + I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to + preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special + train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be sent + from here. Answer forthwith. + </p> + <p> + LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0158" id="link2H_4_0158"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + </h2> + <h3> + ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR—The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at + Annapolis, and not improbably will take action to arm the people of that + State against the United States. The question has been submitted to and + considered by me whether it would not be justifiable, upon the ground of + necessary defense, for you, as General in Chief of the United States Army, + to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would not be + justifiable nor efficient for the desired object. + </p> + <p> + First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot know in + advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, and if we wait + until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion will not lessen the + effect of their action. + </p> + <p> + Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest them, + we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they will + immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the same if we + simply disperse them—they will immediately reassemble in some other + place. + </p> + <p> + I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General to + watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people + against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient + means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their + cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of the writ of + habeas corpus. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0159" id="link2H_4_0159"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 + </h2> + <h3> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </h3> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the nineteenth + instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, + Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was ordered to be + established: + </p> + <p> + And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States has + been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly + commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing the + orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as + prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official duties, + without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under authorities of + the States of Virginia and North Carolina: + </p> + <p> + An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be + established. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in the + year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the + independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0160" id="link2H_4_0160"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, APRIL 27, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more than + any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled without the + shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet gone; but if the + alternative is presented whether the Union is to be broken in fragments + and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be shed, you will probably + make the choice with which I shall not be dissatisfied. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0161" id="link2H_4_0161"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL SCOTT. + </h3> + <p> + TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. + </p> + <p> + You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the + United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line + which is now or which shall be used between the City of Philadelphia and + the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to + suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, + or through the officer in command at the point at which resistance occurs, + are authorized to suspend that writ. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0162" id="link2H_4_0162"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS + </h2> + <h3> + FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON. + </p> + <p> + CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, Commanding Department of the West. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—The President of the United States directs that you enroll in + the military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint + Louis and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, ten + thousand in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the + United States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants of Missouri; + and you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself, by Messrs. + Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. + Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in the city of Saint + Louis. + </p> + <p> + The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in + whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the gentlemen above + mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on the part of the enemies + of the Government to take military possession of the city of Saint Louis, + or put the city in control of the combination against the Government of + the United States; and whilst such additional force remains in the service + the same shall be governed by the Rules and Articles of War, and such + special regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the force hereafter + directed to be enrolled to be under your command. + </p> + <p> + The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not needed + for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be removed to + Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the State of Illinois, + as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance officers in charge at Saint + Louis. + </p> + <p> + (Indorsement.) + </p> + <p> + It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the + irregularity of this. W. S. + </p> + <p> + Approved, April 30, 1861. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Colonel Thomas will make this order. SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0163" id="link2H_4_0163"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + </h2> + <h3> + TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861 + </p> + <p> + CAPTAIN G. V. Fox. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt + to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to you. + </p> + <p> + The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. By + reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not improbable, + the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached the ground; while, + by an accident for which you were in no wise responsible, and possibly I + to some extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, with her men, which + you deemed of great importance to the enterprise. + </p> + <p> + I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the undertaking + has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you developed in the + effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. + </p> + <p> + For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would + to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and I + both anticipated that the cause of the country would be advanced by making + the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and it is no + small consolation now to feel that our anticipation is justified by the + result. + </p> + <p> + Very truly your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0164" id="link2H_4_0164"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + </h2> + <h3> + MAY 3, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation.. + </p> + <p> + Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for the + protection of the National Constitution and the preservation of the + National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary combinations now + existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and + obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force in + addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the 15th day of April + in the present year appears to be indispensably necessary: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and + Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of the + several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the + service of the United States 42,034 volunteers to serve for the period of + three years, unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service as + infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the details of + enrollment and organization will be made known through the Department of + War. + </p> + <p> + And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be increased + by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, + and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a maximum aggregate + increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the details of which + increase will also be made known through the Department of War. + </p> + <p> + And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more than + three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, for the + naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and + organization will be made known through the Department of the Navy. + </p> + <p> + The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the increase of + the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together + with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteer and for the + regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress as soon as + assembled. + </p> + <p> + In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good citizens + in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful + violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for + the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and with these of + happiness and prosperity, throughout our country. + </p> + <p> + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal of + the United States to be affixed................ + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0165" id="link2H_4_0165"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT + </h2> + <h3> + TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861 + </p> + <p> + HON. H. HAMLIN, New York. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops left + during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining at New + York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as near as + convenient, and what corps they are. This information, reaching us daily, + will be very useful as well as satisfactory. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0166" id="link2H_4_0166"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, + </h2> + <h3> + MAY 7, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING: + </p> + <p> + Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, + valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, U. S. Army, I + have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to receive into the army of + the United States as many regiments of volunteer troops from the State of + Kentucky and from the western part of the State of Virginia as shall be + willing to engage in the Service of the United States for the term of + three years, upon the terms and according to the plan proposed by the + proclamation of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15, from the War + Department, of May 4, 1861. + </p> + <p> + The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every respect + as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above cited, + except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United States. He is + therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty hereby devolved + upon him by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging. + </p> + <p> + Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, A. D. + 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the United + States. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0167" id="link2H_4_0167"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS IN FLORIDA, + </h2> + <h3> + MAY 10, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA: + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the + lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States are + endangered: + </p> + <p> + And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be taken + for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the United States + in the discharge of their public duties in the State aforesaid: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the + United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the United + States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office or + authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, + which may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United + States, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary, + to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the + vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected + persons. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed..................... + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0168" id="link2H_4_0168"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY WELLES. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. + </p> + <p> + SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer Powhatan, + and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my special order, and + neither of them is responsible for any apparent or real irregularity on + their part or in connection with that vessel. + </p> + <p> + Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and placed + under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will receive + instructions and to which he will report. + </p> + <p> + Very respectfully, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0169" id="link2H_4_0169"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH + </h2> + <h3> + WRITTEN BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS + </h3> + <p> + NO. 10. + </p> + <p> + DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861 + </p> + <p> + SIR:—-Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us + that Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on account + of the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the effect of certain + measures represented as likely to be adopted by the President. In that + conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dallas that the three + representatives of the Southern Confederacy were then in London, that Lord + John Russell had not yet seen them, but that he was not unwilling to see + them unofficially. He further informed Mr. Dallas that an understanding + exists between the British and French governments which would lead both to + take one and the same course as to recognition. His lordship then referred + to the rumor of a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a + discontinuance of them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew + nothing on those topics, and therefore + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in + caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.) +</pre> + <p> + could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two weeks. + Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency of + waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to bring. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial + explanations made in Parliament. + </p> + <p> + You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to seek + explanations when necessary and communicate them to this department. [We + intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise + between us and Great Britain.] + </p> + <p> + The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did not + protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the British + Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as against the + demand for explanations made by the British Government]. It is due, + however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had been given only to + you and not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in these + times [among our late representatives abroad, are confessed and] are + appreciated. + </p> + <p> + Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to be + construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. Such + intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for being + called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because we should + have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by it. Moreover, + unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if it is not expected to + ripen into official intercourse and direct recognition. It is left + doubtful here whether the proposed unofficial intercourse has yet actually + begun. Your own [present] antecedent instructions are deemed explicit + enough, and it is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. You will in + any event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well as + official, with the British Government, so long as it shall continue + intercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this country + [confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary + of State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been arrested for + this cause, you will communicate with this department and receive further + directions. + </p> + <p> + Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the British + and French governments that they will act together in regard to our + affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its value from + the circumstance that the communication was withheld until after knowledge + of the fact had been acquired by us from other sources. We know also + another fact that has not yet been officially communicated to us—namely, + that other European States are apprised by France and England of their + agreement, and are expected to concur with or follow them in whatever + measures they adopt on the subject of recognition. The United States have + been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the several nations of + Europe. They will not complain, however, of the combination now announced + by the two leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect + a more independent, if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You + will take no notice of that or any other alliance. Whenever the European + governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, we shall be, as + heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply. + </p> + <p> + As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of nature] + and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this Government has a + clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce from + national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in the equitable + form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. You will [admit] not + insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected if it be not maintained + by a competent force; but passing by that question as not now a practical, + or at least an urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now, + and it will continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be + respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have already revoked the + exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the military service of + the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the recall of every foreign + agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall either disobey the Federal laws + or disown the Federal authority. + </p> + <p> + As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is not to + be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, [quasi] + direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and + independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct recognition to receive + its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or commissioners officially. A + concession of belligerent rights is liable to be construed as a + recognition of them. No one of these proceedings will [be borne] pass + [unnoticed] unquestioned by the United States in this case. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the + so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. Now, + after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert the need + of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States have been put + in motion to repress the insurrection. The true character of the pretended + new State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power existing in + pronunciamento only, It has never won a field. It has obtained no forts + that were not virtually betrayed into its hands or seized in breach of + trust. It commands not a single port on the coast nor any highway out from + its pretended capital by land. Under these circumstances Great Britain is + called upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting + our measures of suppression. British recognition would be British + intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by + overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of intervention is + distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, and + become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, enemies of + Great Britain.] + </p> + <p> + As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will say + that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates. + They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying on + the commerce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to recognize + them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our pursuit and + punishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper remedy [and + we shall avail ourselves of it. And while you need not say this in + advance, be sure that you say nothing inconsistent with it.] + </p> + <p> + Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all these + difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declaration of the + Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was herself a member, + abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and forever. You already + have our authority to propose to her our accession to that declaration. If + she refuse to receive it, it can only be because she is willing to become + the patron of privateering when aimed at our devastation. + </p> + <p> + These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vindicate + them would imply a possibility of our waiving them. + </p> + <p> + 1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of + </p> + <p> + 1 (Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This + paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or shown to + any one.") + </p> + <p> + (Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added an + introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly + confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as they + are here printed.) + </p> + <p> + this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we are + engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even + more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from the habits + as it is revolting from the sentiments of the American people. But if it + come, it will be fully seen that it results from the action of Great + Britain, not our own; that Great Britain will have decided to fraternize + with our domestic enemy, either without waiting to hear from you our + remonstrances and our warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense + of national life is not immoral, and war in defense of independence is an + inevitable part of the discipline of nations. + </p> + <p> + The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of the + British race. All who belong to that race will especially deprecate it, as + they ought. It may well be believed that men of every race and kindred + will deplore it. A war not unlike it between the same parties occurred at + the close of the last century. Europe atoned by forty years of suffering + for the error that Great Britain committed in provoking that contest. If + that nation shall now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions + which will follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When + they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been + the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that will + have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its + honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has but + to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will cease with + all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she will calculate + for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate consequences, and will + consider what position she will hold when she shall have forever lost the + sympathies and the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and + affections she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she will do + well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open we shall be + actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; but we + shall stand simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that our + cause will involve the independence of nations and the rights of human + nature. + </p> + <p> + I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, W. H. S. + </p> + <p> + CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0170" id="link2H_4_0170"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:—Why cannot Colonel Small's + Philadelphia regiment be received? I sincerely wish it could. There is + something strange about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take + their regiment. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0171" id="link2H_4_0171"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y. + </p> + <p> + I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about + forwarding troops from New York. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0172" id="link2H_4_0172"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863. + </h3> + <p> + CAPT. DAHLGREEN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my + own district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress Monroe, + please introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in our service, + and pass him down and back. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0173" id="link2H_4_0173"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES + </h2> + <h3> + TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:—In the untimely loss of your noble son, our + affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised + usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and + friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in + years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men was + surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellectual and + indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in him, + as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever knew. + And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social intercourse. My + acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet, through the + latter half of the intervening period, it was as intense as the disparity + of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared + to have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him utter a profane + or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good heart, he never + forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so laudably, and for which, + in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his life, he meant for them no less + than for himself. + </p> + <p> + In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your + sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my + young friend and your brave and early fallen son. + </p> + <p> + May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power. + </p> + <p> + Sincerely your friend in common affliction, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0174" id="link2H_4_0174"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO COLONEL BARTLETT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York. + </p> + <p> + The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the + government, and must so go or not at all. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0175" id="link2H_4_0175"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861 + </h3> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of +Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that State, +two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel William L. +Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor of the State +of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer service of the United +States according to the "Plan of Organization" in the General Orders of +the War Department, No.15. When they report to Major-General McClellan in +condition to pass muster according to that order, and with the approval of +the Secretary of War to be indorsed hereon, and left in his department, +I direct that the whole six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be +received. +</pre> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0176" id="link2H_4_0176"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts + commanded by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old friends + very much wish to get into the service. If it can be received with the + approval of your department and the consent of the Governor of + Massachusetts I shall indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. Ashmun a chance + to explain fully. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0177" id="link2H_4_0177"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR—I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment + from Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment presented + by Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two weeks from now, + will be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's testimonials. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0178" id="link2H_4_0178"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY Of WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of + Indiana, I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three years' + service any number not exceeding four additional regiments from that + State. Probably they should come from the triangular region between the + Ohio and Wabash Rivers, including my own old boyhood home. Please see HON. + C. M. Allen, Speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives, and unless + you perceive good reason to the contrary, draw up an order for him + according to the above. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0179" id="link2H_4_0179"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:—With your concurrence, and that + of the Governor of Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the + three years' service any number not exceeding six additional regiments + from that State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please + see HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding + with the above. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0180" id="link2H_4_0180"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO N. W. EDWARDS + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Hon. N. W. EDWARDS MY DEAR SIR: + </p> + <p> + ....When you wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something + in the departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and + write you, but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from it, and + soon it passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it seemed to me, I + ought to understand myself before it was set on foot by my direction or + permission; and I really had no time to make myself acquainted with it. + Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, of course, that you should be + deprived of a chance to make something, if it can be done without + injustice to the Government, or to any individual. If you choose to come + here and point out to me how this can be done I shall not only not object, + but shall be gratified to be able to oblige you. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0181" id="link2H_4_0181"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. + Lane, of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have + concluded that we need the service of such a man out there at once; that + we had better appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers to-day, and + send him off with such authority to raise a force (I think two regiments + better than three, but as to this I am not particular) as you think will + get him into actual work quickest. Tell him, when he starts, to put it + through not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0182" id="link2H_4_0182"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + [Indorsement.] + </h3> + <p> + General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of + volunteers. + </p> + <p> + SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0183" id="link2H_4_0183"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION: + </p> + <p> + I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a Kentucky + regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. If you consent, + please write so at the bottom of this. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + We consent: + R. MALLORY. + H. GRIDER. + G. W. DUNLAP. + J. S. JACKSON. + C. A. WICKLIFFE. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0184" id="link2H_4_0184"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + August 5, 1861. + </h2> + <p> + I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry + whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0185" id="link2H_4_0185"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, JULY + </h2> + <p> + 2, 1861 TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES: + </p> + <p> + You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the + United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line + which is now or which shall be used between the city of New York and the + city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to + suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, + or through the officer in command at the point where resistance occurs, + are authorized to suspend that writ. + </p> + <p> + Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of + Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the independence of + the United States the eighty-fifth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0186" id="link2H_4_0186"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of + which you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please assemble the + Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and reports. + </p> + <p> + And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott (and) + General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0187" id="link2H_4_0187"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, + </h2> + <h3> + JULY 4, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:—Having + been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the + Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of + legislation. + </p> + <p> + At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the + functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended + within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, + Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the + Post-Office Department. + </p> + <p> + Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom-houses, and + the like, including the movable and stationary property in and about them, + had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this government, + excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and near the + Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The + forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new ones had been + built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all + avowedly with the same hostile purpose. + </p> + <p> + The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and + near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations, + and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile + batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and + outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate share of + the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found their way into these + States, and had been seized to be used against the government. + Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been seized for + the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a + very small part of it within the immediate reach of the government. + Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great numbers; and + of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms against the + government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose + to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this + purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring + the States respectively to be separated from the national Union. A formula + for instituting a combined government of these States had been + promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character of + confederate States, was already invoking recognition, aid, and + intervention from foreign powers. + </p> + <p> + Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative + duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation + of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that + end became indispensable. This choice was made and was declared in the + inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all + peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to + hold the public places and property not already wrested from the + government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, + discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at + government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; + and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, + or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might + constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was + forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the government on + foot. + </p> + <p> + On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in office), a + letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th + of February and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was by + that department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the + professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown + into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary by the + limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the + same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined + men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and + their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major Anderson's + letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieutenant-General Scott, + who at once concurred with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflection, + however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of the + army and the navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but + decidedly to the same conclusion as before. He also stated at the same + time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the + government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time + when the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military + point of view, this reduced the duty of the administration in the case to + the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. + </p> + <p> + It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the + circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which it + was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it would be + construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would + discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far + to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact, it would be + our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. + Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached Fort + Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of + policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of + Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be + sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort + Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and + slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received + just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that the + officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been + transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the + late administration (and of the existence of which the present + administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too + vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the + troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at + Fort Sumter was impossible—rendered so by the near exhaustion of + provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a + conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced preparing an + expedition as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which + expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to + circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now + presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended in + this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South + Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the + fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no + effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in + case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; + whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even + awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. + </p> + <p> + It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was in + no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They well + knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit + aggression upon them. They knew—they were expressly notified—that + the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was + all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by + resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this government + desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely + to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual + and immediate dissolution—trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, + discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and + reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object—to drive out the + visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate + dissolution. That this was their object the executive well understood; and + having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict + without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep + this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of + ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. + By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that + point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government began + the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return + their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before + for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in + whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced + upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate dissolution or blood." + </p> + <p> + And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It + presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional + republic or democracy—a government of the people by the same people—can + or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic + foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few + in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any case, + can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other + pretenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, + and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It + forces us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal + weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties + of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? + </p> + <p> + So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of + the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction by + force for its preservation. + </p> + <p> + The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, + surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. Yet none + of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a + regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been + organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise, and + received into the government service. Of course the seceded States, so + called (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the + inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. + </p> + <p> + The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some of + them being almost for the Union, while in others—as Virginia, North + Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas—the Union sentiment was nearly + repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most + remarkable—perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the + people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the + Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter + fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed + Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of + that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and with them + adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether + this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon + Sumter, or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that + assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance + for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then + somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the Legislature + (which was also in session at the same time and place), with leading men + of the State not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the + State were already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations + vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States + armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They + received perhaps invited—into their State large bodies of troops, + with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They + formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-operation with + the so-called "Confederate States," and sent members to their congress at + Montgomery. And finally, they permitted the insurrectionary government to + be transferred to their capital at Richmond. + </p> + <p> + The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make + its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice left but to + deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret as the loyal + citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens + this government is bound to recognize and protect, as being Virginia. + </p> + <p> + In the border States, so called,—in fact, the middle States,—there + are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that is, + an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or + the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed. + Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall + along the line of separation—and yet not quite an impassable one, + for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the hands of Union men and + freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which it + could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble + off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the external + blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they + most desire—feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle + of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation + to maintain the Union; and while very many who have favored it are + doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect. + </p> + <p> + Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at first + a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following this, a + proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary + districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was + believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists + announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering. + </p> + <p> + Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless + sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and + navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon, + under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity; + trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is + believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency + of Congress. + </p> + <p> + Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to + authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his + discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in + other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary + processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to + the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very + sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done + under it are questioned, and the attention of the country has been called + to the proposition that one who has sworn to "take care that the laws be + faithfully executed" should not himself violate them. Of course some + consideration was given to the questions of power and propriety before + this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to + be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in + nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of + execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the means + necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme + tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it relieves more of + the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be + violated? To state the question more directly, are all the laws but one to + go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces lest that one be + violated? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken if + the government should be overthrown when it was believed that disregarding + the single law would tend to preserve it? But it was not believed that + this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was + violated. The provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the + writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of + rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent to + a provision—is a provision—that such privilege may be + suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does + require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the + public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of + the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that + Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this power. But the + Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power; + and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot + be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in every case the + danger should run its course until Congress could be called together, the + very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, + by the rebellion. + </p> + <p> + No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some length + will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether there shall be + any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely + to the better judgment of Congress. + </p> + <p> + The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so long + continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they + supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While + this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now happy to + say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now + everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general sympathy + with the country is manifested throughout the world. + </p> + <p> + The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy will + give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your + deliberation and action; while the executive and all the departments will + stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered + important for you to know. + </p> + <p> + It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this + contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of the + government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and + $400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper + ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and + the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the + men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a + less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of + that struggle; and the money value in the country now bears even a greater + proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each man + has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had then to + establish them. + </p> + <p> + A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times + the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country + leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it + needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand + of the executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the + greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving troops + faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save their + government if the government itself will do its part only indifferently + well. + </p> + <p> + It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the + present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebellion." The + movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they + knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by + any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed + as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much + pride in and reverence for the history and government of their common + country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could + make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble + sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the + public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was + followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the + complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any State of + the Union may consistently with the national Constitution, and therefore + lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union without the consent of + the Union or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed + right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole + judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. + </p> + <p> + With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public mind + of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they have + brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the + government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical + pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been + brought to no such thing the day before. + </p> + <p> + This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the + assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining + to a State—to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have + neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the + Constitution—no one of them ever having been a State out of the + Union. The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off + their British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the + Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even + Texas in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new + ones only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while + that name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of + Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free and + independent States"; but even then the object plainly was not to declare + their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the + contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the + time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by + each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, + two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. + Having never been States either in substance or in name outside of the + Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a + claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about + the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national + Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. What + is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far wrong + to define it as "a political community without a political superior"? + Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was a sovereignty. + And even Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union; by which + act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States, and the laws + and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, + to be for her the supreme law of the land. The States have their status in + the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, + they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not + themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By + conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of independence + or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in + fact, it created them as States. Originally some dependent colonies made + the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for + them, and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a + State constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not + forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they + entered the Union nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming + into the Union. + </p> + <p> + Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in + and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not included + all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but, at most, + such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers; + and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been + known as a governmental, as a merely administrative power. This relative + matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other + than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole + should be confided to the whole—to the General Government; while + whatever concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. + This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the national + Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has applied the + principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound + by that defining, without question. + </p> + <p> + What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with the + Constitution—is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there + is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law which + leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with money + the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just + that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The nation + paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred + millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she + shall now be off without consent or without making any return? The nation + is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called + seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors + shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the + present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it + just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? + </p> + <p> + Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have + seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for creditors? + Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? + If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, + it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or to extort + terms upon which they will promise to remain. + </p> + <p> + The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have + assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of + necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession as + they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby + admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained + it, by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent + they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest + way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust + object. The principle itself is one of disintegration and upon which no + government can possibly endure. + </p> + <p> + If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out + of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would + at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon + State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being + called "driving the one out," should be called "the seceding of the others + from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, + indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority, may + rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not + rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of + minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution + and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the People." + </p> + <p> + It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the + legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina in + favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are + the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded + States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is + ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the result of + an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side + of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating + popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are at + once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote against + the Union. + </p> + <p> + It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we + enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole + people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and + an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on + foot was never before known without a soldier in it but who has taken his + place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many + single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical + knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, + whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is scarcely + one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a + Congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to administer the + government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our + late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much + better the reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on + both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes + to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference to + what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to get in + its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so + much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject. + Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, + unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words "all men + are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national + constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by + Washington, they omit "We, the People," and substitute, "We, the deputies + of the sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate + pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? + </p> + <p> + This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a + struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of + government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to lift + artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable + pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance in + the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from + necessity; this is the leading object of the government for whose + existence we contend. + </p> + <p> + I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate + this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the government's hour of + trial large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored + with the offices have resigned and proved false to the hand which had + pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have + deserted his flag. + </p> + <p> + Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the + example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most + important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers + and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have + successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands, but + an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic + instinct of the plain people. They understand, without an argument, that + the destroying of the government which was made by Washington means no + good to them. + </p> + <p> + Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in + it our people have already settled—the successful establishing and + the successful administering of it. One still remains—its successful + maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is + now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry + an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful + and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and + constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to + bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots + themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace: + teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they + take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. + </p> + <p> + Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to + be the course of the government toward the Southern States after the + rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to say + it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and + the laws; and that he probably will have no different understanding of the + powers and duties of the Federal Government relatively to the rights of + the States and the people, under the Constitution, than that expressed in + the inaugural address. + </p> + <p> + He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for all + as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere + have the right to claim this of their government, and the government has + no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it + there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense + of those terms. + </p> + <p> + The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision, + that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a + republican form of government." But if a State may lawfully go out of the + Union, having done so it may also discard the republican form of + government, so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means to + the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is lawful + and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and + obligatory. + </p> + <p> + It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of + employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. He + could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the government. + No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure; not that + compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long + survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save + the government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon + which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their + servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. + </p> + <p> + As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that these + institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so vast and + so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that + he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own + life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he + has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to + your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and + your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who + have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to + them, under the Constitution and the laws. + </p> + <p> + And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, + let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly + hearts. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, + </p> + <p> + July 4, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0188" id="link2H_4_0188"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the + Gen'l Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the + assistance of all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a little + before I send them to the Senate. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0189" id="link2H_4_0189"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th + instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of the + incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I + transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom the resolution was + referred. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0190" id="link2H_4_0190"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary of + State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister + plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition + of the products of industry of all nations, which is to take place at + London in the course of next year. As citizens of the United States may + justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it is + desirable that they should have proper facilities toward taking part in + the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legislation by Congress at + this session as may be necessary for that purpose. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0191" id="link2H_4_0191"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a deep + interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries adjacent to + the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it seems proper that + we should concert with the governments of those countries such measures as + may be conducive to those important objects. With this view I transmit to + Congress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and the + British minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of his + government, the appointment of a joint commission to inquire into the + matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be + advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation recommended as may be + necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commissioner on behalf + of the United States: + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861. A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0192" + id="link2H_4_0192"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + ADJUTANT-GENERAL: + </p> + <p> + I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named within + shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let there be no + further question about it. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0193" id="link2H_4_0193"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE BULL RUN DEFEAT. JULY 23, + </h2> + <p> + 1861 + </p> + <p> + 1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward with + all possible despatch. + </p> + <p> + 2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under General + Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more for + the present. + </p> + <p> + 3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain hand. + </p> + <p> + 4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made + secure in its position. + </p> + <p> + 5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders according to + instructions or orders from General McClellan. + </p> + <p> + 6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations in + the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention to + Missouri. + </p> + <p> + 7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, be + reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about + Arlington. + </p> + <p> + 8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service be + discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. + </p> + <p> + 9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as possible, + and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river here. + </p> + <p> + When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to: + </p> + <p> + 1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the railroads + near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, with an open line + from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Harper's Ferry to + Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing these. + </p> + <p> + 2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from Cincinnati + on East Tennessee. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0194" id="link2H_4_0194"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which + the government already has in service in your State, enough to make eight + in all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the new + regiments to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three months' men + and officers just discharged, and to be organized, equipped, and sent + forward as fast as single regiments are ready, On the same terms as were + those already in the service from that State. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] + </p> + <p> + This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New + Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. + </p> + <p> + S. CAMERON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0195" id="link2H_4_0195"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d + instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, government + and foreign powers with reference to maritime right, I transmit a report + from the Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0196" id="link2H_4_0196"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th + instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government + and foreign powers on the subject of the existing insurrection in the + United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0197" id="link2H_4_0197"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CHASE. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR CHASE:—The bearer, Mr. ———, wants ——— + in the custom house at Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, + and I recollect them to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the + Methodists should be in his favor, as they complain of us some. + </p> + <p> + LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0198" id="link2H_4_0198"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th + instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which the police + Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now detained as prisoners + at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is judged to be incompatible with + the public interest at this time to furnish the information called for by + the resolution. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861 <a name="link2H_4_0199" + id="link2H_4_0199"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant requesting + information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of the + 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. JULY 30, 1861 <a name="link2H_4_0200" id="link2H_4_0200"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant requesting + information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John J. Worden (John + L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a report from the + Secretary of the Navy. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + July 30, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0201" id="link2H_4_0201"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 31, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where political + prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and sustenance for such + prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in those respects for + themselves, in which case they will be allowed to do so by the commanding + officer in charge. + </p> + <p> + Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to the + Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the Interior. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0202" id="link2H_4_0202"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, + requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of the + United States by the forces now in rebellion against this government, I + transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the copy of a + telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0203" id="link2H_4_0203"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, 1861, + requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James H. + Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed a + brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, whether he + has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith + certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together, + explain themselves, and which contain all the information I possess upon + the questions propounded. + </p> + <p> + It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to appoint + Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United States + volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since passed, for + raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge upon the subject, + except as derived from the papers herewith enclosed. + </p> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0204" id="link2H_4_0204"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps + and HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress from + Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of Missourians in the + southwestern part of the State. It ought to be done, and Mr. Phelps ought + to have general superintendence of it. I see by a private report to me + from the department that eighteen regiments are already accepted from + Missouri. Can it not be arranged that part of them (not yet organized, as + I understand) may be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the + control of Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a + shorter term than three years—or the war—understanding, + however, that he will get them for the full term if he can? I hope this + can be done, because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and + understands his ground too well for us to lose his service. Of course + provision for arming, equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, + and wishes to carry home with him authority for this matter. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0205" id="link2H_4_0205"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, AUGUST 12, 1861. + </h2> + <h3> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + </h3> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on the + President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a day of + public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the people of + the United States with religious solemnities and the offering of fervent + supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, + His blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace"; and + </p> + <p> + Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to acknowledge + and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in humble submission to + His chastisements, to confess and deplore their sins and transgressions in + the full conviction that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, + and to pray with all fervency and contrition for the pardon of their past + offences and for a blessing upon their present and prospective action; and + </p> + <p> + Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, + united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil + war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God in this + terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and + crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves before Him and + to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared further punishment, + though most justly deserved, that our arms may be blessed and made + effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, and peace throughout the + wide extent of our country, and that the inestimable boon of civil and + religious liberty, earned under His guidance and blessing by the labors + and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its original + excellence. + </p> + <p> + Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint + the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and + fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend to + all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion + of all denominations and to all heads of families, to observe and keep + that day according to their several creeds and modes of worship in all + humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united + prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down + plentiful blessings upon our country. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand + and caused the seal of the United States to + [SEAL.] + be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D. + 1861, and of the independence of the United + States of America the eighty-sixth. +</pre> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, + Secretary of State. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0206" id="link2H_4_0206"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JAMES POLLOCK. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. JAMES POLLOCK. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—You must make a job for the bearer of this—make a + job of it with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and + you must. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0207" id="link2H_4_0207"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the + earliest moment possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your + rifled gums. Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward + as soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments + organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0208" id="link2H_4_0208"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + </p> + <p> + Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you receive + the answers? The War Department has notified all the governors you + designate to forward all available force. So telegraphed you. Have you + received these messages? Answer immediately. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0209" id="link2H_4_0209"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. + </h2> + <h3> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </h3> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, the + President of the United States, in view of an insurrection against the + laws, Constitution, and government of the United States which had broken + out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, + Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the provisions of + the act entitled "An act to provide for calling forth the militia to + execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel + invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose," approved + February twenty-eighth, seventeen hundred and ninety-five, did call forth + the militia to suppress said insurrection, and to cause the laws of the + Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse by + the time directed by the President; and whereas such insurrection has + since broken out and yet exists within the States of Virginia, North + Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas the insurgents in all the + said States claim to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is + not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of + government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in + which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed + by said States: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in + pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen hundred + and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States + of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, + Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except the + inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the + Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of that State, and the other + States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union + and the Constitution, or may be time to time occupied and controlled by + forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents), + are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all + commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with + the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts + of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such + insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and + chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with the + exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the + special license and permission of the President, through the Secretary of + the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with the exceptions + aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or vehicle conveying + the same, or conveying persons to or from said States, with said + exceptions, will be forfeited to the United States; and that from and + after fifteen days from the issuing of this proclamation all ships and + vessels belonging in whole or in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any + of said States, with said exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the + United States, will be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin + upon all district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of + the military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in the + execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and + forfeitures imposed or declared by it; leaving any party who may think + himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary of the + Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which the said + Secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, the special + circumstances of any case shall require such remission. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,.... + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0210" id="link2H_4_0210"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to + me, make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a + brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of General + Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the discretion of + General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret unless and until the + commission is delivered. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + Same day made. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0211" id="link2H_4_0211"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of the State of Kentucky. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the "removal + from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and in + camp within that State," is received. + </p> + <p> + I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject; + but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within + Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which force is not + very large, and is not now being augmented. + </p> + <p> + I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the + United States. + </p> + <p> + I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having + their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing + or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. + </p> + <p> + In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent + solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed, + and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving + people of Kentucky. + </p> + <p> + While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, + including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember + that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the + bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military + force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of + Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for + a time. + </p> + <p> + Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe + it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond + her limits; and, with this impression, I must respectfully decline to so + remove it. + </p> + <p> + I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve + the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with regret I search, + and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration or + intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the + Federal Union. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0212" id="link2H_4_0212"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL FREMONT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me + some anxiety. + </p> + <p> + First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the + Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in + retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my order + that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without first + having my approbation or consent. + </p> + <p> + Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in + relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of + traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them + against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow me, + therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that + paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of + Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary + purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith + send you. + </p> + <p> + This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send + it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and speedily reach + you. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0213" id="link2H_4_0213"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS + </h2> + <p> + WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF + MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, AND SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND. + </p> + <p> + WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861. + </p> + <p> + General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be + recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. + </p> + <p> + I shall be glad if you, as governor of ———, will answer + by telegraph if you consent. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0214" id="link2H_4_0214"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL FREMONT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT. + </p> + <p> + SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just + received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the + necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your + proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection to it. The + particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property + and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its + nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 6th of last August upon + the same subjects; and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish that that + clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, + expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for + the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that + the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed + as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject + contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property + used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and that said + act be published at length with this order. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0215" id="link2H_4_0215"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO MRS. FREMONT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., September 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR MADAM:—Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered + the letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not hearing + from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. It is not + exactly correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. Blair, to say + that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into that + department and report. Postmaster-General Blair did go, with my + approbation, to see and converse with General Fremont as a friend. I do + not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of letters in my possession + without the consent of the writers. No impression has been made on my mind + against the honor or integrity of General Fremont, and I now enter my + protest against being understood as acting in any hostility toward him. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0216" id="link2H_4_0216"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOSEPH HOLT, + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. JOSEPH HOLT. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of + General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by + mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he receives + it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which perhaps shows my + position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will thank you not + to make it public until General Fremont shall have had time to receive the + original. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0217" id="link2H_4_0217"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL SCOTT + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you + to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. I + suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force—even + a company—if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is necessary to + now say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward says he has a + nephew (Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be willing to go and play + colonel and assist in raising the force. Still it is to be considered + whether the North Carolinians will not prefer officers of their own. I + should expect they would. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0218" id="link2H_4_0218"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:—To guard against + misunderstanding, I think fit to say that the joint expedition of the army + and navy agreed upon some time since, and in which General T. W. Sherman + was and is to bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but + must be ready to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all + preparations go forward accordingly. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0219" id="link2H_4_0219"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL FREMONT, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + </p> + <p> + Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by + special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, in + possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. Owensborough must + be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah for that purpose." Send + up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Perhaps you had + better order those in charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at + all points. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0220" id="link2H_4_0220"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + To O. H. BROWNING. + </h2> + <h3> + (Private and Confidential) + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON SEPTEMBER 22, 1861 HON. O. H. BROWNING. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from + you, I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to + a law which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than a + month before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. General + Fremont's proclamation as to confiscation of property and the liberation + of slaves is purely political and not within the range of military law or + necessity. If a commanding general finds a necessity to seize the farm of + a private owner for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has + the right to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and + this is within military law, because within military necessity. But to say + the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and + this as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as when it + is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about it. And + the same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them + and use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their + permanent future condition. That must be settled according to laws made by + law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The proclamation in the + point in question is simply "dictatorship." It assumes that the general + may do anything he pleases confiscate the lands and free the slaves of + loyal people, as well as of disloyal ones. And going the whole figure, I + have no doubt, would be more popular with some thoughtless people than + that which has been done, But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor + allow others to assume it on my responsibility. + </p> + <p> + You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On the + contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it be + pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States—any + government of constitution and laws wherein a general or a president may + make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I do not say Congress + might not with propriety pass a law on the point, just such as General + Fremont proclaimed. + </p> + <p> + I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What I + object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly seize and + exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government. + </p> + <p> + So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular + in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general + declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature would not budge till + that proclamation was modified; and General Anderson telegraphed me that + on the news of General Fremont having actually issued deeds of + manumission, a whole company of our volunteers threw down their arms and + disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we + had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose + Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we + cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and + the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to + separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the + contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and + back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends gave + me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall go + through triumphantly. You must not understand I took my course on the + proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private + letter to General Fremont before I heard from Kentucky. + </p> + <p> + You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont + to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part to be within + military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont, + that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and + will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of + theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I + prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies. + </p> + <p> + There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground + connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his + removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can probably tell you + what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0221" id="link2H_4_0221"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN + </h2> + <h3> + [OCTOBER 1?] 1861 + </h3> + <p> + On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined hereafter) + I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the railroad + connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass called Cumberland + Gap. That point is now guarded against us by Zollicoffer, with 6000 or + 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,—say twenty-five miles from the + Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 or 6000 under General + Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty-five miles from Lexington and + seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp, On the road between the two. There + is not a railroad anywhere between Lexington and the point to be seized, + and along the whole length of which the Union sentiment among the people + largely predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from + Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some home + guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We have + possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., so far as + Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have possession of + that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a force of 8000, under + General Sherman, and about an equal force of rebels is a very short + distance south, under General Buckner. + </p> + <p> + We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on the + Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, Evansville, + and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, with the gunboats on + the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the Ohio from Louisville to its + mouth. + </p> + <p> + About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin, + Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, be + left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now elsewhere, be sent + to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed in western Virginia be + sent there, and any remainder be sent to Mitchell at Cincinnati, for + Anderson. All east of the mountains be appropriated to McClellan and to + the coast. + </p> + <p> + As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on + Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation, + vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, however, + not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle Missouri. That + before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall respectively watch but not + attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when the coast and Gap movements + shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand fast, while all at Cincinnati + and all at Louisville, with all on the line, concentrate rapidly at + Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the whole thence + upon the Gap. It is for the military men to decide whether they can find a + pass through the mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by + the enemy with a greatly inferior force, and what is to be done in regard + to this. + </p> + <p> + The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in their + respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages the + diversions may present. + </p> + <p> + [He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken an + active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines of + communication guarded—and discovering many "critical" supply items + that had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did not like it. + D.W.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0222" id="link2H_4_0222"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and + son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I + understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction from + here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be released + when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0223" id="link2H_4_0223"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:—I have received from Mr. Thayer, + Consul-General of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the + liberal, enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his complaint, + you have adopted in bringing to speedy and condign punishment the parties, + subjects of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who were concerned in an act of + criminal persecution against Faris, an agent of certain Christian + missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your Highness to be assured that these + proceedings, at once so prompt and so just, will be regarded as a new and + unmistakable proof equally of your Highness's friendship for the United + States and of the firmness, integrity and wisdom, with which the + government of your Highness is conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and + success, I am your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, + etc. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0224" id="link2H_4_0224"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. + </h2> + <h3> + October 14 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT: + </p> + <p> + The military line of the United States for the suppression of the + insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any + officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend the + writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the city of + Washington. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0225" id="link2H_4_0225"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of + wills a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me "Moses + Kelly, of New Hampshire." I do not like this. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0226" id="link2H_4_0226"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK + </h2> + <h3> + TO MAJOR RAMSEY. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR RAMSEY. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want + to work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a want + that it should be encouraged. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0227" id="link2H_4_0227"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.: + </p> + <p> + Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. I have + promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. I do not + think I shall come to Annapolis. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0228" id="link2H_4_0228"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Herewith is a document—half letter, half order—which, + wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please read + it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of the + Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now know + whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0229" id="link2H_4_0229"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + </h2> + <h3> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you + will take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure + addressed to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all reasonable + despatch, subject to these conditions only: that if, when General Fremont + shall be reached by the messenger—yourself or any one sent by you—he + shall then have, in personal command, fought and won a battle, or shall + then be actually in a battle, or shall then be in the immediate presence + of the enemy in expectation of a battle, it is not to be delivered, but + held for further orders. After, and not till after, the delivery to + General Fremont, let the inclosure addressed to General Hunter be + delivered to him. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + (General Orders No. 18.) HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + </p> + <p> + Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present commander of + the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt of this order, + call Major-General Hunter, of the United States Volunteers, to relieve him + temporarily in that command, when he (Major-General Fremont) will report + to general headquarters by letter for further orders. + </p> + <p> + WINFIELD SCOTT. By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0230" id="link2H_4_0230"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE COMMANDER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST. + </h3> + <p> + SIR:—The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon + you, I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous it is + to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines and + operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of localities and + passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a considerable margin + for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. + </p> + <p> + The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to have + passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, leaving + Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the southeast of the + State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desirable, as you are not + likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of making too long a line from + your own base of supplies and reinforcements, that you should give up the + pursuit, halt your main army, divide it into two corps of observation, one + occupying Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present termini of railroads; + then recruit the condition of both corps by re-establishing and improving + their discipline and instructions, perfecting their clothing and + equipments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course, both + railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing just so + much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, Sedalia and + Rolla, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane on the Kansas + border, it would be so easy to concentrate and repel any army of the enemy + returning on Missouri from the southwest, that it is not probable any such + attempt will be made before or during the approaching cold weather. Before + spring the people of Missouri will probably be in no favorable mood to + renew for next year the troubles which have so much afflicted and + impoverished them during this. If you adopt this line of policy, and if, + as I anticipate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, you + will have a surplus of force which you can withdraw from these points and + direct to others as may be needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of + reinforcing these main points if occasion requires. Doubtless local + uprisings will for a time continue to occur, but these can be met by + detachments and local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of + themselves. + </p> + <p> + While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion must + be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pursuit of + Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis + will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the loss of the whole + force engaged in it. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0231" id="link2H_4_0231"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING + </h2> + <h3> + GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. (General Orders, No.94.) + </h3> + <p> + WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861 + </p> + <p> + The following order from the President of the United States, announcing + the retirement from active command of the honored veteran Lieutenant + general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with profound regret: + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0232" id="link2H_4_0232"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. + </h2> + <h3> + November 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to the + President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott + is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired + officers of the army of the United States, without reduction in his + current pay, subsistence, or allowances. + </p> + <p> + The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General + Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while the + President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the nation's + sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense of the + important public services rendered by him to his country during his long + and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished + his faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag when + assailed by parricidal rebellion. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. McClellan + assume the command of the army of the United States. The headquarters of + the army will be established in the city of Washington. All communications + intended for the commanding general will hereafter be addressed direct to + the adjutant-general. The duplicate returns, orders, and other papers + heretofore sent to the assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the + army, will be discontinued. + </p> + <p> + By order of the Secretary of War: L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0233" id="link2H_4_0233"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE OF MISSOURI. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + </h3> + <p> + November 5, 1861. + </p> + <p> + The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of the + convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the United States + that he will raise a military force to serve within the State as State + militia during the war there, to cooperate with the troops in the service + of the United States in repelling the invasion of the State and + suppressing rebellion therein; the said State militia to be embodied and + to be held in the camp and in the field, drilled, disciplined, and + governed according to the Army Regulations and subject to the Articles of + War; the said State militia not to be ordered out of the State except for + the immediate defense of the State of Missouri, but to co-operate with the + troops in the service of the United States in military operations within + the State or necessary to its defense, and when officers of the State + militia act with officers in the service of the United States of the same + grade the officers of the United States service shall command the combined + force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, + transported, and paid by the United States during such time as they shall + be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service in accordance + with regulations of the United States Army or general orders as issued + from time to time. + </p> + <p> + In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened with + the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, although the + State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff an + adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a + quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, each + with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the Government + of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the + quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being + necessary in the relations which would exist between the State militia and + the United States. The governor further proposes that while he is allowed + by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the governor at his + discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only shall be reported to the + United States for payment. He also proposes that the State militia shall + be commanded by a single major-general and by such number of + brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a brigade of not less than four + regiments, and that no greater number of staff officers shall be appointed + for regimental, brigade, and division duties than as provided for in the + act of Congress of the 22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be the rank of + such officers as fixed by the law of the State, the compensation that they + shall receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs to + the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United States + service performing the same duties. + </p> + <p> + The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one colonel, one + lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company officers are a captain, + a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. The governor proposes that, + as the money to be disbursed is the money of the United States, such staff + officers in the service of the United States as may be necessary to act as + disbursing officers for the State militia shall be assigned by the War + Department for that duty; or, if such cannot be spared from their present + duty, he will appoint such persons disbursing officers for the State + militia as the President of the United States may designate. Such + regulations as may be required, in the judgment of the President, to + insure regularity of returns and to protect the United States from any + fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all in office in the + State militia. + </p> + <p> + The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, and + the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders upon the + Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical departments to + carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the necessary staff + officers in the United States service to be detailed for duty in + connection with the Missouri State militia, and will order them to make + the necessary provision in their respective offices for fulfilling this + agreement. All requisitions upon the different officers of the United + States under this agreement to be made in substance in the same mode for + the Missouri State militia as similar requisitions are made for troops in + the service of the United States; and the Secretary of War will cause any + additional regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity and + economy in carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and + communicated to the Governor of Missouri for the government of the + Missouri State militia. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] + </p> + <p> + November 6, 1861. + </p> + <p> + This plan approved, with the modification that the governor stipulates + that when he commissions a major-general of militia it shall be the same + person at the time in command of the United States Department of the West; + and in case the United States shall change such commander of the + department, he (the governor) will revoke the State commission given to + the person relieved and give one to the person substituted to the United + States command of said department. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0234" id="link2H_4_0234"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. + </h2> + <h3> + November 8, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + SIR:—I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That + pleasure is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival here, + that his Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the mission + upon the grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock identified + with the most glorious era of your country's noble history, and your own + eminent social and political standing in Sweden. This country, sir, + maintains, and means to maintain, the rights of human nature, and the + capacity of men for self-government. The history of Sweden proves that + this is the faith of the people of Sweden, and we know that it is the + faith and practice of their respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, + that we shall be found always just and paternal in our transactions with + your government, and that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your + residence in this capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your + government. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0235" id="link2H_4_0235"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS. + </h2> + <h3> + St. Louis, November 20, 1861. (Received Nov. 20th.) + </h3> + <p> + GENERAL McCLELLAN, + </p> + <p> + For the President of the United States. + </p> + <p> + No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law in + this department. Please send me such written authority and telegraph me + that it has been sent by mail. + </p> + <p> + H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] November 21, 1861. + </p> + <p> + If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare and + maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby authorized. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0236" id="link2H_4_0236"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE GREELEY + </h2> + <h3> + TO GOVERNOR WALKER. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861 + </p> + <p> + DEAR GOVERNOR:—I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore + has had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to + Gilmore, namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] all + that he learns from you of the inner workings of the administration, in + return for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he can to the new magazine, + and allowing you [Walker] from time to time the use of his [Greeley's] + columns when it is desirable to feel of, or forestall, public opinion on + important subjects. The arrangement meets my unqualified approval, and I + shall further it to the extent of my ability, by opening to you—as I + do now—fully the policy of the Government,—its present views + and future intentions when formed, giving you permission to communicate + them to Gilmore for Greeley; and in case you go to Europe I will give + these things direct to Gilmore. But all this must be on the express and + explicit understanding that the fact of these communications coming from + me shall be absolutely confidential,—not to be disclosed by Greeley + to his nearest friend, or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, + my mouthpiece, but I must not be known to be the speaker. + </p> + <p> + I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. Greeley. He + is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be as helpful to me as + an army of one hundred thousand men. + </p> + <p> + This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor to + the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation—and promoted + McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency. + </p> + <p> + That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being fully + informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects to my + policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views frankly and + fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will at least tell him + why. He and I should stand together, and let no minor differences come + between us; for we both seek one end, which is the saving of our country. + Now, Governor, this is a longer letter than I have written in a month,—longer + than I would have written for any other man than Horace Greeley. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + P. S.—The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before + long think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0237" id="link2H_4_0237"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, + </h2> + <h3> + DECEMBER 2, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, Commanding in the Department of Missouri. + </p> + <p> + GENERAL:—As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in + arms in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and empowered to + suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of the military + division under your command, and to exercise martial law as you find it + necessary in your discretion to secure the public safety and the authority + of the United States. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed at Washington, this second day of December, + A.D. 1861. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0238" id="link2H_4_0238"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:—In the + midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude + to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. + </p> + <p> + You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the + times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound + solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + </p> + <p> + A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been + engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which + endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad, and + one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign + intervention. + </p> + <p> + Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the + counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures + adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious + to those adopting them. + </p> + <p> + The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of + our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked + abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably + expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to + assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social, + and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy + restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton, + those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object + more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the + preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign + nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a + sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim + more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving + encouragement to it. + </p> + <p> + The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign + nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the + embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw from + the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as our + domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the + effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong + nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and + reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments. + </p> + <p> + It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, + because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of + our country and the stability of our government mainly depend not upon + them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the + American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, + is herewith submitted. + </p> + <p> + I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and + liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and with + firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. + </p> + <p> + Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, foreign + dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that + adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defenses + on every side. While under this general recommendation provision for + defending our seacoast line readily occurs to the mind, I also in the same + connection ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It + is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, + with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon + these, would be of great importance to the national defense and + preservation I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, + expressed in his report, upon the same general subject. + </p> + <p> + I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and + western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other + faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as a + military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such + rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and + through her Legislature make the most judicious selection of a line. The + northern terminus must connect with some existing railroad, and whether + the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, + or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or + on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the + General Government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short + time, and when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness but + also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future. + </p> + <p> + Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having + no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted + to the Senate for their consideration. + </p> + <p> + Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt a + desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all + obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such as are merely + of temporary and accidental occurrence. + </p> + <p> + I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic + Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of + State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June + last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed breach of + the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious + misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should + commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as sanctioned by + public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the + reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention. + </p> + <p> + I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message to + Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus + which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American + citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under + the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed + advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that + authority be given for investing the principal, or the proceeds of the + surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction + of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not + unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that + empire. + </p> + <p> + By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the President to + instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against + and to capture pirates. His authority has been exercised in a single + instance only. For the more effectual protection of our extensive and + valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it + would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to + recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and + their cargoes, and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern + countries to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be + objected to by the local authorities. + </p> + <p> + If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding + our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Haiti and Liberia, + I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel + policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for + your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining a + charge d'affaires near each of those new States. It does not admit of + doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable + treaties with them. + </p> + <p> + The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed since + your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism + of the people has placed at the disposal of the government the large means + demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has been + taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in their + country's faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from present + peril have induced them to contribute to the support of the government the + whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar + obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action. + </p> + <p> + The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year + ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the expenditures + for the same period, including payments on account of the public debt, + were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st of July + of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter of the financial year ending on + the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including the + balance of the 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses + $98,239733.09, leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of + $4,292,776.18. + </p> + <p> + Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the + financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for meeting + the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the + Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures + made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal + people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far + sustained the government will continue to sustain it till peace and union + shall again bless the land. + </p> + <p> + I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for information + respecting the numerical strength of the army and for recommendations + having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well-being of the + various branches of the service intrusted to his care. It is gratifying to + know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion, + and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which + Congress authorized me to call into the field. + </p> + <p> + I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion + to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops and + to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. + </p> + <p> + The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia + upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future safety + of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress. + </p> + <p> + The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection + that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives + peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of + cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy. + </p> + <p> + By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for + hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice, + and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, + properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the + dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing also the + form of the letter, marked A, and herewith transmitted. + </p> + <p> + These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the + times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully + therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the + same rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general + provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with + regiments. + </p> + <p> + The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations + of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have + characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase + its efficiency and power such have been the additions, by construction and + purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and brought + into service since our difficulties commenced. + </p> + <p> + Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before + assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which + have increased our naval renown. + </p> + <p> + I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary + for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing additional + grades in the service. + </p> + <p> + The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the + suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, + obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the + efficiency of the navy. + </p> + <p> + There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court—two by + the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation of + Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these + vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges + resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so that if successors + were appointed in the same localities they could not now serve upon their + circuits; and many of the most competent men there probably would not take + the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the Supreme + bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments north-ward, + thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the return of + peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the North one which has + heretofore been in the South would not, with reference to territory and + population, be unjust. + </p> + <p> + During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit + grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to give the + courts therein more than a nominal attendance—rising in population + from 1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. + </p> + <p> + Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial + system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all + the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by Supreme + judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, + Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such courts. Nor can this + well be remedied without a change in the system, because the adding of + judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts of + the country with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too + numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will + increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful or + they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if not + useful, no State should have them. Let them be provided for all or + abolished as to all. + </p> + <p> + Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an + improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of + convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country be + divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to serve in a + number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent circuit + judges be provided for all the rest; or, secondly, let the Supreme judges + be relieved from circuit duties and circuit judges provided for all the + circuits; or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving + the judicial functions wholly to the district courts and an independent + Supreme Court. + </p> + <p> + I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present + condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able to + find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which + constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of + them. Since the Organization of the government, Congress has enacted some + 5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6000 closely printed + pages and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts have been + drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions + are often obscure in themselves or in conflict with each other, or at + least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the + best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law really + is. + </p> + <p> + It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as + plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass + as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the + Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done would, I + think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist + in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the + people, by placing before them in a more accessible and intelligible form + the laws which so deeply concern their interests and their duties. + </p> + <p> + I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of + Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be + revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most two + volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully recommend to + Congress to consider of the subject, and if my suggestion be approved to + devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the + attainment of the end proposed. + </p> + <p> + One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the + entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of + administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing + law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States; + and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those + States the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts or + officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the + enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent + States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims. Some + have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due in large part from + insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are even now making + great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the + government. + </p> + <p> + Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish, by + military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I have + thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end + proposed—the collection of the debts—was just and right in + itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of + necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I + suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the + whole matter to Congress, with the hope that a plan maybe devised for the + administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and + Territories as may be under the control of this government, whether by a + voluntary return to allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; + this, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary + substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be + reestablished in peace. + </p> + <p> + It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if + possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, especially + in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the + duty of government to render prompt justice against itself in favor of + citizens as it is to administer the same between private individuals. The + investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to the + judicial department. Besides, it is apparent that the attention of + Congress will be more than usually engaged for some time to come with + great national questions. It was intended by the organization of the Court + of Claims mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of + Congress; but, while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable + means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of + its creation for want of power to make its judgments final. + </p> + <p> + Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject, I + commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making + judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the + right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other + provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. + </p> + <p> + I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the following + being a summary statement of the condition of the department: + </p> + <p> + The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1861, + including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the + transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being about 2 per + cent. less than the revenue for 1860. + </p> + <p> + The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than 8 + per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving an + excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of + $4,557,462.71. + </p> + <p> + The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an + increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which + should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free matter, + viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. + </p> + <p> + The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an + estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the treasury in + addition to the permanent appropriation. + </p> + <p> + The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this + District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the capital + here was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of that + portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and + dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining + that part of the District and the restoration of the original boundaries + thereof through negotiations with the State of Virginia. + </p> + <p> + The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying + documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public + business pertaining to that department. The depressing influences of the + insurrection have been specially felt in the operations of the Patent and + General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands + during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only + about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern + States, while the interruptions to the business of the country and the + diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service have + obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the Northwest. + </p> + <p> + The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about + $100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary to + make it self-sustaining. + </p> + <p> + The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the + insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the + casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason to + believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the + bounty of the government are in the ranks of the insurgent army or giving + them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed a + suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of + their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to + cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls. + </p> + <p> + The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been greatly + disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superintendency + and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the + possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the United + States appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency have been + unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office + before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume to + exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the + insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion of + those Indians have been organized as a military force and are attached to + the army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official + information upon this subject, letters have been written to the + Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving + assurance of their loyalty to the United States and expressing a wish for + the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon + the repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will + readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former relations + to the government. + </p> + <p> + Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a + department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the + government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so + independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from + the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something + more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. + </p> + <p> + Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, and + manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical value + to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the + opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be + organized. + </p> + <p> + The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade + has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of + gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of + this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success. + Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and + condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one person in + equipping a vessel as a slaver have been convicted and subjected to the + penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of + Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of + offense under our laws, the punishment of which is death. + </p> + <p> + The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last + Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been + inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is + considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these + new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. + </p> + <p> + The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security and + protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to them + a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the country + to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the Legislature of + Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of the + Territory. So far the authority of the United States has been upheld in + all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend + their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of + Congress. + </p> + <p> + I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of + the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of much + suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no + representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just claims + upon the government. + </p> + <p> + At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the + President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of the + industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the + industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret + to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject—a + subject at once so interesting in itself and so extensively and intimately + connected with the material prosperity of the world. Through the + Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan or system has been devised + and partly matured, and which will be laid before you. + </p> + <p> + Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate + property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, the + legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other + persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the latter thus liberated + are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in + some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will + pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by + operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for + disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting + such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in + lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on + with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by + the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event + steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned if + the other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places in + a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether + the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as + individuals may desire, be included in such colonization. + </p> + <p> + To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of + territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended + in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acquisition of + territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to + do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first + by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his + scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only + legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white + men, this measure effects that object, for emigration of colored men + leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. + Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on + political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population. + </p> + <p> + On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the + acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute + necessity—that without which the government itself cannot be + perpetuated? + </p> + <p> + The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing + the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the inevitable + conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and + remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in every case thought + it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary + object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not of + vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the + Legislature. + </p> + <p> + In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade of + the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by + proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for closing + those ports. + </p> + <p> + So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations of + law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress to + confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law upon + the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly considered. + The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be + employed. We should not be in haste to determine that radical and extreme + measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are + indispensable. + </p> + <p> + The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the + message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly devoted + to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and + consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract to or + from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those + documents. + </p> + <p> + The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at the + assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has occurred since + may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then is much better + defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in + the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support + from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends of the Union were + not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled + definitely, and on the right side. South of the line noble little Delaware + led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union. + Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up + within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the ability + to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges + and railroads are repaired and open to the government; she already gives + seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none to the enemy; and her + people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a larger + majority and a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any + candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now + decidedly and, I think, unchangeably ranged on the side of the Union. + Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, I believe, can, not again be overrun + by the insurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and + Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first, have + now an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the field for the + Union, while of their citizens certainly not more than a third of that + number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in + arms against us. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes + on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own + country. + </p> + <p> + An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating the + narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and + Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with some + contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people + there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the + old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac or + east of the Chesapeake. + </p> + <p> + Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the + southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah), and + Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular + movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee. + </p> + <p> + These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing steadily + and certainly southward. + </p> + <p> + Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from the + head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been unmindful + of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and brilliantly + he has served the country, from a time far back in our history, when few + of the now living had been born, and thenceforward continually, I cannot + but think we are still his debtors. I submit, therefore, for your + consideration what further mark of recognition is due to him, and to + ourselves as a grateful people. + </p> + <p> + With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of appointing + in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate + circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I + know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. + The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General + McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give a + unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is therefore + in considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the + Executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given + him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised, + and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. + </p> + <p> + It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, and + the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is better + directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at + variance and cross-purposes with each other. + </p> + <p> + And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can + have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the choice of + means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship to sink, and + yet not unfrequently all go down together because too many will direct and + no single mind can be allowed to control. + </p> + <p> + It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not + exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government—the + rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most + grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general + tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the + existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to + participate in the selection of public officers except the legislative + boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of + the people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy + itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the + people. + </p> + <p> + In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit + raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It + is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in + favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with its + connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief + attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if + not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor + is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless + somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to + labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital + shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or + buy them and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so + far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers + or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a + hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. + </p> + <p> + Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is + there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition + of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences + from them are groundless. + </p> + <p> + Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of + labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor + is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration. + Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other + rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a + relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. The error is + in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within that relation. + A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their + capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong + to neither class—neither work for others nor have others working for + them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people of all + colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a large + majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their families—wives, + sons, and daughters,—work for themselves on their farms, in their + houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and + asking no favors of capital on the one hand nor of hired laborers or + slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of + persons mingle their own labor with capital; that is, they labor with + their own hands and also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is + only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by + the existence of this mixed class. + </p> + <p> + Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing + as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many + independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in their lives + were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors + for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for + himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires + another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and + prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and + consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all. No men + living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; + none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly + earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they + already possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to close the + door of advancement against such as they and to fix new disabilities and + burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. + </p> + <p> + From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy + years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as + great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things which + men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one view what + the popular principle, applied to government through the machinery of the + States and the Union, has produced in a given time, and also what if + firmly maintained it promises for the future. There are already among us + those who if the Union be preserved will live to see it contain + 200,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is + for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence all the more firm + and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved + upon us. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0239" id="link2H_4_0239"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </p> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive + committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of those + American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the industrial + exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of that + commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and copies of + circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's commissioners in + London, giving directions to be observed in regard to articles intended + for exhibition, and also of circular forms of application, demands for + space, approvals, etc., according to the rules prescribed by the British + commissioners. + </p> + <p> + As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable those + citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors to avail + themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend them to your + early consideration, especially in view of the near approach of the time + when the exhibition will begin. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0240" id="link2H_4_0240"> + <!-- --> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL HUNTER. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + </p> + <p> + Dec.31, 1861 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say + it is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as you + intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, not from + any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up to the time + you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of grumbling despatches + and letters I have seen from you since. I knew you were being ordered to + Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I aver that with as tender a + regard for your honor and your sensibilities as I had for my own, it never + occurred to me that you were being "humiliated, insulted, and disgraced"; + nor have I, up to this day, heard an intimation that you have been + wronged, coming from any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for the + retrograde movement from Springfield, nor for the information you gave + General Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were not for + your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth must + necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought then, + and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, and as + honorable, as that assigned to Buell—I know that General McClellan + expected more important results from it. My impression is that at the time + you were assigned to the new Western Department, it had not been + determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but of this I am not + certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky was very desirable, + and one in the farther West undesirable, had never occurred to me. You + constantly speak of being placed in command of only 3000. Now, tell me, is + this not mere impatience? Have you not known all the while that you are to + command four or five times that many. + </p> + <p> + I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to make + a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way to ruin + yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He who does + something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing + at the head of a hundred. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0241" id="link2H_4_0241"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + </p> + <p> + General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in concert? When + he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being reinforced from Columbus? + A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus might prevent it. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Similar despatch to Buell same date.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0242" id="link2H_4_0242"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1862 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0243" id="link2H_4_0243"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville: + </p> + <p> + General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think you + better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you to-night. + I also telegraph and write Halleck. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0244" id="link2H_4_0244"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR GENERAL HALLECK: + </p> + <p> + General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better not + be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of General + Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be greatly + reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from Columbus. It seems + to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus from up the river at the + same time would either prevent this or compensate for it by throwing + Columbus into our hands. I wrote General Buell a letter similar to this, + meaning that he and you shall communicate and act in concert, unless it be + your judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. You and he will + understand much better than I how to do it. Please do not lose time in + this matter. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0245" id="link2H_4_0245"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, + </h2> + <p> + In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their + adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election, the + President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore been + arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by the + President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the + following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or + military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they + shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons + availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or parole of + honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the United States, and + in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, conversation, or information of + any kind the existing insurrection against the Government of the United + States. + </p> + <p> + To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this + proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0246" id="link2H_4_0246"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES + </p> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State from + James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the in + exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a copy of + the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the of taking + such articles as persons in this country may wish to exhibit on that + occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared for the purpose, I + recommend that authority be given to charter a suitable merchant vessel, + in order that facilities similar to those afforded by the government + exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to citizens of the United States + who may desire to contribute to the exhibition of this year. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0247" id="link2H_4_0247"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + </h2> + <h3> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862. + </p> + <p> + GENERAL BUELL: + </p> + <p> + Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the progress and + condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0248" id="link2H_4_0248"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + </h3> + <p> + January 6, 1862. + </p> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it + disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, who + says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize your views, + and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. Of the two, I + would rather have a point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap than + Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery of the enemy's + communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, because it is in + the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, while Nashville is + not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East Tennessee would not be a + diversion in your favor rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a + movement toward Nashville is the main object. But my distress is that our + friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, and even + now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal + protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South. + My despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowledge of + Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East Tennessee, and they + will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot safely show them. They + would despair, possibly resign to go and save their families somehow, or + die with them. I do not intend this to be an order in any sense, but + merely, as intimated before, to show you the grounds of my anxiety. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0249" id="link2H_4_0249"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville: + </p> + <p> + Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you can be + ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. Delay is + ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something definite. I + send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0250" id="link2H_4_0250"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </p> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of + his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this government, and a + copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relative to + the questions involved in the taking from the British steamer Trent of + certain citizens of the United States by order of Captain Wilkes of the + United States Navy. This correspondence may be considered as a sequel to + that previously communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0251" id="link2H_4_0251"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, + </h2> + <h3> + JANUARY 10, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI ST. Louis, January 6, 1862. + </p> + <p> + To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: + </p> + <p> + In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to state + that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with General + Buell and have since sent him all the information I could obtain of the + enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. No considerable + force has been sent from those places to Bowling Green. They have about + 22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is strongly fortified. I have at + Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only about 15,000, which, after leaving + guards at these places, would give me but little over 10,000 men with + which to assist General Buell. It would be madness to attempt anything + serious with such a force, and I cannot at the present time withdraw any + from Missouri without risking the loss of this State. The troops recently + raised in other States of this department have, without my knowledge, been + sent to Kentucky and Kansas. + </p> + <p> + I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate the + difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations of Lane, + Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri that it is + estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the government. We + are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and others have a considerable + army in the southwest, against which I am operating with all my available + force. + </p> + <p> + This city and most of the middle and northern counties are + insurrectionary,—burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,—and + can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large portion of the + foreign troops organized by General Fremont are unreliable; indeed, many + of them are already mutinous. They have been tampered with by politicians, + and made to believe that if they get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's + return the government will be forced to restore him to duty here. It is + believed that some high officers are in the plot I have already been + obliged to disarm several of these organizations, and I am daily expecting + more serious outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the want of proper + general officers to command the troops and enforce order and discipline, + and especially to protect public property from robbery and plunder. Some + of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department are entirely + ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure you, Mr. + President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such means. I am + in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build a bridge with a + dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is true that I have some + very good green timber, which will answer the purpose as soon as I can get + it into shape and season it a little. + </p> + <p> + I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having + received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. If it + be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while another + moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, it will be a + repetition of the same strategic error which produced the disaster of Bull + Run. To operate on exterior lines against an enemy occupying a central + position will fail, as it always has failed, in ninety-nine cases out of a + hundred. It is condemned by every military authority I have ever read. + </p> + <p> + General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the same + position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the armies of + McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run. + </p> + <p> + Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + H. W. HALLECK, Major-General + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement] + </p> + <p> + The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. It is + exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be done. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0252" id="link2H_4_0252"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D. C., January 11, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston: + </p> + <p> + I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General Butler + to officer his two un-officered regiments. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0253" id="link2H_4_0253"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR—Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you + say, "I received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at once + devote my efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my many cares I + have not seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's letter to you. For my + own views, I have not offered and do not now offer them as orders; and + while I am glad to have them respectfully considered, I would blame you to + follow them contrary to your own clear judgment, unless I should put them + in the form of orders. As to General McClellan's views, you understand + your duty in regard to them better than I do. + </p> + <p> + With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that we + have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of + concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail unless we + can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for his; and that + this can only be done by menacing him with superior forces at different + points at the same time, so that we can safely attack one or both if he + makes no change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the other, forbear to + attack the strengthened one, but seize and hold the weakened one, gaining + so much. + </p> + <p> + To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to reinforce + Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had seized and held + Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to criticise. I did not + lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less harshly of Patterson than + some others seem to.... Applying the principle to your case, my idea is + that Halleck shall menace Columbus and "down river" generally, while you + menace Bowling Green and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate at + Bowling Green, do not retire from his front, yet do not fight him there + either, but seize Columbus and East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed + by the concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter of no small anxiety + to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East Tennessee + line is so long and over so bad a road. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + (Indorsement.) + </p> + <p> + Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send + General Halleck a copy of it. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0254" id="link2H_4_0254"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they + have got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. + Without a knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, will + hand you this letter. He is an educated and talented German gentleman, as + true a man as lives. With his assistance you can set everything right with + the Germans.... My clear judgment is that, with reference to the German + element in your command, you should have Governor Koerner with you; and if + agreeable to you and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that he + can afford to give his time. He does not wish to command in the field, + though he has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes into + the place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish + assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance with + Governor Koerner. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0255" id="link2H_4_0255"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </p> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of + his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this government, and a copy + of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relating to the + capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, passengers + on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes of the + United States Navy. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0256" id="link2H_4_0256"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. + </h3> + <p> + January 20, 1862. + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, + </p> + <p> + Commanding Armies of the United States: + </p> + <p> + You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend the + writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately of the + Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged to be guilty + of treasonable practices against this government. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0257" id="link2H_4_0257"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 27, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general + movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States against the + insurgent forces. + </p> + <p> + That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of the + Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near Munfordville, + Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in the Gulf of + Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day. + </p> + <p> + That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective + commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey + additional orders when duly given. + </p> + <p> + That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War and + of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the General-in-chief, with + all other commanders and subordinates of land and naval forces, will + severally be held to their strict and full responsibilities for the prompt + execution of this order. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0258" id="link2H_4_0258"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY STANTON, + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the + "Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the + adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General McClellan, and + not any more. I have not intended, and do not now intend, that it shall be + a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. + General Lane has been told by me many times that he is under the command + of General Hunter, and assented to it as often as told. It was the + distinct agreement between him and me, when I appointed him, that he was + to be under Hunter. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0259" id="link2H_4_0259"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, after + providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into an + expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a point upon + the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas Junction, all + details to be in the discretion of the commander-in-chief, and the + expedition to move before or on the 22d day of February next. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0260" id="link2H_4_0260"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN, + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR—You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement + of the Army of the Potomac—yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the + Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the railroad on + the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad southwest + of Manassas. + </p> + <p> + If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I + shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + </p> + <p> + First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time and + money than mine? + </p> + <p> + Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + </p> + <p> + Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + </p> + <p> + Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would + break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would? + </p> + <p> + Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by your + plan than mine? + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0261" id="link2H_4_0261"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General McClellan, + </h2> + <h3> + dated February 3,1862. + </h3> + <p> + First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach the + Occoquan, what? + </p> + <p> + Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the + Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to cross + the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of Occoquan? This + would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, but would, on the + contrary, leave us two miles farther from our ultimate destination. + </p> + <p> + Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not be + attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads from + Manassas; and if so, what? + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0262" id="link2H_4_0262"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO WM. H. HERNDON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you + say about the money matter. + </p> + <p> + As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable length. + God bless you, says + </p> + <p> + Your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0263" id="link2H_4_0263"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON + </h2> + <h3> + February 4, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, + </p> + <p> + To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: + </p> + <p> + Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United + States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the month + of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and convicted for + being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said court sentenced to + be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday the 7th day of February, + AD. 1862: + </p> + <p> + And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly besought + me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon to a term of + imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it to be my duty to + refuse: + </p> + <p> + And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful application + made for the commutation of his sentence may have prevented the said + Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary preparation for the awful + change which awaits him; + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the + United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto him, the + said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited sentence, until + Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, between the hours of + twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the afternoon of the said day, + when the said sentence shall be executed. + </p> + <p> + In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the + prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human authority, + he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and Father of all + men. + </p> + <p> + In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal of + the United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. 1862, + and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0264" id="link2H_4_0264"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862 + </h3> + <p> + To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </p> + <p> + The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the + Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides: + </p> + <p> + "That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and + consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired + list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such + officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be + thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation + of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks + of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, + be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + </p> + <p> + In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was + nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of + the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union + in the expedition to the coast of South Carolina. + </p> + <p> + Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond + with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence as + an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a + vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry displayed in the + capture of Forts Walker and Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port + Royal Harbor, on the 7th of November, 1861. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0265" id="link2H_4_0265"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, Leavenworth, Kansas: + </p> + <p> + My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of both + General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally + oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and must command when + they serve together; though in so far as he can consistently with the + public service and his own honor oblige General Lane, he will also oblige + me. If they cannot come to an amicable understanding, General Lane must + report to General Hunter for duty, according to the rules, or decline the + service. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0266" id="link2H_4_0266"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL PRISONERS. + </h2> + <h3> + WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 14,1862. + </h3> + <p> + The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of + political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, + was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public + mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, and treason + astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces + superior in number to the standing army of the United States. + </p> + <p> + Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. Defection + appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet, + in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign + countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land or naval forces; + commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy betrayed our + councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces. + Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as + well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves. + </p> + <p> + Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the + States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent + unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection with + all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which were + most loyal, political combinations and secret societies were formed + furthering the work of disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or + cupidity or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals + were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to the + insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy + yards, arsenals, military posts, and garrisons one after another were + betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents. + </p> + <p> + Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency. + The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial + machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the + government, but to embarrass and betray it. + </p> + <p> + Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the + abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been prevented + by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect + moderation, in our intercourse with nations. + </p> + <p> + The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not + distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal + Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of + universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain + itself. + </p> + <p> + Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly levied + and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new hopes to the + insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease and desertions + commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had + not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States. + </p> + <p> + In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy the + extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases of + insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces, + unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed + measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable + correspondence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to + new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the writ + of habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were + represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal and treasonable + practices to be arrested by special civil as well as military agencies and + detained in military custody when necessary to prevent them and deter + others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, + and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time + under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with + the public safety. + </p> + <p> + Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line + between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure of + the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of public danger and + facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions + which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is + believed to have culminated and to be declining. + </p> + <p> + The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to + the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the public + welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state + prisoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing to + a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in + hostility to the United States. + </p> + <p> + The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from the + effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the + insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed + incompatible with the public safety. + </p> + <p> + To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole, + the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of treason or + disloyalty which they may have comminuted. + </p> + <p> + Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the + military authorities alone. + </p> + <p> + By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0267" id="link2H_4_0267"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862 + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the + Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides + </p> + <p> + "That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and + consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired + list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such + officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be + thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation + of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks + of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, + be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + </p> + <p> + In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the navy, + was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command + of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently rendered such + important service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of North + Carolina. + </p> + <p> + Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond + with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as + an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Louis M. Goldsborough + receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry + displayed in the combined attack of the forces commanded by him and + Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of Roanoke Island and the + destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, and 10th of February, 1862. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0268" id="link2H_4_0268"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + </p> + <p> + February 16, 1862. + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + </p> + <p> + You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from + outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the vigilance, + energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full co-operation. + Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from Bowling Green will. + They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to within a few miles of Fort + Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville undisturbed. It is unsafe to rely + that they will not dare to expose Nashville to Buell. A small part of + their force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad + as they go, and keep Buell out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile + Nashville will be abundantly defended by forces from all South and perhaps + from hers at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from General Thomas on + the upper Cumberland dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad + at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort + Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at + Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly important, + and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a copy of this to + Buell. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0269" id="link2H_4_0269"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.—IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS. + </h2> + <h3> + WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 27, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + It is ordered: + </p> + <p> + First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military rank and + the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state + prisoners remaining in the military custody of the United States, and to + determine whether in view of the public Safety and the existing rebellion + they should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted + to the civil tribunals for trial. + </p> + <p> + Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and the + HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, appointed + commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are authorized to + examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and in a summary + manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they may appoint, + and make full report to the War Department. + </p> + <p> + By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0270" id="link2H_4_0270"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. + </h2> + <p> + Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a partial + restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of those + parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in insurrection and + the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and exercising the + authority and discretion confided to me by the act of Congress, approved + July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of + duties on imports, and for other purposes," I hereby license and permit + such commercial intercourse in all cases within the rules and regulations + which have been or may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury for + conducting and carrying on the same on the inland waters and ways of the + United States. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0271" id="link2H_4_0271"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 4, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no + interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or interests + of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and aggrandizement + are sought most safely and advantageously through the preservation not + only of peace on their own part, but peace among all other nations. But + while the United States are thus a friend to all other nations, they do + not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish especial sentiments of + friendship for, and sympathies with, those who, like themselves, have + founded their institutions on the principle of the equal rights of men; + and such nations being more prominently neighbors of the United States, + the latter are co-operating with them in establishing civilization and + culture on the American continent. Such being the general principles which + govern the United States in their foreign relations, you may be assured, + sir, that in all things this government will deal justly, frankly, and, if + it be possible, even liberally with Peru, whose liberal sentiments toward + us you have so kindly expressed. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0272" id="link2H_4_0272"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. + </h2> + <h3> + March 6, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:—I + recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies + which shall be substantially as follows: + </p> + <p> + "Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which + may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary + aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the + inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system." + </p> + <p> + If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval + of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it does command such + approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately + interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that they + may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal + Government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as one of + the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing + insurrection entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be + forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected + region, and that all the slave States north of such part will then say, + "The Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose + to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope + substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation + completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. The + point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at + all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is equally made to + all, the more northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the + more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in + their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" because, in my judgment, + gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere + financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress with the census tables + and treasury reports before him can readily see for himself how very soon + the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair valuation, + all the slaves in any named State. Such a proposition on the part of the + General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to + interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the + absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people + immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free + choice with them. + </p> + <p> + In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union must + be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." I said + this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made and continues to be + an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment of the + national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once + cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue; and + it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the + ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously + promise great efficiency toward ending the struggle must and will come. + </p> + <p> + The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be esteemed + no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered would not + be of more value to the States and private persons concerned than are the + institution and property in it in the present aspect of affairs. + </p> + <p> + While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be + merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is + recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical + results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my + country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the + subject. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0273" id="link2H_4_0273"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + </h2> + <h3> + STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—The government at my special request a few months since + contracted for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder + calibre, and a limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing about + fourteen pounds each. The reports showing the superiority of this gun and + projectile, both as regards range, accuracy, and execution, for field + service over that of all others at the battle of Fort Donelson, leads me + to request that there be furnished to the State of Illinois in the + shortest time practicable seven batteries of 12-pounder calibre James + rifled guns, with carriages, harness, implements, etc., complete and ready + for field service, together with the following fixed ammunition to each + gun, viz., 225 shells, 225 canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing + about 24 pounds each, and also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid + projectiles for each of the guns of the fourteen batteries named above, + weighing about 14 pounds each, all to be of the James model. + </p> + <p> + Very respectfully, + </p> + <p> + RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] + </p> + <p> + March 8, 1862. + </p> + <p> + The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven + additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the object + is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have so as to make + each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two 12-pounders. I shall be + very glad to have the requisition filled if it can be without detriment to + the service. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0274" id="link2H_4_0274"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON + </h3> + <p> + March 8, 1862. + </p> + <p> + Ordered: 1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac + proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter + upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the troops to + be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four army corps, to + be commanded according to seniority of rank, as follows: + </p> + <p> + First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by + Major-General I. McDowell. Second Corps to consist of three divisions, and + to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. Third Corps to consist + of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General S. P. + Heintzelman. Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be + commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. + </p> + <p> + 2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned to the + commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of their + respective corps. + </p> + <p> + 3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in command + of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be military + governor of the District of Columbia. + </p> + <p> + 4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as not to + delay the commencement of the operations already directed to be + underwritten by the Army of the Potomac. + </p> + <p> + 5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks, will + be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General Lander's) + divisions. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0275" id="link2H_4_0275"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862 + </h3> + <p> + Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the + Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a force + as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of all the + army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. + </p> + <p> + That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army of the + Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations until the + navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall be + freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or until the + President shall hereafter give express permission. + </p> + <p> + That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations + which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended to + move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early as + the 18th day of March instant, and the general-in-chief shall be + responsible that it so move as early as that day. + </p> + <p> + Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to + capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the + Chesapeake Bay. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0276" id="link2H_4_0276"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER SLAVE STATE + </h2> + <h3> + REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD. + </h3> + <p> + MEMORANDUM + </p> + <p> + "DEAR SIR:—I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to + come to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring such + of your colleagues as are in town." + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + </p> + <p> + Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General Blair + in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and + verbally communicated the President's invitation, and stated that the + President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations of + Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of + his message of the 6th instant. + </p> + <p> + This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, assembled + at the White House at the appointed time, and after some little delay were + admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were the only members from + Maryland present, and, I think, were the only members of the delegation at + that time in the city. I know that Mr. Pearoe, of the Senate, and Messrs. + Webster and Calvert, of the House, were absent. + </p> + <p> + After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, in + substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation + with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since he had sent + it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had + avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore inferred that the + import of the message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical + to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would talk with + us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion. + </p> + <p> + The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or wound + the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his purpose was to + protect the one and respect the other; that we were engaged in a terrible, + wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were in the field, and must + continue in the field as long as the war lasts; that these armies must, of + necessity, be brought into contact with slaves in the States we + represented and in other States as they advanced; that slaves would come + to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; that he was constantly + annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a + certain class complained if the slave was not protected by the army; + persons were frequently found who, participating in these views, acted in + a way unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders + complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves induced to + abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints were numerous, + loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the + progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the government + in the States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates + that at some day the border States would unite with them, and thus tend to + prolong the war; and he was of opinion, if this resolution should be + adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of irritation + and these hopes would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward + shortening the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved + by Union armies; that he made this proposition in good faith, and desired + it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same patriotic + spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a subject exclusively + under the control of the States, and must be adopted or rejected by each + for itself; that he did not claim nor had this government any right to + coerce them for that purpose; that such was no part of his purpose in + making this proposition, and he wished it to be clearly understood; that + he did not expect us there to be prepared to give him an answer, but he + hoped we would take the subject into serious consideration, confer with + one another, and then take such course as we felt our duty and the + interests of our constituents required of us. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not considered + a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in operation which + would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not think that this + proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, he and his friends + felt solicitous as to the message on account of the different + constructions which the resolution and message had received. The New York + Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must accept gradual + emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get something worse. + </p> + <p> + The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with the New + York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; he + would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in Missouri, he + said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the + operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating conduct + to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the Confederates that + Missouri would at some time merge herself alongside of them, which, in his + judgment, the passage of this resolution by Congress and its acceptance by + Missouri would accomplish. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the refusal + of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know if the + President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of this + scheme. + </p> + <p> + The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of the + States on this particular subject. He should lament their refusal to + accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was any + power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of + emancipation. + </p> + <p> + The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then went off + into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing declaration nor + material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon + slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that they would be + very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss and + they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced into + emancipation, either by the direct action of the government or by + indirection, as through the emancipation of slaves in this District, or + the confiscation of Southern property as now threatened; and he thought + before they would consent to consider this proposition they would require + to be informed on these points. The President replied that, unless he was + expelled by the act of God or the Confederate armies he should occupy that + house for three years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had + nothing to fear either for her institutions or her interests on the points + referred to. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say could + be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition + with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined to + do." + </p> + <p> + The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not do; + it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and, again + intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the "Greeley + faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter it before the + proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. + </p> + <p> + [The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. D.W.] + </p> + <p> + Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the + constitutionality of his scheme. + </p> + <p> + The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that; and + the proposition now submitted does not encounter any constitutional + difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving such + State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the resolution, as proposed by + him, would be considered rather as the expression of a sentiment than as + involving any constitutional question. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at all + it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a proposition + from them to the slave States, affording them an inducement to put aside + this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected that members + representing slaveholding constituencies should declare at once, and in + advance of any proposition to them, for the emancipation of slavery. + </p> + <p> + The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a + fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best; + that he did not know how this scheme was received by the members from the + free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; but + for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, and he + could not tell how they would vote. And in reply to some expression of Mr. + Hall as to his own opinion regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend + to disguise his anti-slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong, and + should continue to think so; but that was not the question we had to deal + with now. Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North + as of the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the North as well as + the South was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He thought the + institution wrong and ought never to have existed; but yet he recognized + the rights of property which had grown out of it, and would respect those + rights as fully as similar rights in any other property; that property can + exist and does legally exist. He thought such a law wrong, but the rights + of property resulting must be respected; he would get rid of the odious + law, not by violating the rights, but by encouraging the proposition and + offering inducements to give it up. + </p> + <p> + Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by Mr. + Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be our final + action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere + devotion to the happiness and glory of his country; and with that + conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he + had made. + </p> + <p> + After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and I + immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. J. W. + CRISFIELD. + </p> + <p> + We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of Mr. + Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the + occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. + </p> + <p> + J. W. MENZIES, J. J. CRITTENDEN, R. MALLORY. + </p> + <p> + March 10, 1862. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0277" id="link2H_4_0277"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head of + the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved from the + command of the other military departments, he retaining command of the + Department of the Potomac. + </p> + <p> + Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective commands of + Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of that under General + Buell as lies west of a north and south line indefinitely drawn through + Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and designated the Department of the + Mississippi, and that until otherwise ordered Major General Halleck have + command of said department. + </p> + <p> + Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac and + east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military department, to be + called the Mountain Department, and that the same be commanded by + Major-General Fremont. + </p> + <p> + That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this order by + them, respectively report severally and directly to the Secretary of War, + and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be expected of all and + each of them. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0278" id="link2H_4_0278"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon by + yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to the same + but gives the following directions as to its execution: + </p> + <p> + 1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely certain + that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position and line of + communication. + </p> + <p> + 2. Leave Washington entirely secure. + </p> + <p> + 3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new base + at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at all events, + move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the enemy by some + route. + </p> + <p> + EDWARD M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0279" id="link2H_4_0279"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this truly + elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the mechanics + of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express my hearty + thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of workmanship which I + really wish I had time to acknowledge in more fitting words, and I might + then follow your idea that it is suggestive, for it is evidently expected + that a good deal of whipping is to be done. But as we meet here socially + let us not think only of whipping rebels, or of those who seem to think + only of whipping negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it is to be + hoped are in store for us, when seated behind a good pair of horses we can + crack our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and prosperous land. + With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my business duties. [It + was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0280" id="link2H_4_0280"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </p> + <p> + The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the + Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides: + </p> + <p> + "That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and + consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired + list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such + officers as he may believe the good of the service requires to be thus + placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of + the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks cf + Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be + restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + </p> + <p> + In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was + nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of + the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union + in the expedition to the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. + </p> + <p> + Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond + with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as + an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a + vote of thanks of Congress for his service and gallantry displayed in the + capture since the 21st December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts of + Georgia and Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound, + Amelia Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville + and Fernandina. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0281" id="link2H_4_0281"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's division + to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with great pain, + understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you could know the full + pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justify it, even + beyond a mere acknowledgment that the commander-in-chief may order what he + pleases. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0282" id="link2H_4_0282"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + GIFT OF SOME RABBITS + </h2> + <h3> + TO MICHAEL CROCK. 360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 2, 1862. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your + present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0283" id="link2H_4_0283"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of + General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington until + further orders from the department, to operate at or in the direction of + Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may require; that the other + Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to General McClellan as speedily + as possible; that General McClellan commence his forward movements from + his new base at once, and that such incidental modifications as the + foregoing may render proper be also made. A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0284" id="link2H_4_0284"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that the + forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, under + your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now have over + one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of General Wool's + command. I think you better break the enemy's line from Yorktown to + Warwick River at once. This will probably use time as advantageously as + you can. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, President + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0285" id="link2H_4_0285"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR+—Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly + sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. + </p> + <p> + Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and you + knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in + it certainly not without reluctance. + </p> + <p> + After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, + without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the + defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even to go + to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, once designed for + Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the line of Winchester and + Strasburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper Potomac + and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or would present when + McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to + turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order + that Washington should, by the judgment of all the Commanders of corps, be + left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that drove + me to detain McDowell. + </p> + <p> + I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks + at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up and nothing + substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to + substitute something for it myself. + </p> + <p> + And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line from + Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, except + what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 unorganized troops? + This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade. + </p> + <p> + There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you. + When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 with you, I + had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, taken as he said + from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you and en route to you. + You now say you will have but 85,000 when all enroute to you shall have + reached you. How can this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for? + </p> + <p> + As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely + what a like number of your own would have to do if that command was away. + I suppose the whole force which has gone forward to you is with you by + this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a + blow. By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you—that is, he + will gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by + reinforcements alone. + </p> + <p> + And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike a + blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remember + I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field, instead of + fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting and not surmounting a + difficulty; that we would find the same enemy and the same or equal + entrenchments at either place. The country will not fail to note—is + noting now—that the present hesitation to move upon an entrenched + enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated. + </p> + <p> + I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in + greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain + you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can; but you + must act. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0286" id="link2H_4_0286"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: If the rigor of the confinement + of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at Alton is endangering his life, or + materially impairing his health, I wish it mitigated as far as it can be + consistently with his safe detention. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Please send above, by order of the President. JOHN HAY. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0287" id="link2H_4_0287"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES, + </h2> + <h3> + APRIL 10, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation + </p> + <p> + It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and + naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and at the + same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention + and invasion. + </p> + <p> + It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that at + their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public worship + which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have been + received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our Heavenly + Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then and there implore + spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have been brought into + affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war, and + that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national counsels, + to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of peace, + harmony, and unity throughout our borders and hasten the establishment of + fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, and of + the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0288" id="link2H_4_0288"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. + </h2> + <h3> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. April 16, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The act + entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to service or + labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been approved and signed. + </p> + <p> + I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to abolish + slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the national + capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there + has never been in my mind any question on the subject except the one of + expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If there be matters + within and about this act which might have taken a course or shape more + satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am + gratified that the two principles of compensation and colonization are + both recognized and practically applied in the act. + </p> + <p> + In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be presented + within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not thereafter"; and + there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane or absent persons. I + presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I recommend that it be + supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0289" id="link2H_4_0289"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is + evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of + McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite the + town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0290" id="link2H_4_0290"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL + </h2> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 24, 1862. + </p> + <p> + Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—The member of Congress from the district including + Tiffin, O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. I believe I + turned over a despatch to you from some persons there, asking a + suspension, so as for them to be heard, or something of the sort. If + nothing, or nothing amounting to anything, has been done, I think the + suspension might now be suspended, and the commission go forward. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0291" id="link2H_4_0291"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint Captain + Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please answer. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0292" id="link2H_4_0292"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation to + Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was arrested + and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence which whether + he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such proceedings to + be had against him for the public safety. I deem it incompatible with the + public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to General Stone, to make a more + particular statement of the evidence. + </p> + <p> + He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at the + time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court martial + and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without serious injury + to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary delay; + the charges and specifications will be furnished him in due season, and + every facility for his defense will be afforded him by the War Department. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 <a name="link2H_4_0293" + id="link2H_4_0293"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it + argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0294" id="link2H_4_0294"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee: + </p> + <p> + I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General Schofield + independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want of this their + local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, so far, for fear of + interfering with and embarrassing your operations. Please answer telling + me whether anything, and what, I can do for them without injuriously + interfering with you. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0295" id="link2H_4_0295"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + </h2> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical + Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assurances + of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, and loyal + class of my fellow citizens in an important crisis which involves, in my + judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties of our own dear land, + but in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of mankind in many + countries and through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world + knows, how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on + my advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all + know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents have + brought into employment to sustain a government against which there has + been brought not one complaint of real injury committed against society at + home or abroad. You all may recollect that in taking up the sword thus + forced into our hands this government appealed to the prayers of the pious + and the good, and declared that it placed its whole dependence on the + favor of God. I now humbly and reverently, in your presence, reiterate the + acknowledgment of that dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please + the Divine Being who determines the destinies of nations, this shall + remain a united people, and that they will, humbly seeking the divine + guidance, make their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits + to themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of + mankind. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0296" id="link2H_4_0296"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + </h2> + <h3> + FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a + reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he + again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. + </p> + <p> + If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend with + the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying gunboats, + send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at once. Please report + your action on this to me at once. I shall be found either at General + Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0297" id="link2H_4_0297"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h3> + <p> + FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing + part of a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of + course, will have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a few + words to you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps + organization not only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals whom + you had selected and assigned as generals of divisions, but also on the + unanimous opinion of every military man I could get an opinion from, and + every modern military book, yourself only excepted. Of course, I did not + on my own judgment pretend to understand the subject. I now think it + indispensable for you to know how your struggle against it is received in + quarters which we cannot entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely + an effort to pamper one or two pets, and to persecute and degrade their + supposed rivals. I have had no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes the + commanders of these corps are, of course, the three highest officers with + you; but I am constantly told that you have no consultation or + communication with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but + General Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these + complaints are true or just; but at all events, it is proper you should + know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in + anything? + </p> + <p> + When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you + thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the + Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that + Senators and Representatives speak of me in their places without question, + and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting letters to + them for taking no greater liberty with them. + </p> + <p> + But to return. Are you strong enough—are you strong enough even with + my help—to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and + Keyes all at once? This is a practical and very serious question to you? + </p> + <p> + The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, and, + of course, I only desire the good of the cause. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0298" id="link2H_4_0298"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, + </h2> + <h3> + FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for + the purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in + supposing the movement made by you and therein reported was made in + accordance with my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I avail + myself of the occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all your + conduct, so far as known to me, during my brief visit here. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0299" id="link2H_4_0299"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS. + </h2> + <h3> + May 12, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight + hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States, + including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port Royal, + in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the State of + Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed + under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and + New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the blockade of the same + ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of + commerce: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the + United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section + of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, entitled "An act + further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other + purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of + Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so far cease and determine, + from and after the first day of June next, that commercial intercourse + with those ports, except as to persons, things, and information contraband + of war, may from that time be carried on, subject to the laws of the + United States, and to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations + which are prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this + date, which is appended to this proclamation. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year of + our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence + of the United States the eighty-sixth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham +Lincoln, Volume Five, by Abraham Lincoln + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS *** + +***** This file should be named 2657-h.htm or 2657-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/6/5/2657/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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