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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln,
+Volume Five, by Abraham Lincoln
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Five
+       Constitutional Edition
+
+Author: Abraham Lincoln
+
+Commentator: Theodore Roosevelt, Carl Schurz, and Joseph Choate
+
+Editor: Arthur Brooks Lapsley
+
+Release Date: June, 2001 [Etext #2657]
+Posting Date: July 5, 2009
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Widger
+
+
+
+
+
+THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN
+
+VOLUME FIVE
+
+CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION
+
+By Abraham Lincoln
+
+
+Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley
+
+
+
+
+
+THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Volume Five, 1858-1862
+
+
+
+
+TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, June 19, 1858.
+
+SYDNEY SPRING, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter introducing Mr. Faree was duly received. There
+was no opening to nominate him for Superintendent of Public Instruction,
+but through him Egypt made a most valuable contribution to the convention.
+I think it may be fairly said that he came off the lion of the day--or
+rather of the night. Can you not elect him to the Legislature? It seems to
+me he would be hard to beat. What objection could be made to him? What is
+your Senator Martin saying and doing? What is Webb about?
+
+Please write me. Yours truly,
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO H. C. WHITNEY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858
+
+H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was
+received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting against
+the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be successfully
+contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the charge, and I am just
+considering a little as to the best shape to put a contradiction in. Show
+this to whomever you please, but do not publish it in the paper.
+
+Your friend as ever,
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO J. W. SOMERS.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858.
+
+JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred dollars,
+was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and herewith you
+have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to who shall be the
+Republican candidate for the Legislature in your district, further than
+that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have you ever got in the way of
+consulting with McKinley in political matters? He is true as steel, and
+his judgment is very good. The last I heard from him, he rather thought
+Weldon, of De Witt, was our best timber for representative, all things
+considered. But you there must settle it among yourselves. It may well
+puzzle older heads than yours to understand how, as the Dred Scott
+decision holds, Congress can authorize a Territorial Legislature to do
+everything else, and cannot authorize them to prohibit slavery. That is
+one of the things the court can decide, but can never give an intelligible
+reason for.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO A. CAMPBELL.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858.
+
+A. CAMPBELL, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any sum not
+exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a privilege would
+be more available now than it was then. I am aware that times are tighter
+now than they were then. Please write me at all events, and whether you
+can now do anything or not I shall continue grateful for the past.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO J. GILLESPIE.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858.
+
+HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas
+Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they are
+making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends for the
+lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. Billings and Job,
+respectively, have been up here, and were each as I learn, talking largely
+about it. If they do so, it can only be done by carrying the Fillmore men
+of 1856 very differently from what they seem to [be] going in the other
+party. Below is the vote of 1856, in your district:
+
+Counties.
+
+     Counties.  Buchanan.   Fremont.   Fillmore.
+   Bond............ 607      153      659
+   Madison......... 1451     1111     1658
+   Montgomery...... 992      162      686
+                     ----     ----     ----
+                     3050     1426     3003
+
+By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they get
+one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they will beat
+you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, you beat them
+179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the Fillmore votes, and
+their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by just two votes.
+
+This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856.
+
+Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted ground, and
+how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge better than I.
+
+Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of tactics
+than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide awake and
+actively working.
+
+Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858.
+
+JNO. MATHERS, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly
+received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive
+rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point which I
+shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The speech, not very
+well reported, appears in the State journal of this morning. You doubtless
+will see it; and I hope that you will perceive in it that I am already
+improving. I would mail you a copy now, but have not one [at] hand. I
+thank you for your letter and shall be pleased to hear from you again.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858.
+
+HON. J. GILLESPIE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my return
+from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than hurt, though
+you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. We must make a job
+of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper agencies, and secure all the
+Americans you can, at once. I do hope, on closer inspection, you will find
+they are not half gone. Make a little test. Run down one of the poll-books
+of the Edwardsville precinct, and take the first hundred known American
+names. Then quietly ascertain how many of them are actually going for
+Douglas. I think you will find less than fifty. But even if you find
+fifty, make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you can, at
+all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall compensate for
+the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to check the stampede at
+once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you before long.
+
+There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope there
+will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO B. C. COOK.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858.
+
+Hon. B. C. COOK.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man
+insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run
+Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those
+counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating
+pretty extreme abolitionists.
+
+It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not
+very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon
+this. Signs are looking pretty fair.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO HON. J. M. PALMER.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858.
+
+HON. J. M. PALMER.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred to
+[me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday.
+
+I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August 31st,
+and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of to-morrow. Judge
+Trumbull has not yet reached here.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858.
+
+ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I shall
+pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th.
+
+Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see you.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM.
+
+OTTAWA, August 22, 1858.
+
+J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the Republican
+club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am a good deal
+pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and while I hope to be
+at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot yet say when. Can you not
+see me at Monticello on the 6th of September?
+
+Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here
+yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. There
+was a vast concourse of people--more than could get near enough to hear.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY.
+
+August??, 1858
+
+As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses
+my idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the
+difference, is no democracy.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO B. C. COOK.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858
+
+HON. B. C. COOK.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true friend, and intelligent
+man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau, to run
+Douglas Republican for Congress and for the Legislature in those counties,
+if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating pretty
+extreme abolitionists. It is thought they will do nothing if our folks
+nominate men who are not very [undecipherable word looks like "obnoxious"]
+to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon this. Signs are
+looking pretty fair.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL.
+
+BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858
+
+DEAR DOCTOR:--Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one from
+Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. You will see
+by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at Danville on the 22d
+of Sept.,--the day after Douglas speaks there. My recent experience
+shows that speaking at the same place the next day after D. is the very
+thing,--it is, in fact, a concluding speech on him. Please show this
+to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell them they must excuse me from
+writing separate letters to them.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+P. S.--Give full notice to all surrounding country. A.L.
+
+
+
+
+FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL.,
+
+SEPT. 8, 1858.
+
+Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced the
+Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that mean?
+It means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs--in other
+words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did Judge Douglas
+invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular sovereignty was floating about
+several ages before the author of the Nebraska Bill was born--indeed,
+before Columbus set foot on this continent. In the year 1776 it took form
+in the noble words which you are all familiar with: "We hold these truths
+to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," etc. Was not this the
+origin of popular sovereignty as applied to the American people? Here we
+are told that governments are instituted among men deriving their
+just powers from the consent of the governed. If that is not popular
+sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of words. If Judge
+Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, let us pursue
+the inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it the right of
+emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a lot of
+"niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no invention of his
+because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in 1848 in his so called
+Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas thought of such a thing. Then
+what was it that the "Little Giant" invented? It never occurred to General
+Cass to call his discovery by the odd name of popular sovereignty. He had
+not the face to say that the right of the people to govern "niggers" was
+the right of the people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness
+of things were not moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put
+a hundred "niggers" through under the lash in Nebraska a "sacred" right of
+self-government. And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's discovery,
+and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed and flog
+negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty.
+
+
+
+
+SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS,
+
+SEPTEMBER 8, 1858.
+
+The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is being
+made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it end?" These
+questions imply that those who ask them consider the slavery question a
+very insignificant matter they think that it amounts to little or nothing
+and that those who agitate it are extremely foolish. Now it must be
+admitted that if the great question which has caused so much trouble is
+insignificant, we are very foolish to have anything to do with it--if it
+is of no importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves
+with something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant
+matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important enough to
+demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the Union. In one of
+Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to one which was made by
+me in Springfield some time ago. The judge makes one quotation from that
+speech that requires some little notice from me at this time. I regret
+that I have not my Springfield speech before me, but the judge has quoted
+one particular part of it so often that I think I can recollect it. It
+runs I think as follows:
+
+"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with
+the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery
+agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only
+not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease
+until a crisis shall have been reached and passed.
+
+"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government
+cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the
+Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect
+it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the
+other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of
+it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it
+is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it
+forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well
+as new, North as well as South."
+
+Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great deal of
+fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make the people of
+this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines in my Springfield
+speech. Let us see if that portion of my Springfield speech of which Judge
+Douglas complains so bitterly, is as objectionable to others as it is
+to him. We are, certainly, far into the fifth year since a policy was
+initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end
+to slavery agitation. On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas
+introduced the Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that
+policy, so he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery
+question. Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss,
+but at all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been
+the result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us
+by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing but
+ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the passage of the
+Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country--there would be no more
+slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and the vexed question would be
+left entirely to the people of the Territories. Such was the opinion
+of Judge Douglas, and such were the opinions of the leading men of the
+Democratic Party. Even as late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a
+short time subsequent to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, that
+the territory of Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. Perhaps
+he thought so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and it may be
+a long time before she may be so.
+
+We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and
+what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union with a
+constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of her citizens.
+Did the angry debates which took place at Washington during the last
+season of Congress lead you to suppose that the slavery agitation was
+settled?
+
+An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the
+constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a large
+majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a probability
+that she will remain out for some time. But Judge Douglas says the slavery
+question is settled. He says the bill he introduced into the Senate of
+the United States on the 4th day of January, 1854, settled the slavery
+question forever! Perhaps he can tell us how that bill settled the slavery
+question, for if he is able to settle a question of such great magnitude
+he ought to be able to explain the manner in which he does it. He knows
+and you know that the question is not settled, and that his ill-timed
+experiment to settle it has made it worse than it ever was before.
+
+And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of negro
+equality. He thinks--he says at least--that the Republican party is in
+favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and that a man can't be
+a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate black men to office
+and to associate with them on terms of perfect equality. He knows that
+we advocate no such doctrines as these, but he cares not how much he
+misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes by so doing. To show you what
+my opinion of negro equality was in times past, and to prove to you that
+I stand on that question where I always stood, I will read you a few
+extracts from a speech that was made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made
+in reply to one of Judge Douglas's speeches.
+
+(Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the true
+metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been more pleased.
+And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and comparing their
+conservative sentiments with those now advocated by Mr. Lincoln, testified
+their approval by loud applause. How any reasonable man can hear one
+of Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being converted to Republicanism is
+something that we can't account for. Ed.)
+
+Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance,
+it overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It has
+divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown discord in
+the American Tract Society. The churches have split and the society will
+follow their example before long. So it will be seen that slavery is
+agitated in the religious as well as in the political world. Judge Douglas
+is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican party will lead
+to a general mixture of the white and black races. Perhaps I am wrong
+in saying that he is afraid, so I will correct myself by saying that
+he pretends to fear that the success of our party will result in the
+amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I think I can show plainly, from
+documents now before me, that Judge Douglas's fears are groundless. The
+census of 1800 tells us that in that year there were over four hundred
+thousand mulattoes in the United States. Now let us take what is called
+an Abolition State--the Republican, slavery-hating State of New
+Hampshire--and see how many mulattoes we can find within her borders.
+The number amounts to just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old
+Dominion--in the Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia--there were
+a few more mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. How
+many do you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred and
+seventy-five--twenty-three thousand more than there were in all the
+free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three hundred and
+forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; and in the free
+States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes--and a large number
+of them were imported from the South.
+
+
+
+
+FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL.,
+
+SEPT. 13, 1858.
+
+I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, as
+I understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on the
+leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me by a
+gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is a friend of
+mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor does that make
+any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I should forget it, I
+will give you my answer before proceeding with the line of argument I have
+marked out for this discussion.
+
+The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on the
+leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the former
+consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while the latter
+do not consider it either a moral, a social or a political wrong; and the
+action of each, as respects the growth of the country and the expansion of
+our population, is squared to meet these views. I will not affirm that the
+Democratic party consider slavery morally, socially and politically right,
+though their tendency to that view has, in my opinion, been constant and
+unmistakable for the past five years. I prefer to take, as the accepted
+maxim of the party, the idea put forth by Judge Douglas, that he "don't
+care whether slavery is voted down or voted up." I am quite willing to
+believe that many Democrats would prefer that slavery should be always
+voted down, and I know that some prefer that it be always voted up; but
+I have a right to insist that their action, especially if it be their
+constant action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on this
+subject. Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, bearing
+directly or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded with this
+notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall outrun in
+the race of empire across to the Pacific--every measure, I say, up to the
+Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly suggested
+that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, on the
+contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure the blessings
+of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to the negro, to the
+white man, to the soil, and to the State. Regarding it as an evil, they
+will not molest it in the States where it exists, they will not overlook
+the constitutional guards which our fathers placed around it; they will
+do nothing that can give proper offence to those who hold slaves by legal
+sanction; but they will use every constitutional method to prevent the
+evil from becoming larger and involving more negroes, more white men,
+more soil, and more States in its deplorable consequences. They will, if
+possible, place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it
+is in course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own good time. And
+to this end they will, if possible, restore the government to the policy
+of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new Territories from the
+baneful influence of human bondage, as the Northwestern Territories were
+sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of 1787, and the Compromise Act
+of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length and breadth, the modern
+Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as freedom, and ought to have
+room for expansion all over the continent, if people can be found to carry
+it. All, or nearly all, of Judge Douglas's arguments are logical, if you
+admit that slavery is as good and as right as freedom, and not one of them
+is worth a rush if you deny it. This is the difference, as I understand
+it, between the Republican and Democratic parties.
+
+My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of the
+Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory cannot
+prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have stated what
+cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this decision is made are
+equally applicable to the free States as to the free Territories, and
+that the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge Douglas for indorsing this
+decision commit him, in advance, to the next decision and to all other
+decisions corning from the same source. And when, by all these means, you
+have succeeded in dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and
+made it impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you
+have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray of
+hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite
+sure that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What
+constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is not
+our frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and our navy.
+These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those may be turned
+against us without making us weaker for the struggle. Our reliance is in
+the love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the
+spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands
+everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of
+despotism at your own doors. Familiarize yourselves with the chains of
+bondage and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. Accustomed to trample
+on the rights of others, you have lost the genius of your own independence
+and become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among
+you. And let me tell you, that all these things are prepared for you by
+the teachings of history, if the elections shall promise that the next
+Dred Scott decision and all future decisions will be quietly acquiesced in
+by the people.
+
+
+
+
+VERSE TO "LINNIE"
+
+September 30,? 1858.
+
+TO "LINNIE":
+
+     A sweet plaintive song did I hear
+     And I fancied that she was the singer.
+     May emotions as pure as that song set astir
+     Be the wont that the future shall bring her.
+
+
+
+
+NEGROES ARE MEN
+
+TO J. U. BROWN.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858
+
+HON. J. U. BROWN.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly
+than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have expressly
+disclaimed all intention to bring about social and political equality
+between the white and black races and in all the rest I have done the same
+thing by clear implication.
+
+I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in the
+word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence.
+
+I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal" is the great
+fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; that
+negro slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our frame of
+government, that principle has not been made one of legal obligation; that
+by our frame of government, States which have slavery are to retain it, or
+surrender it at their own pleasure; and that all others--individuals, free
+States and national Government--are constitutionally bound to leave them
+alone about it.
+
+I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity
+springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed.
+
+That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is not
+present.
+
+In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle
+there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created
+equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, to
+keep it in view as a great fundamental principle."
+
+Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature existed
+and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more
+strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the institution of slavery
+among its elements."
+
+Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does exist.
+In them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in laying those
+foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that the declaration
+of the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a great fundamental
+principle, and that Congress, which lays the foundations of society,
+should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to the incorporation of slavery
+and its elements.
+
+But it does not follow that social and political equality between whites
+and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The declaration
+does not so require.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+[Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at
+Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were pasted in
+a little book in which the above letter was also written.]
+
+
+
+
+TO A. SYMPSON.
+
+BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858
+
+A. SYMPSON, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you this morning I heard some things which
+make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week among the
+National Democrats, trying to induce them to content themselves by voting
+for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas candidates for senator
+and representative. Have this headed off, if you can. Call Wagley's
+attention to it and have him and the National Democrat for Rep. to
+counteract it as far as they can.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY
+
+TO N. B. JUDD.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858
+
+HON. N. B. JUDD
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same day.
+As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my ability;
+but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I have been on
+expenses so long without earning anything that I am absolutely without
+money now for even household purposes. Still, if you can put in two
+hundred and fifty dollars for me toward discharging the debt of the
+committee, I will allow it when you and I settle the private matter
+between us. This, with what I have already paid, and with an outstanding
+note of mine, will exceed my subscription of five hundred dollars. This,
+too, is exclusive of my ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of
+which, being added to my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily
+upon one no better off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had
+the post of honor, it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling
+badly,--"And this too shall pass away," never fear.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+THE FIGHT MUST GO ON
+
+TO H. ASBURY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858.
+
+HENRY ASBURY, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight must go
+on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at the end of one
+or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the ingenuity to be supported in
+the late contest both as the best means to break down and to uphold the
+slave interest. No ingenuity can keep these antagonistic elements in
+harmony long. Another explosion will soon come.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED
+
+TO C. H. RAY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858
+
+DR. C. H. RAY
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they may be
+called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do so, please get
+two copies of each number of your paper containing the whole, and send
+them to me by express; and I will pay you for the papers and for
+your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one away in the
+[undecipherable word] and to put the other in a scrapbook. Remember, if
+part of any debate is on both sides of the sheet it will take two sets to
+make one scrap-book.
+
+I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling like
+h-ll yet." Quit that--you will soon feel better. Another "blow up" is
+coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be supported
+both as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave power; but no
+ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+TO H. C. WHITNEY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858
+
+H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form the late
+joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I wrote to Dr.
+Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two sets of the numbers of
+the Tribune which contain the reports of those discussions. Up to date I
+have no word from him on the subject. Will you, if in your power, procure
+them and forward them to me by express? If you will, I will pay all
+charges, and be greatly obliged, to boot. Hoping to visit you before long,
+I remain
+
+As ever your friend,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO H. D. SHARPE.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858.
+
+H. D. SHARPE, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I do
+not know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over the
+contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I desired the
+result of the late canvass to have been different, I still regard it as
+an exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly entered upon a durable
+struggle as to whether this nation is to ultimately become all slave or
+all free, and though I fall early in the contest, it is nothing if I shall
+have contributed, in the least degree, to the final rightful result.
+
+Respectfully yours,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO A. SYMPSON.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858.
+
+ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I expect the result of the election went hard with you. So
+it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have supposed.
+I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the long run. Step by
+step the objects of the leaders will become too plain for the people to
+stand them. I write merely to let you know that I am neither dead nor
+dying. Please give my respects to your good family, and all inquiring
+friends.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ON BANKRUPTCY
+
+
+NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT.
+
+December [?], 1858.
+
+Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress of
+society.
+
+The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer for
+debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to enable
+transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, legislation and
+adjudication begin to be necessary.
+
+Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general or
+special?
+
+
+Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general,
+
+if possible. (Read the section.)
+
+Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and in
+so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.)
+
+Just reasoning--policy--is in favor of general legislation--else the
+Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller
+cases--a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much more
+perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts between P. &
+B. and S.C.
+
+It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired
+of its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So they
+may--so may individuals; and which--the Legislature or the courts--is best
+suited to try the question of fraud in either case?
+
+It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be
+robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just terms
+to obtain it.
+
+Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every possible
+way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, he will have
+no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if he has practiced
+fraud let the courts so decide.
+
+
+
+
+A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
+
+The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805,
+prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the
+United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion,
+is binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the same
+section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in establishing
+lines between them. That law, being in force at the time each became a
+purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase.
+
+And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters any
+interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run straight
+lines through the section from the opposite quarter section corners,
+fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or intersect each other,
+as the middle or centre of the section.
+
+Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent
+erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the latter,
+it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the above might
+be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no better single
+rules can be prescribed.
+
+At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent
+authority.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO M. W. DELAHAY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859.
+
+M. W. DELAHAY, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at your
+Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just now, but I
+have the impression from it that the convention was to be at Leavenworth;
+but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter from Judge M. F.
+Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to come, and he fixes
+the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off of the river, and will
+require more time and labor to get to it. It will push me hard to get
+there without injury to my own business; but I shall try to do it, though
+I am not yet quite certain I shall succeed.
+
+I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me to
+come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay away.
+Write me again.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO W. M. MORRIS.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859.
+
+W. M. MORRIS, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at Galesburg is
+received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must stick to the courts
+awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three different audiences during the
+last month and this; but I did so under circumstances which made it a
+waste of no time whatever.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+
+
+TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859.
+
+GENTLEMEN:--Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in Boston, on
+the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, was duly
+received. My engagements are such that I cannot attend.
+
+Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political parties
+were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was the head of
+one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it is both curious
+and interesting that those supposed to descend politically from the party
+opposed to Jefferson should now be celebrating his birthday in their own
+original seat of empire, while those claiming political descent from him
+have nearly ceased to breathe his name everywhere.
+
+Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its supposed
+superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the rights of
+property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and assuming that the
+so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, and their opponents
+the anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally interesting to note how
+completely the two have changed hands as to the principle upon which they
+were originally supposed to be divided. The Democracy of to-day hold the
+liberty of one man to be absolutely nothing, when in conflict with another
+man's right of property; Republicans, on the contrary, are for both the
+man and the dollar, but in case of conflict the man before the dollar.
+
+I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated men
+engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long
+and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought himself out of
+his own coat and into that of the other. If the two leading parties of
+this day are really identical with the two in the days of Jefferson and
+Adams, they have performed the same feat as the two drunken men.
+
+But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of Jefferson
+from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with great confidence
+that he could convince any sane child that the simpler propositions of
+Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would fail, utterly, with one who
+should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of Jefferson are
+the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied
+and evaded, with no small show of success. One dashingly calls them
+"glittering generalities." Another bluntly calls them "self-evident lies."
+And others insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." These
+expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect--the
+supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring those of
+classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a convocation
+of crowned heads plotting against the people. They are the vanguard, the
+miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We must repulse them, or they
+will subjugate us. This is a world of compensation; and he who would be
+no slave must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others
+deserve it not for themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain
+it. All honor to Jefferson to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a
+struggle for national independence by a single people, had the coolness,
+forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere revolutionary document an
+abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so to embalm
+it there that to-day and in all coming days it shall be a rebuke and
+a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of reappearing tyranny and
+oppression.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO T. CANISIUS.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859.
+
+DR. THEODORE CANISIUS.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German
+citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in
+regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and
+whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other
+opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received.
+
+Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no privilege
+of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from what she has done
+an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I would do, I may
+without impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as I understand the
+Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption in Illinois, or in any
+other place where I have a right to oppose it. Understanding the spirit of
+our institutions to aim at the elevation of men, I am opposed to whatever
+tends to degrade them. I have some little notoriety for commiserating the
+oppressed negro; and I should be strangely inconsistent if I could favor
+any project for curtailing the existing rights of white men, even though
+born in different lands, and speaking different languages from myself.
+As to the matter of fusion, I am for it if it can be had on Republican
+grounds; and I am not for it on any other terms. A fusion on any other
+terms would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would lose the whole North,
+while the common enemy would still carry the whole South. The question of
+men is a different one. There are good, patriotic men and able statesmen
+in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if they would now place
+themselves on Republican ground, but I am against letting down the
+Republican standard a hairsbreadth.
+
+I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions
+substantially.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS.
+
+GENTLEMEN:
+
+In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what your
+duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the Seventh
+Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the principal and
+interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, we reply that
+said last clause of said section is certainly indefinite, general, and
+ambiguous in its description of the bonds to be issued by you; giving no
+time at which the bonds are to be made payable, no place at which either
+principal or interest are to be paid, and no rate of interest which the
+bonds are to bear; nor any other description except that they are to be
+coupon bonds, which in commercial usage means interest-paying bonds
+with obligations or orders attached to them for the payment of annual or
+semiannual interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining,
+if this act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms
+"coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from the
+time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by itself the
+creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But your inquiry in
+regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to be paid or shall
+begin to run until January 1, 1860, is whether the Act of February 18,
+1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give bonds with any coupons
+attached payable before the first day of July, 1860. We have very maturely
+considered this question and have arrived at the conclusion that you have
+a right to use such measures as will secure the State against the loss of
+six months' interest on these bonds by the indefiniteness of the Act of
+1859. While it cannot be denied that the letter of the laws favor the
+construction claimed by some of the creditors that interest-bearing bonds
+were required to be issued to them, inasmuch as the restriction that no
+interest is to run on said bonds until 1st January, 1860, relates solely
+to the bonds issued under the Act of 1857. And the Act of 1859 directing
+you to issue new bonds does not contain this restriction, but directs you
+to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the very indefiniteness and generality
+of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of interest, no time due, no place of
+payment, no postponement of the time when interest commences, necessarily
+implies that the Legislature intended to invest you with a discretion to
+impose such terms and restrictions as would protect the interest of the
+State; and we think you have a right and that it is your duty to see that
+the State Bonds are so issued that the State shall not lose six months'
+interest. Two plans present themselves either of which will secure the
+State. 1st. If in literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing
+interest from 1st July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented
+three thousand from every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of
+coupon bonds; by this plan $3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be
+extinguished in consideration of paying $2910 interest on the first of
+January, 1860--and the interest on the $3000 would forever cease; this
+would be no doubt most advantageous to the State. But if the Auditor
+will not consent to this, then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond all the coupons
+payable before 1st July, 1860.
+
+One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the
+Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question.
+
+May 28, 1859.
+
+
+
+
+ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK
+
+TO H. C. WHITNEY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858.
+
+H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring whether I
+received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did receive them, and
+am very much obliged. There is some probability that my scrap-book will be
+reprinted, and if it shall, I will save you a copy.
+
+Your friend as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+1859
+
+
+
+
+FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER.
+
+
+
+
+TO S. GALLOWAY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859.
+
+HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter of
+the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect you here;
+and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to come. And yet I
+fear you have formed an estimate of me which can scarcely be sustained on
+a personal acquaintance.
+
+Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention--the repudiation of
+Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law--I very
+much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are viewed by
+many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle against, and in
+disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the very thing that
+will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept out of our national
+convention. There is another thing our friends are doing which gives me
+some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward "popular sovereignty." There
+are three substantial objections to this: First, no party can command
+respect which sustains this year what it opposed last. Secondly, Douglas
+(who is the most dangerous enemy of liberty, because the most insidious
+one) would have little support in the North, and by consequence, no
+capital to trade on in the South, if it were not for his friends thus
+magnifying him and his humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, Douglas's popular
+sovereignty, accepted by the public mind as a just principle, nationalizes
+slavery, and revives the African slave trade inevitably.
+
+Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are
+identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the argument
+which establishes one will establish the other. Try a thousand years for
+a sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the people of Kansas from
+having slaves, and, when you have found it, it will be an equally good one
+why Congress should not hinder the people of Georgia from importing slaves
+from Africa.
+
+As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the few
+distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their sympathy
+last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and right-minded;
+but still he may not be the most suitable as a candidate for the
+Presidency.
+
+I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you propose a
+correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters anxiously.
+
+I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I shall,
+I will present your respects as requested.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+IT IS BAD TO BE POOR.
+
+TO HAWKINS TAYLOR
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859.
+
+HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake about
+my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d Tuesday of
+this month. I have had no thought of being there.
+
+It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I
+neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me much
+to see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it is little
+less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving invitations which I
+am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged to go to Minnesota; and I
+now have two invitations to go to Ohio. These last are prompted by Douglas
+going there; and I am really tempted to make a flying trip to Columbus and
+Cincinnati.
+
+I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks Grimes
+about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an election in Iowa.
+Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other friends, and believe me
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO.
+
+SEPTEMBER 16, 1859.
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that I
+appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State,--an
+audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase,
+and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, remembering this, I feel
+that it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your
+expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified in
+raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared before you. You
+would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as
+a consequence of your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope,
+therefore, that you will commence with very moderate expectations; and
+perhaps, if you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest
+you to a moderate degree.
+
+Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat
+embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I have
+been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which the Ohio
+Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I have read an
+article, in which, among other statements, I find the following:
+
+"In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of last
+fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and attempted to
+defend that vile conception against the Little Giant."
+
+I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of
+making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,--it
+furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the
+gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct it.
+
+In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have found
+that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under his very
+nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. I
+therefore propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is a
+misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you will
+bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very "memorable"
+debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this newspaper refers. In
+the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas and myself had, at the
+town of Ottawa, I used the language which I will now read. Having been
+previously reading an extract, I continued as follows:
+
+"Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is
+the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution
+of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; and anything that
+argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the
+negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a
+man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here,
+while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to
+interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.
+I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do
+so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between
+the white and the black races. There is a physical difference between the
+two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their ever living together
+upon the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a
+necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas,
+am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I
+have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding
+all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to
+all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,--the
+right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as
+much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with judge Douglas, he
+is not my equal in many respects,--certainly not in color, perhaps not
+in moral or intellectual endowments. But in the right to eat the bread,
+without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal,
+and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man."
+
+Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement like
+this occurred, I said:
+
+"While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me to
+know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality between
+the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this
+occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the question was asked me, I
+thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard
+to it. I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of
+bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white
+and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making
+voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, or
+intermarry with the white people; and I will say in addition to this that
+there is a physical difference between the white and black races which
+I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of
+social and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live,
+while they do remain together there must be the position of superior
+and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the
+superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this occasion
+I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior
+position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not understand that
+because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I must necessarily want
+her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am
+now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for
+either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get
+along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this
+that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child, who was
+in favor of producing perfect equality, social and political, between
+negroes and white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that
+I ever heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness, and
+that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M. Johnson.
+I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not going to enter
+at large upon this subject), that I have never had the least apprehension
+that I or my friends would marry negroes, if there was no law to keep
+them from it; but as judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great
+apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, I
+give him the most solemn pledge that I will to the very last stand by the
+law of the State which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes."
+
+There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former occasions,
+said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the extent of its
+ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not only perceive, as a
+probability, that in that contest I did not at any time say I was in favor
+of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof that twice--once substantially,
+and once expressly--I declared against it. Having shown you this, there
+remains but a word of comment upon that newspaper article. It is this,
+that I presume the editor of that paper is an honest and truth-loving man,
+and that he will be greatly obliged to me for furnishing him thus early
+an opportunity to correct the misrepresentation he has made, before it has
+run so long that malicious people can call him a liar.
+
+The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report of
+his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce the subject
+of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be somewhat relieved by
+the fact that he dealt exclusively in that subject while he was here. I
+shall, therefore, without much hesitation or diffidence, enter upon this
+subject.
+
+The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the African
+slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority of the States
+of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other sort of slavery,
+prohibited by State constitutions. They also found a law existing,
+supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded from almost all the
+territory the United States then owned. This was the condition of the
+country, with reference to the institution of slavery, on the first of
+January, 1854. A few days after that, a bill was introduced into Congress,
+which ran through its regular course in the two branches of the national
+legislature, and finally passed into a law in the month of May, by which
+the Act of Congress prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of
+the United States was repealed. In connection with the law itself, and, in
+fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing prohibition was not only
+repealed, but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part of Congress
+never thereafter to exercise any power that they might have, real or
+supposed, to prohibit the extension or spread of slavery. This was a very
+great change; for the law thus repealed was of more than thirty years'
+standing. Following rapidly upon the heels of this action of Congress,
+a decision of the Supreme Court is made, by which it is declared that
+Congress, if it desires to prohibit the spread of slavery into the
+Territories, has no constitutional power to do so. Not only so, but
+that decision lays down principles which, if pushed to their logical
+conclusion,--I say pushed to their logical conclusion,--would decide
+that the constitutions of free States, forbidding slavery, are themselves
+unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not say the judges said this, and let
+no man say I affirm the judges used these words; but I only say it is my
+opinion that what they did say, if pressed to its logical conclusion, will
+inevitably result thus.
+
+Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its
+principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the
+institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is
+ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so
+believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is the
+original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say "chief
+purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly true that if
+the National House shall fall into the hands of the Republicans, they will
+have to attend to all the other matters of national house-keeping, as well
+as this. The chief and real purpose of the Republican party is eminently
+conservative. It proposes nothing save and except to restore this
+government to its original tone in regard to this element of slavery, and
+there to maintain it, looking for no further change in reference to it
+than that which the original framers of the Government themselves expected
+and looked forward to.
+
+The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now
+the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a Congressional
+slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott decision, making
+slavery lawful in all the States. These are not pressing us just now. They
+are not quite ready yet. The authors of these measures know that we are
+too strong for them; but they will be upon us in due time, and we will be
+grappling with them hand to hand, if they are not now headed off. They are
+not now the chief danger to the purpose of the Republican organization;
+but the most imminent danger that now threatens that purpose is that
+insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. This is the miner and sapper. While
+it does not propose to revive the African slave trade, nor to pass a slave
+code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is preparing us for the
+onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to
+come on, and the word of command for them to advance shall be given. I say
+this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; for there is a broad distinction, as I
+now understand it, between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty.
+
+I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition of
+"genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would be about this: That
+each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all
+those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to government, this
+principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things
+which pertain to it, and all the local governments shall do precisely as
+they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. I
+understand that this government of the United States, under which we live,
+is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is supposed
+that I have any war to make upon that principle.
+
+Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle,
+no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man
+neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied in
+government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new Territory
+into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making
+their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits or to
+establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to be
+enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are afterwards
+to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the families of
+communities, of which they are but an incipient member, or the general
+head of the family of States as parent of all, however their action may
+affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere.
+That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied.
+
+He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His explanations
+explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most lengthy,
+and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of this long series of
+explanations is his great essay in Harper's Magazine. I will not attempt
+to enter on any very thorough investigation of his argument as there made
+and presented. I will nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here
+in drawing your attention to certain points in it. Such of you as may
+have read this document will have perceived that the judge early in the
+document quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican party,
+without naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being Governor
+Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen months ago
+this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a sentiment upon this
+subject, and in such a manner that it should get into print, that the
+public might see it beyond the circle of my hearers; and my expression of
+it at that time is the quotation that Judge Douglas makes. He has not made
+the quotation with accuracy, but justice to him requires me to say that it
+is sufficiently accurate not to change the sense.
+
+The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery element
+is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall probably not
+have perfect peace in this country with it until it either masters the
+free principle in our government, or is so far mastered by the free
+principle as for the public mind to rest in the belief that it is going to
+its end. This sentiment, which I now express in this way, was, at no great
+distance of time, perhaps in different language, and in connection with
+some collateral ideas, expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas has
+been so much annoyed by the expression of that sentiment that he has
+constantly, I believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered,
+been referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well
+as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the purpose of
+making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in the expression
+of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop to say all that might
+properly be said upon this point, but I only ask your attention to it for
+the purpose of making one or two points upon it.
+
+If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge
+Douglas himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and the
+Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in 1699, and
+continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while he did not say
+so, we all know that it has continued with more or less violence ever
+since the Revolution.
+
+Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the framers of
+the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself that slavery began
+to be an element of discord among the white people of this country as far
+back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years ago, or five generations of
+men,--counting thirty years to a generation. Now, it would seem to me that
+it might have occurred to Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned his
+attention to these facts, that there was something in the nature of that
+thing, slavery, somewhat durable for mischief and discord.
+
+There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, before
+I leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 is the
+precise period of our history when we had comparative peace upon this
+question,--the precise period of time when we came nearer to having peace
+about it than any other time of that entire one hundred and sixty years
+in which he says it began, or of the eighty years of our own Constitution.
+Then it would be worth our while to stop and examine into the probable
+reason of our coming nearer to having peace then than at any other time.
+This was the precise period of time in which our fathers adopted, and
+during which they followed, a policy restricting the spread of slavery,
+and the whole Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country looked
+forward to the ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when a
+policy had been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and
+right-minded men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end,
+and that they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think
+Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or not, it
+is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and elsewhere, to consider
+whether that is not the truth of the case. If he had looked at these two
+facts,--that this matter has been an element of discord for one hundred
+and sixty years among this people, and that the only comparative peace we
+have had about it was when that policy prevailed in this government which
+he now wars upon, he might then, perhaps, have been brought to a more just
+appreciation of what I said fifteen months ago,--that "a house divided
+against itself cannot stand. I believe that this government cannot endure
+permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to fall,
+I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but I do expect it will cease to
+be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the
+opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it
+where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is in the course of
+ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward until it shall
+become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well
+as South." That was my sentiment at that time. In connection with it, I
+said: "We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was inaugurated
+with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery
+agitation. Under the operation of the policy that agitation has not only
+not ceased, but has constantly augmented." I now say to you here that we
+are advanced still farther into the sixth year since that policy of
+Judge Douglas--that popular sovereignty of his--for quieting the slavery
+question was made the national policy. Fifteen months more have been
+added since I uttered that sentiment; and I call upon you and all other
+right-minded men to say whether that fifteen months have belied or
+corroborated my words.
+
+While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude that
+this true view of this element of discord among us--as I believe it is--is
+attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that Governor Seward
+uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, but because he
+reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe
+because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania,
+in, different language, since that time, has declared his belief in
+the utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and
+slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of Hickman,
+let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him, and know
+scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much of him: Of all
+the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my notice, he
+alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal. And now, without indorsing
+anything else he has said, I will ask this audience to give three cheers
+for Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing cheers for
+Hickman.]
+
+Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your attention
+is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, than from any
+express declaration of it at any point. It is a general feature of that
+document, and, indeed, of all of Judge Douglas's discussions of this
+question, that the Territories of the United States and the States of this
+Union are exactly alike; that there is no difference between them at all;
+that the Constitution applies to the Territories precisely as it does to
+the States; and that the United States Government, under the Constitution,
+may not do in a State what it may not do in a Territory, and what it must
+do in a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is that a true view of
+the case? It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty, but is it true?
+
+Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether upon the
+proposition that the States must, without the interference of the
+General Government, do all those things that pertain exclusively to
+themselves,--that are local in their nature, that have no connection
+with the General Government. After Judge Douglas has established this
+proposition, which nobody disputes or ever has disputed, he proceeds
+to assume, without proving it, that slavery is one of those little,
+unimportant, trivial matters which are of just about as much consequence
+as the question would be to me whether my neighbor should raise horned
+cattle or plant tobacco; that there is no moral question about it, but
+that it is altogether a matter of dollars and cents; that when a new
+Territory is opened for settlement, the first man who goes into it may
+plant there a thing which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those
+pests of the soil, cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come
+thereafter; that it is one of those little things that is so trivial in
+its nature that it has nor effect upon anybody save the few men who first
+plant upon the soil; that it is not a thing which in any way affects the
+family of communities composing these States, nor any way endangers the
+General Government. Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well known
+fact that we have never had a serious menace to our political existence,
+except it sprang from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only upon
+a par with onions and potatoes.
+
+Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according
+to his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the
+Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the other
+chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this other
+question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a Territory for a
+year or two, and pass away, without his track being left upon the soil, or
+an act which he did for good or for evil being left behind, is a question
+of vast national magnitude; it is so much opposed in its nature to
+locality that the nation itself must decide it: while this other matter
+of planting slavery upon a soil,--a thing which, once planted, cannot be
+eradicated by the succeeding millions who have as much right there as the
+first comers, or, if eradicated, not without infinite difficulty and
+a long struggle, he considers the power to prohibit it as one of these
+little local, trivial things that the nation ought not to say a word
+about; that it affects nobody save the few men who are there.
+
+Take these two things and consider them together, present the question of
+planting a State with the institution of slavery by the side of a question
+who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, and is there a man
+here, is there a man on earth, who would not say the governor question
+is the little one, and the slavery question is the great one? I ask any
+honest Democrat if the small, the local, and the trivial and temporary
+question is not, Who shall be governor? while the durable, the important,
+and the mischievous one is, Shall this soil be planted with slavery?
+
+This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind from
+his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery really looks
+small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash upon his back would
+hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back does not hurt him. That is
+the build of the man, and consequently he looks upon the matter of slavery
+in this unimportant light.
+
+Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this
+policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way,
+a good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in
+this country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a
+Democrat,--a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent
+amongst Democrats to-day, it is true; but that man did not take exactly
+this view of the insignificance of the element of slavery which our friend
+judge Douglas does. In contemplation of this thing, we all know he was led
+to exclaim, "I tremble for my country when I remember that God is just!"
+We know how he looked upon it when he thus expressed himself. There was
+danger to this country,--danger of the avenging justice of God, in that
+little unimportant popular sovereignty question of judge Douglas. He
+supposed there was a question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in the
+enslaving of any race of men, or any man, and that those who did so braved
+the arm of Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, every
+friend of that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye between
+Jefferson and Douglas as to what is the true view of this element among
+us.
+
+There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the
+Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your attention,
+and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no difference
+between them, why not make the Territories States at once? What is
+the reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union when it was
+organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can any of you tell
+any reason why it should not have come into the Union at once? They are
+fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery question,--the largest and
+most important with which they could possibly deal: what could they do by
+coming into the Union that they are not fit to do, according to his view,
+by staying out of it? Oh, they are not fit to sit in Congress and decide
+upon the rates of postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific duties
+on foreign goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit to decide
+these vastly important matters, which are national in their import, but
+they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro question. But,
+gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time on this head, and
+I pass on.
+
+Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very near
+kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I commenced these
+remarks, that I would read that article, but I now believe I will:
+
+"This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively that
+the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the Kansas-Nebraska
+Act of 1854, as well as the members of the Continental Congress of 1774.,
+and the founders of our system of government subsequent to the Revolution,
+regarded the people of the Territories and Colonies as political
+communities which were entitled to a free and exclusive power of
+legislation in their provisional legislatures, where their representation
+could alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity."
+
+When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would contradict
+his own history, he put in what he knew would pass synonymous with it,
+"internal polity." Whenever we find that in one of his speeches, the
+substitute is used in this manner; and I can tell you the reason. It would
+be too bald a contradiction to say slavery; but "internal polity" is a
+general phrase, which would pass in some quarters, and which he hopes will
+pass with the reading community for the same thing.
+
+"This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and
+peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may wander
+upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be exercised
+where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a government, and
+capable of performing its various functions and duties,--a fact to be
+ascertained and determined by" who do you think? Judge Douglas says "by
+Congress!" "Whether the number shall be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty
+thousand inhabitants, does not affect the principle."
+
+Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his own
+words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the public
+domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When it does
+pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed into an
+organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for that at ten
+thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I would like to know
+what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are they all to be treated,
+until they are large enough to be organized into a political community, as
+wanderers upon the public land, in violation of law? And if so treated
+and driven out, at what point of time would there ever be ten thousand?
+If they were not driven out, but remained there as trespassers upon the
+public land in violation of the law, can they establish slavery there? No;
+the judge says popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can they
+exclude it then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. I
+would like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition
+the people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten
+thousand?
+
+But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question as
+to when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed into a
+regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." Judge Douglas
+says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. No, that is all the
+Southerners want. That is what all those who are for slavery want. They
+do not want Congress to prohibit slavery from coming into the new
+Territories, and they do not want popular sovereignty to hinder it; and as
+Congress is to say when they are ready to be organized, all that the South
+has to do is to get Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off until they
+are ready to be admitted as a State, and the South has all it wants in
+taking slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that we now
+have or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash of the
+pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not have this
+popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it at last
+does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to anything at all,
+Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for your reflection
+than for comment. After all that is said, at last, by a dash of the pen,
+everything that has gone before is undone, and he puts the whole question
+under the control of Congress. After fighting through more than three
+hours, if you undertake to read it, he at last places the whole matter
+under the control of that power which he has been contending against, and
+arrives at a result directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do.
+He at last leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress.
+
+There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's Magazine
+essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our Revolutionary
+times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the other was to show
+that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely squelched out this popular
+sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard to this argument drawn from
+the history of former times, to enter into a detailed examination of the
+historical statements he has made. I have the impression that they are
+inaccurate in a great many instances,--sometimes in positive statement,
+but very much more inaccurate by the suppression of statements that really
+belong to the history. But I do not propose to affirm that this is so to
+any very great extent, or to enter into a very minute examination of his
+historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this principle,--that if it
+were important for me to pass out of this lot in the least period of time
+possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by a calculation of my known
+strength and agility that I could clear it at a bound, it would be folly
+for me to stop and consider whether I could or not crawl through a crack.
+So I say of the whole history contained in his essay where he endeavored
+to link the men of the Revolution to popular sovereignty. It only requires
+an effort to leap out of it, a single bound to be entirely successful.
+If you read it over, you will find that he quotes here and there from
+documents of the Revolutionary times, tending to show that the people of
+the colonies were desirous of regulating their own concerns in their own
+way, that the British Government should not interfere; that at one time
+they struggled with the British Government to be permitted to exclude
+the African slave trade,--if not directly, to be permitted to exclude
+it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to discourage and destroy it. From
+these and many things of this sort, judge Douglas argues that they were
+in favor of the people of our own Territories excluding slavery if they
+wanted to, or planting it there if they wanted to, doing just as they
+pleased from the time they settled upon the Territory. Now, however his
+history may apply and whatever of his argument there may be that is sound
+and accurate or unsound and inaccurate, if we can find out what these men
+did themselves do upon this very question of slavery in the Territories,
+does it not end the whole thing? If, after all this labor and effort
+to show that the men of the Revolution were in favor of his popular
+sovereignty and his mode of dealing with slavery in the Territories, we
+can show that these very men took hold of that subject, and dealt with
+it, we can see for ourselves how they dealt with it. It is not a matter of
+argument or inference, but we know what they thought about it.
+
+It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one
+important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the
+history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats it as
+the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation of Congress
+in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the Missouri Compromise
+was established and slavery excluded from a country half as large as the
+present United States. All this is left out of his history, and in nowise
+alluded to by him, so far as I can remember, save once, when he makes
+a remark, that upon his principle the Supreme Court were authorized to
+pronounce a decision that the act called the Missouri Compromise was
+unconstitutional. All that history has been left out. But this part of the
+history of the country was not made by the men of the Revolution.
+
+There was another part of our political history, made by the very men
+who were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of the
+Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. In 1784, I
+believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for the government
+of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a frame or draft of an
+ordinance for the government of this country, here in Ohio, our neighbors
+in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our neighbors in Wisconsin and
+Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not only for the government of that
+Territory, but for the Territories south of the Ohio River, Mr. Jefferson
+expressly provided for the prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says,
+and perhaps is right, that that provision was lost from that ordinance. I
+believe that is true. When the vote was taken upon it, a majority of all
+present in the Congress of the Confederation voted for it; but there were
+so many absentees that those voting for it did not make the clear majority
+necessary, and it was lost. But three years after that, the Congress of
+the Confederation were together again, and they adopted a new ordinance
+for the government of this Northwest Territory, not contemplating
+territory south of the river, for the States owning that territory had
+hitherto refrained from giving it to the General Government; hence they
+made the ordinance to apply only to what the Government owned. In fact,
+the provision excluding slavery was inserted aside, passed unanimously, or
+at any rate it passed and became a part of the law of the land. Under
+that ordinance we live. First here in Ohio you were a Territory; then an
+enabling act was passed, authorizing you to form a constitution and
+State Government, provided it was republican and not in conflict with the
+Ordinance of '87. When you framed your constitution and presented it for
+admission, I think you will find the legislation upon the subject will
+show that, whereas you had formed a constitution that was republican, and
+not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87, therefore you were admitted
+upon equal footing with the original States. The same process in a few
+years was gone through with in Indiana, and so with Illinois, and the same
+substantially with Michigan and Wisconsin.
+
+Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to
+whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. Congress
+always turned their attention to it, and in all their movements upon
+this subject they traced their course by that Ordinance of '87. When they
+admitted new States, they advertised them of this Ordinance, as a part of
+the legislation of the country. They did so because they had traced the
+Ordinance of '87 throughout the history of this country. Begin with the
+men of the Revolution, and go down for sixty entire years, and until the
+last scrap of that Territory comes into the Union in the form of the State
+of Wisconsin, everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of '87,
+excluding slavery from that vast extent of country.
+
+I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the
+United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was
+made by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts of
+Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give force to
+that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands of the new
+officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old ones, who had
+been legislated out of existence by the change in the Government from the
+Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, but I believe Indiana once
+or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the General Government for the privilege
+of suspending that provision and allowing them to have slaves. A report
+made by Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was directly
+against it, and the action was to refuse them the privilege of violating
+the Ordinance of '87.
+
+This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, as
+familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history of our
+country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar with that
+part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall your attention
+to it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary a thing it is that a
+man who has occupied a position upon the floor of the Senate of the United
+States, who is now in his third term, and who looks to see the government
+of this whole country fall into his own hands, pretending to give a
+truthful and accurate history o the slavery question in this country,
+should so entirely ignore the whole of that portion of our history--the
+most important of all. Is it not a most extraordinary spectacle that a man
+should stand up and ask for any confidence in his statements who sets out
+as he does with portions of history, calling upon the people to believe
+that it is a true and fair representation, when the leading part and
+controlling feature of the whole history is carefully suppressed?
+
+But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this most
+remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the leading men
+of the Revolution were for his great principle of nonintervention by the
+government in the question of slavery in the Territories, while history
+shows that they decided, in the cases actually brought before them, in
+exactly the contrary way, and he knows it. Not only did they so decide
+at that time, but they stuck to it during sixty years, through thick and
+thin, as long as there was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage
+of political action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they
+clung to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men
+of the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the
+naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject matter
+of his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting upon
+a precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if a
+prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them to convict
+A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before them.
+
+I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution
+acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, they
+ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a consideration
+of his own argument, he had a right to make you believe that they
+understood the principles of government, but misapplied them, that he
+has arisen to enlighten the world as to the just application of this
+principle. He has a right to try to persuade you that he understands their
+principles better than they did, and, therefore, he will apply them now,
+not as they did, but as they ought to have done. He has a right to go
+before the community and try to convince them of this, but he has no right
+to attempt to impose upon any one the belief that these men themselves
+approved of his great principle. There are two ways of establishing a
+proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon reason, and the other
+is, to show that great men in former times have thought so and so, and
+thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. Now, if Judge Douglas
+will demonstrate somehow that this is popular sovereignty,--the right of
+one man to make a slave of another, without any right in that other or
+any one else to object,--demonstrate it as Euclid demonstrated
+propositions,--there is no objection. But when he comes forward, seeking
+to carry a principle by bringing to it the authority of men who themselves
+utterly repudiate that principle, I ask that he shall not be permitted to
+do it.
+
+I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: "Our
+fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, understood
+this question just as well, and even better than, we do now." That is
+true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas in that to the bitter
+end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by me, and truthfully show how
+they acted, understanding it better than we do. All I ask of you, Judge
+Douglas, is to stick to the proposition that the men of the Revolution
+understood this subject better than we do now, and with that better
+understanding they acted better than you are trying to act now.
+
+I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as dealt
+with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between Judge Douglas
+and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to commence a process of
+catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his questions, and propounded
+some to him. Among others propounded to him was one that I have here now.
+The substance, as I remember it, is, "Can the people of a United States
+Territory, under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the
+wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits,
+prior to the formation of a State constitution?" He answered that they
+could lawfully exclude slavery from the United States Territories,
+notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was something about that
+answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge ever since.
+
+The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United States
+a right to carry his slaves into the United States Territories. And now
+there was some inconsistency in saying that the decision was right, and
+saying, too, that the people of the Territory could lawfully drive slavery
+out again. When all the trash, the words, the collateral matter, was
+cleared away from it, all the chaff was fanned out of it, it was a bare
+absurdity,--no less than that a thing may be lawfully driven away from
+where it has a lawful right to be. Clear it of all the verbiage, and
+that is the naked truth of his proposition,--that a thing may be lawfully
+driven from the place where it has a lawful right to stay. Well, it was
+because the judge could n't help seeing this that he has had so much
+trouble with it; and what I want to ask your especial attention to, just
+now, is to remind you, if you have not noticed the fact, that the judge
+does not any longer say that the people can exclude slavery. He does not
+say so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in the speech that he
+made here; and, so far as I know, since his re-election to the Senate he
+has never said, as he did at Freeport, that the people of the Territories
+can exclude slavery. He desires that you, who wish the Territories to
+remain free, should believe that he stands by that position; but he does
+not say it himself. He escapes to some extent the absurd position I have
+stated, by changing his language entirely. What he says now is something
+different in language, and we will consider whether it is not different
+in sense too. It is now that the Dred Scott decision, or rather the
+Constitution under that decision, does not carry slavery into the
+Territories beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control
+it as other property. He does not say the people can drive it out, but
+they can control it as other property. The language is different; we
+should consider whether the sense is different. Driving a horse out of
+this lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; it is putting
+him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort of exclusion of
+him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the worms devour him;
+but neither of these things is the same as "controlling him as other
+property." That would be to feed him, to pamper him, to ride him, to use
+and abuse him, to make the most money out of him, "as other property";
+but, please you, what do the men who are in favor of slavery want more
+than this? What do they really want, other than that slavery, being in the
+Territories, shall be controlled as other property? If they want anything
+else, I do not comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, first, for the
+purpose of pointing out the change of ground the judge has made; and, in
+the second place, the importance of the change,--that that change is not
+such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular sovereignty the power
+to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. I know the judge
+sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it as other property
+by unfriendly legislation they may control it to death; as you might, in
+the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so lightly and ride him so much
+that he would die. But when you come to legislative control, there is
+something more to be attended to. I have no doubt, myself, that if the
+Territories should undertake to control slave property as other property
+that is, control it in such a way that it would be the most valuable as
+property, and make it bear its just proportion in the way of burdens
+as property, really deal with it as property,--the Supreme Court of the
+United States will say, "God speed you, and amen." But I undertake to
+give the opinion, at least, that if the Territories attempt by any direct
+legislation to drive the man with his slave out of the Territory, or to
+decide that his slave is free because of his being taken in there, or to
+tax him to such an extent that he cannot keep him there, the Supreme Court
+will unhesitatingly decide all such legislation unconstitutional, as long
+as that Supreme Court is constructed as the Dred Scott Supreme Court is.
+The first two things they have already decided, except that there is a
+little quibble among lawyers between the words "dicta" and "decision."
+They have already decided a negro cannot be made free by Territorial
+legislation.
+
+What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that it is
+one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a long opinion,
+but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The Constitution of the
+United States forbids Congress to deprive a man of his property, without
+due process of law; the right of property in slaves is distinctly and
+expressly affirmed in that Constitution: therefore, if Congress shall
+undertake to say that a man's slave is no longer his slave when he crosses
+a certain line into a Territory, that is depriving him of his property
+without due process of law, and is unconstitutional." There is the whole
+Dred Scott decision. They add that if Congress cannot do so itself,
+Congress cannot confer any power to do so; and hence any effort by the
+Territorial Legislature to do either of these things is absolutely decided
+against. It is a foregone conclusion by that court.
+
+Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all lawyers
+here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot be tolerated
+for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do that which it
+cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation to control this
+property, as property, for its benefit as property, would be hailed by
+this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully sustained; but any legislation
+driving slave property out, or destroying it as property, directly or
+indirectly, will most assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional.
+
+Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the
+Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control
+it as other property; then it follows logically that every one who swears
+to support the Constitution of the United States must give that support
+to that property which it needs. And, if the Constitution carries slavery
+into the Territories, beyond the power of the people, to control it as
+other property, then it also carries it into the States, because the
+Constitution is the supreme law of the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were
+not for my excessive modesty, I would say that I told that very thing to
+Judge Douglas quite a year ago. This argument is here in print, and if it
+were not for my modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If
+you read it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made it
+better than he has made it since.
+
+There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there is no
+sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is the right
+of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the Territory; and
+saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the conclusion. He says if that
+is so, this consequence will follow; and because this consequence
+would follow, his argument is, the decision cannot, therefore, be that
+way,--"that would spoil my popular sovereignty; and it cannot be possible
+that this great principle has been squelched out in this extraordinary
+way. It might be, if it were not for the extraordinary consequences of
+spoiling my humbug."
+
+Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is,
+an effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations of
+negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as expounded
+by the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of power a total
+absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It seems to be his
+purpose to make the whole of that decision to result in a mere negative
+declaration of a want of power in Congress to do anything in relation to
+this matter in the Territories. I know the opinion of the Judges states
+that there is a total absence of power; but that is, unfortunately; not
+all it states: for the judges add that the right of property in a slave is
+distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. It does not stop
+at saying that the right of property in a slave is recognized in the
+Constitution, is declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but says
+it is affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to saying
+that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot be
+detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is part
+of the Constitution.
+
+Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that decision
+to be altogether negative, when the express language at the vital part is
+that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. I think myself, and
+I repeat it here, that this decision does not merely carry slavery into
+the Territories, but by its logical conclusion it carries it into the
+States in which we live. One provision of that Constitution is, that it
+shall be the supreme law of the land,--I do not quote the language,--any
+constitution or law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This
+Dred Scott decision says that the right of property in a slave is affirmed
+in that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any State
+constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a thing
+which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law of the land,
+even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of that supreme law,
+and there is no escape from it. In my judgment there is no avoiding that
+result, save that the American people shall see that constitutions are
+better construed than our Constitution is construed in that decision. They
+must take care that it is more faithfully and truly carried out than it is
+there expounded.
+
+I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I said
+that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure that now
+threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent slavery from
+being nationalized in the United States. I propose to ask your attention
+for a little while to some propositions in affirmance of that statement.
+Take it just as it stands, and apply it as a principle; extend and apply
+that principle elsewhere; and consider where it will lead you. I now put
+this proposition, that Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will
+reopen the African slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety
+of ways in which you can turn the subject or look at it.
+
+The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by his
+principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that the people
+in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they want them;
+and I defy any man on earth to show any distinction between the two
+things,--to show that the one is either more wicked or more unlawful; to
+show, on original principles, that one is better or worse than the other;
+or to show, by the Constitution, that one differs a whit from the other.
+He will tell me, doubtless, that there is no constitutional provision
+against people taking slaves into the new Territories, and I tell him
+that there is equally no constitutional provision against buying slaves
+in Africa. He will tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular
+sovereignty, ought to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves
+if they want them; and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much
+entitled to popular sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want
+them, as the people of the Territory are to have slaves if they want them.
+I ask any man, dealing honestly with himself, to point out a distinction.
+
+I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without stating
+that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a distinction
+between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of the
+laws against the African slave trade. And why? He then seeks to give a
+reason that would not apply to his popular sovereignty in the Territories.
+What is that reason? "The abolition of the African slave trade is a
+compromise of the Constitution!" I deny it. There is no truth in the
+proposition that the abolition of the African slave trade is a compromise
+of the Constitution. No man can put his finger on anything in the
+Constitution, or on the line of history, which shows it. It is a mere
+barren assertion, made simply for the purpose of getting up a distinction
+between the revival of the African slave trade and his "great principle."
+
+At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was
+expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and
+insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was
+equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, and
+I can show by history that in regard to these two things public opinion
+was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there was more done
+in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery than was ever done
+to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be misunderstood, I say again
+that at the time of the formation of the Constitution, public expectation
+was that the slave trade would be abolished, but no more so than the
+spread of slavery in the Territories should be restrained. They stand
+alike, except that in the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by public
+opinion, showing that it was more committed against the spread of slavery
+in the Territories than against the foreign slave trade.
+
+Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the public
+sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; but there was
+at the time a very great commercial interest involved in it, and extensive
+capital in that branch of trade. There were doubtless the incipient stages
+of improvement in the South in the way of farming, dependent on the slave
+trade, and they made a proposition to Congress to abolish the trade after
+allowing it twenty years,--a sufficient time for the capital and commerce
+engaged in it to be transferred to other channel. They made no provision
+that it should be abolished in twenty years; I do not doubt that they
+expected it would be, but they made no bargain about it. The public
+sentiment left no doubt in the minds of any that it would be done away.
+I repeat, there is nothing in the history of those times in favor of
+that matter being a compromise of the constitution. It was the public
+expectation at the time, manifested in a thousand ways, that the spread of
+slavery should also be restricted.
+
+Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong
+in slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter
+of dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal with
+brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of question,
+but that at the South the question is between the negro and the crocodile,
+that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a perfect right,
+according to interest, to do just as you please,--when this is done, where
+this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers will have formed public
+opinion for the slave trade. They will be ready for Jeff. Davis and
+Stephens and other leaders of that company to sound the bugle for the
+revival of the slave trade, for the second Dred Scott decision, for the
+flood of slavery to be poured over the free States, while we shall be here
+tied down and helpless and run over like sheep.
+
+It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who want to
+adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to that
+party, and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to it, but
+nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty is as good
+a way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to be persuaded
+easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, into this belief,
+that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery as any, and we can do
+that without straining our old party ties or breaking up old political
+associations. We can do so without being called negro-worshipers. We
+can do that without being subjected to the jibes and sneers that are so
+readily thrown out in place of argument where no argument can be found.
+So let us stick to this popular sovereignty,--this insidious popular
+sovereignty.
+
+Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened,
+which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion,
+this course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for the
+Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is to carry
+slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, hear of
+anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in the Declaration
+of National Independence; that it does not mean negroes at all; and when
+"all men" were spoken of, negroes were not included?
+
+I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon paper
+by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time to find a man
+in an audience who would declare that he had ever known of anybody saying
+so five years ago. But last year there was not a Douglas popular sovereign
+in Illinois who did not say it. Is there one in Ohio but declares his firm
+belief that the Declaration of Independence did not mean negroes at all? I
+do not know how this is; I have not been here much; but I presume you are
+very much alike everywhere. Then I suppose that all now express the belief
+that the Declaration of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon
+one of them to say that he said it five years ago.
+
+If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that
+strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,--and
+a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the negro,
+in your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. They
+are taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among reptiles and
+crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it.
+
+Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public
+opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, this popular
+sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a change in the
+public mind to the extent I have stated. There is no man in this crowd who
+can contradict it.
+
+Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I ask you
+to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be plastered on,
+layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to deal with the negro
+every where as with the brute. If public sentiment has not been debauched
+already to this point, a new turn of the screw in that direction is all
+that is wanting; and this is constantly being done by the teachers of
+this insidious popular sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further,
+until your minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for
+all these things, and you will receive and support, or submit to, the
+slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code enforced in our
+Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the
+very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is but carrying out those
+words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,--many, many years ago,--I believe
+more than thirty years, when he told an audience that if they would
+repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation they must go
+back to the era of our independence, and muzzle the cannon which thundered
+its annual joyous return on the Fourth of July; they must blow out the
+moral lights around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate
+the love of liberty: but until they did these things, and others
+eloquently enumerated by him, they could not repress all tendencies to
+ultimate emancipation.
+
+I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these popular
+sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around us;
+teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the
+Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile
+and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a matter of dollars and
+cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, if
+there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact that there
+is now going on among you a steady process of debauching public opinion on
+this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu.
+
+
+
+
+SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859
+
+My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in my
+life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as this:
+I therefore--though I am no longer a young man--make this appearance
+under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that when one is
+embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with it is to quit
+talking or thinking about it, and go at something else.
+
+I understand that you have had recently with you my very distinguished
+friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, without having had
+an opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of seeing a report of the
+speech that he made here, that he did me the honor to mention my humble
+name. I suppose that he did so for the purpose of making some objection to
+some sentiment at some time expressed by me. I should expect, it is true,
+that judge Douglas had reminded you, or informed you, if you had never
+before heard it, that I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that
+this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free; that
+a house divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I had expressed it,
+I did not expect the house to fall, that I did not expect the Union to be
+dissolved, but that I did expect that it would cease to be divided, that
+it would become all one thing, or all the other; that either the opponents
+of slavery would arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the
+public mind would rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate
+extinction, or the friends of slavery will push it forward until it
+becomes alike lawful in all the States, old or new, free as well as slave.
+I did, fifteen months ago, express that opinion, and upon many occasions
+Judge Douglas has denounced it, and has greatly, intentionally or
+unintentionally, misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that
+opinion.
+
+I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did
+so here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different
+language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor Seward of
+New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced them; that he
+tried to point out that there was something couched in this opinion which
+led to the making of an entire uniformity of the local institutions of the
+various States of the Union, in utter disregard of the different States,
+which in their nature would seem to require a variety of institutions
+and a variety of laws, conforming to the differences in the nature of the
+different States.
+
+Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war
+between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the onset
+of continual war between the different States, the slave and free States.
+
+This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, the
+9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next evening, I made
+some reply to it. I informed him that many of the inferences he drew from
+that expression of mine were altogether foreign to any purpose entertained
+by me, and in so far as he should ascribe these inferences to me, as my
+purpose, he was entirely mistaken; and in so far as he might argue that,
+whatever might be my purpose, actions conforming to my views would lead
+to these results, he might argue and establish if he could; but, so far as
+purposes were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me.
+
+When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of declaring
+war between the different States of the Union, that I had not said that
+I did not expect any peace upon this question until slavery was
+exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when that institution
+was put where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in
+course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, from the organization of
+our government until a very recent period of time, the institution had
+been placed and continued upon such a basis; that we had had comparative
+peace upon that question through a portion of that period of time, only
+because the public mind rested in that belief in regard to it, and that
+when we returned to that position in relation to that matter, I supposed
+we should again have peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now,
+assure you, that I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose in
+any way of interfering with the institution of slavery, where it exists. I
+believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United States, or
+rather under the form of government under which we live, to interfere with
+the institution of slavery, or any other of the institutions of our
+sister States, be they free or slave States. I declared then, and I
+now re-declare, that I have as little inclination to interfere with the
+institution of slavery where it now exists, through the instrumentality of
+the General Government, or any other instrumentality, as I believe we have
+no power to do so. I accidentally used this expression: I had no purpose
+of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery.
+So, upon the first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply
+to me, he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject,
+and seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose of
+entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. "Oh,
+no," said he, "he [Lincoln] won't enter into the slave States to disturb
+the institution of slavery, he is too prudent a man to do such a thing as
+that; he only means that he will go on to the line between the free and
+slave States, and shoot over at them. This is all he means to do. He means
+to do them all the harm he can, to disturb them all he can, in such a way
+as to keep his own hide in perfect safety."
+
+Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very
+dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along with
+it as well as I could.
+
+It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the
+line at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, and
+purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the
+best chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some
+Kentuckians about this audience--we are close to Kentucky; and whether
+that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by speaking distinctly,
+I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians would hear me on the other
+side of the river. For that reason I propose to address a portion of what
+I have to say to the Kentuckians.
+
+I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what they
+call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is wrong,
+morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further spread
+in--these United States, and I should not object if it should gradually
+terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I say to you
+Kentuckians that I understand you differ radically with me upon this
+proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that slavery is
+right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this Union.
+Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not pretend, in
+addressing myself to you Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that
+would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try
+to show you that you ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at
+Charleston, my distinguished friend Judge Douglas. In all that there is a
+difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, and
+more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. I will try to demonstrate
+that proposition. Understand, now, I say that I believe he is as sincerely
+for you, and more wisely for you, than you are for yourselves.
+
+What do you want more than anything else to make successful your views of
+slavery,--to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and perpetuate
+the nationality of it? What do you want more than anything else? What--is
+needed absolutely? What is indispensable to you? Why, if I may, be allowed
+to answer the question, it is to retain a hold upon the North, it is to
+retain support and strength from the free States. If you can get this
+support and strength from the free States, you can succeed. If you do not
+get this support and this strength from the free States, you are in the
+minority, and you are beaten at once.
+
+If that proposition be admitted,--and it is undeniable,--then the next
+thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this nation, is the
+only man that affords you any hold upon the free States; that no other man
+can give you any strength in the free States. This being so, if you doubt
+the other branch of the proposition, whether he is for you--whether he is
+really for you, as I have expressed it,--I propose asking your attention
+for a while to a few facts.
+
+The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is
+wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and
+ought to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is my
+Kentuckian I am talking to now.
+
+I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you and
+more wisely for you than you are for yourselves.
+
+In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a
+government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the country,
+substantially, enters into the execution--or administration, rather--of
+the government, in such a government, what lies at the bottom of all of it
+is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, that Judge Douglas is
+not only the man that promises you in advance a hold upon the North, and
+support in the North, but he constantly moulds public opinion to your
+ends; that in every possible way he can he constantly moulds the public
+opinion of the North to your ends; and if there are a few things in which
+he seems to be against you,--a few things which he says that appear to
+be against you, and a few that he forbears to say which you would like
+to have him say you ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the
+forbearing to say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by
+consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you.
+
+Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to the
+fact--for a well established fact it is--that the Judge never says your
+institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man in the United
+States, I believe, with the exception of Senator Douglas, who has not, at
+some time in his life, declared his opinion whether the thing is right or
+wrong; but Senator Douglas never declares it is wrong. He leaves himself
+at perfect liberty to do all in your favor which he would be hindered from
+doing if he were to declare the thing to be wrong. On the contrary, he
+takes all the chances that he has for inveigling the sentiment of the
+North, opposed to slavery, into your support, by never saying it is right.
+This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to give him full
+credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to the whole
+which he does for you.
+
+Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the floor of
+the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I understand, a great
+many times, that he does not care whether slavery is "voted up or voted
+down." This again shows you, or ought to show you, if you would reason
+upon it, that he does not believe it to be wrong; for a man may say when
+he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that he, dues not care whether it be
+voted up or voted down but no man can logically say that he cares not
+whether a thing goes up or goes down which to him appears to be wrong. You
+therefore have a demonstration in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your
+favorite institution, which you would have spread out and made perpetual,
+is no wrong.
+
+Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee,
+shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there distinctly
+told the people that there was a "line drawn by the Almighty across this
+continent, on the one side of which the soil must always be cultivated by
+slaves"; that he did not pretend to know exactly where that line was,
+but that there was such a line. I want to ask your attention to that
+proposition again; that there is one portion of this continent where the
+Almighty has signed the soil shall always be cultivated by slaves; that
+its being cultivated by slaves at that place is right; that it has the
+direct sympathy and authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these
+Northern audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other
+side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of Douglas's
+views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make the other
+argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is right on that
+side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if you have that
+property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and stamp of the
+Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is wrong to have
+constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So Douglas is moulding the
+public opinion of the North, first to say that the thing is right in your
+State over the Ohio River, and hence to say that that which is right there
+is not wrong here, and that all laws and constitutions here recognizing
+it as being wrong are themselves wrong, and ought to be repealed and
+abrogated. He will tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose here to have
+laws against slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that your climate
+is not suited to it, that your climate is not suited to slave labor, and
+therefore you have constitutions and laws against it.
+
+Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be sound.
+You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned sugar-cane, and you
+won't raise that long), but they do raise it in Louisiana. You don't raise
+it in Ohio, because you can't raise it profitably, because the climate
+don't suit it. They do raise it in Louisiana, because there it is
+profitable. Now, Douglas will tell you that is precisely the slavery
+question: that they do have slaves there because they are profitable, and
+you don't have them here because they are not profitable. If that is so,
+then it leads to dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is
+there, then, anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising
+sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in your
+law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, but if
+any man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical law that
+forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with Douglas, whenever
+your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as surely you will have
+reached the conclusion that although it is not profitable in Ohio, if any
+man wants it, is wrong to him not to let him have it.
+
+In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of
+Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about which
+you and I differ.
+
+In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I believe
+it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had expressed the
+opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence.
+Let me state that again: five years ago no living man had expressed the
+opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence.
+If there is in this large audience any man who ever knew of that opinion
+being put upon paper as much as five years ago, I will be obliged to him
+now or at a subsequent time to show it.
+
+If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within the
+space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this question, has
+got his entire party, so far as I know, without exception, in saying that
+the negro has no share in the Declaration of Independence. If there be now
+in all these United States one Douglas man that does not say this, I have
+been unable upon any occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you said
+this five years ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter that you
+Kentuckians ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern public
+sentiment upon that question.
+
+Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to bring
+the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, the
+negro is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone are
+contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already degraded
+the black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers from the
+condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the condition of a
+brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas credit for this. That is
+the largest possible stride that can be made in regard to the perpetuation
+of your thing of slavery.
+
+A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians!
+
+Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please.
+
+In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are trying
+to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the Bible. You
+are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by divine
+ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, upon that
+subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that slavery was--right
+by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the slavery of the white
+man, of men without reference to color; and he knows very well that you
+may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but you will
+never win any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser argument for you:
+he makes the argument that the slavery of the black man; the slavery of
+the man who has a skin of a different color from your own, is right. He
+thereby brings to your support Northern voters who could not for a moment
+be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery. Will you
+give him credit for that? Will you not say that in this matter he is more
+wisely for you than you are for yourselves?
+
+Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having been
+entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your behalf, he is
+ready for another.
+
+At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests between
+the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but that in all
+questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for the negro. He did
+not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. He made it a great many
+times in the canvass in Illinois last year (though I don't know that it
+was reported in any of his speeches there, but he frequently made it). I
+believe he repeated it at Columbus, and I should not wonder if he repeated
+it here. It is, then, a deliberate way of expressing himself upon that
+subject. It is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to express
+himself upon that point of his case. It therefore requires deliberate
+attention.
+
+The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro,
+you are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever is
+opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, against
+the white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict
+between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as much
+as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I say
+that there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only does
+not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it positively
+wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be enslaved; that
+the mass of white men are really injured by the effects of slave labor in
+the vicinity of the fields of their own labor.
+
+But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more than to
+say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that that fallacy
+will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white men. At all
+events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is for your benefit it
+is made.
+
+The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and
+the crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is any
+struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose that if a
+crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call them, alligators)
+should come across a white man, he would kill him if he could; and so he
+would a negro. But what, at last, is this proposition? I believe it is a
+sort of proposition in proportion, which may be stated thus: "As the negro
+is to the white man, so is the crocodile to the negro; and as the negro
+may rightfully treat the crocodile as a beast or reptile, so the white man
+may rightfully treat the negro as a beast or a reptile." That is really
+the "knip" of all that argument of his.
+
+Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank
+Judge Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any of
+yourselves have done.
+
+Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls it,
+gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade whenever
+you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider awhile what I
+shall advance in support of that proposition.
+
+He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the
+Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for argument's
+sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go there equally to
+buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you point out the difference?
+The man who goes into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, or any other
+new Territory, with the sacred right of taking a slave there which belongs
+to him, would certainly have no more right to take one there than I would,
+who own no slave, but who would desire to buy one and take him there. You
+will not say you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the man who
+does not own a slave has an equal right to buy one and take him to the
+Territory as the other does.
+
+A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere with
+the slave trade?
+
+Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to whip
+foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us.
+
+Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself.
+
+Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but I do
+not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press.
+
+I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred right
+in the people, if you please, if carried to its logical conclusion gives
+equally the sacred right to the people of the States or the Territories
+themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy them cheapest; and if any
+man can show a distinction, I should like to hear him try it. If any man
+can show how the people of Kansas have a better right to slaves, because
+they want them, than the people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa,
+I want him to do it. I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular
+sovereignty" for the people to have slaves because they want them, it is
+popular sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to
+do so.
+
+I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to
+notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid
+of that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, who
+resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the laws that
+prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition to such repeal
+upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of the compromises of
+the Constitution of the United States. Now, it would be very interesting
+to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends turn, to the Constitution of
+the United States and point out that compromise, to show where there is
+any compromise in the Constitution, or provision in the Constitution;
+express or implied, by which the administrators of that Constitution are
+under any obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at
+least I think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect
+the African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to
+which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended there
+is abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of the
+Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so expected,
+they gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no provision in
+the Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. The migration or
+importation of such persons as the States shall see fit to admit shall not
+be prohibited, but a certain tax might be levied upon such importation.
+But what was to be done after that time? The Constitution is as silent
+about that as it is silent, personally, about myself. There is absolutely
+nothing in it about that subject; there is only the expectation of the
+framers of the Constitution that the slave trade would be abolished at the
+end of that time; and they expected it would be abolished, owing to public
+sentiment, before that time; and the put that provision in, in order that
+it should not be abolished before that time, for reasons which I suppose
+they thought to be sound ones, but which I will not now try to enumerate
+before you.
+
+But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that time,
+they expected that the spread of slavery into the new Territories should
+also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that the framers of the
+Constitution of the United States expected that slavery should be
+prohibited from extending into the new Territories, as it is to prove
+that it was expected that the slave trade should be abolished. Both these
+things were expected. One was no more expected than the other, and one was
+no more a compromise of the Constitution than the other. There was nothing
+said in the Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into the
+Territory. I grant that; but there was something very important said about
+it by the same generation of men in the adoption of the old Ordinance of
+'87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our neighbors in
+Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and Wisconsin, are
+happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That generation of men,
+though not to the full extent members of the convention that framed the
+Constitution, were to some extent members of that convention, holding
+seats at the same time in one body and the other, so that if there was any
+compromise on either of these subjects, the strong evidence is that
+that compromise was in favor of the restriction of slavery from the new
+Territories.
+
+But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of those
+laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the Constitution. You
+Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with that. You ought not to
+be! You ought to be patient! You ought to know that if he said less than
+that, he would lose the power of "lugging" the Northern States to your
+support. Really, what you would push him to do would take from him
+his entire power to serve you. And you ought to remember how long, by
+precedent, Judge Douglas holds himself obliged to stick by compromises.
+You ought to remember that by the time you yourselves think you are ready
+to inaugurate measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that
+sufficient time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to
+break through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than
+he said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,--and
+precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise to
+be a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to touch," he
+himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy it. By a mere
+calculation of time it will only be four years more until he is ready to
+take back his profession about the sacredness of the Compromise abolishing
+the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you are ready to have his services
+in that direction, by fair calculation, you may be sure of having them.
+
+But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, that
+he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of the Dred
+Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; that he
+declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your property into
+the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the decision of the
+Supreme Court of the United States.
+
+He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He said
+that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so many words:
+You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never said it since. You
+may hunt in every speech that he has since made, and he has never used
+that expression once. He has never seemed to notice that he is stating his
+views differently from what he did then; but by some sort of accident, he
+has always really stated it differently. He has always since then declared
+that "the Constitution does not carry slavery into the Territories of the
+United States beyond the power of the people legally to control it, as
+other property." Now, there is a difference in the language used upon
+that former occasion and in this latter day. There may or may not be a
+difference in the meaning, but it is worth while considering whether there
+is not also a difference in meaning.
+
+What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some way to
+put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the line, or change
+its character so that, as property, it is out of existence. But what is
+the controlling of it "as other property"? Is controlling it as other
+property the same thing as destroying it, or driving it away? I should
+think not. I should think the controlling of it as other property would be
+just about what you in Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling
+of property means the controlling of it for the benefit of the owner of
+it. While I have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would
+say "God speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that should thus
+control slave property, they would sing quite a different tune if, by
+the pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to pass laws which
+virtually excluded it,--and that upon a very well known principle to
+all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, it cannot do by
+indirection; that as the Legislature has not the power to drive slaves
+out, they have no power, by indirection, by tax, or by imposing burdens in
+any way on that property, to effect the same end, and that any attempt to
+do so would be held by the Dred Scott court unconstitutional.
+
+Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they can
+exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to nothing
+more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully drive out
+that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at first that the
+slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories under the Constitution
+of the United States, and yet asserted that he might be lawfully driven
+out. That being the proposition, it is the absurdity I have stated. He
+is not willing to stand in the face of that direct, naked, and impudent
+absurdity; he has, therefore, modified his language into that of being
+"controlled as other property."
+
+The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it will
+go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in Illinois to
+break down a court, because it had made a decision he did not like. But
+he now not only swears by the court, the courts having got to working
+for you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by the courts,
+as unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts of unfriendly
+legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in effect, destroy
+property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly enough that there
+can be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature to make them
+so burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that law to be
+unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your benefit "I swear by
+the court; I give it up"; and while that is going on he has been getting
+all his men to swear by the courts, and to give it up with him. In this
+again he serves you faithfully, and, as I say, more wisely than you serve
+yourselves.
+
+Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact that
+Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion
+that this government "cannot endure permanently, half slave and half
+free." He has complained of Seward for using different language, and
+declaring that there is an "irrepressible conflict" between the principles
+of free and slave labor. [A voice: "He says it is not original with
+Seward. That it is original with Lincoln."] I will attend to that
+immediately, sir. Since that time, Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the
+same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman: why? There is a little
+chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may
+yet be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to
+hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man.
+
+But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or
+unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That same idea
+was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in 1856,--quite two
+years before it was expressed by the first of us. And while Douglas was
+pluming himself that in his conflict with my humble self, last year, he
+had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as he delighted to call it, and
+had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet
+Seward he would have "squelched" it there also, it never occurred to him
+to breathe a word against Pryor. I don't think that you can discover that
+Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea there.
+No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington
+City and made the editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, after making
+use of that expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and heretical.
+From all this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion is heretical
+in his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a desire that
+the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by those fairly
+known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall become slave.
+When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise offensive to him. In
+this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have Judge Douglas with you.
+
+There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate Douglas
+at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the wonderful capacity of
+the man,--the power he has of doing what would seem to be impossible. Let
+me call your attention to one of these apparently impossible things:
+
+Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme
+anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing their
+desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That would, of itself,
+have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that wonder is heightened when
+we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly opposed to them, a man who
+believes in the divine right of slavery, was also expressing his desire
+that Douglas should be reelected; that another man that may be said to
+be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, the Vice-President, and of your
+own State, was also agreeing with the anti-slavery men in the North that
+Douglas ought to be re-elected. Still to heighten the wonder, a senator
+from Kentucky, whom I have always loved with an affection as tender
+and endearing as I have ever loved any man, who was opposed to the
+anti-slavery men for reasons which seemed sufficient to him, and equally
+opposed to Wise and Breckinridge, was writing letters into Illinois to
+secure the reelection of Douglas. Now, that all these conflicting elements
+should be brought, while at daggers' points with one another, to support
+him, is a feat that is worthy for you to note and consider. It is quite
+probable that each of these classes of men thought, by the re-election of
+Douglas, their peculiar views would gain something: it is probable that
+the anti-slavery men thought their views would gain something; that Wise
+and Breckinridge thought so too, as regards their opinions; that Mr.
+Crittenden thought that his views would gain something, although he was
+opposed to both these other men. It is probable that each and all of them
+thought that they were using Douglas; and it is yet an unsolved problem
+whether he was not using them all. If he was, then it is for you to
+consider whether that power to perform wonders is one for you lightly to
+throw away.
+
+There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It is
+but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it
+is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you
+may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the
+Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend to
+"stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat
+you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat
+you we have to beat you both together. We know that you are "all of a
+feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to
+do it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as
+deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and
+resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say,--beat
+you,--you perhaps want to know what we will do with you.
+
+I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition,
+what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly
+can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave
+you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution; to abide by all
+and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to
+the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we
+have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers,
+Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are
+as good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the
+difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always
+that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we
+claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls when
+we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have the honor to inform
+you that I once did have a chance in that way.
+
+I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing
+takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you
+mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is
+elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That is
+so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is
+a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do with
+your half of it? Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and push
+your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside of us
+outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way between
+your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come
+over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can
+better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no obligation
+whatever to return those specimens of your movable property that come
+hither? You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you,
+as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligations to
+do anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be? Will
+you make war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as
+gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a
+good cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown
+yourselves capable of this upon various occasions: but, man for man, you
+are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are
+of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer
+in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal, it
+would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will
+make nothing by attempting to master us.
+
+But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the Kentuckians
+than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that whatever course
+you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose to address a few
+remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with them the best means of
+keeping that promise that I have in good faith made.
+
+It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of which
+I will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that the
+interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of '87, or
+through any other act of the General Government never has made or ever can
+make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make free States of
+Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free upon his "great
+principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people of those several
+States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, and probably here, he
+undertook to compliment the people that they themselves have made the
+State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance of '87 was not entitled in any
+degree to divide the honor with them. I have no doubt that the people
+of the State of Ohio did make her free according to their own will and
+judgment, but let the facts be remembered.
+
+In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with
+the clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very nearly
+unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you--speaking of you as
+one people--that you did so unembarrassed by the actual presence of
+the institution amongst you; that you made it a free State not with the
+embarrassment upon you of already having among you many slaves, which if
+they had been here, and you had sought to make a free State, you would
+not know what to do with. If they had been among you, embarrassing
+difficulties, most probably, would have induced you to tolerate a slave
+constitution instead of a free one, as indeed these very difficulties have
+constrained every people on this continent who have adopted slavery.
+
+Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you not
+find your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should be a free
+State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found it so. Let us
+take an illustration between the States of Ohio and Kentucky. Kentucky is
+separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. A portion of Kentucky, by
+reason of the course of the Ohio, is farther north than this portion of
+Ohio, in which we now stand. Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery;
+Ohio is entirely free from it: What made that difference? Was it climate?
+No. A portion of Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio.
+Was it soil? No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable
+to slave than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side of
+the line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free of
+it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the range
+of conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that made that
+difference, other than that there was no law of any sort keeping it out of
+Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of Ohio. If there is any
+other reason than this, I confess that it is wholly beyond my power to
+conceive of it. This, then, I offer to combat the idea that that Ordinance
+has never made any State free.
+
+I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; and
+what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as between
+Indiana and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One additional argument
+is applicable also to Indiana. In her Territorial condition she more than
+once petitioned Congress to abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least
+so far as to suspend its operation for a time, in order that they should
+exercise the "popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them.
+The men then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the
+Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the evidence
+that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not for that
+Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier out of the way;
+that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at last in Indiana being
+a free State. Tell me not then that the Ordinance of '87 had nothing to do
+with making Indiana a free State, when we find some men chafing against,
+and only restrained by, that barrier.
+
+Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest Territory,
+including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, was acquired
+first, I believe, by the British Government, in part at least, from the
+French. Before the establishment of our independence it became a part
+of Virginia, enabling Virginia afterward to transfer it to the General
+Government. There were French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at
+the same time there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in
+the tract of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these
+French settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more
+than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,--at Kaskaskia, in
+Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in Missouri.
+The number of slaves was not very great, but there was about the same
+number in each place. They were there when we acquired the Territory.
+There was no effort made to break up the relation of master and slave, and
+even the Ordinance of 1787 was not so enforced as to destroy that slavery
+in Illinois; nor did the Ordinance apply to Missouri at all.
+
+What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois and
+Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the latter
+part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe sometime in 1820.
+They had been filling up with American people about the same period of
+time; their progress enabling them to come into the Union about the same
+time. At the end of that ten years, in which they had been so preparing
+(for it was about that period of time), the number of slaves in Illinois
+had actually decreased; while in Missouri, beginning with very few, at the
+end of that ten years there were about ten thousand. This being so, and it
+being remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain extent, in
+the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of Missouri and the
+southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of latitude, so that
+climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the other, and that in
+the soil there is no material difference so far as bears upon the question
+of slavery being settled upon one or the other,--there being none of those
+natural causes to produce a difference in filling them, and yet there
+being a broad difference to their filling up, we are led again to inquire
+what was the cause of that difference.
+
+It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep that
+country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was the
+Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during that ten
+years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased from a few to
+ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the difference?
+
+I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge
+Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national
+restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is a
+fallacy,--a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth about it.
+
+Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this same
+proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have become so
+upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois itself came
+into the Union as a slave State, and that the people, upon the "great
+principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it a free State. Allow
+me but a little while to state to you what facts there are to justify him
+in saying that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State.
+
+I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves there.
+They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, there had been
+a Territorial law for indenturing black persons. Under that law, in
+violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any enforcement of the
+Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been a small number of
+slaves introduced as indentured persons. Owing to this, the clause for
+the prohibition of slavery was slightly modified. Instead of running like
+yours, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime,
+of which the party shall have been duly convicted, should exist in the
+State, they said that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should
+thereafter be introduced; and that the children of indentured servants
+should be born free; and nothing was said about the few old French slaves.
+Out of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified
+because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and again that
+Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the facts sustain
+the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and impartial men
+to decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, worthy of being
+remembered, that that little thing, those few indentured servants being
+there, was of itself sufficient to modify a constitution made by a people
+ardently desiring to have a free constitution; showing the power of the
+actual presence of the institution of slavery to prevent any people,
+however anxious to make a free State, from making it perfectly so.
+
+I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do.
+
+I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I could
+talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, then:
+Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: If one man
+chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man nor anybody else
+has a right to object. Apply it to government, as he seeks to apply
+it, and it is this: If, in a new Territory into which a few people are
+beginning to enter for the purpose of making their homes, they choose
+to either exclude slavery from their limits, or to establish it there,
+however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the
+infinitely greater number of persons who are afterward to inhabit that
+Territory, or the other members of the family of communities of which they
+are but an incipient member, or the general head of the family of States
+as parent of all, however their action may affect one or the other of
+these, there is no power or right to interfere. That is Douglas's popular
+sovereignty applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty
+in the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the
+abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as he
+pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern
+him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a general
+government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the
+local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to those
+matters which exclusively concern them.
+
+Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must decide
+that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to decide who
+shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall be any of
+their officers. These are vast national matters in his estimation; but the
+little matter in his estimation is that of planting slavery there. That
+is purely of local interest, which nobody should be allowed to say a word
+about.
+
+Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human
+comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion about
+the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is necessary
+connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws within
+it the whole of the labor of the community. They assume that nobody works
+unless capital excites them to work. They begin next to consider what is
+the best way. They say there are but two ways: one is to hire men, and to
+allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to buy the men, and
+drive them, to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed
+to discuss the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off
+in the condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide
+that they are better off in the condition of slaves.
+
+In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That there is
+a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That it does exist,
+and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are industrious, and
+sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests should after a
+while accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed to enjoy it in
+peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have accumulated it,
+to use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire other people
+to labor for them, is right. In doing so they do not wrong the man they
+employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to work upon,
+or shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for others, hired
+laborers, receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own
+capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of capital
+and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But I
+insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one
+eighth of the labor of the country.
+
+[The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his ability
+to become an employer, must have every precedence over him who labors
+under the inducement of force. He continued:]
+
+I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we expect
+upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do so, I think
+we want and must have a national policy in regard to the institution of
+slavery that acknowledges and deals with that institution as being
+wrong. Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the
+nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to any
+policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as being an
+indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a
+policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong: When I say this, I do
+not mean to say that this General Government is charged with the duty of
+redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that
+it is charged with preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs
+to itself. This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing
+for the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and
+perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare.
+We believe--nay, we know--that that is the only thing that has ever
+threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which has
+ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we live is this
+very thing. To repress this thing, we think, is, Providing for the general
+welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make our
+argument for them, but we who think it is wrong in all its relations, or
+in some of them at least, must decide as to our own actions and our own
+course, upon our own judgment.
+
+I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the
+States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the
+general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an
+efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as
+I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the
+outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor
+general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of
+the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial
+slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either
+Congresses or courts. The people of these United States are the rightful
+masters of both Congresses and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution,
+but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution.
+
+To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold
+conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary custom;
+we must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In all these
+things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real purpose, and in
+none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. If we shall adopt a
+platform that fails to recognize or express our purpose, or elect a man
+that declares himself inimical to our purpose, we not only take nothing by
+our success, but we tacitly admit that we act upon no other principle
+than a desire to have "the loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our
+apparent success is really an injury to us.
+
+I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, that
+all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next Presidential
+election and in all future time. I am anxious that that should be; but
+there are things seriously to be considered in relation to that matter.
+If the terms can be arranged, I am in favor of the union. But suppose
+we shall take up some man, and put him upon one end or the other of the
+ticket, who declares himself against us in regard to the prevention of the
+spread of slavery, who turns up his nose and says he is tired of hearing
+anything more about it, who is more against us than against the enemy,
+what will be the issue? Why, he will get no slave States, after all,--he
+has tried that already until being beat is the rule for him. If we
+nominate him upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and
+not only so, but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the
+principle we really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a
+single electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of Maryland.
+There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate because
+we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We cannot get our
+men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot give the State of
+Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would be flatter down than the
+"Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart to wish to see us.
+
+After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There are
+plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough for me
+to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will profess their
+sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on the ground that
+our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There are scores of them, good
+men in their character for intelligence and talent and integrity. If such
+a one will place himself upon the right ground, I am for his occupying one
+place upon the next Republican or opposition ticket. I will heartily
+go for him. But unless he does so place himself, I think it a matter of
+perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis;
+that if a union be made, the elements will scatter so that there can be no
+success for such a ticket, nor anything like success. The good old maxims
+of the Bible axe applicable, and truly applicable, to human affairs, and
+in this, as in other things, we may say here that he who is not for us is
+against us; he who gathereth not with us, scattereth. I should be glad to
+have some of the many good and able and noble men of the South to place
+themselves where we can confer upon them the high honor of an election
+upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do
+that thing. It would enable us to teach them that, inasmuch as we select
+one of their own number to carry out our principles, we are free from the
+charge that we mean more than we say.
+
+But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to do.
+I believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have stayed
+and heard me with great patience, for which I return you my most sincere
+thanks.
+
+
+
+
+ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS
+
+TO EDWARD WALLACE.
+
+CLINTON, October 11, 1859
+
+Dr. EDWARD WALLACE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before I left
+Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a letter of
+yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for my tariff views,
+and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter upon the subject. I was
+an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times I made more speeches on that
+subject than any other.
+
+I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a
+moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in as
+not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles changes, and
+uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is my opinion that just
+now the revival of that question will not advance the cause itself, or the
+man who revives it.
+
+I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general impression
+is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere long force its
+old opponents to take it up; and then its old friends can join in and
+establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, the Old Whigs, have
+been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, and we shall not be able
+to re-establish the policy until the absence of it shall have demonstrated
+the necessity for it in the minds of men heretofore opposed to it.
+With this view, I should prefer to not now write a public letter on the
+subject. I therefore wish this to be considered confidential. I shall be
+very glad to receive a letter from you.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ON MORTGAGES
+
+TO W. DUNGY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859.
+
+WM. DUNGY, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given
+to secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if the
+mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one assigned
+will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the assigned note
+may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. There is redemption
+on execution sales from the United States Court just as from any other
+court.
+
+You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the suit,
+and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. Write again.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS,
+
+DECEMBER, 1859.
+
+............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly fear
+the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the
+Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own statement
+of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, you "won't stand
+it." You will break up the Union. If we shall constitutionally elect a
+President, it will be our duty to see that you submit. Old John Brown has
+been executed for treason against a State. We cannot object, even though
+he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence,
+bloodshed and treason. It could avail him nothing that he might think
+himself right. So, if we constitutionally elect a President, and therefore
+you undertake to destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you
+as old John Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty. We
+hope and believe that in no section will a majority so act as to render
+such extreme measures necessary.
+
+
+
+
+TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859
+
+MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN.
+
+GENT.:--Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure to
+be able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any of
+the rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of being
+misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from doing justice
+to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him by the use of nay
+name in connection with alleged wrongs to me.
+
+In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty of
+any unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I answer
+unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political allegiance
+to any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, holding over,
+having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He never was in any
+caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. Senator, never gave me
+any promises or pledges to support me, and subsequent events have greatly
+tended to prove the wisdom, politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The
+election of Judge Trumbull strongly tended to sustain and preserve the
+position of that lion of the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the
+Missouri Compromise, and left them in a position of joining with us in
+forming the Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention in
+1856.
+
+During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and
+still is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr.
+Judd--certainly none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman of the
+State Central Committee led to my greater intercourse with him, and to
+my giving him a larger share of my confidence, than with or to almost any
+other friend; and I have never suspected that that confidence was, to any
+degree, misplaced.
+
+My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican
+party, in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment of the
+Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I deem it an
+impossibility that he could have been dealing treacherously with me. He
+has also, at all times, appeared equally true and faithful to the party.
+In his position as chairman of the committee, I believe he did all that
+any man could have done. The best of us are liable to commit errors, which
+become apparent by subsequent developments; but I do not know of a single
+error, even, committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted together
+politically.
+
+I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before the
+receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to pronounce
+them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and belief. I have
+been, and still am, very anxious to take no part between the many friends,
+all good and true, who are mentioned as candidates for a Republican
+gubernatorial nomination; but I can not feel that my own honor is quite
+clear if I remain silent when I hear any one of them assailed about
+matters of which I believe I know more than his assailants.
+
+I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in the
+canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted treacherously
+to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of them in whose
+honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater confidence than I
+have in those of Mr. Judd.
+
+I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at
+liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice requires.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859.
+
+MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC.
+
+GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar one
+from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the Republican
+members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both requesting of me,
+for publication in permanent form, copies of the political debates between
+Senator Douglas and myself last year, has been received. With my grateful
+acknowledgments to both you and them for the very flattering terms in
+which the request is communicated, I transmit you the copies. The copies I
+send you are as reported and printed by the respective friends of Senator
+Douglas and myself, at the time--that is, his by his friends, and mine by
+mine. It would be an unwarrantable liberty for us to change a word or
+a letter in his, and the changes I have made in mine, you perceive, are
+verbal only, and very few in number. I wish the reprint to be precisely as
+the copies I send, without any comment whatever.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
+
+TO J. W. FELL,
+
+SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859.
+
+J. W. FELL, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There is not
+much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much of me. If
+anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and not to go beyond
+the material. If it were thought necessary to incorporate anything from
+any of my speeches I suppose there would be no objection. Of course it
+must not appear to have been written by myself.
+
+Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN
+
+------
+
+I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents
+were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second families,
+perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a
+family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others
+in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham Lincoln,
+emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or
+1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, not in
+battle, but by stealth, when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest.
+His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks County,
+Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England family
+of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity of
+Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon,
+Abraham, and the like.
+
+My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he
+grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is
+now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home
+about the time that State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with
+many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up.
+There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever required
+of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin"' to the Rule of
+Three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to sojourn
+in the neighborhood he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely
+nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age I
+did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to
+the Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school since. The
+little advance I now have upon this store of education I have picked up
+from time to time under the pressure of necessity.
+
+I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At
+twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at
+that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as a
+sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war; and I was elected
+a captain of volunteers, a success which gave me more pleasure than any I
+have had since. I went the campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature
+the same year (1832), and was beaten--the only time I ever have been
+beaten by the people. The next and three succeeding biennial elections I
+was elected to the Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During
+this legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to
+practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress.
+Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive,
+practiced law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in
+politics; and generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active
+canvasses. I was losing interest in politics when the repeal of the
+Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is
+pretty well known.
+
+If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I
+am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on an
+average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse black
+hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET
+
+To N. B. JUDD.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859
+
+HON. N. B. JUDD.
+
+DEAR Sir:--I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to not
+be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some
+for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when I wrote
+the letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. Your discomfited
+assailants are most bitter against me; and they will, for revenge upon me,
+lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to the Seward egg in the North, and
+go far toward squeezing me out in the middle with nothing. Can you help
+me a little in this matter in your end of the vineyard. I mean this to be
+private.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+1860
+
+
+SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK FEBRUARY 27, 1860
+
+MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:--The facts with which I
+shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there anything
+new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be any
+novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the
+inferences and observations following that presentation.
+
+In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New York
+Times, Senator Douglas said:
+
+"Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live,
+understood this question just as well, and even better than we do now."
+
+I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so
+adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting-point for
+a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed by
+Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: What was the understanding
+those fathers had of the question mentioned?
+
+What is the frame of Government under which we live?
+
+The answer must be--the Constitution of the United States. That
+Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which
+the present Government first went into operation), and twelve subsequently
+framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789.
+
+Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the
+"thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called
+our fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost
+exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they
+fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that
+time.
+
+Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all,
+need not now be repeated.
+
+I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers who
+framed the Government under which we live."
+
+What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers
+understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"?
+
+It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or
+anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control as
+to slavery in our Federal Territories?
+
+Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the
+negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue--this
+question is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood
+"better than we."
+
+Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted upon
+this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it--how they expressed
+that better understanding.
+
+In 1784, three years before the Constitution--the United States then
+owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other--the Congress of the
+Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in
+that Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed the
+Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. Of
+these, Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the
+prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing
+local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the
+Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The
+other of the four--James McHenry voted against the prohibition, showing
+that, for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it.
+
+In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was in
+session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was
+the only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of
+prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress of the
+Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed the
+Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They were
+William Blount and William Few; and they both voted for the prohibition
+thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from
+Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the Federal
+Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. This time the
+prohibition became a law, being part of what is now well known as the
+Ordinance of '87.
+
+The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems not
+to have been directly before the convention which framed the original
+Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any
+of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that
+precise question.
+
+In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act
+was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of
+slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported
+by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the
+House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages
+without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches without
+yeas and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this
+Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the
+original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S.
+Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William Few,
+Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, Richard
+Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James Madison.
+
+This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from
+Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade
+Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both their
+fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the Constitution
+would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition.
+
+Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then President
+of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the bill;
+thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in his
+understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything
+in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to
+slavery in Federal territory.
+
+No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North
+Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting the
+State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that which
+now constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of
+cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal
+Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides this,
+slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances,
+Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not absolutely prohibit
+slavery within them. But they did interfere with it--take control of
+it--even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the
+Territory of Mississippi: In the act of organization they prohibited the
+bringing of slaves into the Territory from any place without the United
+States, by fine and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act passed
+both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that Congress were
+three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitution. They were
+John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all, probably, voted
+for it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to it upon
+record, if, in their understanding, any line dividing local from Federal
+authority, or anything in the Constitution, properly forbade the Federal
+Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory.
+
+In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our
+former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States;
+but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804,
+Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now
+constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying within that part,
+was an old and comparatively large city. There were other considerable
+towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly
+intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act,
+prohibit slavery; but they did interfere with it take control of it--in
+a more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi.
+The substance of the provision therein made in relation to slaves was:
+
+First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from foreign
+parts.
+
+Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported into
+the United States since the first day of May, 1798.
+
+Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, and
+for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine
+upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave.
+
+This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which
+passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham Baldwin
+and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable
+they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without
+recording their opposition to it, if, in their understanding, it violated
+either the line properly dividing local from Federal authority, or any
+provision of the Constitution.
+
+In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were taken,
+by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various phases
+of the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"--Rufus King and Charles
+Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted for
+slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as
+steadily voted against slavery prohibition, and against all compromises.
+By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing
+local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was
+violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr.
+Pinckney, by his vote, showed that in his understanding there was some
+sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case.
+
+The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of
+any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover.
+
+To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two
+in 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in
+1819-20--there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, John
+Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read, each
+twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number of those of the
+"thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon the question which, by
+the text, they understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen
+not shown to have acted upon it in any way.
+
+Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who
+framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their official
+responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question
+which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and even better
+than we do now"; and twenty-one of them--a clear majority of the whole
+"thirty-nine"--so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross political
+impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their understanding, any proper
+division between local and Federal authority, or anything in the
+Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the
+Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories.
+Thus the twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so
+actions under such responsibilities speak still louder.
+
+Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of slavery
+in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they acted upon the
+question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known. They may have
+done so because they thought a proper division of local from Federal
+authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, stood in
+the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted against
+the prohibition on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds
+of expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can
+conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional
+measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote
+against a measure which he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he
+deems it inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the
+two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their
+understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or
+anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as
+to slavery in Federal territory.
+
+The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered,
+have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of
+Federal control on slavery in the Federal Territories. But there is much
+reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not
+have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it
+been manifested at all.
+
+For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted
+whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however
+distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original
+Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever
+understanding may have been manifested by any of the "thirty tine" even on
+any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should look into
+their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the foreign slave
+trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would appear
+to us that on the direct question of Federal control of slavery in Federal
+Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have
+acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of
+the most noted anti-slavery men of those times--as Dr. Franklin, Alexander
+Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not one now known to have
+been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South Carolina.
+
+The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed
+the original Constitution, twenty-one--a clear majority of the
+whole--certainly understood that no proper division of local from
+Federal authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal
+Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories; whilst all the
+rest probably had the same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the
+understanding of our fathers who framed the original Constitution; and the
+text affirms that they understood the question "better than we."
+
+But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question
+manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the
+original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have
+already stated, the present frame of "the Government under which we live"
+consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and
+adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in
+Federal Territories violates the Constitution, point us to the provisions
+which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix
+upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original
+instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves
+upon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be deprived
+of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law"; while Senator
+Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth
+amendment, providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States
+by the Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the
+people."
+
+Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first Congress
+which sat under the Constitution--the identical Congress which passed
+the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the
+Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they were
+the identical same individual men who, at the same session, and at the
+same time within the session, had under consideration, and in progress
+toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments, and this act prohibiting
+slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The Constitutional
+amendments were introduced before and passed after the act enforcing the
+Ordinance of '87; so that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce
+the Ordinance, the Constitutional amendments were also pending.
+
+The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the framers
+of the original Constitution, as before stated, were pre-eminently our
+fathers who framed that part of "the Government under which we live,"
+which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government to control
+slavery in the Federal Territories.
+
+Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that
+the two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried to
+maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other?
+And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with
+the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those who did the two
+things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether they really were
+inconsistent better than we--better than he who affirms that they are
+inconsistent?
+
+It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the original
+Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed the
+amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who may be
+fairly called "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live."
+And, so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in his
+whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper division of
+local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the
+Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I
+go a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in the
+world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I
+might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present
+century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper division of
+local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the
+Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories.
+To those who now so declare, I give not only "our fathers who framed the
+Government under which we live," but with them all other living men within
+the century in which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall
+not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them.
+
+Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not
+mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers
+did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current experience to
+reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is that, if we would
+supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we should
+do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even their
+great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most
+surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the
+question better than we.
+
+If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of local
+from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the
+Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he
+is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful evidence
+and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead others who
+have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, into the false
+belief that "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live"
+were of the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for
+truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day sincerely
+believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live,"
+used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have led them
+to understand that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or
+some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control
+as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he
+should, at the same time, brave the responsibility of declaring that,
+in his opinion, he understands their principles better than they did
+themselves; and especially should he not shirk that responsibility by
+asserting that they "understood the question just as well, and even better
+than we do now."
+
+But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the
+Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and
+even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they acted
+upon it. This is all Republicans ask--all Republicans desire--in relation
+to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an
+evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because
+of, and so far as, its actual presence among us makes that toleration and
+protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be
+not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For this Republicans
+contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content.
+
+And now, if they would listen--as I suppose they will not--I would address
+a few words to the Southern people.
+
+I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just
+people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and justice
+you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak of us
+Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the
+best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates
+or murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all
+your contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional
+condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended
+to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable
+prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be admitted or permitted
+to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause, and to
+consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves? Bring
+forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough
+to hear us deny or justify.
+
+You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden
+of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that
+our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes in your section.
+The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If it does,
+then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in
+your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape
+this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you
+will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall
+get votes in your section this very year. You will then begin to discover,
+as the truth plainly is, that your proof, does not touch the issue. The
+fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making, and
+not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily
+yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by, some wrong
+principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or
+practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to
+have started to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If
+our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit
+of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are
+sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on
+the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong your
+section; and so meet us as if it were possible that something may be said
+on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that
+the principle which "our fathers who framed the Government under which we
+live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and
+again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand
+your condemnation without a moment's consideration.
+
+Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional
+parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years
+before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the United
+States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition
+of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy of
+the Government upon that subject up to, and at, the very moment he penned
+that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he wrote La Fayette
+that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same
+connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of free
+States.
+
+Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon
+this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or
+in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast
+the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon
+you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we
+commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right
+application of it.
+
+But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we
+are revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is
+conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a new and
+untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point
+in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed the Government
+under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, and scout, and
+spit upon that old policy and insist upon substituting something new.
+True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be.
+You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in
+rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are
+for reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave
+code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to
+prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in the
+Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple"
+that "if one man would enslave another, no third man should object,"
+fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; but never a man among you in
+favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according
+to the practice of "our fathers who framed the Government under which
+we live." Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an
+advocate in the century within which our Government originated. Consider,
+then, whether your claim of conservatism for yourselves, and your charge
+of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear and stable
+foundations.
+
+Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it
+formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny
+that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy
+of the fathers. We resisted and still resist your innovation; and thence
+comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that question
+reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has
+been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace
+of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times.
+
+You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it;
+and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John Brown was no
+Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his
+Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that
+matter you know it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are
+inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do
+not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for
+persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the
+proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not
+know to be true is simply malicious slander.
+
+Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged
+the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and
+declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We
+know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held
+to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under which we live.
+You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it occurred,
+some important State elections were near at hand, and you were in evident
+glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you could get
+an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and your
+expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew that,
+as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not much
+inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines
+and declarations are accompanied with a continued protest against any
+interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves.
+Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common
+with "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," declare
+our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us declare
+even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know
+there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally
+know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. In your
+political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the other with
+sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to the charge,
+defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder
+among the slaves.
+
+Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the
+Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton insurrection,
+twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times as many lives
+were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your very
+elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by Black
+Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United States, I
+do not think a general or even a very extensive slave insurrection is
+possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained. The
+slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can incendiary freemen,
+black or white, supply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in
+parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied the indispensable
+connecting trains.
+
+Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their
+masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for an
+uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty individuals
+before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite master or
+mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave revolution
+in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar
+circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, though not connected
+with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only about twenty were
+admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a
+friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted
+the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy
+assassinations in the field, and local revolts, extending to a score
+or so, will continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no
+general insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for
+a long time. Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will be
+alike disappointed.
+
+In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in
+our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably,
+and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and
+their places be, pari passu, filled up by free white laborers. If, on the
+contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the
+prospect held up."
+
+Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of
+emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as
+to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding States
+only. The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of
+restraining the extension of the institution--the power to insure that
+a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now
+free from slavery.
+
+John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It
+was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the
+slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves,
+with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That
+affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts related in
+history at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods
+over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by
+Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little
+else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John
+Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the
+same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and
+on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of the two
+things.
+
+And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John Brown,
+Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human
+action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be changed.
+There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which
+cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot destroy that
+judgment and feeling--that sentiment--by breaking up the political
+organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter and
+disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your
+heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the
+sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box,
+into some other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would
+the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation?
+
+But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your
+constitutional rights.
+
+That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not
+fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to
+deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But we
+are proposing no such thing.
+
+When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-understood
+allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into
+the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such
+right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is
+literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such
+a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication.
+
+Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the
+Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution
+as you please on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule
+or ruin, in all events.
+
+This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme
+Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor.
+Not quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and
+decision, the court have decided the question for you in a sort of way.
+The court have substantially said it is your constitutional right to take
+slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property.
+When I say, the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made
+in a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite
+agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so made
+as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning,
+and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact--the
+statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is
+distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution."
+
+An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in
+a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in mind,
+the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is
+impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity
+that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there--"distinctly," that
+is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words meaning
+just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of no other
+meaning.
+
+If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is
+affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to
+show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in
+the Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with
+language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in
+that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and
+wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it
+is spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," as a debt payable
+in service or labor. Also, it would be open to show, by contemporaneous
+history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of
+speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution
+the idea that there could be property in man.
+
+To show all this, is easy and certain.
+
+When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice,
+is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken
+statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it?
+
+And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed
+the Government under which we live",--the men who made the
+Constitution--decided this same constitutional question in our favor,
+long ago; decided it without division among themselves, when making the
+decision, without division among themselves about the meaning of it after
+it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon
+any mistaken statement of facts.
+
+Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to
+break up this Government unless such a court decision as yours is shall be
+at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political action?
+But you will not abide the election of a Republican President! In that
+supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you say,
+the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A
+highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "stand
+and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a murderer!"
+
+To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I had
+a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my
+own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of
+destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distinguished
+in principle.
+
+A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all
+parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one with
+another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much
+provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though
+the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly
+consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of
+our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the
+subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we
+can, what will satisfy them.
+
+Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered
+to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against
+us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections
+are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing
+to do with invasions and, insurrections? We know it will not. We so
+know because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and
+insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the
+charge and the denunciation.
+
+The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not only
+let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them
+alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so
+trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but
+with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly
+protested our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to
+convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they
+have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them.
+
+These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will
+convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join
+them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in
+acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we must place
+ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition law must be
+enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong,
+whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits; or in private. We must
+arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must
+pull down our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be
+disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will
+cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us.
+
+I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most
+of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and
+say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone have never
+disturbed them--so that after all it is what we say which dissatisfies
+them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying.
+
+I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the overthrow of
+our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong of
+slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it;
+and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow
+of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to resist the
+demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that they do not demand the whole
+of this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they
+can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as they
+do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot
+cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal right and a
+social blessing.
+
+Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction
+that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and
+constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and
+swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality
+its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its
+extension--its enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant if we
+thought slavery right; all we ask they could as readily grant, if they
+thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the
+precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right,
+as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as
+being right; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we
+cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our moral,
+social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? Wrong as we think
+slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that
+much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the
+nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread
+into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in these free
+States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our
+duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those
+sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and
+belabored-contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between the
+right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should be neither a
+living man nor a dead man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a question
+about which all true men do care--such as Union appeals beseeching
+true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule,
+and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such as
+invocations to Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said,
+and undo what Washington did.
+
+Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us,
+nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government nor of
+dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, AND IN
+THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT.
+
+
+
+
+SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860
+
+MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:--If the Republican
+party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to its
+keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the affairs
+of national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may come up,
+whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration of the
+Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will then be
+compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question which now
+assumes an overwhelming importance--the question of slavery. It is true
+that in the organization of the Republican party this question of slavery
+was more important than any other: indeed, so much more important has
+it become that no more national question can even get a hearing just at
+present. The old question of tariff--a matter that will remain one of the
+chief affairs of national house-keeping to all time; the question of the
+management of financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the
+public domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well
+settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? these
+will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, and these
+questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has the control of
+the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even obtain a hearing, and I do
+not propose to detain you upon these topics or what sort of hearing they
+should have when opportunity shall come.
+
+For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, the
+all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us--and by that I
+mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American people, here
+and elsewhere--all of us wish this question settled, wish it out of the
+way. It stands in the way, and prevents the adjustment, and the giving
+of necessary attention to other questions of national house-keeping. The
+people of the whole nation agree that this question ought to be settled,
+and yet it is not settled. And the reason is that they are not yet agreed
+how it shall be settled. All wish it done, but some wish one way and
+some another, and some a third, or fourth, or fifth; different bodies
+are pulling in different directions, and none of them, having a decided
+majority, are able to accomplish the common object.
+
+In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with the
+avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and forever
+put an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again declared that
+under this policy, when once successfully established, the country would
+be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under the operation of that
+policy this agitation has not only not ceased, but it has been constantly
+augmented. And this too, although, from the day of its introduction, its
+friends, who promised that it would wholly end all agitation, constantly
+insisted, down to the time that the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that it
+was working admirably, and that its inevitable tendency was to remove the
+question forever from the politics of the country. Can you call to mind
+any Democratic speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise,
+down to the time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not predicted that
+the slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the abolition excitement
+was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," "they have made the most
+they can out of this question and it is now forever settled"? But since
+the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my experience, has ever pretended
+that he could see the end. That cry has been dropped. They themselves do
+not pretend, now, that the agitation of this subject has come to an end
+yet.
+
+The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we
+cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether
+we will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot avoid
+considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live without eating.
+It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as much and closely as the
+natural wants attach to our natural bodies. Now I think it important that
+this matter should be taken up in earnest, and really settled: And one way
+to bring about a true settlement of the question is to understand its true
+magnitude.
+
+There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it has
+been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks out
+afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our fathers
+hoped, by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay settled. Then the
+compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and final settlement of
+the question. The two great parties, each in national convention, adopted
+resolutions declaring that the settlement made by the Compromise of 1850
+was a finality that it would last forever. Yet how long before it was
+unsettled again? It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged
+more furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since.
+
+These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There must
+be some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which they were
+designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, that inadequacy,
+is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences.
+
+I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our best
+and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this question.
+They have constantly brought forward small cures for great sores--plasters
+too small to cover the wound. That is one reason that all settlements have
+proved temporary--so evanescent.
+
+Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, in
+round numbers--not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,--about
+one sixth of the whole population of the United States are slaves. The
+owners of these slaves consider them property. The effect upon the minds
+of the owners is that of property, and nothing else it induces them to
+insist upon all that will favorably affect its value as property, to
+demand laws and institutions and a public policy that shall increase and
+secure its value, and make it durable, lasting, and universal. The effect
+on the minds of the owners is to persuade them that there is no wrong
+in it. The slaveholder does not like to be considered a mean fellow for
+holding that species of property, and hence, he has to struggle within
+himself and sets about arguing himself into the belief that slavery is
+right. The property influences his mind. The dissenting minister who
+argued some theological point with one of the established church was
+always met with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and
+pointed him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see
+it so." Then he showed him a single word--"Can you see that?" "Yes, I see
+it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word and asked,
+"Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this species of
+property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to say, but if they
+do, they see it as it is through two thousand millions of dollars, and
+that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it is that they do not see it
+as we see it. Certain it is that this two thousand millions of dollars,
+invested in this species of property, all so concentrated that the mind
+can grasp it at once--this immense pecuniary interest--has its influence
+upon their minds.
+
+But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and we
+see it through no such medium.
+
+To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men,
+not property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in
+the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. I say we
+think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to the slaves as
+well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put forward to batter
+down that idea are also calculated to break down the very idea of a free
+government, even for white men, and to undermine the very foundations of
+free society. We think slavery a great moral wrong, and, while we do not
+claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a
+wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that
+a respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God
+that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will
+properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white
+men--in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political
+evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence makes it
+necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to be treated as a
+wrong.
+
+Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the
+idea that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce that
+irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly abused for
+mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict.
+
+Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the
+perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our
+adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to the
+Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. Now we
+claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them this one
+proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except slavery? Did
+any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men must agree that this
+thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity of the Union. But if it
+was threatened by any other influence, would not all men say that the
+best thing that could be done, if we could not or ought not to destroy it,
+would be at least to keep it from growing any larger? Can any man believe,
+that the way to save the Union is to extend and increase the only thing
+that threatens the Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and bigger?
+
+Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some
+philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some philosophical
+opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there are but two
+policies in regard to slavery that can be at all maintained. The first,
+based on the property view that slavery is right, conforms to that idea
+throughout, and demands that we shall do everything for it that we ought
+to do if it were right. We must sweep away all opposition, for opposition
+to the right is wrong; we must agree that slavery is right, and we must
+adopt the idea that property has persuaded the owner to believe
+that slavery is morally right and socially elevating. This gives a
+philosophical basis for a permanent policy of encouragement.
+
+The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is wrong,
+and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it is wrong.
+Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap down to be
+misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to attack it where it
+exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a government anew, in view
+of the actual presence of slavery we should find it necessary to frame
+just such a government as our fathers did--giving to the slaveholder the
+entire control where the system was established, while we possessed the
+power to restrain it from going outside those limits. From the necessities
+of the case we should be compelled to form just such a government as our
+blessed fathers gave us; and, surely, if they have so made it, that adds
+another reason why we should let slavery alone where it exists.
+
+If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I might
+seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake in bed with
+my children, that would be another question. I might hurt the children
+more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much more if I found it
+in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had bound myself by a solemn
+compact not to meddle with his children under any circumstances, it would
+become me to let that particular mode of getting rid of the gentleman
+alone. But if there was a bed newly made up, to which the children were to
+be taken, and it was proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them
+there with them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I
+ought to decide!
+
+That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to which
+our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say whether they
+shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does not seem as if there
+could be much hesitation what our policy should be!
+
+Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is wrong, and
+a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an effort has been made
+for a policy that shall treat it as neither right nor wrong. It is based
+upon utter indifference. Its leading advocate [Douglas] has said, "I don't
+care whether it be voted up or down." "It is merely a matter of dollars
+and cents." "The Almighty has drawn a line across this continent, on one
+side of which all soil must forever be cultivated by slave labor, and on
+the other by free." "When the struggle is between the white man and
+the negro, I am for the white man; when it is between the negro and the
+crocodile, I am for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It holds
+that it makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become
+free or slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned
+cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the plausible
+sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty."
+
+This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of the
+question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the permanent
+policy of the country, for it is based on a public indifference. There is
+nobody that "don't care." All the people do care one way or the other! I
+do not charge that its author, when he says he "don't care," states his
+individual opinion; he only expresses his policy for the government. I
+understand that he has never said as an individual whether he thought
+slavery right or wrong--and he is the only man in the nation that has not!
+Now such a policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as necessary
+to the political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly baseless:
+the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no durability or
+permanence.
+
+But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public opinion
+that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in public opinion;
+the public mind must be so far debauched as to square with this policy
+of caring not at all. The people must come to consider this as "merely
+a question of dollars and cents," and to believe that in some places the
+Almighty has made slavery necessarily eternal. This policy can be brought
+to prevail if the people can be brought round to say honestly, "We don't
+care"; if not, it can never be maintained. It is for you to say whether
+that can be done.
+
+You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a long
+stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Do you
+know of any Democrat, of either branch of the party--do you know one who
+declares that he believes that the Declaration of Independence has any
+application to the negro? Judge Taney declares that it has not, and Judge
+Douglas even vilifies me personally and scolds me roundly for saying that
+the Declaration applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a
+Democrat here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the
+negro? Do any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps
+fifty audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such
+Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him
+right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not one
+of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I venture to
+defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered the belief
+that the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the repeal of the
+Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all thought negroes were
+men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes were included. But the
+whole Democratic party has deliberately taken negroes from the class of
+men and put them in the class of brutes. Turn it as you will it is simply
+the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, in saying that the people cannot be
+brought to this new doctrine, but note that long stride. One more as long
+completes the journey from where negroes are estimated as men to where
+they are estimated as mere brutes--as rightful property!
+
+That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., which
+I know came from the same source as this policy--that saying marks another
+step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that statement. "In the struggle
+between the white man and the negro" assumes that there is a struggle,
+in which either the white man must enslave the negro or the negro must
+enslave the white. There is no such struggle! It is merely the ingenious
+falsehood to degrade and brutalize the negro. Let each let the other
+alone, and there is no struggle about it. If it was like two wrecked
+seamen on a narrow plank, when each must push the other off or drown
+himself, I would push the negro off or a white man either, but it is not;
+the plank is large enough for both. This good earth is plenty broad enough
+for white man and negro both, and there is no need of either pushing the
+other off.
+
+So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the crocodile,"
+etc., is made up from the idea that down where the crocodile inhabits, a
+white man can't labor; it must be nothing else but crocodile or negro; if
+the negro does not the crocodile must possess the earth; in that case he
+declares for the negro. The meaning of the whole is just this: As a white
+man is to a negro, so is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may
+rightfully treat the crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the
+negro. This very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he
+deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still further
+brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point of utter
+indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. When that time
+shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I refer may prevail. But
+I hope the good freemen of this country will never allow it to come, and
+until then the policy can never be maintained.
+
+Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to
+care whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in the
+Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think what they
+please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not the people of the
+Territories detailed from the States? If this feeling of indifference this
+absence of moral sense about the question prevails in the States, will
+it not be carried into the Territories? Will not every man say, "I don't
+care, it is nothing to me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, must they
+not say, "I don't care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted
+down"? It results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery.
+Even if fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to nationalize
+slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only two roads
+to the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and almost as
+short as the other.
+
+What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think
+slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed to it,
+but yet act with the Democratic party--where are they? Let us apply a
+few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you denounce all
+attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that you think wrong that
+you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why are you so careful, so
+tender, of this one wrong and no other? You will not let us do a single
+thing as if it was wrong; there is no place where you will even allow it
+to be called wrong! We must not call it wrong in the free States, because
+it is not there, and we must not call it wrong in the slave States,
+because it is there; we must not call it wrong in politics because that
+is bringing morality into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the
+pulpit because that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring
+it into the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such
+unsuitable places--and there is no single place, according to you, where
+this wrong thing can properly be called wrong!
+
+Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should
+themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish
+them success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the
+emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried to
+get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party contested
+the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and when the news
+came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was taking hold of
+this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing that you say can
+properly be done to remove this wrong--did you bow your heads in sorrow
+because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know one single Democrat that
+showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On the contrary every man threw
+up his hat, and hallooed at the top of his lungs, "Hooray for Democracy!"
+
+Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question of
+slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no other. It
+is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this Government
+under which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so framed it and
+everything about it as to square with the idea that it was wrong, so far
+as the necessities arising from its existence permitted. In forming the
+Constitution they found the slave trade existing, capital invested in it,
+fields depending upon it for labor, and the whole system resting upon
+the importation of slave labor. They therefore did not prohibit the slave
+trade at once, but they gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years.
+Why was this? What other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would
+they have done this if they had not thought slavery wrong?
+
+Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the
+Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the first
+Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the framers were
+members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into Territories. Thus
+the same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut off the supply and
+prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts show conclusively that
+they considered that the thing was wrong.
+
+If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of the
+Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of government,
+to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations yet to come, they
+use language as short and direct and plain as can be found, to express
+their meaning In all matters but this of slavery the framers of the
+Constitution used the very clearest, shortest, and most direct language.
+But the Constitution alludes to slavery three times without mentioning it
+once The language used becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and mystical. They
+speak of the "immigration of persons," and mean the importation of slaves,
+but do not say so. In establishing a basis of representation they say "all
+other persons," when they mean to say slaves--why did they not use
+the shortest phrase? In providing for the return of fugitives they say
+"persons held to service or labor." If they had said slaves it would have
+been plainer, and less liable to misconstruction. Why did n't they do it?
+We cannot doubt that it was done on purpose. Only one reason is possible,
+and that is supplied us by one of the framers of the Constitution--and
+it is not possible for man to conceive of any other--they expected and
+desired that the system would come to an end, and meant that when it did,
+the Constitution should not show that there ever had been a slave in this
+good free country of ours.
+
+I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching triumph
+of the Republicans in the bearing of their political adversaries. A great
+deal of their war with us nowadays is mere bushwhacking. At the battle
+of Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had charged again and again upon
+the unbroken squares of British infantry, at last they were giving up
+the attempt, and going off in disorder, when some of the officers in mere
+vexation and complete despair fired their pistols at those solid squares.
+The Democrats are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing else.
+I will take up a few of these arguments.
+
+There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for that
+saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has been thrust
+under their noses again and again that almost every good man since the
+formation of our Government has uttered that same sentiment, from General
+Washington, who "trusted that we should yet have a confederacy of free
+States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down to the latest days, yet they
+refuse to notice that at all, and persist in railing at Seward for saying
+it. Even Roger A. Pryor, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered the same
+sentiment in almost the same language, and yet so little offence did
+it give the Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the
+States--the Douglas organ there--while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and
+spasms of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call
+bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can see
+through.
+
+Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the South;
+John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a Republican!
+You have never implicated a single Republican in that Harper's Ferry
+enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the Republican party is
+guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do know
+it, you are inexcusable not to designate the man and prove the fact. If
+you do not know it, you are inexcusable to assert it, and especially
+to persist in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the
+proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does
+not know to be true is simply malicious slander. Some of you admit that no
+Republican designedly aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but
+still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such
+results. We do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and make
+no declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who framed
+the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how declarations
+that were patriotic when they made them are villainous when we make them.
+You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that affair--and I will say
+frankly that I know of nothing in your character that should lead us to
+suppose that you would. You had just been soundly thrashed in elections
+in several States, and others were soon to come. You rejoiced at the
+occasion, and only were troubled that there were not three times as many
+killed in the affair. You were in evident glee; there was no sorrow for
+the killed nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you were rejoicing
+that by charging Republicans with this thing you might get an advantage of
+us in New York, and the other States. You pulled that string as tightly as
+you could, but your very generous and worthy expectations were not quite
+fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the charge was a slander as to
+himself at least, and was not inclined by it to cast his vote in your
+favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had nothing else to do. You
+are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you think you can slander
+a woman into loving you or a man into voting for you, try it till you are
+satisfied!
+
+Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it
+understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am merely
+going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at the outset, I
+am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New England under which
+laborers can strike when they want to, where they are not obliged to
+work under all circumstances, and are not tied down and obliged to labor
+whether you pay them or not! I like the system which lets a man quit when
+he wants to, and wish it might prevail everywhere. One of the reasons why
+I am opposed to slavery is just here. What is the true condition of the
+laborer? I take it that it is best for all to leave each man free to
+acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe
+in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than
+good. So, while we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to
+allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else.
+When one starts poor, as most do in the race of life, free society is such
+that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there is no fixed
+condition of labor for his whole life. I am not ashamed to confess that
+twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, mauling rails, at work on a
+flatboat--just what might happen to any poor man's son! I want every man
+to have a chance--and I believe a Black man is entitled to it--in which he
+can better his condition; when he may look forward and hope to be a hired
+laborer this year and the next, work for himself afterward, and finally to
+hire men to work for him! That is the system. Up here in New England, you
+have a soil that scarcely sprouts black-eyed beans, and yet where will you
+find wealthy men so wealthy, and poverty so rarely in extremity? There is
+not another such place on earth! I desire that if you get too thick here,
+and find it hard to better your condition on this soil, you may have a
+chance to strike and go somewhere else, where you may not be degraded, nor
+have your families corrupted, by forced rivalry with negro slaves. I want
+you to have a clean bed and no snakes in it! Then you can better your
+condition, and so it may go on and on in one endless round so long as man
+exists on the face of the earth!
+
+Now, to come back to this shoe strike,--if, as the senator from Illinois
+asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, consider
+briefly how you will meet the difficulty. You have done nothing, and have
+protested that you have done nothing, to injure the South. And yet, to get
+back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing something which you are
+now doing. What is it? You must stop thinking slavery wrong! Let your
+institutions be wholly changed; let your State constitutions be subverted;
+glorify slavery, and so you will get back the shoe trade--for what? You
+have brought owned labor with it, to compete with your own labor, to
+underwork you, and to degrade you! Are you ready to get back the trade on
+those terms?
+
+But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; orders
+were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes into the
+Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the Union has actually
+begun! but orders are the same. Your factories have not struck work,
+neither those where they make anything for coats, nor for pants nor
+for shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. Mason has not reached the
+manufacturers who ought to have made him a coat and pants! To make his
+proof good for anything he should have come into the Senate barefoot!
+
+Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a good
+many people who are very much concerned about the loss of Southern trade.
+Now either these people are sincere or they are not. I will speculate a
+little about that. If they are sincere, and are moved by any real danger
+of the loss of Southern trade, they will simply get their names on the
+white list, and then, instead of persuading Republicans to do likewise,
+they will be glad to keep you away! Don't you see that they cut off
+competition? They would not be whispering around to Republicans to come
+in and share the profits with them. But if they are not sincere, and are
+merely trying to fool Republicans out of their votes, they will grow very
+anxious about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are going to
+get broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic votes, oh, no,
+no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom you meet: I leave
+it to you to determine from the facts.
+
+Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. You say
+we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden of proof
+is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that our party
+has no existence in your section--gets no votes in your section. The fact
+is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If it does, then in
+case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in your
+section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this
+conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will
+probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get
+votes in your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in
+your section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be
+fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until
+you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we
+ ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started--to a
+discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, put
+in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or for any
+other object, then our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are
+justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of
+whether our principle put in practice would wrong your section; and so
+meet it as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do
+you accept the challenge? No? Then you really believe that the principle
+which our fathers who framed the Government under which we live thought so
+clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their
+official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation
+without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in our
+faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington in his
+Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington gave that
+warning, he had, as President of the United States, approved and signed an
+act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern
+Territory, which act embodied the policy of government upon that subject,
+up to and at the very moment he penned that warning; and about one year
+after he penned it he wrote La Fayette that he considered that prohibition
+a wise measure, expressing in the same connection his hope that we should
+sometime have a confederacy of free States.
+
+Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon
+this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or
+in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast
+the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon
+you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we
+commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right
+application of it.
+
+But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we
+are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is
+conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new
+and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the
+point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who framed the
+Government under which we live; while you with one accord reject and scout
+and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting something new.
+
+True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be.
+You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but you are
+unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some
+of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a congressional
+slave code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the
+Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining
+slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat
+pur-rinciple" that if one man would enslave another, no third man should
+object--fantastically called "popular sovereignty." But never a man among
+you in favor of prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according
+to the practice of our fathers who framed the Government under which
+we live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an
+advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And yet
+you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative."
+
+It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy shall
+be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us Republicans do our
+part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through
+passion and ill-temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much
+as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them
+if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all
+they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy with
+us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them.
+
+Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered
+to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against
+us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections
+are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, in the future, if we have nothing
+to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not. We so
+know because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and
+insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the
+charge and the denunciation.
+
+The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not only
+let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them
+alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so
+trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our organization, but
+with no success. In all our platforms and speeches, we have constantly
+protested our purpose to let them alone; but this had no tendency to
+convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they
+have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them.
+
+These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will
+convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join
+them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in
+acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we must place
+ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law must be enacted
+and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether
+made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private. We must arrest
+and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down
+our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of
+all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe
+that all their troubles proceed from us. So long as we call slavery wrong,
+whenever a slave runs away they will overlook the obvious fact that he ran
+away because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen off. Whenever
+a master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under it, he will
+overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they are hurt,
+and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally abolitionist.
+
+I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this way.
+Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us,
+and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone--have
+never disturbed them--so that, after all, it is what we say which
+dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we
+cease saying.
+
+I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the overthrow
+of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong
+of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it;
+and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow
+of these constitutions will be demanded. It is nothing to the contrary
+that they do not demand the whole of this just now. Demanding what they
+do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of
+this consummation. Holding as they do that slavery is morally right,
+and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national
+recognition of it, as a legal right, and a social blessing.
+
+Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction
+that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and
+constitutions against it are themselves wrong and should be silenced
+and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its
+nationality--its universality: if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist
+upon its extension--its enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant,
+if we thought slavery right; all we ask, they could as readily grant, if
+they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong
+is the precise fact on which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it
+right as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition,
+as being right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them?
+Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our
+moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this?
+
+Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where
+it is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual
+presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow
+it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in
+these free States?
+
+If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty,
+fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those
+sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and
+belabored--contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between the
+right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who would be neither a
+living man nor a dead man--such as a policy of "don't care" on a question
+about which all free men do care--such as Union appeals beseeching true
+Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule, and caning,
+not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such as invocations of
+Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington did.
+
+Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us,
+nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government, nor
+of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might; and in
+that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it.
+
+[As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the wildest
+scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven for years.
+The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our space to-day to
+a very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. Abraham Lincoln, of
+Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."]
+
+
+
+
+RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY
+
+TO ------------ March 16, 1860
+
+As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring
+on the money basis--first, because in the main it is wrong; and secondly,
+I have not and cannot get the money.
+
+I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects in
+a political contest, the use of some is both right and indispensable. With
+me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been one of great pecuniary
+loss.
+
+I now distinctly say this--if you shall be appointed a delegate to
+Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the
+trip.
+
+Your friend as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+[Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.]
+
+
+
+
+TO J. W. SOMERS.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860
+
+JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of February
+26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you had better
+settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in fair practice
+there will take you into partnership. If you had not that difficulty, I
+still should think it an even balance whether you would not better remain
+in Chicago, with such a chance for copartnership.
+
+If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or Atchison.
+Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing places.
+
+I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest
+interest for your welfare.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A POLITICAL SPEECH
+
+TO C. F. McNEIL.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860
+
+C. F. MCNEIL, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March,
+inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I ever
+charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this much is true:
+Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some sort of speech in
+Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn--two hundred dollars being offered in
+the first letter. I wrote that I could do it in February, provided they
+would take a political speech if I could find time to get up no other.
+They agreed; and subsequently I informed them the speech would have to
+be a political one. When I reached New York, I for the first time learned
+that the place was changed to "Cooper Institute." I made the speech, and
+left for New Hampshire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for
+pay nor having any offered me. Three days after a check for two hundred
+dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; and I took it, and did not know
+it was wrong. My understanding now is--though I knew nothing of it at the
+time--that they did charge for admittance to the Cooper Institute, and
+that they took in more than twice two hundred dollars.
+
+I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no explanation
+made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a fuss, and that
+they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it if we don't.
+
+When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the
+gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club,
+having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the
+exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by The
+Press of your town.
+
+My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial and
+no explanation.
+
+Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO H. TAYLOR.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860.
+
+HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that you
+have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered all I
+ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from the East.
+
+Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are quite
+conflicting--some very confident he will, and others that he will not be.
+I think his nomination possible, but that the chances are against him.
+
+I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to Chicago.
+Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we wish you to
+notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, how many, and
+when you will arrive.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION
+
+AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860.
+
+I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM
+
+LINCOLN OF HIS NOMINATION,
+
+MAY 19, 1860.
+
+Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I tender to you, and through
+you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people represented
+in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, which you
+now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible of the great
+responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor--a responsibility
+which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent
+men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names were before the
+convention--I shall, by your leave, consider more fully the resolutions of
+the convention, denominated their platform, and without any unnecessary or
+unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing--not
+doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the nomination
+gratefully accepted.
+
+And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of
+you, by the hand.
+
+
+
+
+ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT
+
+OF THE UNITED STATES
+
+TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS.
+
+SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860
+
+HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, President of Republican National Convention.
+
+SIR:--I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which you
+presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of yourself
+and others, acting as a committee of the convention for that purpose.
+
+The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter
+meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or disregard it
+in any part.
+
+Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the
+views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the
+rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation, to the
+inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and
+prosperity of all--I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success
+of the principles declared by the convention.
+
+Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+To C. B. SMITH.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860.
+
+HON. C. B. SMITH.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no time
+until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much indebted
+to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you personally. Your
+saying, you no longer consider it a doubtful State is very gratifying. The
+thing starts well everywhere--too well, I almost fear, to last. But we are
+in, and stick or go through must be the word.
+
+Let me hear from Indiana occasionally.
+
+Your friend, as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN,
+
+WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS
+OF LETTERS IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860.
+
+(Doctrine.)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, ------, 1860
+
+DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to obtain
+his opinions on certain political points, has been received by him. He has
+received others of a similar character, but he also has a greater number
+of the exactly opposite character. The latter class beseech him to write
+nothing whatever upon any point of political doctrine. They say his
+positions were well known when he was nominated, and that he must not now
+embarrass the canvass by undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets
+that he cannot oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do
+so.
+
+Yours, etc.,
+
+JNO. J. NICOLAY.
+
+
+
+
+TO E. B. WASHBURNE.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, MAY 26, 1860
+
+HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I have several letters from you written since the
+nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of
+answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by our
+friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far as I
+can learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they get no
+back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope you will
+write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't make your
+letters so short as mine.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO S. HAYCRAFT.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860.
+
+HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its
+origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party organization,
+nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope I neither am
+or ever have been less devoted to the Union than yourself or any other
+patriotic man.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM"
+
+TO G. ASHMUN.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860
+
+HON. GEORGE ASHMUN.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--It seems as if the question whether my first name is
+"Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if the
+letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think fit, have
+my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment
+about this.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY
+
+TO S. GALLOWAY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860
+
+HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs.
+Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I
+have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public
+announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some
+strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated publishing
+a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their
+own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the same
+time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard,
+their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized nothing--would
+be responsible for nothing. How they could so misunderstand me, passes
+comprehension. As a matter wholly my own, I would authorize no biography,
+without time and opportunity [sic] to carefully examine and consider every
+word of it and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such
+time and Opportunity [sic]. But, in my present position, when, by the
+lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I can
+neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send forth,
+by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make
+points upon without end? Were I to do so, the convention would have a
+right to re-assemble and substitute another name for mine.
+
+For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets--I am determined
+to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw the proof
+sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication.
+
+Now, do not mistake me--I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., &
+Co.--do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be nothing
+wrong in their proposed book--I sincerely hope there will not. I barely
+suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party account, look
+it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the party bearing
+in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing--will be responsible for
+nothing.
+
+Your friend, as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+[The custom then, and it may have been a good one, was for the
+Presidential candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking--or as we
+have it now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his mouth
+shut. Ed.]
+
+
+
+
+TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860.
+
+HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. MY DEAR SIR:--It appears to me that you and I ought
+to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction
+of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I
+was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection
+that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from you.
+
+The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so far as
+I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary?
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO A. JONAS.
+
+(Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860.
+
+HON. A. JONAS.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or even
+better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing lodges; but in
+point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or elsewhere. I was never
+in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-Nothing lodges were in
+existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had
+never been there before in my life, and never afterward, till the joint
+debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in 1854 when I spoke in some
+hall there, and after the speaking, you, with others, took me to an
+oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and parted
+with me at, the Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage for
+Naples before daylight in the morning, having come in by the same route
+after dark the evening, previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting
+at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson,
+as I understood, started this same story about my having been in a
+Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; I
+taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested it; and
+I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went to the office
+of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, was told that no
+stage-office for that line was kept there, and that I must see the driver
+before retiring, to insure his calling for me in the morning; and a
+servant was sent with me to find the driver, who, after taking me a square
+or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and in my
+hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the upper
+part of a building, and promised to call with the stage for me at the
+Quincy House. I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called
+and took me. This is all.
+
+That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect could
+be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the lodges and
+never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would put the matter
+at rest.
+
+And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point
+if they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some degree
+of offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason it must not
+publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO JOHN B. FRY.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John Minor
+Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according to
+your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the
+South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort
+to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense
+and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it
+administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At least so I
+hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that
+of Mr. Botts.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THURLOW WEED
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas
+is managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men in
+Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which has
+badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has induced
+the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, if they
+can keep a few of the Northern States away from us by throwing them to
+Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all this.
+
+I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry New
+York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from your State think
+the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. Still, it will
+require close watching and great efforts on the other side.
+
+Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which
+sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a valuable
+hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track both here
+and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the same as
+the Hunt movement in New York--to throw States to Douglas. In our State,
+we know the thing is engineered by Douglas men, and we do not believe they
+can make a great deal out of it.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS
+
+TO HON. JOHN ------------
+
+(Private.)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost
+exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some
+of our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard me
+against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC------____, I have not heard
+near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I am slow to
+listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their quarrels on
+either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow bygones to be
+bygones, and look to the present and future only.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860
+
+HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, in
+which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax that two
+members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the first and sixth
+districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor will not exceed six
+thousand."
+
+I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured since
+that it was not so. Your secretary of state,--Mr. Smith, I think,--whom
+you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; more recently, Mr.
+Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of those districts, wrote a
+relative here that his election was sure by at least five thousand, and
+that Washburne's majority would be from 14,000 to 17,000; and still
+later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at New York serving on a national
+committee, wrote me that we were having a desperate fight in Maine, which
+would end in a splendid victory for us.
+
+Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter to
+Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State
+elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main
+turn in November.
+
+You must not allow it.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO E. B. WASHBURNE.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 9, 1860
+
+HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right
+glad to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. It
+relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo Medill, on
+August 30th, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. Hamlin saying we
+were in great danger of losing two members of Congress in Maine, and that
+your brother would not have exceeding six thousand majority for Governor.
+I addressed you at once, at Galena, asking for your latest information.
+As you are at Washington, that letter you will receive some time after the
+Maine election.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO W. H. HERNDON.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860
+
+DEAR WILLIAM:--I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain that
+Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. Pennsylvania
+25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is safe.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO L. M. BOND.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860
+
+L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq.
+
+MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to embitter
+the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such a course as
+would in fact embitter their feelings you can better judge by my published
+speeches than by anything I would say in a short letter if I were inclined
+now, as I am not, to define my position anew.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD
+
+TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y.
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860
+
+MISS GRACE BEDELL.
+
+MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:--Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received.
+I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three
+sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with their mother
+constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I have never worn any,
+do you not think that people would call it a piece of silly affectation
+were I to begin wearing them now?
+
+I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH
+
+TO D. HUNTER.
+
+(Private and Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860
+
+MAJOR DAVID HUNTER
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, for
+which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer
+unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have
+determined in case of Republican success at the approaching Presidential
+election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, south, for the
+purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many
+chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real
+movement of this sort in the Army would leak out and become known to you.
+In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which
+you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of
+it.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN
+
+(Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860
+
+HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as early a
+day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet me at Chicago?
+If you can, please name as early a day as you conveniently can, and
+telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time before the day named to
+communicate by mail.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT.
+
+(Private and Confidential.)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860
+
+HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer
+briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who will put
+themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you do will find
+no cause to complain of me.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+CELEBRATION OF LINCOLN'S ELECTION,
+
+REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS
+
+
+NOVEMBER 20, 1860
+
+FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Please excuse me on this occasion from
+making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have thought fit
+by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I rejoice with you in the
+success which has thus far attended that cause. Yet in all our rejoicings
+let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward any citizen
+who by his vote has differed with us. Let us at all times remember that
+all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and should dwell
+together in the bonds of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg you to accept
+my thanks, and to excuse me from further speaking at this time.
+
+
+
+
+TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860
+
+HON. A. H. STEPHENS.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I have read in the newspapers your speech recently delivered
+(I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled members. If you
+have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much obliged if you will send
+me a copy.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN
+
+(Private)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860
+
+HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to Governor
+Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find open for your
+inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you and he see no reason
+to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor Seward at once. If you see
+reason to the contrary write me at once.
+
+I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in the
+Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is,
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE
+
+TO E. B. WASHBURNE
+
+(Private and Confidential.)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860
+
+HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as possible, any
+of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by entertaining
+propositions for compromise of any sort on "slavery extension." There is
+no possible compromise upon it but which puts us under again, and leaves
+all our work to do over again. Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli
+Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let either be done, and
+immediately filibustering and extending slavery recommences. On that point
+hold firm, as with a chain of steel.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+OPINION ON SECESSION
+
+TO THURLOW WEED
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should the
+convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my views
+on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my speeches that
+I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I probably think
+either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and Eli Thayer's popular
+sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by the election; that
+filibustering for all south of us and making slave States of it would
+follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I probably think all
+opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive slave clause of the
+Constitution ought to be withdrawn.
+
+I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my speeches,
+about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in any way lawfully
+get out of the Union without the consent of the others; and that it is
+the duty of the President and other government functionaries to run the
+machine as it is.
+
+Truly yours,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH
+
+TO E. B. WASHBURNE
+
+(Confidential)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860
+
+HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Last night I received your letter giving an account of your
+interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please present my
+respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall be obliged
+to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake the
+forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO A. H. STEPHENS.
+
+(For your own eye only) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860
+
+HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, and
+for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the present peril
+the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on me. Do the people
+of the South really entertain fear that a Republican administration would,
+directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them about the
+slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and still, I
+hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The South
+would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days of
+Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think
+slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and
+ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the
+only substantial difference between us.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE
+
+MEMORANDUM
+
+December [22?], 1860
+
+Resolved: That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be
+enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that object,
+not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but punishing all
+who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to liberty, securing free men
+against being surrendered as slaves.
+
+That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in conflict
+with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no opposition to the
+execution of such law of Congress ought to be made.
+
+That the Federal Union must be preserved.
+
+Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the Senate
+Committee of Thirteen.
+
+
+
+
+TO D. HUNTER.
+
+(Confidential.)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860
+
+MAJOR DAVID HUNTER.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. The
+most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as possible
+for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my judgment is that they
+are to be retaken. When I shall determine definitely my time of starting
+to Washington, I will notify you.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO I. N. MORRIS
+
+(Confidential.)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860
+
+HON. I. N. MORRIS.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Without supposing that you and I are any nearer together,
+politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my sincere thanks for
+your Union resolution, expressive of views upon which we never were, and,
+I trust, never will be at variance.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET
+
+TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860.
+
+HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New England. I
+cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the way
+of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which
+of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for
+myself?
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+1861
+
+
+TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
+
+(Private.)
+
+SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861.
+
+HON. W. H. SEWARD.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours without signature was received last night. I have been
+considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington somewhat earlier
+than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is not the most dangerous
+point for us. Our adversaries have us now clearly at disadvantage on the
+second Wednesday of February, when the votes should be officially counted.
+If the two houses refuse to meet at all, or meet without a quorum of each,
+where shall we be? I do not think that this counting is constitutionally
+essential to the election, but how are we to proceed in the absence of
+it? In view of this, I think it is best for me not to attempt appearing in
+Washington till the result of that ceremony is known.
+
+It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to be
+at the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can ascertain
+definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the South, and who, and
+how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have no word from Mr. Gilmer
+in answer to my request for an interview with him. I look for something on
+the subject, through you, before long.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO W. H. SEWARD.
+
+(Private.)
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861
+
+HON. W. H. SEWARD.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer will, on
+a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the Cabinet. The
+preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, up to date--he
+has a living position in the South, while they have not. He is only better
+than Winter Davis in that he is farther south. I fear, if we could get, we
+could not safely take more than one such man--that is, not more than one
+who opposed us in the election--the danger being to lose the confidence
+of our own friends. Your selection for the State Department having become
+public, I am happy to find scarcely any objection to it. I shall have
+trouble with every other Northern Cabinet appointment--so much so that I
+shall have to defer them as long as possible to avoid being teased into
+insanity, to make changes.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+TO E. D. MORGAN
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861
+
+SIR:--Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the
+Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to
+Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and
+people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude to
+you and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you to notify
+them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+P.S.--Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least time
+possible. A. L.
+
+
+
+
+PATRONAGE CLAIMS
+
+TO THURLOW WEED
+
+SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861
+
+DEAR SIR:--I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis,
+in relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense
+patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to advance
+the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United States Senate.
+
+It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The
+gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with
+the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness toward Mr.
+Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed protest that
+my name must not be used in the senatorial election in favor of or against
+any one. Any other representation of me is a misrepresentation.
+
+As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise you
+to learn that I have information that you claim to have my authority to
+arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you have so claimed; but
+still so some men say. On that subject you know all I have said to you is
+"justice to all," and I have said nothing more particular to any one. I
+say this to reassure you that I have not changed my position.
+
+In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I am,
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS,
+
+FEBRUARY 11, 1861
+
+MY FRIENDS:--One who has never been placed in a like position cannot
+understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at
+this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived among you, and
+during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your hands.
+Here the most cherished ties of earth were assumed. Here my children were
+born, and here one of them lies buried. To you, my friends, I owe all that
+I have, all that I am. All the strange checkered past seems to crowd upon
+my mind. To-day I leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than
+that which devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God who
+assisted him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the same
+almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support me I
+shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of our fathers
+may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. Permit me to ask that
+with equal sincerity and faith you will all invoke His wisdom and goodness
+for me.
+
+With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, one
+and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell.
+
+
+
+
+REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861
+
+I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as you are
+aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet has
+expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still shining." I bid you an
+affectionate farewell.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS,
+
+INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861
+
+GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:
+
+Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and while
+I cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more
+than that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instrument,
+perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a most
+magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do thank you for it.
+You have been pleased to address yourself to me chiefly in behalf of
+this glorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty
+sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one and
+inseparable, my hearty consideration. While I do not expect, upon this
+occasion, or until I get to Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech,
+I will only say to the salvation of the Union there needs but one single
+thing--the hearts of a people like yours.
+
+The people--when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the
+liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell
+cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I shall be
+placed--and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such--my reliance will
+be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and I wish you to
+remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and not mine; that if
+the union of these States and the liberties of this people shall be lost,
+it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a great
+deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit these United States, and
+to their posterity in all coming time. It is your business to rise up and
+preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for me.
+
+I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already
+intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve but
+for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind
+that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with
+office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the Union and shall
+the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest generations?
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS,
+
+FEBRUARY 12, 1861
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:--I am here to thank you much for
+this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given
+by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just
+cause of the whole country and the whole world.
+
+Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by
+the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the
+same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence.
+
+The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and often
+with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, the meaning
+of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words,
+not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly
+deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words.
+
+What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army
+into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile
+intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would
+be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if
+the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other
+property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold
+the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or
+all of these things be invasion or coercion? Do our professed lovers
+of the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and
+invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United
+States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of
+means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be
+exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist
+would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a
+family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort
+of "free-love" arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction.
+
+By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak
+not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution,
+for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State
+cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary
+right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all
+which is larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given case,
+should be equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of
+principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of
+name be an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful
+principle, may a State, being no more than one fiftieth part of the
+nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a
+proportionably large subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What
+mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country,
+with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not
+asserting anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And
+now allow me to bid you farewell.
+
+
+
+
+INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH
+
+ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF
+
+CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861
+
+Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:--Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of
+Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people assembled
+together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say that. But it
+is what might reasonably have been expected--that this great city of
+Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, I am
+entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence of the reception which has been
+given, I will not say to me, but to the President-elect of the United
+States of America. Most heartily do I thank you, one and all, for it.
+
+I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year previous
+to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful
+manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the
+Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately
+beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone that result longer by
+nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they could by any other
+way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas,
+and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected. I also told
+them how I expected they would be treated after they should have been
+beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said upon
+that subject. I then said:
+
+"When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will
+do with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the
+Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near
+as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you.
+We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your
+institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution,
+and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you
+so far as degenerate men, if we have degenerated, may, according to the
+example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison.
+
+"We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no
+difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean
+to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in
+your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you
+accordingly."
+
+Fellow-citizens of Kentucky--friends and brethren, may I call you in my
+new position?--I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word
+of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall not be
+mine.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO,
+
+FEBRUARY 12, 1861
+
+Mr. CHAIRMAN:--I thank you and those whom you represent for the compliment
+you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far as there is an
+allusion to our present national difficulties, which expresses, as you
+have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I shall have to beg pardon
+for not entering fully upon the questions which the address you have now
+read suggests.
+
+I deem it my duty--a duty which I owe to my constituents--to you,
+gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development of
+the present national difficulties before I express myself decidedly as to
+what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be false to anything that
+you have expected of me.
+
+I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of all
+governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more numerous,
+and as you added that those were the sentiments of the gentlemen present,
+representing not only the working class, but citizens of other callings
+than those of the mechanic, I am happy to concur with you in these
+sentiments, not only of the native-born citizens, but also of the Germans
+and foreigners from other countries.
+
+Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve not
+only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the condition of
+mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the details of the question,
+I will simply say that I am for those means which will give the greatest
+good to the greatest number.
+
+In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the
+government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the wild
+lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home.
+
+In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than
+other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a people
+borne down by the weight of their shackles--the oppression of tyranny--to
+make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens; but
+rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than to add anything
+that would tend to crush them.
+
+Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries of
+Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire to make
+this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to throw aught in
+their way to prevent them from coming to the United States.
+
+Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS
+
+FEBRUARY 13, 1861
+
+Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF
+OHIO:--It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, that
+very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the
+votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that
+weighty responsibility. I cannot but know what you all know, that without
+a name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has
+fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his
+Country; and so feeling, I can turn and look for that support without
+which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I turn,
+then, and look to the American people and to that God who has never
+forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to
+the policy of the new administration. In this I have received from some
+a degree of credit for having kept silence, and from others some
+deprecation. I still think that I was right.
+
+In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and without
+a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has seemed
+fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I should
+have gained a view of the whole field, being at liberty to modify and
+change the course of policy as future events may make a change necessary.
+
+I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a
+good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going
+wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is
+nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon
+political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most
+consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is
+time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this
+people.
+
+Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether extemporaneously,
+and I will now come to a close.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO,
+
+FEBRUARY 14, 1861
+
+I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded.
+Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, nothing
+shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the American people.
+I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides
+of the river. It is only the different understanding of that instrument
+that causes difficulty. The only dispute on both sides is, "What are their
+rights?" If the majority should not rule, who would be the judge? Where
+is such a judge to be found? We should all be bound by the majority of
+the American people; if not, then the minority must control. Would that be
+right? Would it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that
+the majority should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for
+condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned out, and
+a better man with better views put in my place.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA
+
+FEBRUARY 15, 1861
+
+I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of
+Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more
+grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the cause
+I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and that sincere
+feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark that in every short
+address I have made to the people, in every crowd through which I have
+passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present distracted
+condition of the country. It is natural to expect that I should say
+something on this subject; but to touch upon it at all would involve
+an elaborate discussion of a great many questions and circumstances,
+requiring more time than I can at present command, and would, perhaps,
+unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully developed
+themselves. The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and
+fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to
+give this subject all the consideration I possibly can before specially
+deciding in regard to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly
+right as possible. When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition
+to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union,
+or which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the
+peace of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me
+to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the
+people generally throughout the country, especially if the expectation has
+been based upon anything which I may have heretofore said. Notwithstanding
+the troubles across the river [the speaker pointing southwardly across the
+Monongahela, and smiling], there is no crisis but an artificial one. What
+is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends
+over the river? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and
+there is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then,
+there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any time
+by turbulent men aided by designing politicians, My advice to them, under
+such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people only
+keep their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles will come to
+an end, and the question which now distracts the country will be settled,
+just as surely as all other difficulties of a like character which have
+originated in this government have been adjusted. Let the people on both
+sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared
+away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as
+heretofore. But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject
+than I intended at the outset.
+
+It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania.
+Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question
+must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of national
+housekeeping. It is to the government what replenishing the meal-tub is
+to the family. Every varying circumstances will require frequent
+modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of supply. So
+far there is little difference of opinion among the people. It is as to
+whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home
+production in the home market, that controversy begins. One party insists
+that such adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another;
+while the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run
+all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is a plank upon
+this subject which should be a general law to the incoming administration.
+We should do neither more nor less than we gave the people reason
+to believe we would when they gave us their votes. Permit me,
+fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago platform, or
+rather have it read in your hearing by one who has younger eyes.
+
+[Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago
+platform, as follows:]
+
+"That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government
+by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these
+imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interest of
+the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which
+secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices,
+to mechanics and manufacturers adequate return for their skill, labor, and
+enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence."
+
+As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of
+difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured
+judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some general ideas
+are about all. I have long thought it would be to our advantage to produce
+any necessary article at home which can be made of as good quality and
+with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the difference of the
+carrying from abroad. In such case the carrying is demonstrably a dead
+loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true standard of value, is it
+not plain that if equal labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in
+England and another out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down
+in a track at home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least
+by the carriage? If there be a present cause why one can be both made
+and carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without
+carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought
+gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The condition of the treasury
+at this time would seem to render an early revision of the tariff
+indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before Congress, may
+or may not become a law. I am not posted as to its particular provisions,
+but if they are generally satisfactory, and the bill shall now pass, there
+will be an end for the present. If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose
+the whole subject will be one of the most pressing and important for the
+next Congress. By the Constitution, the executive may recommend measures
+which he may think proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and
+it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to
+affect the action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me
+against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to control
+the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress
+should originate as well as perfect its measures without external bias. I
+therefore would rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be
+a member of the next Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself
+thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the
+tariff as shall produce a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings,
+so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and
+classes of the people.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO,
+
+FEBRUARY 15, 1861
+
+Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:--We have been marching
+about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers that
+have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are in earnest
+about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you as to suppose
+that that earnestness is about me personally? I would be doing you an
+injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to testify your respect
+for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; and here let me say that it
+is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the Union and the
+Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with you alone. This fact
+is strongly impressed upon my mind at present. In a community like this,
+whose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the
+cause of liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion
+is made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics,
+and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that
+there is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is called,
+is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation there are
+differences of opinion on politics. There are differences of opinion even
+here. You did not all vote for the person who now addresses you. What is
+happening now will not hurt those who are farther away from here. Have
+they not all their rights now as they ever have had? Do they not have
+their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the same
+Constitution that they have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have they
+not a position as citizens of this common country, and have we any power
+to change that position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this
+excitement? Why all these complaints?
+
+As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation in
+facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, therefore, be
+argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of itself.
+
+[Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words from
+him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that the
+crowd was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all parties, he
+continued:]
+
+This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had been
+here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans should
+have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his friends have
+joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to save the good old
+ship of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on
+another voyage.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK,
+
+FEBRUARY 16, 1861
+
+Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:--I
+am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not
+personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved country.
+Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his address to me, the
+fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home, on my rather
+circuitous route to the Federal capital. I am very happy that he was
+enabled in truth to congratulate myself and company on that fact. It is
+true we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We have
+not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to me--I
+say not alone by them, but by the whole population of the country through
+which we have passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen
+to any other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the
+peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper for
+all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an evidence of
+the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and
+the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am unwilling on any
+occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to have it supposed for
+a moment that these demonstrations are tendered to me personally. They are
+tendered to the country, to the institutions of the country, and to the
+perpetuity of the liberties of the country, for which these institutions
+were made and created.
+
+Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able
+to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the threatened
+difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability
+to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken
+this favored land, through the instrumentality of this great and
+intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall surely fail; with it,
+I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficulties to the Country,
+it is natural that it should be expected that something should be said by
+myself with regard to particular measures. Upon more mature reflection,
+however, others will agree with me that, when it is considered that these
+difficulties are without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any
+individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the
+developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak
+authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall speak
+authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the Constitution,
+the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and of each
+section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable expectations
+of those who have confided to me their votes. In this connection allow me
+to say that you, as a portion of the great American people, need only to
+maintain your composure, stand up to your sober convictions of right, to
+your obligations to the Constitution, and act in accordance with those
+sober convictions, and the clouds now on the horizon will be dispelled,
+and we shall have a bright and glorious future; and when this generation
+has passed away, tens of thousands will inhabit this country where only
+thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length; I
+have no voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnificent
+reception, and bid you farewell.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK,
+
+FEBRUARY 18, 1861
+
+I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since leaving
+home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour of the
+morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here from any
+wish to see me as an individual, but because I am for the time being the
+representative of the American people. I could not, if I would, address
+you at any length. I have not the strength, even if I had the time, for a
+speech at each of these many interviews that are afforded me on my way to
+Washington. I appear merely to see you, and to let you see me, and to
+bid you farewell. I hope it will be understood that it is from no
+disinclination to oblige anybody that I do not address you at greater
+length.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK,
+
+FEBRUARY 18, 1861.
+
+LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I See you have erected a very fine and handsome
+platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak from it. If
+I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about to deliver you
+a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to understand that I mean no
+discourtesy to you by thus declining. I intend discourtesy to no one.
+But I wish you to understand that, though I am unwilling to go upon this
+platform, you are not at liberty to draw inferences concerning any other
+platform with which my name has been or is connected. I wish you long life
+and prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of those
+institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, our
+happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious
+destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind farewell.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK,
+
+FEBRUARY 18, 1860
+
+LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have no speech to make to you; and no time to
+speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see me;
+and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are concerned I have
+the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I do not
+make the same acknowledgment concerning the men.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK
+
+FEBRUARY 18, 1861.
+
+MR. MAYOR:--I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms in
+which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to myself.
+I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, and will not
+detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at this time. I
+presume that in the two or three courses through which I shall have to go,
+I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will therefore only express to you
+my thanks for this kind reception.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY,
+
+FEBRUARY 18, 1861.
+
+GOVERNOR MORGAN:--I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the
+capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to the
+Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the people of
+the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and magnificent
+welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this time
+contains a larger population than did the whole of the United States of
+America at the time they achieved their national independence, and I was
+proud--to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens, as I now
+have the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this reception
+is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Because of this
+I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country where
+freedom of thought is tolerated, citizens attach themselves to political
+parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute this act to
+the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the various parties,
+each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best advances the
+interests of the whole country. And when an election is past it is
+altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, until the next
+election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended me
+to-day is not given to me personally,--it should not be so,--but as the
+representative, for the time being, of the majority of the nation. If the
+election had fallen to any of the more distinguished citizens who received
+the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted him that
+greets me this day, in testimony of the universal, unanimous devotion
+of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual
+liberties of succeeding generations in this country.
+
+I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater
+length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful thanks for this
+manifest devotion--not to me, but the institutions of this great and
+glorious country.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY,
+
+FEBRUARY 18, 1861.
+
+MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF NEW
+YORK:--It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, with
+feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently experienced, that I
+meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the renown
+of those great men who have stood here, and have spoken here, and have
+been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from
+any attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the
+generous manner in which you have invited me, and by the still more
+generous manner in which you have received me, to speak further. You
+have invited and received me without distinction of party. I cannot for
+a moment suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree with
+reference to my personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am
+regarded, at this time, as the representative of the majesty of this great
+nation. I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the case,
+and this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that this
+reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a free
+people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an evidence of
+devotion to me, or to any one man personally.
+
+And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty
+remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty,
+the humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the
+Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them.
+
+You have generously tendered me the support--the united support--of the
+great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation--in behalf of the
+present and future of the nation--in behalf of civil and religious liberty
+for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I do not propose
+to enter into an explanation of any particular line of policy, as to our
+present difficulties, to be adopted by the incoming administration. I deem
+it just to you, to myself, to all, that I should see everything, that I
+should hear everything, that I should have every light that can be brought
+within my reach, in order that, when I do so speak, I shall have enjoyed
+every opportunity to take correct and true ground; and for this reason I
+do not propose to speak at this time of the policy of the Government. But
+when the time comes, I shall speak, as well as I am able, for the good of
+the present and future of this country for the good both of the North and
+of the South--for the good of the one and the other, and of all sections
+of the country. In the meantime, if we have patience, if we restrain
+ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run off in a passion, I still have
+confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of the universe, will, through
+the instrumentality of this great and intelligent people, bring us through
+this as He has through all the other difficulties of our country. Relying
+on this, I again thank you for this generous reception.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK,
+
+FEBRUARY 19, 1861
+
+MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:--I thank you very kindly for this great
+reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to meet
+an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am the more
+gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it is tendered,
+not to the individual but to the high office you have called me to fill.
+I have neither strength nor time to make any extended remarks on this
+occasion, and I can only repeat to you my sincere thanks for the kind
+reception you have thought proper to extend to me.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK,
+
+FEBRUARY 19, 1861
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS:--It is altogether impossible I should make myself heard
+by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, although I
+appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, and to let you
+see rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying that I am highly
+gratified--as much here, indeed, under the circumstances, as I have been
+anywhere on my route--to witness this noble demonstration--made, not
+in honor of an individual, but of the man who at this time humbly, but
+earnestly, represents the majesty of the nation.
+
+This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me,
+doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one alone.
+As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates an earnest
+desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to political
+differences, to save--not the country, because the country will save
+itself but to save the institutions of the country, those institutions
+under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we have grown to
+a great, and intelligent, and a happy people--the greatest, the
+most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These noble
+manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that the whole people
+are willing to make common cause for this object; that if, as it ever must
+be, some have been successful in the recent election and some have been
+beaten, if some are satisfied and some are dissatisfied, the defeated
+party are not in favor of sinking the ship, but are desirous of running it
+through the tempest in safety, and willing, if they think the people have
+committed an error in their verdict now, to wait in the hope of reversing
+it and setting it right next time. I do not say that in the recent
+election the people did the wisest thing, that could have been
+done--indeed, I do not think they did; but I do say that in accepting the
+great trust committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor
+to prove worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole
+country, for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I
+am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm.
+
+I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid you
+all an affectionate farewell.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK.
+
+FEBRUARY 19, 1860
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I see that you are providing a platform for me. I shall
+have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the company
+tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is brought to me. As
+I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at another gathering, you
+must not draw the inference that I have any intention of deserting any
+platform with which I have a legitimate connection because I do not stand
+on yours. Allow me to thank you for this splendid reception, and I now bid
+you farewell.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK,
+
+FEBRUARY 19, 1861
+
+LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have but a moment to stand before you to listen
+to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this reception, and for
+the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me by our mutual friends.
+I will say in a single sentence, in regard to the difficulties that lie
+before me and our beloved country, that if I can only be as generously and
+unanimously sustained as the demonstrations I have witnessed indicate I
+shall be, I shall not fail; but without your sustaining hands I am sure
+that neither I nor any other man can hope to surmount these difficulties.
+I trust that in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained not only
+by the party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the whole
+country.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING
+
+FEBRUARY 19, 1861
+
+LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I appear before you not to make a speech. I have
+not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches at every
+station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we go along. If I
+had the strength, and should take the time, I should not get to Washington
+until after the inauguration, which you must be aware would not fit
+exactly. That such an untoward event might not transpire, I know you will
+readily forego any further remarks; and I close by bidding you farewell.
+
+
+
+
+REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I have stepped before you merely in compliance with what
+appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a speech. I
+do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could not be heard by any
+but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what is still worse than that,
+I have nothing just now to say that is worthy of your hearing. I beg you
+to believe that I do not now refuse to address you from any disposition to
+disoblige you, but to the contrary. But, at the same time, I beg of you to
+excuse me for the present.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY,
+
+FEBRUARY 19, 1861
+
+Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:--I am rather an old man to avail myself of
+such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so distinct, and
+presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot well avoid it--and
+that is, that I did not understand when I was brought into this room that
+I was to be brought here to make a speech. It was not intimated to me that
+I was brought into the room where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had made
+speeches, and where one in my position might be expected to do something
+like those men or say something worthy of myself or my audience. I
+therefore beg you to make allowance for the circumstances in which I
+have been by surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the habit
+of thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that have for
+some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to do so,
+and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers call them, and
+I were called upon to make an argument about it to the best of my ability,
+I could do so without much preparation. But that is not what you desire to
+have done here to-night.
+
+I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of
+silence--of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I have
+been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that was the
+proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, and required
+to make a speech, when you all approve more than anything else of the fact
+that I have been keeping silence. And now it seems to me that the response
+you give to that remark ought to justify me in closing just here. I
+have not kept silence since the Presidential election from any party
+wantonness, or from any indifference to the anxiety that pervades the
+minds of men about the aspect of the political affairs of this country. I
+have kept silence for the reason that I supposed it was peculiarly proper
+that I should do so until the time came when, according to the custom of
+the country, I could speak officially.
+
+I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this
+country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes--forbidding an
+anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see
+to-morrow--it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to the
+last minute, before I should take ground that I might be disposed, by the
+shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I have said several times
+upon this journey, and I now repeat it to you, that when the time does
+come, I shall then take the ground that I think is right--right for the
+North, for the South, for the East, for the West, for the whole country.
+And in doing so I hope to feel no necessity pressing upon me to say
+anything in conflict with the Constitution, in conflict with the continued
+union of these States, in conflict with the perpetuation of the liberties
+of this people, or anything in conflict with anything whatever that I have
+ever given you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, have I said
+enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and, "Three cheers for LINCOLN!"] Now, my
+friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion between you and me,
+and I really feel called upon to decide the question myself.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY,
+
+FEBRUARY 20, 1861
+
+Mr. MAYOR:--It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my
+acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great
+commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done by
+the people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in political
+sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I see that for
+the great principles of our Government the people are pretty nearly or
+quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this
+time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so justly,
+I can only say I agree with the sentiments expressed. In my devotion to
+the Union I hope I am behind no man in the nation. As to my wisdom in
+conducting affairs so as to tend to the preservation of the Union, I fear
+too great confidence may have been placed in me. I am sure I bring a
+heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever bring me to
+consent--willingly to consent--to the destruction of this Union (in which
+not only the great city of New York, but the whole country, has acquired
+its greatness), unless it would be that thing for which the Union
+itself was made. I understand that the ship is made for the carrying and
+preservation of the cargo; and so long as the ship is safe with the cargo,
+it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never be abandoned, unless the
+possibility of its existence shall cease to exist without the necessity of
+throwing passengers and cargo overboard. So long, then, as it is possible
+that the prosperity and liberties of this people can be preserved within
+this Union, it shall be my purpose at all tunes to preserve it. And now,
+Mr. Mayor, renewing my thanks for this cordial reception, allow me to come
+to a close.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY
+
+FEBRUARY 21, 1860
+
+MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I shall only thank
+you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not personally, but as
+the temporary representative of the majesty of the nation. To the kindness
+of your hearts, and of the hearts of your brethren in your State, I should
+be very proud to respond, but I shall not have strength to address you
+or other assemblages at length, even if I had the time to do so. I appear
+before you, therefore, for little else than to greet you, and to briefly
+say farewell. You have done me the very high honor to present your
+reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with whom it is an
+honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no State can be poor.
+He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested enough, to require a
+response of an hour, well considered. I could not in an hour make a worthy
+response to it. I therefore, ladies and gentlemen of New Jersey, content
+myself with saying, most heartily do I indorse all the sentiments he has
+expressed. Allow me, most gratefully, to bid you farewell.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY,
+
+FEBRUARY 21, 1861.
+
+MR. MAYOR:--I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. With
+regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I bring to it
+a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest desire to do what
+is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the ability to do anything
+unaided of God, and that without His support and that of this free, happy,
+prosperous, and intelligent people, no man can succeed in doing that
+the importance of which we all comprehend. Again thanking you for the
+reception you have given me, I will now bid you farewell, and proceed upon
+my journey.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE,
+
+FEBRUARY 21, 1861
+
+I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to visit
+this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging their kind
+invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the presiding officers
+of each body, and I suppose they intended I should speak to you through
+them, as they are the representatives of all of you; and if I were to
+speak again here, I should only have to repeat in a great measure much
+that I have said, which would be disgusting to my friends around me who
+have met here. I have no speech to make, but merely appear to see you and
+let you look at me; and as to the latter I think I have greatly the best
+of the bargain. My friends, allow me to bid you farewell.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY
+
+FEBRUARY 21, 1861
+
+MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I
+am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of which I have been
+the object. I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our
+early history. In the Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the
+Old Thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their
+limits than New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I
+mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being
+able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the younger
+members have ever seen Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all the
+accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties
+of the country; and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as
+the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river, the
+contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at that time, all
+fixed themselves on my memory more than any single Revolutionary event;
+and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early impressions
+last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I
+was, that there must have been something more than common that these men
+struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing that something
+even more than national independence, that something that held out a
+great promise to all the people of the world to all time to come--I am
+exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties
+of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea
+for which that struggle was made; and I shall be most happy indeed if I
+shall be a humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this his
+almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle.
+You give me this reception, as I understand, without distinction of party.
+I learn that this body is composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the
+exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a chief magistrate,
+did not think I was the man. I understand, nevertheless, that they come
+forward here to greet me as the constitutionally elected President of the
+United States--as citizens of the United States to meet the man who, for
+the time being, is the representative of the majesty of the nation--united
+by the single purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the
+liberties of the people. As such, I accept this reception more gratefully
+than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an individual.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY,
+
+FEBRUARY 21, 1861
+
+MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a reception
+by the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to you and them my
+thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey have given through
+their chosen representatives to me as the representative, for the time
+being, of the majesty of the people of the United States. I appropriate to
+myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with which I have been
+greeted. I think little should be given to any man, but that it should
+be a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. I
+understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the people
+of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those with whom
+I have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be regarded by me
+as expressing their devotion to the Union, the Constitution, and the
+liberties of the people.
+
+You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest and
+wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national
+affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why I should not
+speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. It is proper
+that I should avail myself of all the information and all the time at
+my command, in order that when the time arrives in which I must speak
+officially, I shall be able to take the ground which I deem best and
+safest, and from which I may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor
+to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the
+South, and the whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper,
+certainly with no malice toward any section. I shall do all that may be in
+my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The man
+does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who would do
+more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly.
+And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, will you not? [Loud
+cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] Received as I am by the members
+of a Legislature the majority of whom do not agree with me in political
+sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in piloting the ship
+of state through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it is; for if it
+should suffer wreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for another
+voyage.
+
+Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg
+leave to stop here.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA,
+
+FEBRUARY 21, 1861
+
+MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:--I appear before you to
+make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The reception
+you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the individual, but to
+the man who temporarily represents, or should represent, the majesty of
+the nation. It is true, as your worthy mayor has said, that there is great
+anxiety amongst the citizens of the United States at this time. I deem it
+a happy circumstance that this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens
+does not point us to anything in which they are being injured or about
+to be injured; for which reason I have felt all the while justified in
+concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at
+this time is artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this
+subject, they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists.
+I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considerable
+harm; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been
+expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, harmony, and
+prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and most happy, indeed,
+will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil that hope. I promise
+you that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head
+equal to that heart will be for future times to determine. It were useless
+for me to speak of details of plans now; I shall speak officially next
+Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak then, it were useless for me
+to do so now. If I do speak then, it is useless for me to do so now. When
+I do speak, I shall take such ground as I deem best calculated to restore
+peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity
+of the nation and the liberty of these States and these people. Your
+worthy mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it
+were convenient for me to remain in your city long enough to consult your
+merchants and manufacturers; or, as it were, to listen to those breathings
+rising within the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United
+States and, I will add, the Declaration of Independence, were originally
+framed and adopted. I assure you and your mayor that I had hoped on this
+occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing
+inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I
+have never asked anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my
+political warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come forth from
+these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue
+cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to those teachings.
+Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I expected to do, and
+now allow me to bid you goodnight.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA,
+
+FEBRUARY 22, 1861
+
+MR. CUYLER:--I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing
+here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the
+devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which
+we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of
+restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I can
+say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have
+been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments
+which originated and were given to the world from this hall. I have never
+had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied
+in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers
+which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted
+that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that
+were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that
+independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea
+it was that kept the confederacy so long together. It was not the mere
+matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland, but that
+sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone
+to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for all future
+time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be
+lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is the sentiment embodied in
+the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can the country be saved
+upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest
+men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that
+principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved
+without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather
+be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the
+present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no
+necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say, in
+advance, that there will be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the
+Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defence.
+
+My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect to
+be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely
+to do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, have said
+something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by
+and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION,
+
+FEBRUARY 22, 1861
+
+MR. CHAIRMAN:--I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen fit
+to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, I attended
+a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have since carried with
+me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the city on that occasion.
+The programme established provides for my presence in Harrisburg in
+twenty-four hours from this time. I expect to be in Washington on
+Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility that I should accept your
+kind invitation. There are no people whom I would more gladly accommodate
+than those of Delaware; but circumstances forbid, gentlemen. With many
+regrets for the character of the reply I am compelled to give you, I bid
+you adieu.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA,
+
+FEBRUARY 22, 1860
+
+LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:--I appear not to make a speech. I
+have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength to make them on
+every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to make. There is plenty
+of matter to speak about in these times, but it is well known that the
+more a man speaks the less he is understood--the more he says one thing,
+the more his adversaries contend he meant something else. I shall soon
+have occasion to speak officially, and then I will endeavor to put my
+thoughts just as plain as I can express myself--true to the Constitution
+and Union of all the States, and to the perpetual liberty of all the
+people. Until I so speak, there is no need to enter upon details. In
+conclusion, I greet you most heartily, and bid you an affectionate
+farewell.
+
+
+
+
+ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG,
+
+FEBRUARY 22, 1861
+
+MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF
+REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF
+PENNSYLVANIA:--I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks in
+response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this
+reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised me
+upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for the overwhelming
+support it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think a
+just one, in the late election.
+
+Allusion has been made to the fact--the interesting fact perhaps we
+should say--that I for the first time appear at the capital of the great
+commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his
+Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the
+history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly
+interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under
+the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for the first time allowed
+the privilege of standing in old Independence Hall to have a few words
+addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of manifesting
+my deep regret that I had not more time to express something of my own
+feelings excited by the occasion, that had been really the feelings of my
+whole life.
+
+Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the
+country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it
+to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was pleased that it went
+to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, according to the
+arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated gloriously to the wind,
+without an accident, in the bright, glowing sunshine of the morning,
+I could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that
+beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor
+could I help feeling then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that
+proceeding I was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the flag; I
+had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I had applied
+but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in raising it. In the
+whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who had arranged it,
+and if I can have the same generous co-operation of the people of
+this nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting
+gloriously.
+
+I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in
+regard to what has been said about the military support which the General
+Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper
+emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It is
+not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a necessity
+may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. While I am
+exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your streets of your
+military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that
+force upon a proper emergency--while I make these acknowledgments I desire
+to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do
+most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will
+never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed
+fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to direct,
+if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be
+through no fault of mine.
+
+Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some
+remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is supposed
+to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I
+now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which
+I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains
+that they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or
+subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they stand, adding only
+now that I am pleased to have an expression from you, gentlemen of
+Pennsylvania, signifying that they are satisfactory to you.
+
+And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of
+Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C.,
+
+FEBRUARY 27, 1861
+
+Mr. MAYOR:--I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of this
+city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first time in
+my life, since the present phase of politics has presented itself in this
+country, that I have said anything publicly within a region of country
+where the institution of slavery exists, I will take this occasion to
+say that I think very much of the ill feeling that has existed and still
+exists between the people in the section from which I came and the people
+here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one another. I therefore
+avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and all the
+gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never have had, any other than
+as kindly feelings toward you as to the people of my own section. I have
+not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you in any respect
+otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any purpose to withhold
+from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, under any circumstances,
+that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold from my own
+neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall become better
+acquainted--and I say it with great confidence--we shall like each other
+better. I thank you for the kindness of this reception.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C.,
+
+FEBRUARY 28, 1861
+
+MY FRIENDS:--I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to me,
+and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this city of
+Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those under
+which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of
+taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom were
+politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose.
+
+I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did on
+yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called upon me,
+that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed between you and
+the people of your surroundings and that people from among whom I came,
+has depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding.
+
+I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we all
+desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of this
+misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the people
+of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all things
+our equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same
+treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no wise disposed, if
+it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of your rights
+under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowly to split
+hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are determined to give you,
+as far as lies in our hands, all your rights under the Constitution--not
+grudgingly, but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you,
+we will become better acquainted, and be better friends.
+
+And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my thanks
+for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little more of
+your good music, I bid you good-night.
+
+
+
+
+WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861
+
+[During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the
+President-elect spoke as follows:]
+
+Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility
+of these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. The
+positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I announce
+them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my Constitutional
+advisers.
+
+
+
+
+FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1861
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:--In compliance with a custom as old
+as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and
+to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of
+the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the
+execution of his office."
+
+I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters
+of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.
+
+Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that
+by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their
+peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any
+reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to
+the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.
+It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses
+you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that
+
+"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the
+institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no
+lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so."
+
+Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had
+made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And,
+more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a
+law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now
+read:
+
+"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and
+especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic
+institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential
+to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our
+political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed
+force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext,
+as amongst the gravest of crimes."
+
+I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon
+the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is
+susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to
+be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too,
+that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and
+the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when
+lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to
+another.
+
+There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from
+service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the
+Constitution as any other of its provisions:
+
+"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof,
+escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation
+therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered
+up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."
+
+It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those
+who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the
+intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their
+support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any
+other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the
+terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous.
+Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with
+nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good
+that unanimous oath?
+
+There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced
+by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a
+very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but
+little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And
+should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a
+merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
+
+Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of
+liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so
+that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it
+not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that
+clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each
+State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in
+the several States"?
+
+I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no
+purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules.
+And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as
+proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all,
+both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all
+those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting
+to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
+
+It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President
+under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different
+and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the
+executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many
+perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of
+precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional
+term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of
+the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.
+
+I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution,
+the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not
+expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe
+to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic
+law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express
+provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure
+forever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not
+provided for in the instrument itself.
+
+Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association
+of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a contract be
+peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to
+a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does it not require
+all to lawfully rescind it?
+
+Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in
+legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of
+the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was
+formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured
+and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further
+matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted
+and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation
+in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining
+and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union."
+
+But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the
+States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the
+Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
+
+It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can
+lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect
+are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or States,
+against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or
+revolutionary, according to circumstances.
+
+I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the
+Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as
+the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the
+Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to
+be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as
+practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall
+withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the
+contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the
+declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and
+maintain itself.
+
+In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there
+shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power
+confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and
+places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts;
+but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no
+invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where
+hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so
+great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding
+the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers
+among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist
+in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to
+do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I
+deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.
+
+The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of
+the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that
+sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and
+reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current
+events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper,
+and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised
+according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope
+of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of
+fraternal sympathies and affections.
+
+That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the
+Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither
+affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To
+those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
+
+Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national
+fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not
+be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate
+a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly
+from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly
+to are greater than all the real ones you fly from--will you risk the
+commission of so fearful a mistake?
+
+All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can
+be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the
+Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so
+constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think,
+if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of
+the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a
+majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional
+right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution--certainly
+would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the
+vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to
+them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the
+Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no
+organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to
+every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight
+can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express
+provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be
+surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does
+not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The
+Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the
+Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
+
+From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies,
+and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority
+will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There
+is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is acquiescence on
+one side or the other.
+
+If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a
+precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their
+own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by
+such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy
+a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of
+the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion
+sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
+
+Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a
+new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession?
+
+Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A
+majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and
+always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and
+sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects
+it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is
+impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly
+inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or
+despotism in some form is all that is left.
+
+I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional
+questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such
+decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to
+the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect
+and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the
+government. And, while it is obviously possible that such decision may
+be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being
+limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled
+and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than
+could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid
+citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital
+questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by
+decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary
+litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have
+ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned
+the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in
+this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from
+which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them,
+and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to
+political purposes.
+
+One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be
+extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be
+extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause
+of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave
+trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a
+community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law
+itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation
+in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be
+perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation
+of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly
+suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one
+section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not
+be surrendered at all by the other.
+
+Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective
+sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A
+husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond
+the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot
+do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either
+amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then,
+to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after
+separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can
+make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than
+laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always;
+and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease
+fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again
+upon you.
+
+This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit
+it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can
+exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary
+right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that
+many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national
+Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments,
+I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole
+subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the
+instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor
+rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act
+upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems
+preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people
+themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions
+originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which
+might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.
+I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which amendment,
+however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the
+Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions
+of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid
+misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak
+of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision
+to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being
+made express and irrevocable.
+
+The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and
+they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the
+States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the
+executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer
+the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it,
+unimpaired by him, to his successors.
+
+Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of
+the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present
+differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the
+Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your
+side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice
+will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American
+people.
+
+By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have
+wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and
+have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their
+own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue
+and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly,
+can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years.
+
+My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject.
+Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object
+to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take
+deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good
+object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still
+have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the
+laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have
+no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted
+that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there
+still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence,
+patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet
+forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way
+all our present difficulty.
+
+In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the
+momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can
+have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath
+registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the
+most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it.
+
+I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
+enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds of
+affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field
+and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this
+broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as
+surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
+
+
+
+
+REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION
+
+TO WM. H. SEWARD.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your
+acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, was
+duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude with me,
+and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal.
+The public interest, I think, demands that you should; and my personal
+feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and
+answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION,
+
+WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861
+
+Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:--As I have so
+frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to address the people
+of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can now but repeat the
+assurance of my gratification at the support you gave me at the election,
+and at the promise of a continuation of that support which is now tendered
+to me.
+
+Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a
+President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you that
+in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have ever given
+reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to believe that I assume
+to be any better than others who have gone before me. I prefer rather to
+have it understood that if we ever have a government on the principles we
+profess, we should remember, while we exercise our opinion, that others
+have also rights to the exercise of their opinions, and that we should
+endeavor to allow these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no
+bad feeling. I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and
+wish it to be understood, that there may be no allusion to unpleasant
+differences.
+
+We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to all the
+privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. We should
+bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say nothing insulting
+or irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so that we may not, like
+Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than other people.
+
+Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will prevent
+my giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left them now, but I
+could not well deny myself to so large and respectable a body.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION,
+
+WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861
+
+I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and confidence,
+and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, Mr. Chairman, have
+expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, your sanction of what
+I have enunciated in my inaugural address. This is very grateful to my
+feelings. The object was one of great delicacy, in presenting views at the
+opening of an administration under the peculiar circumstances attending my
+entrance upon the official duties connected with the Government. I studied
+all the points with great anxiety, and presented them with whatever
+of ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. If it met the
+approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall be exceedingly
+gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of friends
+everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who have voted
+with us; and like every other man of you, I like them as certainly as I do
+others. As the President in the administration of the Government, I
+hope to be man enough not to know one citizen of the United States from
+another, nor one section from another. I shall be gratified to have good
+friends of Massachusetts and others who have thus far supported me in
+these national views still to support me in carrying them out.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY SEWARD
+
+EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To whom the
+reply should be addressed--that is, by what title or style--I do not quite
+understand, and therefore I have left it blank.
+
+Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War Department,
+with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here yesterday? I wish to
+examine the General's opinion, which I have not yet done.
+
+Yours very truly
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS
+
+WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861
+
+Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:--Please accept my
+sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure
+to confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly
+disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns and
+governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction I accept
+the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same disposition is
+reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and yourselves.
+
+Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain
+undisturbed, and also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness of
+yourselves personally.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY SEWARD
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. DEAR SIR:--What think you of sending ministers
+at once as follows: Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay to Spain;
+Corwin to Mexico?
+
+We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as possible.
+This is suggestion merely, and not dictation.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO J. COLLAMER
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861
+
+HON. JACOB COLLAMER. MY DEAR SIR:--God help me. It is said I have offended
+you. I hope you will tell me how.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+March 14, 1861. DEAR SIR:--I am entirely unconscious that you have any way
+offended me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of kindness and
+confidence. Your humble servant, J. COLLAMER.
+
+ [Returned with indorsement:]
+
+Very glad to know that I have n't.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861
+
+HON. P. M. G.
+
+DEAR SIR:--The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who
+wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think Virginia
+should be heard, in such cases.
+
+LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861
+
+THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter,
+under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give me your
+opinion in writing on this question.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+[Same to other members of the Cabinet.]
+
+
+
+
+ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE
+
+TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
+
+The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my
+predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to take
+its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British Government
+through its minister here to refer the matter in controversy between that
+government and the Government of the United States to the arbitrament
+of the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or the
+Republic of the Swiss Confederation.
+
+In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to the
+Senate the precise questions following, namely:
+
+"Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign
+powers above named the dispute now existing between the governments of
+the United States and Great Britain concerning the boundary line between
+Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall
+find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it
+in the treaty of June 15, 1846, shall he be authorized to establish a line
+according to the treaty as nearly as possible? Which of the three powers
+named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United
+States?"
+
+I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in this
+important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive the
+advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask the Senate
+for their advice on the three questions before recited.
+
+ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
+
+WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861
+
+
+
+
+AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS
+
+TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF STATE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I believe it is a necessity with us to make the appointments
+I mentioned last night--that is, Charles F. Adams to England, William L.
+Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, and Anson Burlingame to
+Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem, but no one of them is
+originally suggested by me except Mr. Dayton. Mr. Adams I take because you
+suggested him, coupled with his eminent fitness for the place. Mr.
+Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense pressure of their
+respective States, and their fitness also.
+
+The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up--three
+being in New England and two from a single State. I have considered this,
+and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, being done, leaves but
+five full missions undisposed of--Rome, China, Brazil, Peru, and Chili.
+And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in other words, what about our German
+friends?
+
+Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What say
+you?
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO G. E. PATTEN.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861.
+
+TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN.
+
+WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:--I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans Patten
+last May at Springfield, Ill.
+
+Respectfully,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+[Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, then a
+schoolboy, had ever taken place.]
+
+
+
+
+RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER
+
+MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.
+
+TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:--I have received a copy of the
+resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if
+in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate to
+the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to the War Department
+during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On examination of
+the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the highest respect
+for the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the present moment the
+publication of it would be inexpedient.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861
+
+
+
+
+PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861
+
+HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+SIR:--I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail
+as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum
+attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for that
+object.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+[Inclosure.]
+
+Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at
+New York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for one
+month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on board
+the receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to leave
+Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred
+men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant shipping. A large
+steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged.
+
+
+
+
+TO ------ STUART.
+
+WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861
+
+DEAR STUART:
+
+Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of giving her
+the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have already appointed
+William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge Trumbull's brother to a
+land-office. Will it do for me to go on and justify the declaration that
+Trumbull and I have divided out all the offices among our relatives? Dr.
+Wallace, you know, is needy, and looks to me; and I personally owe him
+much.
+
+I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. Could
+you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need know
+nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her part.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+
+
+TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD.
+
+NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861
+
+TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, Brooklyn, N. Y.
+
+Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment under
+sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward to-morrow.
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861
+
+LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy.
+
+SIR:--You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible delay,
+assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to Pensacola
+Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from the mainland
+reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island.
+
+You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you deem
+it necessary, after you have established yourself within the harbor, and
+will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one other steamer.
+
+This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to no
+person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
+
+
+
+
+RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER
+
+ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY.
+
+WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861.
+
+All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited
+will aid by every means in their power the expedition under the command
+of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, and
+co-operating with him as he may desire.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER.
+
+(Confidential.)
+
+WASHINGTON CITY, April 1, 1861
+
+SIR:--Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your
+ship (and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and
+instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will
+therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the
+Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or
+patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your ability
+to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able to give you a
+better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting that you will have
+full confidence in the disposition of the Government toward you, I remain,
+etc.,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER
+
+MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, APRIL 1, 1861
+
+Some thoughts for the President's Consideration,
+
+First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a
+policy either domestic or foreign.
+
+Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable.
+The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for
+patronage, have prevented attention to other and more grave matters.
+
+Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for
+both domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the
+administration, but danger upon the country.
+
+Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I
+suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or
+general ones for ulterior and occasional action.
+
+Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and
+perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as
+a ruling one, namely, that we must CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC
+FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR
+DISUNION: In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question,
+to one of patriotism or union.
+
+The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a
+slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper manifested
+by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union men in the
+South.
+
+I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I
+deem it fortunate that the last administration created the necessity.
+
+For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the ports in
+the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be prepared
+for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law.
+
+This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would
+maintain every fort and possession in the South.
+
+
+FOR FOREIGN NATIONS,
+
+I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once.
+
+I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents
+into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental
+spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention.
+
+And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France,
+
+Would convene Congress and declare war against them.
+
+But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of
+it.
+
+For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it
+incessantly.
+
+Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in
+it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on
+it must end, and all agree and abide.
+
+It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor assume
+responsibility.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861
+
+HON. W. H. SEWARD.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you I have been considering your
+paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's
+Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at the end
+of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either domestic or
+foreign."
+
+At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power
+confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property
+and places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and
+imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in
+connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing
+him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the
+forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single
+exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter.
+
+Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be
+done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on
+a more national and patriotic one.
+
+The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a
+new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we
+have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like,
+all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign
+policy.
+
+Upon your Closing propositions--that,
+
+"Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it.
+
+"For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it
+incessantly.
+
+"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in
+it, or,
+
+"Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it
+must end, and all agree and abide"--
+
+I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of
+policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed
+without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate;
+still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am
+entitled to have, the advice of all the Cabinet.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861
+
+HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH,
+Esq.
+
+GENTLEMEN:--As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, you
+present me a preamble and resolution in these words:
+
+"Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which
+prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive
+intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the
+industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an
+excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending difficulties,
+and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: therefore
+
+"Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this
+Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present to him
+this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate to
+this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue
+in regard to the Confederate States.
+
+"Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April 8,
+1861."
+
+In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official term
+expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with
+deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and
+injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and
+what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change,
+it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural
+address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the
+best expression I can give of my purposes.
+
+As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me will
+be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to
+the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is
+necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force
+against or among the people anywhere." By the words "property and places
+belonging to the Government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and
+property which were in the possession of the Government when it came to my
+hands.
+
+But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the
+United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been
+made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I
+can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved
+upon me. And in every event I shall, to the extent of my ability,
+repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been
+assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails
+to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing
+that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies and
+possibly demands this.
+
+I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property
+situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging
+to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the
+supposed secession.
+
+Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the
+duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; not
+meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to
+relieve a fort upon a border of the country.
+
+From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must
+not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I
+reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as
+a modification.
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA,
+
+AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861.
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
+
+A Proclamation.
+
+Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now
+are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South
+Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas,
+by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of
+judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals bylaw:
+
+Now, therefore, I, A. LINCOLN, President of the United States, in virtue
+of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought
+fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several
+States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand,
+in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly
+executed.
+
+The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State
+authorities through the War Department.
+
+I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort
+to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National
+Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs
+already long enough endured.
+
+I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces
+hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and
+property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the
+utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to
+avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property,
+or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country.
+
+And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to
+disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within twenty
+days from date.
+
+Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an
+extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested
+by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and
+Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective
+chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July
+next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their
+wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.
+
+In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.
+
+Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the
+year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the
+independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+By the President:
+
+  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
+
+A Proclamation.
+
+Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has
+broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida,
+Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States
+for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein
+conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to
+be uniform throughout the United States:
+
+And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection have
+threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers
+thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good
+citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and
+in waters of the United States:
+
+And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued requiring
+the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom,
+calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and
+convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine
+thereon:
+
+Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, with
+a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of
+the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens
+pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have assembled and
+deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have
+ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the
+ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United
+States, and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose
+a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of
+vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate
+such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either
+of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the
+blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of
+such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or
+leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest
+convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize,
+as may be deemed advisable.
+
+And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended
+authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a
+vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her,
+such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the
+prevention and punishment of piracy.
+
+In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
+United States to be affixed.
+
+Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the
+year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the
+independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN.
+
+WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861
+
+GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN.
+
+GENTLEMEN:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is received.
+I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in
+the trying situation in which you are placed.
+
+For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of
+bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge myself, of
+course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning
+in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them around Baltimore, and
+not through it." I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will
+consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to it.
+By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be
+avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert
+your influence to prevent this.
+
+Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with the
+maintenance of the Government.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GOVERNOR HICKS.
+
+WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861
+
+GOVERNOR HICKS:
+
+I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to
+preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special
+train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be sent
+from here. Answer forthwith.
+
+LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION
+
+ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861
+
+LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT.
+
+MY DEAR SIR--The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at Annapolis,
+and not improbably will take action to arm the people of that State
+against the United States. The question has been submitted to and
+considered by me whether it would not be justifiable, upon the ground of
+necessary defense, for you, as General in Chief of the United States Army,
+to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would not be
+justifiable nor efficient for the desired object.
+
+First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot know in
+advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, and if we wait
+until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion will not lessen the
+effect of their action.
+
+Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest them,
+we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they will
+immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the same if
+we simply disperse them--they will immediately reassemble in some other
+place.
+
+I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General to
+watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people
+against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient
+means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their
+cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of the writ of
+habeas corpus.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
+
+A Proclamation.
+
+Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the nineteenth
+instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, Georgia,
+Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was ordered to be
+established:
+
+And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States
+has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly
+commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing
+the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as
+prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official duties,
+without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under authorities of
+the States of Virginia and North Carolina:
+
+An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be
+established.
+
+In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
+United States to be affixed.
+
+Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in the
+year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the
+independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, APRIL 27, 1861
+
+I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more than
+any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled without the
+shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet gone; but if the
+alternative is presented whether the Union is to be broken in fragments
+and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be shed, you will probably
+make the choice with which I shall not be dissatisfied.
+
+
+
+
+LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS
+
+TO GENERAL SCOTT.
+
+TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES.
+
+You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the
+United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line
+which is now or which shall be used between the City of Philadelphia and
+the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to
+suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally,
+or through the officer in command at the point at which resistance occurs,
+are authorized to suspend that writ.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861
+
+
+
+
+MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS
+
+FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861
+
+TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON.
+
+CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, Commanding Department of the West.
+
+SIR:--The President of the United States directs that you enroll in the
+military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint Louis
+and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, ten thousand
+in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the United
+States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants of Missouri; and
+you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself, by Messrs.
+Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J.
+Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in the city of Saint
+Louis.
+
+The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in
+whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the gentlemen above
+mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on the part of the enemies
+of the Government to take military possession of the city of Saint Louis,
+or put the city in control of the combination against the Government of
+the United States; and whilst such additional force remains in the service
+the same shall be governed by the Rules and Articles of War, and such
+special regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the force hereafter
+directed to be enrolled to be under your command.
+
+The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not needed
+for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be removed to
+Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the State of Illinois,
+as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance officers in charge at Saint
+Louis.
+
+(Indorsement.)
+
+It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the
+irregularity of this. W. S.
+
+Approved, April 30, 1861.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+Colonel Thomas will make this order.  SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War.
+
+
+
+
+CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF
+
+TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX.
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861
+
+CAPTAIN G. V. Fox.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt to
+provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to you.
+
+The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. By
+reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not improbable,
+the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached the ground; while,
+by an accident for which you were in no wise responsible, and possibly I
+to some extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, with her men, which
+you deemed of great importance to the enterprise.
+
+I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the undertaking
+has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you developed in the
+effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation.
+
+For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would
+to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and I
+both anticipated that the cause of the country would be advanced by making
+the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and it is
+no small consolation now to feel that our anticipation is justified by the
+result.
+
+Very truly your friend,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS,
+
+MAY 3, 1861
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
+
+A Proclamation..
+
+Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for
+the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation of the
+National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary combinations
+now existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and
+obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force in
+addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the 15th day of April
+in the present year appears to be indispensably necessary:
+
+Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and
+Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of the
+several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the
+service of the United States 42,034 volunteers to serve for the period of
+three years, unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service
+as infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the details of
+enrollment and organization will be made known through the Department of
+War.
+
+And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be increased
+by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry,
+and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a maximum aggregate
+increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the details of which
+increase will also be made known through the Department of War.
+
+And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more than
+three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, for the
+naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and
+organization will be made known through the Department of the Navy.
+
+The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the increase of
+the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together
+with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteer and for the
+regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress as soon as
+assembled.
+
+In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good citizens
+in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful
+violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for
+the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and with these of
+happiness and prosperity, throughout our country.
+
+In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed................
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT
+
+TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN.
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861
+
+HON. H. HAMLIN, New York.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops left
+during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining at New
+York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as near as
+convenient, and what corps they are. This information, reaching us daily,
+will be very useful as well as satisfactory.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON,
+
+MAY 7, 1861
+
+TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING:
+
+Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism,
+valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, U. S. Army, I
+have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to receive into the army of
+the United States as many regiments of volunteer troops from the State of
+Kentucky and from the western part of the State of Virginia as shall be
+willing to engage in the Service of the United States for the term of
+three years, upon the terms and according to the plan proposed by the
+proclamation of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15, from the War
+Department, of May 4, 1861.
+
+The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every respect
+as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above cited,
+except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United States. He is
+therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty hereby devolved
+upon him by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging.
+
+Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, A.
+D. 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the United
+States.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President: SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War,
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS IN FLORIDA,
+
+MAY 10, 1861.
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA:
+
+A Proclamation.
+
+Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the
+lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States are
+endangered:
+
+And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be taken
+for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the United States
+in the discharge of their public duties in the State aforesaid:
+
+Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the
+United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the United
+States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office
+or authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa,
+which may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United
+States, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary,
+to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the
+vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected
+persons.
+
+In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
+United States to be affixed.....................
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY WELLES.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
+
+SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer Powhatan,
+and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my special order, and
+neither of them is responsible for any apparent or real irregularity on
+their part or in connection with that vessel.
+
+Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and placed
+under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will receive
+instructions and to which he will report.
+
+Very respectfully,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH
+
+WRITTEN BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS
+
+NO. 10.
+
+DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861
+
+SIR:---Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us that
+Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on account of
+the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the effect of certain
+measures represented as likely to be adopted by the President. In
+that conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dallas that the three
+representatives of the Southern Confederacy were then in London, that Lord
+John Russell had not yet seen them, but that he was not unwilling to see
+them unofficially. He further informed Mr. Dallas that an understanding
+exists between the British and French governments which would lead both to
+take one and the same course as to recognition. His lordship then referred
+to the rumor of a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a
+discontinuance of them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew
+nothing on those topics, and therefore
+
+   (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in
+   caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.)
+
+could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two weeks.
+Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency of
+waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to bring.
+
+Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial
+explanations made in Parliament.
+
+You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to seek
+explanations when necessary and communicate them to this department.
+[We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise
+between us and Great Britain.]
+
+The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did not
+protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the British
+Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as against
+the demand for explanations made by the British Government]. It is due,
+however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had been given only to
+you and not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in these
+times [among our late representatives abroad, are confessed and] are
+appreciated.
+
+Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to be
+construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. Such
+intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for being
+called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because we should
+have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by it. Moreover,
+unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if it is not expected
+to ripen into official intercourse and direct recognition. It is left
+doubtful here whether the proposed unofficial intercourse has yet actually
+begun. Your own [present] antecedent instructions are deemed explicit
+enough, and it is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. You will
+in any event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well
+as official, with the British Government, so long as it shall continue
+intercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this country
+[confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary
+of State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been arrested for
+this cause, you will communicate with this department and receive further
+directions.
+
+Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the British
+and French governments that they will act together in regard to our
+affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its value from
+the circumstance that the communication was withheld until after knowledge
+of the fact had been acquired by us from other sources. We know also
+another fact that has not yet been officially communicated to us--namely,
+that other European States are apprised by France and England of their
+agreement, and are expected to concur with or follow them in whatever
+measures they adopt on the subject of recognition. The United States have
+been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the several nations of
+Europe. They will not complain, however, of the combination now announced
+by the two leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect
+a more independent, if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You
+will take no notice of that or any other alliance. Whenever the European
+governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, we shall be, as
+heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply.
+
+As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of nature]
+and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this Government has
+a clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce from
+national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in the equitable
+form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. You will [admit] not
+insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected if it be not maintained
+by a competent force; but passing by that question as not now a practical,
+or at least an urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now,
+and it will continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be
+respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have already revoked the
+exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the military service of
+the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the recall of every foreign
+agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall either disobey the Federal laws
+or disown the Federal authority.
+
+As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is not
+to be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, [quasi]
+direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and
+independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct recognition to receive
+its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or commissioners officially.
+A concession of belligerent rights is liable to be construed as a
+recognition of them. No one of these proceedings will [be borne] pass
+[unnoticed] unquestioned by the United States in this case.
+
+Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the
+so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. Now,
+after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert the need
+of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States have been put
+in motion to repress the insurrection. The true character of the pretended
+new State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power existing in
+pronunciamento only, It has never won a field. It has obtained no forts
+that were not virtually betrayed into its hands or seized in breach of
+trust. It commands not a single port on the coast nor any highway out from
+its pretended capital by land. Under these circumstances Great Britain is
+called upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting
+our measures of suppression. British recognition would be British
+intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by
+overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of intervention is
+distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, and
+become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, enemies of
+Great Britain.]
+
+As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will say
+that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates.
+They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying
+on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to recognize
+them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our pursuit and
+punishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper remedy
+[and we shall avail ourselves of it. And while you need not say this in
+advance, be sure that you say nothing inconsistent with it.]
+
+Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all these
+difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declaration of the
+Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was herself a member,
+abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and forever. You already
+have our authority to propose to her our accession to that declaration. If
+she refuse to receive it, it can only be because she is willing to become
+the patron of privateering when aimed at our devastation.
+
+These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vindicate
+them would imply a possibility of our waiving them.
+
+1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of
+
+1 (Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This
+paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or shown to
+any one.")
+
+(Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added
+an introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly
+confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as they
+are here printed.)
+
+this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we are
+engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even
+more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from the habits
+as it is revolting from the sentiments of the American people. But if
+it come, it will be fully seen that it results from the action of Great
+Britain, not our own; that Great Britain will have decided to fraternize
+with our domestic enemy, either without waiting to hear from you our
+remonstrances and our warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense
+of national life is not immoral, and war in defense of independence is an
+inevitable part of the discipline of nations.
+
+The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of the
+British race. All who belong to that race will especially deprecate it,
+as they ought. It may well be believed that men of every race and kindred
+will deplore it. A war not unlike it between the same parties occurred at
+the close of the last century. Europe atoned by forty years of suffering
+for the error that Great Britain committed in provoking that contest. If
+that nation shall now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions
+which will follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When
+they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been
+the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that
+will have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its
+honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has but
+to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will cease with
+all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she will calculate
+for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate consequences, and will
+consider what position she will hold when she shall have forever lost the
+sympathies and the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and
+affections she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she will do
+well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open we shall be
+actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; but
+we shall stand simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that our
+cause will involve the independence of nations and the rights of human
+nature.
+
+I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, W. H. S.
+
+CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc,
+
+
+
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR,
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861.
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--Why cannot Colonel Small's
+Philadelphia regiment be received? I sincerely wish it could. There is
+something strange about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take
+their regiment.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GOVERNOR MORGAN.
+
+WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861
+
+GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y.
+
+I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about
+forwarding troops from New York.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN.
+
+EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863.
+
+CAPT. DAHLGREEN.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my own
+district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress Monroe, please
+introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in our service, and
+pass him down and back.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES
+
+TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861
+
+TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH.
+
+MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:--In the untimely loss of your noble son, our
+affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised
+usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and
+friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in
+years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men
+was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellectual and
+indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in him,
+as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever knew.
+And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social intercourse.
+My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet, through the
+latter half of the intervening period, it was as intense as the disparity
+of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared
+to have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him utter a profane
+or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good heart, he never
+forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so laudably, and for which,
+in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his life, he meant for them no less
+than for himself.
+
+In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your
+sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my
+young friend and your brave and early fallen son.
+
+May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power.
+
+Sincerely your friend in common affliction,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO COLONEL BARTLETT.
+
+WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861
+
+COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York.
+
+The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the
+government, and must so go or not at all.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS.
+
+WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861
+
+ The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of
+Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that State,
+two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel William L.
+Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor of the State
+of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer service of the United
+States according to the "Plan of Organization" in the General Orders of
+the War Department, No.15. When they report to Major-General McClellan in
+condition to pass muster according to that order, and with the approval of
+the Secretary of War to be indorsed hereon, and left in his department,
+I direct that the whole six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be
+received.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts commanded
+by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old friends very much
+wish to get into the service. If it can be received with the approval of
+your department and the consent of the Governor of Massachusetts I shall
+indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. Ashmun a chance to explain fully.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+MY DEAR SIR--I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment from
+Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment presented by
+Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two weeks from now, will
+be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's testimonials.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY Of WAR.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of Indiana,
+I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three years' service any
+number not exceeding four additional regiments from that State. Probably
+they should come from the triangular region between the Ohio and Wabash
+Rivers, including my own old boyhood home. Please see HON. C. M. Allen,
+Speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives, and unless you perceive
+good reason to the contrary, draw up an order for him according to the
+above.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of
+the Governor of Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the
+three years' service any number not exceeding six additional regiments
+from that State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please
+see HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding
+with the above.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO N. W. EDWARDS
+
+WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861
+
+Hon. N. W. EDWARDS MY DEAR SIR:
+
+....When you wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something
+in the departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and
+write you, but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from it, and
+soon it passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it seemed to me, I
+ought to understand myself before it was set on foot by my direction or
+permission; and I really had no time to make myself acquainted with it.
+Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, of course, that you should be
+deprived of a chance to make something, if it can be done without
+injustice to the Government, or to any individual. If you choose to come
+here and point out to me how this can be done I shall not only not object,
+but shall be gratified to be able to oblige you.
+
+Your friend as ever
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY CAMERON.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. Lane, of
+Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have concluded that
+we need the service of such a man out there at once; that we had better
+appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers to-day, and send him off
+with such authority to raise a force (I think two regiments better than
+three, but as to this I am not particular) as you think will get him into
+actual work quickest. Tell him, when he starts, to put it through not to
+be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+[Indorsement.]
+
+General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of
+volunteers.
+
+SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861.
+
+GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION:
+
+I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a Kentucky
+regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. If you consent,
+please write so at the bottom of this.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+   We consent:
+   R. MALLORY.
+   H. GRIDER.
+   G. W. DUNLAP.
+   J. S. JACKSON.
+   C. A. WICKLIFFE.
+
+
+
+
+August 5, 1861.
+
+I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry
+whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, JULY
+2, 1861
+
+TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES:
+
+You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the
+United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line
+which is now or which shall be used between the city of New York and
+the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to
+suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally,
+or through the officer in command at the point where resistance occurs,
+are authorized to suspend that writ.
+
+Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of
+Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the independence of
+the United States the eighty-fifth.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF STATE.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of which
+you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please assemble the
+Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and reports.
+
+And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott (and)
+General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION,
+
+JULY 4, 1861.
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Having been
+convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution,
+your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation.
+
+At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the
+functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally
+suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
+Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the
+Post-Office Department.
+
+Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom-houses, and
+the like, including the movable and stationary property in and about
+them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this government,
+excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and near the
+Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The
+forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new ones had been
+built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all
+avowedly with the same hostile purpose.
+
+The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and
+near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations,
+and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-protected
+hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and
+outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate share
+of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found their way into
+these States, and had been seized to be used against the government.
+Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been seized for
+the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but
+a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the government.
+Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great numbers;
+and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms against the
+government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose
+to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this
+purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring
+the States respectively to be separated from the national Union. A
+formula for instituting a combined government of these States had
+been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character
+of confederate States, was already invoking recognition, aid, and
+intervention from foreign powers.
+
+Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative
+duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation
+of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that
+end became indispensable. This choice was made and was declared in the
+inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all
+peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only
+to hold the public places and property not already wrested from the
+government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time,
+discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at
+government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government;
+and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the
+people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might
+constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was
+forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the government on
+foot.
+
+On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in office), a
+letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th
+of February and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was
+by that department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the
+professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown
+into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary by the
+limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the
+same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined
+men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and
+their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major Anderson's
+letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieutenant-General Scott,
+who at once concurred with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflection,
+however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of
+the army and the navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but
+decidedly to the same conclusion as before. He also stated at the
+same time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the
+government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time
+when the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military
+point of view, this reduced the duty of the administration in the case to
+the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort.
+
+It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the
+circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which
+it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it would
+be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would
+discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far
+to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact, it would
+be our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed.
+Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached
+Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication
+of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of
+Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be
+sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort
+Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and
+slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received
+just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that
+the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been
+transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of
+the late administration (and of the existence of which the present
+administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too
+vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the
+troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached
+at Fort Sumter was impossible--rendered so by the near exhaustion
+of provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a
+conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced preparing
+an expedition as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which
+expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to
+circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now
+presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended
+in this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South
+Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the
+fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no
+effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or
+in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given;
+whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even
+awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition.
+
+It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was in
+no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They
+well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit
+aggression upon them. They knew--they were expressly notified--that the
+giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all
+which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting
+so much, should provoke more. They knew that this government desired to
+keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain
+visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and
+immediate dissolution--trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time,
+discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed
+and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object--to drive out the
+visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate
+dissolution. That this was their object the executive well understood; and
+having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict
+without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep
+this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of
+ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand
+it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that
+point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government began
+the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return
+their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before
+for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in
+whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced
+upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate dissolution or blood."
+
+And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It
+presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional
+republic or democracy--a government of the people by the same people--can
+or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic
+foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few
+in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any
+case, can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other
+pretenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government,
+and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It
+forces us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal
+weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties
+of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?
+
+So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power
+of the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction by
+force for its preservation.
+
+The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying,
+surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. Yet
+none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave
+a regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been
+organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise,
+and received into the government service. Of course the seceded States,
+so called (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the
+inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union.
+
+The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some
+of them being almost for the Union, while in others--as Virginia,
+North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas--the Union sentiment was nearly
+repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most
+remarkable--perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the people
+of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal
+Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To
+this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed Union men.
+Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of that majority
+went over to the original disunion minority, and with them adopted an
+ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change
+was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their
+great resentment at the government's resistance to that assault, is not
+definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification
+to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than
+a month distant, the convention and the Legislature (which was also in
+session at the same time and place), with leading men of the State not
+members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State were
+already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorously
+forward all over the State. They seized the United States armory at
+Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received
+perhaps invited--into their State large bodies of troops, with their
+warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They formally
+entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-operation with the
+so-called "Confederate States," and sent members to their congress at
+Montgomery. And finally, they permitted the insurrectionary government to
+be transferred to their capital at Richmond.
+
+The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make
+its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice left but
+to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret as the loyal
+citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens
+this government is bound to recognize and protect, as being Virginia.
+
+In the border States, so called,--in fact, the middle States,--there are
+those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that is, an
+arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or
+the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed.
+Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall
+along the line of separation--and yet not quite an impassable one, for
+under the guise of neutrality it would tie the hands of Union men and
+freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which it
+could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble
+off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the external
+blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they
+most desire--feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle of
+their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to
+maintain the Union; and while very many who have favored it are doubtless
+loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect.
+
+Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at
+first a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following this,
+a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary
+districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was
+believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists
+announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering.
+
+Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless
+sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and
+navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured
+upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity;
+trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is
+believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency
+of Congress.
+
+Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to
+authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his
+discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or,
+in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary
+processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous
+to the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very
+sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done
+under it are questioned, and the attention of the country has been called
+to the proposition that one who has sworn to "take care that the laws
+be faithfully executed" should not himself violate them. Of course some
+consideration was given to the questions of power and propriety before
+this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to
+be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in
+nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of
+execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the
+means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme
+tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it relieves more
+of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be
+violated? To state the question more directly, are all the laws but one
+to go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces lest that one be
+violated? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken if
+the government should be overthrown when it was believed that disregarding
+the single law would tend to preserve it? But it was not believed
+that this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was
+violated. The provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the
+writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of
+rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent to
+a provision--is a provision--that such privilege may be suspended when, in
+case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It was
+decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety does
+require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was
+authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the
+executive, is vested with this power. But the Constitution itself is
+silent as to which or who is to exercise the power; and as the provision
+was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the
+framers of the instrument intended that in every case the danger
+should run its course until Congress could be called together, the very
+assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by
+the rebellion.
+
+No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some length
+will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether there shall be
+any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely
+to the better judgment of Congress.
+
+The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so long
+continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they
+supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While
+this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now happy
+to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now
+everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general sympathy
+with the country is manifested throughout the world.
+
+The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy will
+give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your
+deliberation and action; while the executive and all the departments will
+stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered
+important for you to know.
+
+It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this
+contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of
+the government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and
+$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper
+ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and
+the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the
+men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a
+less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of
+that struggle; and the money value in the country now bears even a greater
+proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each man
+has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had then to
+establish them.
+
+A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times
+the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country
+leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it
+needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand
+of the executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the
+greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving troops
+faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save their
+government if the government itself will do its part only indifferently
+well.
+
+It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the
+present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebellion." The
+movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they
+knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by
+any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed
+as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much
+pride in and reverence for the history and government of their common
+country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they
+could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble
+sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the
+public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was
+followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the
+complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any State of
+the Union may consistently with the national Constitution, and therefore
+lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union without the consent of
+the Union or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed
+right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole
+judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice.
+
+With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public mind
+of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they
+have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the
+government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical
+pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been
+brought to no such thing the day before.
+
+This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the
+assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining
+to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither
+more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the
+Constitution--no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union.
+The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their
+British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the Union
+directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas
+in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new ones
+only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that
+name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of
+Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free and
+independent States"; but even then the object plainly was not to declare
+their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the
+contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the
+time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by
+each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation,
+two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive.
+Having never been States either in substance or in name outside of the
+Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a
+claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about
+the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national
+Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. What
+is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far wrong
+to define it as "a political community without a political superior"?
+Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was a sovereignty.
+And even Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union; by which
+act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States, and the laws
+and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution,
+to be for her the supreme law of the land. The States have their status in
+the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this,
+they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not
+themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By
+conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of independence
+or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in
+fact, it created them as States. Originally some dependent colonies made
+the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for
+them, and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had
+a State constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not
+forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they
+entered the Union nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming
+into the Union.
+
+Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in
+and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not included
+all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but, at most,
+such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers;
+and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been
+known as a governmental, as a merely administrative power. This relative
+matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other
+than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole
+should be confided to the whole--to the General Government; while whatever
+concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. This
+is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the national
+Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has applied the
+principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound
+by that defining, without question.
+
+What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with the
+Constitution--is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is
+any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law which
+leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with money
+the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just
+that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The nation
+paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred
+millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she
+shall now be off without consent or without making any return? The
+nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called
+seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors
+shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the
+present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it
+just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself?
+
+Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have
+seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for creditors?
+Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money?
+If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace,
+it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or to extort
+terms upon which they will promise to remain.
+
+The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They
+have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of
+necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession
+as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby
+admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained
+it, by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent
+they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest
+way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust
+object. The principle itself is one of disintegration and upon which no
+government can possibly endure.
+
+If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out
+of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would
+at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon
+State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being
+called "driving the one out," should be called "the seceding of the others
+from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless,
+indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority,
+may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not
+rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of
+minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution
+and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the People."
+
+It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the
+legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina in
+favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are
+the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded
+States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is
+ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the result of
+an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side
+of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating
+popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are at
+once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote against
+the Union.
+
+It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we
+enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole
+people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and
+an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on
+foot was never before known without a soldier in it but who has taken his
+place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many
+single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical
+knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else,
+whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is scarcely
+one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a
+Congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to administer the
+government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of
+our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much
+better the reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on
+both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes
+to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference to
+what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to get in
+its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so
+much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject.
+Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which,
+unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words "all
+men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national
+constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by
+Washington, they omit "We, the People," and substitute, "We, the deputies
+of the sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate
+pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people?
+
+This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is
+a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of
+government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to
+lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable
+pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance
+in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures,
+from necessity; this is the leading object of the government for whose
+existence we contend.
+
+I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate
+this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the government's hour of
+trial large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored
+with the offices have resigned and proved false to the hand which had
+pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have
+deserted his flag.
+
+Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the
+example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most
+important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers
+and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have
+successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands,
+but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic
+instinct of the plain people. They understand, without an argument, that
+the destroying of the government which was made by Washington means no
+good to them.
+
+Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in
+it our people have already settled--the successful establishing and
+the successful administering of it. One still remains--its successful
+maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is
+now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry
+an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful
+and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly
+and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back
+to bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots
+themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace:
+teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they
+take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war.
+
+Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is
+to be the course of the government toward the Southern States after the
+rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to say
+it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and
+the laws; and that he probably will have no different understanding of the
+powers and duties of the Federal Government relatively to the rights of
+the States and the people, under the Constitution, than that expressed in
+the inaugural address.
+
+He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for all
+as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere
+have the right to claim this of their government, and the government has
+no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it
+there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense
+of those terms.
+
+The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision,
+that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a
+republican form of government." But if a State may lawfully go out of
+the Union, having done so it may also discard the republican form of
+government, so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means to
+the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is
+lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and
+obligatory.
+
+It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of
+employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. He
+could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the government.
+No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure; not that
+compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long
+survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save
+the government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon
+which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their
+servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions.
+
+As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that these
+institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so vast and
+so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that
+he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own
+life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he
+has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to
+your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and
+your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who
+have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to
+them, under the Constitution and the laws.
+
+And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose,
+let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly
+hearts.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN,
+
+July 4, 1861
+
+
+
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861.
+
+HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the Gen'l
+Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the assistance of
+all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a little before I send
+them to the Senate.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
+
+TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th
+instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of the
+incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I
+transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom the resolution was
+referred.
+
+WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
+
+TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary
+of State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister
+plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition
+of the products of industry of all nations, which is to take place at
+London in the course of next year. As citizens of the United States may
+justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it is
+desirable that they should have proper facilities toward taking part in
+the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legislation by Congress at
+this session as may be necessary for that purpose.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
+
+TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a deep
+interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries adjacent to
+the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it seems proper that
+we should concert with the governments of those countries such measures as
+may be conducive to those important objects. With this view I transmit to
+Congress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and
+the British minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of
+his government, the appointment of a joint commission to inquire into
+the matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be
+advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation recommended as may be
+necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commissioner on behalf
+of the United States:
+
+WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL
+
+WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861
+
+ADJUTANT-GENERAL:
+
+I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named within
+shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let there be no
+further question about it.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE BULL RUN DEFEAT. JULY 23,
+1861
+
+1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward with
+all possible despatch.
+
+2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under General
+Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more for
+the present.
+
+3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain hand.
+
+4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made
+secure in its position.
+
+5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders according to
+instructions or orders from General McClellan.
+
+6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations
+in the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention to
+Missouri.
+
+7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men,
+be reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about
+Arlington.
+
+8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service be
+discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit.
+
+9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as possible,
+and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river here.
+
+When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to:
+
+1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the railroads
+near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, with an open
+line from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Harper's Ferry to
+Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing these.
+
+2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from Cincinnati
+on East Tennessee.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY.
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861
+
+THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY.
+
+SIR:--Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which the
+government already has in service in your State, enough to make eight in
+all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the new regiments
+to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three months' men and officers
+just discharged, and to be organized, equipped, and sent forward as fast
+as single regiments are ready, On the same terms as were those already in
+the service from that State.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+[Indorsement.]
+
+This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New
+Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses.
+
+S. CAMERON, Secretary of War.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
+
+TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d
+instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, government
+and foreign powers with reference to maritime right, I transmit a report
+from the Secretary of State.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
+
+TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th
+instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government
+and foreign powers on the subject of the existing insurrection in the
+United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State.
+
+WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY CHASE.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861
+
+MR CHASE:--The bearer, Mr. ------, wants ------ in the custom house at
+Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, and I recollect them
+to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the Methodists should be in
+his favor, as they complain of us some.
+
+LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
+
+TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th
+instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which the police
+Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now detained as prisoners
+at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is judged to be incompatible with
+the public interest at this time to furnish the information called for by
+the resolution.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.
+
+TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant requesting
+information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of the
+4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+JULY 30, 1861
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.
+
+TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant requesting
+information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John J. Worden
+(John L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a report from the
+Secretary of the Navy.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+July 30, 1861
+
+
+
+
+ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 31, 1861
+
+The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where political
+prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and sustenance for such
+prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in those respects for
+themselves, in which case they will be allowed to do so by the commanding
+officer in charge.
+
+Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to the
+Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the Interior.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
+
+TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday,
+requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of the
+United States by the forces now in rebellion against this government,
+I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the copy of a
+telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.
+
+TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, 1861,
+requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James
+H. Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed a
+brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, whether
+he has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith
+certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together,
+explain themselves, and which contain all the information I possess upon
+the questions propounded.
+
+It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to appoint
+Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United States
+volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since passed, for
+raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge upon the subject,
+except as derived from the papers herewith enclosed.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY CAMERON.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF WAR
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps
+and HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress from
+Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of Missourians in the
+southwestern part of the State. It ought to be done, and Mr. Phelps ought
+to have general superintendence of it. I see by a private report to me
+from the department that eighteen regiments are already accepted from
+Missouri. Can it not be arranged that part of them (not yet organized, as
+I understand) may be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the
+control of Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a
+shorter term than three years--or the war--understanding, however, that
+he will get them for the full term if he can? I hope this can be done,
+because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his ground
+too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for arming,
+equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to carry
+home with him authority for this matter.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, AUGUST 12, 1861.
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
+
+A Proclamation.
+
+Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on the
+President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a day of
+public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the people of
+the United States with religious solemnities and the offering of fervent
+supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States,
+His blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace"; and
+
+Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to acknowledge
+and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in humble submission to
+His chastisements, to confess and deplore their sins and transgressions in
+the full conviction that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom,
+and to pray with all fervency and contrition for the pardon of their past
+offences and for a blessing upon their present and prospective action; and
+
+Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God,
+united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil
+war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God in this
+terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and
+crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves before Him and
+to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared further punishment,
+though most justly deserved, that our arms may be blessed and made
+effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, and peace throughout
+the wide extent of our country, and that the inestimable boon of civil and
+religious liberty, earned under His guidance and blessing by the labors
+and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its original
+excellence.
+
+Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint
+the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and
+fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend to
+all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion
+of all denominations and to all heads of families, to observe and keep
+that day according to their several creeds and modes of worship in all
+humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united
+prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down
+plentiful blessings upon our country.
+
+     In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand
+     and caused the seal of the United States to
+ [SEAL.]
+     be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D.
+     1861, and of the independence of the United
+     States of America the eighty-sixth.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+ By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
+ Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+TO JAMES POLLOCK.
+
+WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861
+
+HON. JAMES POLLOCK.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--You must make a job for the bearer of this--make a job of it
+with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and you must.
+
+Yours as ever,
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON.
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 15, 1861
+
+GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the
+earliest moment possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your
+rifled gums. Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward
+as soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments
+organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT,
+
+WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861
+
+TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT:
+
+Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you receive
+the answers? The War Department has notified all the governors you
+designate to forward all available force. So telegraphed you. Have you
+received these messages? Answer immediately.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861.
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
+
+A Proclamation.
+
+Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one,
+the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection against the
+laws, Constitution, and government of the United States which had broken
+out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida,
+Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the provisions
+of the act entitled "An act to provide for calling forth the militia
+to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel
+invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose," approved
+February twenty-eighth, seventeen hundred and ninety-five, did call forth
+the militia to suppress said insurrection, and to cause the laws of the
+Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse
+by the time directed by the President; and whereas such insurrection
+has since broken out and yet exists within the States of Virginia, North
+Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas the insurgents in all the
+said States claim to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is
+not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of
+government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in
+which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed
+by said States:
+
+Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in
+pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen hundred
+and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States
+of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee,
+Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except
+the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the
+Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of that State, and the other
+States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union
+and the Constitution, or may be time to time occupied and controlled by
+forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents),
+are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all
+commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with
+the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts
+of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such
+insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and
+chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with the
+exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the
+special license and permission of the President, through the Secretary
+of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with the exceptions
+aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or vehicle
+conveying the same, or conveying persons to or from said States, with
+said exceptions, will be forfeited to the United States; and that from
+and after fifteen days from the issuing of this proclamation all ships and
+vessels belonging in whole or in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any
+of said States, with said exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the
+United States, will be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin
+upon all district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of
+the military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in
+the execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and
+forfeitures imposed or declared by it; leaving any party who may think
+himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary of the
+Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which the said
+Secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, the special
+circumstances of any case shall require such remission.
+
+In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,....
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President:   WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY CAMERON.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to
+me, make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a
+brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of General
+Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the discretion of
+General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret unless and until the
+commission is delivered.
+
+Yours truly, A. LINCOLN
+
+Same day made.
+
+[Indorsement.]
+
+
+
+
+TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN,
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861
+
+To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of the State of Kentucky.
+
+SIR:--Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the "removal from
+the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and in camp
+within that State," is received.
+
+I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject;
+but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within
+Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which force is not
+very large, and is not now being augmented.
+
+I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the
+United States.
+
+I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having
+their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing
+or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky.
+
+In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent
+solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed,
+and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving
+people of Kentucky.
+
+While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of Kentucky,
+including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember
+that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the
+bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military
+force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of
+Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for
+a time.
+
+Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe
+it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond
+her limits; and, with this impression, I must respectfully decline to so
+remove it.
+
+I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve
+the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with regret I search,
+and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration or
+intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the
+Federal Union.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL FREMONT.
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me some
+anxiety.
+
+First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the
+Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in
+retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my order
+that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without first
+having my approbation or consent.
+
+Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in
+relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of
+traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them
+against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow
+me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that
+paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of
+Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary
+purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith
+send you.
+
+This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send
+it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and speedily reach
+you.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS
+
+WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF
+MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, AND SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND.
+
+WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861.
+
+General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be
+recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service.
+
+I shall be glad if you, as governor of ------, will answer by telegraph if
+you consent.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL FREMONT.
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT.
+
+SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just
+received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the
+necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing
+your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection to it. The
+particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property
+and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its
+nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 6th of last August upon
+the same subjects; and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish that that
+clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received,
+expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for
+the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that
+the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed
+as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject
+contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property
+used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and that said
+act be published at length with this order.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO MRS. FREMONT.
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., September 12, 1861
+
+Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT.
+
+MY DEAR MADAM:--Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered the
+letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not hearing from
+you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. It is not exactly
+correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. Blair, to say that I
+sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into that department
+and report. Postmaster-General Blair did go, with my approbation, to see
+and converse with General Fremont as a friend. I do not feel authorized to
+furnish you with copies of letters in my possession without the consent of
+the writers. No impression has been made on my mind against the honor or
+integrity of General Fremont, and I now enter my protest against being
+understood as acting in any hostility toward him.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO JOSEPH HOLT,
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861
+
+HON. JOSEPH HOLT.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of
+General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by
+mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he receives
+it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which perhaps shows my
+position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will thank you not
+to make it public until General Fremont shall have had time to receive the
+original.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL SCOTT
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you
+to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. I
+suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force--even a
+company--if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is necessary to now
+say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward says he has a nephew
+(Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be willing to go and play
+colonel and assist in raising the force. Still it is to be considered
+whether the North Carolinians will not prefer officers of their own. I
+should expect they would.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY CAMERON.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--To guard against misunderstanding,
+I think fit to say that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed
+upon some time since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is to
+bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready
+to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations go
+forward accordingly.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL FREMONT,
+
+WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT:
+
+Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by
+special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, in
+possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. Owensborough must
+be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah for that purpose." Send
+up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Perhaps you had
+better order those in charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at
+all points.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+To O. H. BROWNING.
+
+(Private and Confidential)
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON SEPTEMBER 22, 1861
+
+HON. O. H. BROWNING.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from you, I
+confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to a law
+which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than a month
+before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. General Fremont's
+proclamation as to confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves
+is purely political and not within the range of military law or necessity.
+If a commanding general finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private
+owner for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has the right
+to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and this is
+within military law, because within military necessity. But to say the
+farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and this
+as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as when it is,
+is purely political, without the savor of military law about it. And the
+same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them
+and use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their
+permanent future condition. That must be settled according to laws made
+by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The proclamation in the
+point in question is simply "dictatorship." It assumes that the general
+may do anything he pleases confiscate the lands and free the slaves of
+loyal people, as well as of disloyal ones. And going the whole figure,
+I have no doubt, would be more popular with some thoughtless people than
+that which has been done, But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor
+allow others to assume it on my responsibility.
+
+You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On
+the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it be
+pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States--any
+government of constitution and laws wherein a general or a president may
+make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I do not say Congress
+might not with propriety pass a law on the point, just such as General
+Fremont proclaimed.
+
+I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What I
+object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly seize and
+exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government.
+
+So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular
+in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general
+declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature would not budge till
+that proclamation was modified; and General Anderson telegraphed me
+that on the news of General Fremont having actually issued deeds of
+manumission, a whole company of our volunteers threw down their arms and
+disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms
+we had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose
+Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we
+cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us,
+and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent
+to separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the
+contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and
+back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends
+gave me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall
+go through triumphantly. You must not understand I took my course on the
+proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private
+letter to General Fremont before I heard from Kentucky.
+
+You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont
+to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part to be within
+military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont,
+that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and
+will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of
+theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I
+prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies.
+
+There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground
+connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his
+removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can probably tell you
+what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground.
+
+Your friend, as ever,
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN
+
+[OCTOBER 1?] 1861
+
+On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined hereafter)
+I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the railroad
+connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass called Cumberland
+Gap. That point is now guarded against us by Zollicoffer, with 6000 or
+8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,--say twenty-five miles from the Gap,
+toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 or 6000 under General Thomas,
+at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty-five miles from Lexington and
+seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp, On the road between the two. There
+is not a railroad anywhere between Lexington and the point to be seized,
+and along the whole length of which the Union sentiment among the people
+largely predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from
+Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some
+home guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We have
+possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., so far
+as Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have possession of
+that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a force of 8000, under
+General Sherman, and about an equal force of rebels is a very short
+distance south, under General Buckner.
+
+We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on the
+Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, Evansville,
+and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, with the gunboats on
+the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the Ohio from Louisville to its
+mouth.
+
+About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin,
+Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, be
+left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now elsewhere, be sent
+to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed in western Virginia be
+sent there, and any remainder be sent to Mitchell at Cincinnati, for
+Anderson. All east of the mountains be appropriated to McClellan and to
+the coast.
+
+As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on
+Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation,
+vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, however,
+not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle Missouri. That
+before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall respectively watch but
+not attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when the coast and Gap movements
+shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand fast, while all at Cincinnati
+and all at Louisville, with all on the line, concentrate rapidly at
+Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the whole thence
+upon the Gap. It is for the military men to decide whether they can find a
+pass through the mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by
+the enemy with a greatly inferior force, and what is to be done in regard
+to this.
+
+The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in
+their respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages the
+diversions may present.
+
+[He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken
+an active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines of
+communication guarded--and discovering many "critical" supply items that
+had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did not like it. D.W.]
+
+
+
+
+TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861
+
+HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and
+son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I
+understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction from
+here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be released
+when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT.
+
+WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861.
+
+GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:--I have received from Mr. Thayer, Consul-General
+of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the liberal,
+enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his complaint, you have
+adopted in bringing to speedy and condign punishment the parties, subjects
+of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who were concerned in an act of criminal
+persecution against Faris, an agent of certain Christian missionaries in
+Upper Egypt. I pray your Highness to be assured that these proceedings,
+at once so prompt and so just, will be regarded as a new and unmistakable
+proof equally of your Highness's friendship for the United States and
+of the firmness, integrity and wisdom, with which the government of your
+Highness is conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and success, I am your
+friend,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies,
+etc.
+
+By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS.
+
+October 14 1861
+
+LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT:
+
+The military line of the United States for the suppression of the
+insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any
+officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend the
+writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the city of
+Washington.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861
+
+HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR.
+
+DEAR SIR:--How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of wills
+a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me "Moses Kelly,
+of New Hampshire." I do not like this.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK
+
+TO MAJOR RAMSEY.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861
+
+MAJOR RAMSEY.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want to
+work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a want that
+it should be encouraged.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN.
+
+WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861.
+
+GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.:
+
+Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. I have
+promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. I do not
+think I shall come to Annapolis.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES.
+
+WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861
+
+BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a document--half letter, half order--which,
+wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please
+read it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of the
+Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now know
+whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861
+
+BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS.
+
+DEAR SIR:--On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you will
+take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure addressed
+to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all reasonable despatch,
+subject to these conditions only: that if, when General Fremont shall be
+reached by the messenger--yourself or any one sent by you--he shall then
+have, in personal command, fought and won a battle, or shall then be
+actually in a battle, or shall then be in the immediate presence of the
+enemy in expectation of a battle, it is not to be delivered, but held
+for further orders. After, and not till after, the delivery to General
+Fremont, let the inclosure addressed to General Hunter be delivered to
+him.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+(General Orders No. 18.) HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,
+
+WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861
+
+Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present commander
+of the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt of this order,
+call Major-General Hunter, of the United States Volunteers, to relieve him
+temporarily in that command, when he (Major-General Fremont) will report
+to general headquarters by letter for further orders.
+
+WINFIELD SCOTT. By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General.
+
+
+
+
+WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861
+
+TO THE COMMANDER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST.
+
+SIR:--The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon you,
+I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous it is
+to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines and
+operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of localities and
+passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a considerable margin
+for the exercise of your judgment and discretion.
+
+The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to have
+passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, leaving
+Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the southeast of the
+State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desirable, as you are not
+likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of making too long a line from
+your own base of supplies and reinforcements, that you should give up the
+pursuit, halt your main army, divide it into two corps of observation, one
+occupying Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present termini of railroads;
+then recruit the condition of both corps by re-establishing and improving
+their discipline and instructions, perfecting their clothing and
+equipments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course, both
+railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing just so
+much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, Sedalia and
+Rolla, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane on the Kansas
+border, it would be so easy to concentrate and repel any army of the enemy
+returning on Missouri from the southwest, that it is not probable any such
+attempt will be made before or during the approaching cold weather. Before
+spring the people of Missouri will probably be in no favorable mood
+to renew for next year the troubles which have so much afflicted and
+impoverished them during this. If you adopt this line of policy, and if,
+as I anticipate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, you
+will have a surplus of force which you can withdraw from these points and
+direct to others as may be needed, the railroads furnishing ready means
+of reinforcing these main points if occasion requires. Doubtless local
+uprisings will for a time continue to occur, but these can be met by
+detachments and local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of
+themselves.
+
+While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion must
+be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pursuit of
+Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis
+will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the loss of the whole
+force engaged in it.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING
+
+GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. (General Orders, No.94.)
+
+WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE
+
+WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861
+
+The following order from the President of the United States, announcing
+the retirement from active command of the honored veteran Lieutenant
+general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with profound regret:
+
+
+
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON.
+
+November 1, 1861
+
+On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to the
+President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott
+is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired
+officers of the army of the United States, without reduction in his
+current pay, subsistence, or allowances.
+
+The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General
+Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while the
+President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the nation's
+sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense of the
+important public services rendered by him to his country during his long
+and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished
+his faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag when
+assailed by parricidal rebellion.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. McClellan
+assume the command of the army of the United States. The headquarters of
+the army will be established in the city of Washington. All communications
+intended for the commanding general will hereafter be addressed direct
+to the adjutant-general. The duplicate returns, orders, and other papers
+heretofore sent to the assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the
+army, will be discontinued.
+
+By order of the Secretary of War:  L. THOMAS, Adjutant General.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE OF MISSOURI.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
+
+November 5, 1861.
+
+The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of the
+convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the United States
+that he will raise a military force to serve within the State as State
+militia during the war there, to cooperate with the troops in the
+service of the United States in repelling the invasion of the State and
+suppressing rebellion therein; the said State militia to be embodied
+and to be held in the camp and in the field, drilled, disciplined, and
+governed according to the Army Regulations and subject to the Articles of
+War; the said State militia not to be ordered out of the State except for
+the immediate defense of the State of Missouri, but to co-operate with the
+troops in the service of the United States in military operations within
+the State or necessary to its defense, and when officers of the State
+militia act with officers in the service of the United States of the same
+grade the officers of the United States service shall command the combined
+force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted,
+transported, and paid by the United States during such time as they shall
+be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service in accordance
+with regulations of the United States Army or general orders as issued
+from time to time.
+
+In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened with
+the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, although
+the State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff an
+adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a
+quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, each
+with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the
+Government of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the
+quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being
+necessary in the relations which would exist between the State militia and
+the United States. The governor further proposes that while he is
+allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the governor at his
+discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only shall be reported to the
+United States for payment. He also proposes that the State militia
+shall be commanded by a single major-general and by such number of
+brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a brigade of not less than four
+regiments, and that no greater number of staff officers shall be appointed
+for regimental, brigade, and division duties than as provided for in the
+act of Congress of the 22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be the rank of
+such officers as fixed by the law of the State, the compensation that they
+shall receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs to
+the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United States
+service performing the same duties.
+
+The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one colonel, one
+lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company officers are a captain,
+a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. The governor proposes that,
+as the money to be disbursed is the money of the United States, such staff
+officers in the service of the United States as may be necessary to act
+as disbursing officers for the State militia shall be assigned by the War
+Department for that duty; or, if such cannot be spared from their present
+duty, he will appoint such persons disbursing officers for the State
+militia as the President of the United States may designate. Such
+regulations as may be required, in the judgment of the President, to
+insure regularity of returns and to protect the United States from any
+fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all in office in the
+State militia.
+
+The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, and
+the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders upon the
+Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical departments
+to carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the necessary
+staff officers in the United States service to be detailed for duty in
+connection with the Missouri State militia, and will order them to make
+the necessary provision in their respective offices for fulfilling this
+agreement. All requisitions upon the different officers of the United
+States under this agreement to be made in substance in the same mode for
+the Missouri State militia as similar requisitions are made for troops in
+the service of the United States; and the Secretary of War will cause
+any additional regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity
+and economy in carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and
+communicated to the Governor of Missouri for the government of the
+Missouri State militia.
+
+[Indorsement.]
+
+November 6, 1861.
+
+This plan approved, with the modification that the governor stipulates
+that when he commissions a major-general of militia it shall be the same
+person at the time in command of the United States Department of the
+West; and in case the United States shall change such commander of the
+department, he (the governor) will revoke the State commission given to
+the person relieved and give one to the person substituted to the United
+States command of said department.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN.
+
+November 8, 1861.
+
+SIR:--I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That pleasure
+is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival here, that his
+Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the mission upon the
+grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock identified with the
+most glorious era of your country's noble history, and your own eminent
+social and political standing in Sweden. This country, sir, maintains, and
+means to maintain, the rights of human nature, and the capacity of men for
+self-government. The history of Sweden proves that this is the faith of
+the people of Sweden, and we know that it is the faith and practice of
+their respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, that we shall be found
+always just and paternal in our transactions with your government, and
+that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your residence in this
+capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your government.
+
+
+
+
+INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS.
+
+St. Louis, November 20, 1861. (Received Nov. 20th.)
+
+GENERAL McCLELLAN,
+
+For the President of the United States.
+
+No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law in
+this department. Please send me such written authority and telegraph me
+that it has been sent by mail.
+
+H. W. HALLECK, Major-General.
+
+[Indorsement.] November 21, 1861.
+
+If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare and
+maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby authorized.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE GREELEY
+
+TO GOVERNOR WALKER.
+
+WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861
+
+DEAR GOVERNOR:--I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore has
+had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to Gilmore,
+namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] all that he
+learns from you of the inner workings of the administration, in return
+for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he can to the new magazine, and
+allowing you [Walker] from time to time the use of his [Greeley's] columns
+when it is desirable to feel of, or forestall, public opinion on important
+subjects. The arrangement meets my unqualified approval, and I shall
+further it to the extent of my ability, by opening to you--as I do
+now--fully the policy of the Government,--its present views and future
+intentions when formed, giving you permission to communicate them to
+Gilmore for Greeley; and in case you go to Europe I will give these
+things direct to Gilmore. But all this must be on the express and explicit
+understanding that the fact of these communications coming from me shall
+be absolutely confidential,--not to be disclosed by Greeley to his nearest
+friend, or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, my mouthpiece,
+but I must not be known to be the speaker.
+
+I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. Greeley. He
+is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be as helpful to me as
+an army of one hundred thousand men.
+
+This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor
+to the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation--and promoted
+McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency.
+
+That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being fully
+informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects to my
+policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views frankly and
+fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will at least tell him
+why. He and I should stand together, and let no minor differences come
+between us; for we both seek one end, which is the saving of our
+country. Now, Governor, this is a longer letter than I have written in
+a month,--longer than I would have written for any other man than Horace
+Greeley.
+
+Your friend, truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+P. S.--The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before long
+think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS,
+
+DECEMBER 2, 1861.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, Commanding in the Department of Missouri.
+
+GENERAL:--As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in arms
+in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and empowered to
+suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of the military
+division under your command, and to exercise martial law as you find it
+necessary in your discretion to secure the public safety and the authority
+of the United States.
+
+In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
+United States to be affixed at Washington, this second day of December,
+A.D. 1861.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
+
+WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--In the midst
+of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude to
+God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests.
+
+You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the
+times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound
+solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs.
+
+A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been
+engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which
+endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad,
+and one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign
+intervention.
+
+Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the
+counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures
+adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious
+to those adopting them.
+
+The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of
+our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked
+abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably
+expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to
+assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social,
+and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy
+restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton,
+those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object
+more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the
+preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign
+nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a
+sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim
+more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving
+encouragement to it.
+
+The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign
+nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the
+embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw
+from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as
+our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the
+effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong
+nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and
+reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments.
+
+It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states,
+because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity
+of our country and the stability of our government mainly depend not upon
+them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the
+American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations,
+is herewith submitted.
+
+I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and
+liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and with
+firmness maintaining our own rights and honor.
+
+Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state,
+foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that
+adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defenses
+on every side. While under this general recommendation provision for
+defending our seacoast line readily occurs to the mind, I also in the same
+connection ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers.
+It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions,
+with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected points
+upon these, would be of great importance to the national defense and
+preservation I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War,
+expressed in his report, upon the same general subject.
+
+I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and
+western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other
+faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as a
+military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such
+rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and
+through her Legislature make the most judicious selection of a line. The
+northern terminus must connect with some existing railroad, and whether
+the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap,
+or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or
+on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the
+General Government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short
+time, and when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness but
+also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future.
+
+Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having
+no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted
+to the Senate for their consideration.
+
+Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt
+a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all
+obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such as are merely
+of temporary and accidental occurrence.
+
+I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic
+Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of
+State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June
+last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed breach
+of the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious
+misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should
+commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as sanctioned by
+public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the
+reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention.
+
+I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message to
+Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus
+which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American
+citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under
+the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed
+advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that
+authority be given for investing the principal, or the proceeds of the
+surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction
+of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not
+unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that
+empire.
+
+By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the President to
+instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against
+and to capture pirates. His authority has been exercised in a single
+instance only. For the more effectual protection of our extensive and
+valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it
+would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to
+recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and
+their cargoes, and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern
+countries to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be
+objected to by the local authorities.
+
+If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding
+our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Haiti and Liberia,
+I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel
+policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for
+your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining
+a charge d'affaires near each of those new States. It does not admit of
+doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable
+treaties with them.
+
+The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed since
+your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism
+of the people has placed at the disposal of the government the large means
+demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has been
+taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in their
+country's faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from present
+peril have induced them to contribute to the support of the government
+the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar
+obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action.
+
+The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year
+ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the expenditures
+for the same period, including payments on account of the public debt,
+were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st of July
+of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter of the financial year ending on
+the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including
+the balance of the 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses
+$98,239733.09, leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of
+$4,292,776.18.
+
+Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the
+financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for meeting
+the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the
+Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures
+made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the
+loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far
+sustained the government will continue to sustain it till peace and union
+shall again bless the land.
+
+I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for information
+respecting the numerical strength of the army and for recommendations
+having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well-being of the
+various branches of the service intrusted to his care. It is gratifying to
+know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion,
+and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which
+Congress authorized me to call into the field.
+
+I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion
+to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops and
+to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army.
+
+The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia
+upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future safety
+of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress.
+
+The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection
+that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives
+peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of
+cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy.
+
+By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for
+hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice,
+and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which,
+properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the
+dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing also the
+form of the letter, marked A, and herewith transmitted.
+
+These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the
+times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully
+therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at
+the same rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general
+provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with
+regiments.
+
+The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations
+of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have
+characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase
+its efficiency and power such have been the additions, by construction and
+purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and brought
+into service since our difficulties commenced.
+
+Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before
+assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which
+have increased our naval renown.
+
+I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary
+for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing additional
+grades in the service.
+
+The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the
+suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted,
+obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the
+efficiency of the navy.
+
+There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by
+the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation of
+Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these
+vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges
+resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so that if successors
+were appointed in the same localities they could not now serve upon their
+circuits; and many of the most competent men there probably would not take
+the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the Supreme
+bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments north-ward,
+thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the return of
+peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the North one which has
+heretofore been in the South would not, with reference to territory and
+population, be unjust.
+
+During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit
+grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to give the
+courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in population from
+1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860.
+
+Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial
+system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all
+the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by Supreme
+judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida,
+Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such courts. Nor can this
+well be remedied without a change in the system, because the adding of
+judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts
+of the country with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too
+numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will
+increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful or
+they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if
+not useful, no State should have them. Let them be provided for all or
+abolished as to all.
+
+Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be
+an improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of
+convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country be
+divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to serve in a
+number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent circuit
+judges be provided for all the rest; or, secondly, let the Supreme judges
+be relieved from circuit duties and circuit judges provided for all the
+circuits; or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving
+the judicial functions wholly to the district courts and an independent
+Supreme Court.
+
+I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present
+condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able
+to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which
+constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of
+them. Since the Organization of the government, Congress has enacted some
+5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6000 closely printed
+pages and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts have been
+drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions
+are often obscure in themselves or in conflict with each other, or
+at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the
+best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law really
+is.
+
+It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as
+plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass
+as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the
+Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done would, I
+think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist
+in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the
+people, by placing before them in a more accessible and intelligible form
+the laws which so deeply concern their interests and their duties.
+
+I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of
+Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be
+revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most two
+volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully recommend to
+Congress to consider of the subject, and if my suggestion be approved
+to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the
+attainment of the end proposed.
+
+One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is
+the entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of
+administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing
+law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States;
+and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those
+States the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts
+or officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the
+enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent
+States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims.
+Some have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due in large part from
+insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are even now making
+great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the
+government.
+
+Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish, by
+military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I
+have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end
+proposed--the collection of the debts--was just and right in itself, but
+because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in
+the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are
+equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to
+Congress, with the hope that a plan maybe devised for the administration
+of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as
+may be under the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return
+to allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; this, however, not
+to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to cease as
+soon as the ordinary courts can be reestablished in peace.
+
+It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if
+possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, especially
+in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the
+duty of government to render prompt justice against itself in favor of
+citizens as it is to administer the same between private individuals. The
+investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to
+the judicial department. Besides, it is apparent that the attention of
+Congress will be more than usually engaged for some time to come with
+great national questions. It was intended by the organization of the
+Court of Claims mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of
+Congress; but, while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable
+means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of
+its creation for want of power to make its judgments final.
+
+Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject,
+I commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making
+judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the
+right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other
+provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary.
+
+I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the following
+being a summary statement of the condition of the department:
+
+The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30,
+1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the
+transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being about 2 per
+cent. less than the revenue for 1860.
+
+The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than
+8 per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving
+an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of
+$4,557,462.71.
+
+The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at
+an increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which
+should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free matter,
+viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000.
+
+The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an
+estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the treasury in
+addition to the permanent appropriation.
+
+The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this
+District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the capital
+here was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of
+that portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and
+dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining
+that part of the District and the restoration of the original boundaries
+thereof through negotiations with the State of Virginia.
+
+The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying
+documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public
+business pertaining to that department. The depressing influences of the
+insurrection have been specially felt in the operations of the Patent and
+General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands
+during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only
+about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern
+States, while the interruptions to the business of the country and the
+diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service have
+obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the Northwest.
+
+The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about
+$100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary to
+make it self-sustaining.
+
+The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by
+the insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the
+casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason to
+believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the
+bounty of the government are in the ranks of the insurgent army or
+giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed
+a suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof
+of their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to
+cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls.
+
+The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been greatly
+disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superintendency
+and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the
+possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the United
+States appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency have been
+unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office
+before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume
+to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the
+insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion of
+those Indians have been organized as a military force and are attached
+to the army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official
+information upon this subject, letters have been written to the
+Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving
+assurance of their loyalty to the United States and expressing a wish for
+the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon
+the repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will
+readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former relations
+to the government.
+
+Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not
+a department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in
+the government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so
+independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from
+the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something
+more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage.
+
+Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, and
+manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical value
+to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the
+opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be
+organized.
+
+The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade
+has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of
+gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of
+this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success.
+Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and
+condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one person in
+equipping a vessel as a slaver have been convicted and subjected to the
+penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of
+Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of
+offense under our laws, the punishment of which is death.
+
+The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last
+Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been
+inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is
+considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these
+new countries when the Federal officers arrived there.
+
+The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security and
+protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to them
+a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the country
+to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the Legislature
+of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of the
+Territory. So far the authority of the United States has been upheld in
+all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend
+their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of
+Congress.
+
+I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of
+the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of
+much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no
+representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just claims
+upon the government.
+
+At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the
+President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of
+the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the
+industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret
+to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject--a
+subject at once so interesting in itself and so extensively and intimately
+connected with the material prosperity of the world. Through the
+Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan or system has been devised
+and partly matured, and which will be laid before you.
+
+Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate
+property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, the
+legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other
+persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the latter thus liberated
+are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in
+some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States
+will pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by
+operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for
+disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting
+such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in
+lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on
+with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by
+the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event
+steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned if
+the other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places in
+a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether
+the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as
+individuals may desire, be included in such colonization.
+
+To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of
+territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended
+in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acquisition of
+territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to
+do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first
+by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded
+his scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only
+legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white
+men, this measure effects that object, for emigration of colored men
+leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr.
+Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on
+political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population.
+
+On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with
+the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute
+necessity--that without which the government itself cannot be perpetuated?
+
+The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing
+the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the inevitable
+conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and
+remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in every case thought
+it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary
+object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not
+of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the
+Legislature.
+
+In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade
+of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by
+proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for closing
+those ports.
+
+So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations
+of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress to
+confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law upon
+the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly considered.
+The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be
+employed. We should not be in haste to determine that radical and
+extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are
+indispensable.
+
+The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the
+message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly
+devoted to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and
+consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract to or
+from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those
+documents.
+
+The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at the
+assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has occurred since
+may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then is much better
+defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in
+the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support
+from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends of the Union were
+not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled
+definitely, and on the right side. South of the line noble little Delaware
+led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union.
+Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up
+within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the ability
+to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges
+and railroads are repaired and open to the government; she already gives
+seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none to the enemy; and
+her people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a larger
+majority and a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any
+candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now
+decidedly and, I think, unchangeably ranged on the side of the Union.
+Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, I believe, can, not again be overrun
+by the insurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and
+Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first, have
+now an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the field for the
+Union, while of their citizens certainly not more than a third of that
+number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in
+arms against us. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes
+on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own
+country.
+
+An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating
+the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and
+Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with some
+contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people
+there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the
+old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac or
+east of the Chesapeake.
+
+Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the
+southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah),
+and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular
+movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee.
+
+These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing steadily
+and certainly southward.
+
+Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from the
+head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been unmindful
+of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and brilliantly
+he has served the country, from a time far back in our history, when few
+of the now living had been born, and thenceforward continually, I
+cannot but think we are still his debtors. I submit, therefore, for your
+consideration what further mark of recognition is due to him, and to
+ourselves as a grateful people.
+
+With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of
+appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate
+circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I
+know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected.
+The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General
+McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give a
+unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is therefore
+in considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the
+Executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given
+him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised,
+and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country.
+
+It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, and
+the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is better
+directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at
+variance and cross-purposes with each other.
+
+And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can
+have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the choice
+of means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship to sink, and
+yet not unfrequently all go down together because too many will direct and
+no single mind can be allowed to control.
+
+It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not
+exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government--the
+rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most
+grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general
+tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the
+existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to
+participate in the selection of public officers except the legislative
+boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of
+the people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy
+itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the
+people.
+
+In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit
+raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It
+is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made
+in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with its
+connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief
+attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if
+not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor
+is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless
+somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to
+labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital
+shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or
+buy them and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so
+far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers
+or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a
+hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life.
+
+Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is
+there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition
+of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences
+from them are groundless.
+
+Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of
+labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor
+is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration.
+Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other
+rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a
+relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. The error is
+in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within that relation.
+A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their
+capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong
+to neither class--neither work for others nor have others working for
+them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people of
+all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a large
+majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their families--wives,
+sons, and daughters,--work for themselves on their farms, in their houses,
+and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no
+favors of capital on the one hand nor of hired laborers or slaves on the
+other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle
+their own labor with capital; that is, they labor with their own hands and
+also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and
+not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of
+this mixed class.
+
+Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing
+as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many
+independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in their lives
+were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors
+for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for
+himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length
+hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous
+and prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and
+consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all. No men
+living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty;
+none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly
+earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they
+already possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to close the
+door of advancement against such as they and to fix new disabilities and
+burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost.
+
+From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy
+years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as
+great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things which
+men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one view what
+the popular principle, applied to government through the machinery of
+the States and the Union, has produced in a given time, and also what if
+firmly maintained it promises for the future. There are already among
+us those who if the Union be preserved will live to see it contain
+200,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is
+for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence all the more firm
+and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved
+upon us.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
+
+WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861.
+
+TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive
+committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of those
+American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the industrial
+exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of that
+commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and copies
+of circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's commissioners in
+London, giving directions to be observed in regard to articles intended
+for exhibition, and also of circular forms of application, demands for
+space, approvals, etc., according to the rules prescribed by the British
+commissioners.
+
+As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable those
+citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors to avail
+themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend them to your
+early consideration, especially in view of the near approach of the time
+when the exhibition will begin.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER
+
+TO GENERAL HUNTER.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
+
+Dec.31, 1861
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER.
+
+DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say it
+is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as you
+intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, not from
+any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up to the time
+you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of grumbling despatches
+and letters I have seen from you since. I knew you were being ordered
+to Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I aver that with as tender a
+regard for your honor and your sensibilities as I had for my own, it never
+occurred to me that you were being "humiliated, insulted, and disgraced";
+nor have I, up to this day, heard an intimation that you have been
+wronged, coming from any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for the
+retrograde movement from Springfield, nor for the information you gave
+General Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were not
+for your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth must
+necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought then,
+and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, and as
+honorable, as that assigned to Buell--I know that General McClellan
+expected more important results from it. My impression is that at the
+time you were assigned to the new Western Department, it had not been
+determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but of this I am not
+certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky was very desirable,
+and one in the farther West undesirable, had never occurred to me. You
+constantly speak of being placed in command of only 3000. Now, tell me, is
+this not mere impatience? Have you not known all the while that you are to
+command four or five times that many.
+
+I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to make
+a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way to ruin
+yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He who does
+something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing
+at the head of a hundred.
+
+Your friend, as ever,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK.
+
+WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861
+
+GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri:
+
+General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in concert? When
+he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being reinforced from Columbus?
+A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus might prevent it.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+[Similar despatch to Buell same date.]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+1862
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL.
+
+WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862
+
+BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville:
+
+General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think you
+better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you to-night.
+I also telegraph and write Halleck.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862
+
+DEAR GENERAL HALLECK:
+
+General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better not
+be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of General
+Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be greatly
+reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from Columbus. It seems
+to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus from up the river at
+the same time would either prevent this or compensate for it by throwing
+Columbus into our hands. I wrote General Buell a letter similar to this,
+meaning that he and you shall communicate and act in concert, unless it be
+your judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. You and he will
+understand much better than I how to do it. Please do not lose time in
+this matter.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND,
+
+In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their
+adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election,
+the President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore
+been arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by
+the President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the
+following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or
+military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they
+shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons
+availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or parole of
+honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the United States, and
+in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, conversation, or information
+of any kind the existing insurrection against the Government of the United
+States.
+
+To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this
+proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
+
+WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862
+
+To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
+
+I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State
+from James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the in
+exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a copy
+of the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the of taking
+such articles as persons in this country may wish to exhibit on that
+occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared for the purpose, I
+recommend that authority be given to charter a suitable merchant vessel,
+in order that facilities similar to those afforded by the government
+exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to citizens of the United States
+who may desire to contribute to the exhibition of this year.
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL.
+
+WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862.
+
+GENERAL BUELL:
+
+Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the progress and
+condition of the movement in that direction. Answer.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
+
+January 6, 1862.
+
+BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it
+disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, who
+says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize your views,
+and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. Of the two, I
+would rather have a point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap
+than Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery of the enemy's
+communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, because it is in
+the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, while Nashville is
+not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East Tennessee would not be
+a diversion in your favor rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a
+movement toward Nashville is the main object. But my distress is that our
+friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, and even
+now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal
+protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South.
+My despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowledge of
+Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East Tennessee, and they
+will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot safely show them. They
+would despair, possibly resign to go and save their families somehow,
+or die with them. I do not intend this to be an order in any sense, but
+merely, as intimated before, to show you the grounds of my anxiety.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL.
+
+WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862.
+
+BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville:
+
+Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you can
+be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. Delay is
+ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something definite. I
+send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
+
+WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862
+
+TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of
+his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this government, and a
+copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relative to
+the questions involved in the taking from the British steamer Trent of
+certain citizens of the United States by order of Captain Wilkes of the
+United States Navy. This correspondence may be considered as a sequel to
+that previously communicated to Congress relating to the same subject.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK,
+
+JANUARY 10, 1862.
+
+HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI ST. Louis, January 6, 1862.
+
+To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT:
+
+In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to state
+that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with General
+Buell and have since sent him all the information I could obtain of the
+enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. No considerable
+force has been sent from those places to Bowling Green. They have about
+22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is strongly fortified. I have at
+Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only about 15,000, which, after leaving
+guards at these places, would give me but little over 10,000 men with
+which to assist General Buell. It would be madness to attempt anything
+serious with such a force, and I cannot at the present time withdraw any
+from Missouri without risking the loss of this State. The troops recently
+raised in other States of this department have, without my knowledge, been
+sent to Kentucky and Kansas.
+
+I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate the
+difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations of Lane,
+Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri that it is
+estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the government. We
+are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and others have a considerable
+army in the southwest, against which I am operating with all my available
+force.
+
+This city and most of the middle and northern counties are
+insurrectionary,--burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,--and
+can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large portion of the
+foreign troops organized by General Fremont are unreliable; indeed, many
+of them are already mutinous. They have been tampered with by politicians,
+and made to believe that if they get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's
+return the government will be forced to restore him to duty here. It
+is believed that some high officers are in the plot I have already been
+obliged to disarm several of these organizations, and I am daily expecting
+more serious outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the want of proper
+general officers to command the troops and enforce order and discipline,
+and especially to protect public property from robbery and plunder.
+Some of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department are entirely
+ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure you, Mr.
+President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such means. I am
+in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build a bridge with
+a dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is true that I have some
+very good green timber, which will answer the purpose as soon as I can get
+it into shape and season it a little.
+
+I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having
+received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. If
+it be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while another
+moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, it will be a
+repetition of the same strategic error which produced the disaster of Bull
+Run. To operate on exterior lines against an enemy occupying a central
+position will fail, as it always has failed, in ninety-nine cases out of a
+hundred. It is condemned by every military authority I have ever read.
+
+General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the same
+position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the armies of
+McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run.
+
+Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+H. W. HALLECK, Major-General
+
+[Indorsement]
+
+The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. It is
+exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be done.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW.
+
+WASHINGTON, D. C., January 11, 1862
+
+GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston:
+
+I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General Butler
+to officer his two un-officered regiments.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861
+
+BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL.
+
+MY DEAR SIR--Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you say, "I
+received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at once devote my
+efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my many cares I have not
+seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's letter to you. For my own
+views, I have not offered and do not now offer them as orders; and while I
+am glad to have them respectfully considered, I would blame you to follow
+them contrary to your own clear judgment, unless I should put them in the
+form of orders. As to General McClellan's views, you understand your duty
+in regard to them better than I do.
+
+With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that
+we have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of
+concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail unless we
+can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for his; and that
+this can only be done by menacing him with superior forces at different
+points at the same time, so that we can safely attack one or both if he
+makes no change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the other, forbear to
+attack the strengthened one, but seize and hold the weakened one, gaining
+so much.
+
+To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to reinforce
+Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had seized and held
+Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to criticise. I did not
+lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less harshly of Patterson than
+some others seem to.... Applying the principle to your case, my idea is
+that Halleck shall menace Columbus and "down river" generally, while you
+menace Bowling Green and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate
+at Bowling Green, do not retire from his front, yet do not fight him there
+either, but seize Columbus and East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed
+by the concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter of no small anxiety
+to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East Tennessee
+line is so long and over so bad a road.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+(Indorsement.)
+
+Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send
+General Halleck a copy of it.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they have
+got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. Without a
+knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, will hand you
+this letter. He is an educated and talented German gentleman, as true a
+man as lives. With his assistance you can set everything right with
+the Germans.... My clear judgment is that, with reference to the German
+element in your command, you should have Governor Koerner with you; and if
+agreeable to you and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that
+he can afford to give his time. He does not wish to command in the field,
+though he has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes
+into the place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish
+assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance with
+Governor Koerner.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
+
+WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862
+
+TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of
+his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this government, and a copy
+of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relating to the
+capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, passengers
+on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes of the
+United States Navy.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.
+
+DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON.
+
+January 20, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN,
+
+Commanding Armies of the United States:
+
+You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend the
+writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately of the
+Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged to be guilty
+of treasonable practices against this government.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
+
+
+
+
+PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 27, 1862.
+
+Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general
+movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States against the
+insurgent forces.
+
+That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of
+the Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near Munfordville,
+Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in the Gulf of
+Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day.
+
+That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective
+commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey
+additional orders when duly given.
+
+That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War and
+of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the General-in-chief, with
+all other commanders and subordinates of land and naval forces, will
+severally be held to their strict and full responsibilities for the prompt
+execution of this order.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO SECRETARY STANTON,
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862
+
+HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the
+"Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the
+adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General McClellan, and
+not any more. I have not intended, and do not now intend, that it shall be
+a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, sober column of 10,000 or 15,000.
+General Lane has been told by me many times that he is under the command
+of General Hunter, and assented to it as often as told. It was the
+distinct agreement between him and me, when I appointed him, that he was
+to be under Hunter.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862.
+
+Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac,
+after providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into an
+expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a point upon
+the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas Junction, all
+details to be in the discretion of the commander-in-chief, and the
+expedition to move before or on the 22d day of February next.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS
+
+TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN,
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN.
+
+DEAR SIR--You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement
+of the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the
+Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the railroad on
+the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad southwest
+of Manassas.
+
+If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I
+shall gladly yield my plan to yours.
+
+First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time and
+money than mine?
+
+Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine?
+
+Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine?
+
+Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would
+break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would?
+
+Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by your
+plan than mine?
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General McClellan,
+
+dated February 3,1862.
+
+First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach the
+Occoquan, what?
+
+Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the
+Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to cross
+the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of Occoquan? This
+would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, but would, on the
+contrary, leave us two miles farther from our ultimate destination.
+
+Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not be
+attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads from
+Manassas; and if so, what?
+
+
+
+
+TO WM. H. HERNDON.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862.
+
+DEAR WILLIAM:--Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you say
+about the money matter.
+
+As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable length.
+God bless you, says
+
+Your friend,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON
+
+February 4, 1862
+
+
+A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
+
+To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting:
+
+Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United
+States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the month
+of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and convicted for
+being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said court sentenced to
+be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday the 7th day of February,
+AD. 1862:
+
+And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly besought
+me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon to a term of
+imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it to be my duty to
+refuse:
+
+And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful application
+made for the commutation of his sentence may have prevented the said
+Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary preparation for the awful
+change which awaits him;
+
+Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
+United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto him, the
+said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited sentence, until
+Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, between the hours of
+twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the afternoon of the said day,
+when the said sentence shall be executed.
+
+In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the
+prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human authority,
+he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and Father of all
+men.
+
+In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.
+
+Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. 1862,
+and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.
+
+WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862
+
+To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
+
+The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the
+Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides:
+
+"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and
+consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired
+list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such
+officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be
+thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation
+of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks
+of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy,
+be restored to the active list, and not otherwise."
+
+In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was
+nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of
+the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union
+in the expedition to the coast of South Carolina.
+
+Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond
+with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence as
+an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a
+vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry displayed in the
+capture of Forts Walker and Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port
+Royal Harbor, on the 7th of November, 1861.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, Leavenworth, Kansas:
+
+My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of both
+General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally
+oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and must command when
+they serve together; though in so far as he can consistently with the
+public service and his own honor oblige General Lane, he will also oblige
+me. If they cannot come to an amicable understanding, General Lane must
+report to General Hunter for duty, according to the rules, or decline the
+service.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL PRISONERS.
+
+WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 14,1862.
+
+The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of
+political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States,
+was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public
+mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, and treason
+astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces
+superior in number to the standing army of the United States.
+
+Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. Defection
+appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet,
+in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign
+countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land or naval forces;
+commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy betrayed our
+councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces.
+Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as
+well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves.
+
+Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in
+the States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent
+unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection with
+all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which were
+most loyal, political combinations and secret societies were formed
+furthering the work of disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or
+cupidity or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals
+were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to the
+insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications,
+navy yards, arsenals, military posts, and garrisons one after another were
+betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents.
+
+Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency.
+The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial
+machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the
+government, but to embarrass and betray it.
+
+Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the
+abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been prevented
+by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect
+moderation, in our intercourse with nations.
+
+The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not
+distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal
+Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of
+universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain
+itself.
+
+Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly levied
+and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new hopes to the
+insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease and desertions
+commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had
+not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States.
+
+In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy the
+extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases of
+insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces,
+unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed
+measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable
+correspondence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to
+new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the
+writ of habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were
+represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal and treasonable
+practices to be arrested by special civil as well as military agencies
+and detained in military custody when necessary to prevent them and deter
+others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted,
+and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time
+under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with
+the public safety.
+
+Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line
+between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure
+of the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of public danger and
+facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions
+which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is
+believed to have culminated and to be declining.
+
+The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to
+the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the public
+welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state
+prisoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing
+to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in
+hostility to the United States.
+
+The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from the
+effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the
+insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed
+incompatible with the public safety.
+
+To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole,
+the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of treason or
+disloyalty which they may have comminuted.
+
+Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the
+military authorities alone.
+
+By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862
+
+TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES:
+
+The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the
+Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides
+
+"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and
+consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired
+list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such
+officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be
+thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation
+of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks
+of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy,
+be restored to the active list, and not otherwise."
+
+In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the navy,
+was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command
+of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently rendered such
+important service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of North
+Carolina.
+
+Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond
+with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence
+as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Louis M. Goldsborough
+receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry
+displayed in the combined attack of the forces commanded by him and
+Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of Roanoke Island and the
+destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, and 10th of February, 1862.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT
+
+TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
+
+February 16, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri:
+
+You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from
+outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the vigilance,
+energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full co-operation.
+Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from Bowling Green will.
+They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to within a few miles of Fort
+Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville undisturbed. It is unsafe to
+rely that they will not dare to expose Nashville to Buell. A small part of
+their force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad
+as they go, and keep Buell out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile
+Nashville will be abundantly defended by forces from all South and perhaps
+from hers at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from General Thomas on
+the upper Cumberland dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad
+at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort
+Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at
+Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly important,
+and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a copy of this to
+Buell.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.--IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS.
+
+WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 27, 1862
+
+It is ordered:
+
+First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military rank and
+the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state
+prisoners remaining in the military custody of the United States, and to
+determine whether in view of the public Safety and the existing rebellion
+they should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted
+to the civil tribunals for trial.
+
+Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and the
+HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, appointed
+commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are authorized to
+examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and in a summary
+manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they may appoint,
+and make full report to the War Department.
+
+By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.
+
+
+
+
+ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE.
+
+Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a partial
+restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of those
+parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in insurrection
+and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and exercising the
+authority and discretion confided to me by the act of Congress, approved
+July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of
+duties on imports, and for other purposes," I hereby license and permit
+such commercial intercourse in all cases within the rules and regulations
+which have been or may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury for
+conducting and carrying on the same on the inland waters and ways of the
+United States.
+
+WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER,
+
+WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 4, 1862
+
+The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no
+interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or interests
+of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and aggrandizement
+are sought most safely and advantageously through the preservation not
+only of peace on their own part, but peace among all other nations. But
+while the United States are thus a friend to all other nations, they do
+not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish especial sentiments of
+friendship for, and sympathies with, those who, like themselves, have
+founded their institutions on the principle of the equal rights of men;
+and such nations being more prominently neighbors of the United States,
+the latter are co-operating with them in establishing civilization and
+culture on the American continent. Such being the general principles which
+govern the United States in their foreign relations, you may be assured,
+sir, that in all things this government will deal justly, frankly, and, if
+it be possible, even liberally with Peru, whose liberal sentiments toward
+us you have so kindly expressed.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION.
+
+March 6, 1862
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--I recommend
+the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies which shall be
+substantially as follows:
+
+"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which
+may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary
+aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the
+inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system."
+
+If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval
+of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it does command such
+approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately
+interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that
+they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal
+Government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as one of
+the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing
+insurrection entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be
+forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected
+region, and that all the slave States north of such part will then say,
+"The Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now
+choose to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope
+substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation
+completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. The
+point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at
+all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is equally made to
+all, the more northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the
+more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in
+their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" because, in my judgment,
+gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere
+financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress with the census tables
+and treasury reports before him can readily see for himself how very soon
+the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair valuation,
+all the slaves in any named State. Such a proposition on the part of the
+General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to
+interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the
+absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people
+immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free
+choice with them.
+
+In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union must
+be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." I said
+this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made and continues to be
+an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment of the
+national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once
+cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue; and
+it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the
+ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously
+promise great efficiency toward ending the struggle must and will come.
+
+The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be esteemed
+no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered would not
+be of more value to the States and private persons concerned than are the
+institution and property in it in the present aspect of affairs.
+
+While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would
+be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is
+recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical
+results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my
+country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the
+subject.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES.
+
+STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862
+
+HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C.
+
+SIR:--The government at my special request a few months since contracted
+for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder calibre, and a
+limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing about fourteen pounds
+each. The reports showing the superiority of this gun and projectile, both
+as regards range, accuracy, and execution, for field service over that of
+all others at the battle of Fort Donelson, leads me to request that there
+be furnished to the State of Illinois in the shortest time practicable
+seven batteries of 12-pounder calibre James rifled guns, with carriages,
+harness, implements, etc., complete and ready for field service, together
+with the following fixed ammunition to each gun, viz., 225 shells, 225
+canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing about 24 pounds each, and
+also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid projectiles for each of the
+guns of the fourteen batteries named above, weighing about 14 pounds each,
+all to be of the James model.
+
+Very respectfully,
+
+RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois.
+
+[Indorsement.]
+
+March 8, 1862.
+
+The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven
+additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the object
+is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have so as to make
+each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two 12-pounders. I shall be
+very glad to have the requisition filled if it can be without detriment to
+the service.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON
+
+March 8, 1862.
+
+Ordered: 1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac
+proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter
+upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the troops to
+be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four army corps, to
+be commanded according to seniority of rank, as follows:
+
+First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by
+Major-General I. McDowell. Second Corps to consist of three divisions, and
+to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. Third Corps to consist
+of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General S. P.
+Heintzelman. Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be
+commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes.
+
+2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned to
+the commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of their
+respective corps.
+
+3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in command
+of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be military
+governor of the District of Columbia.
+
+4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as not
+to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to be
+underwritten by the Army of the Potomac.
+
+5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks,
+will be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General Lander's)
+divisions.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862
+
+Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the
+Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a force
+as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of all the
+army corps shall leave said city entirely secure.
+
+That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army of
+the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations until the
+navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall
+be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or until the
+President shall hereafter give express permission.
+
+That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations
+which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended to
+move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early
+as the 18th day of March instant, and the general-in-chief shall be
+responsible that it so move as early as that day.
+
+Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to
+capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the
+Chesapeake Bay.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN
+
+
+
+
+INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER SLAVE STATE
+
+REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD.
+
+MEMORANDUM
+
+"DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to come
+to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring such of
+your colleagues as are in town."
+
+WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862.
+
+Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General Blair
+in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and
+verbally communicated the President's invitation, and stated that the
+President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations of
+Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of
+his message of the 6th instant.
+
+This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, assembled
+at the White House at the appointed time, and after some little delay were
+admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were the only members from
+Maryland present, and, I think, were the only members of the delegation at
+that time in the city. I know that Mr. Pearoe, of the Senate, and Messrs.
+Webster and Calvert, of the House, were absent.
+
+After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, in
+substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation
+with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since he had sent
+it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had
+avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore inferred that the
+import of the message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical
+to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would talk with
+us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion.
+
+The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or wound
+the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his purpose was to
+protect the one and respect the other; that we were engaged in a terrible,
+wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were in the field, and must
+continue in the field as long as the war lasts; that these armies must,
+of necessity, be brought into contact with slaves in the States we
+represented and in other States as they advanced; that slaves would come
+to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; that he was constantly
+annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a
+certain class complained if the slave was not protected by the army;
+persons were frequently found who, participating in these views, acted
+in a way unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders
+complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves induced
+to abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints were numerous,
+loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the
+progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the government
+in the States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates
+that at some day the border States would unite with them, and thus tend
+to prolong the war; and he was of opinion, if this resolution should be
+adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of irritation
+and these hopes would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward
+shortening the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved
+by Union armies; that he made this proposition in good faith, and desired
+it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same patriotic
+spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a subject exclusively
+under the control of the States, and must be adopted or rejected by each
+for itself; that he did not claim nor had this government any right to
+coerce them for that purpose; that such was no part of his purpose in
+making this proposition, and he wished it to be clearly understood; that
+he did not expect us there to be prepared to give him an answer, but he
+hoped we would take the subject into serious consideration, confer
+with one another, and then take such course as we felt our duty and the
+interests of our constituents required of us.
+
+Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not considered
+a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in operation which
+would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not think that this
+proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, he and his
+friends felt solicitous as to the message on account of the different
+constructions which the resolution and message had received. The New York
+Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must accept gradual
+emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get something worse.
+
+The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with the New
+York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; he
+would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in Missouri, he
+said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the
+operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating conduct
+to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the Confederates that
+Missouri would at some time merge herself alongside of them, which, in his
+judgment, the passage of this resolution by Congress and its acceptance by
+Missouri would accomplish.
+
+Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the refusal
+of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know if the
+President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of this
+scheme.
+
+The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of the
+States on this particular subject. He should lament their refusal to
+accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it.
+
+Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was
+any power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of
+emancipation.
+
+The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then went
+off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing declaration nor
+material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning.
+
+Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon
+slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that they would
+be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss and
+they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced
+into emancipation, either by the direct action of the government or by
+indirection, as through the emancipation of slaves in this District, or
+the confiscation of Southern property as now threatened; and he thought
+before they would consent to consider this proposition they would require
+to be informed on these points. The President replied that, unless he was
+expelled by the act of God or the Confederate armies he should occupy
+that house for three years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had
+nothing to fear either for her institutions or her interests on the points
+referred to.
+
+Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say could
+be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition
+with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined to
+do."
+
+The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not
+do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and,
+again intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the "Greeley
+faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter it before the
+proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided.
+
+[The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. D.W.]
+
+Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the
+constitutionality of his scheme.
+
+The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that;
+and the proposition now submitted does not encounter any constitutional
+difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving such
+State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the resolution, as proposed by
+him, would be considered rather as the expression of a sentiment than as
+involving any constitutional question.
+
+Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at all
+it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a proposition
+from them to the slave States, affording them an inducement to put aside
+this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected that members
+representing slaveholding constituencies should declare at once, and in
+advance of any proposition to them, for the emancipation of slavery.
+
+The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a
+fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best;
+that he did not know how this scheme was received by the members from the
+free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; but
+for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, and he
+could not tell how they would vote. And in reply to some expression of Mr.
+Hall as to his own opinion regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend
+to disguise his anti-slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong, and
+should continue to think so; but that was not the question we had to deal
+with now. Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North
+as of the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the North as well as
+the South was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He thought the
+institution wrong and ought never to have existed; but yet he recognized
+the rights of property which had grown out of it, and would respect those
+rights as fully as similar rights in any other property; that property can
+exist and does legally exist. He thought such a law wrong, but the rights
+of property resulting must be respected; he would get rid of the odious
+law, not by violating the rights, but by encouraging the proposition and
+offering inducements to give it up.
+
+Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by
+Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be our final
+action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere
+devotion to the happiness and glory of his country; and with that
+conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he
+had made.
+
+After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and
+I immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. J. W.
+CRISFIELD.
+
+We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of
+Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the
+occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given.
+
+J. W. MENZIES, J. J. CRITTENDEN, R. MALLORY.
+
+March 10, 1862.
+
+
+
+
+PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862.
+
+Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head of
+the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved from the
+command of the other military departments, he retaining command of the
+Department of the Potomac.
+
+Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective commands of
+Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of that under General
+Buell as lies west of a north and south line indefinitely drawn through
+Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and designated the Department of the
+Mississippi, and that until otherwise ordered Major General Halleck have
+command of said department.
+
+Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac and
+east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military department, to
+be called the Mountain Department, and that the same be commanded by
+Major-General Fremont.
+
+That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this order by
+them, respectively report severally and directly to the Secretary of War,
+and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be expected of all and
+each of them.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN.
+
+WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN:
+
+The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon by
+yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to the same
+but gives the following directions as to its execution:
+
+1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely certain
+that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position and line of
+communication.
+
+2. Leave Washington entirely secure.
+
+3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new base
+at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at all events,
+move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the enemy by some
+route.
+
+EDWARD M. STANTON, Secretary of War.
+
+
+
+
+SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN
+
+WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862
+
+I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this truly
+elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the mechanics
+of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express my hearty
+thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of workmanship which I
+really wish I had time to acknowledge in more fitting words, and I might
+then follow your idea that it is suggestive, for it is evidently expected
+that a good deal of whipping is to be done. But as we meet here socially
+let us not think only of whipping rebels, or of those who seem to think
+only of whipping negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it is to be
+hoped are in store for us, when seated behind a good pair of horses we can
+crack our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and prosperous land.
+With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my business duties. [It
+was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.]
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
+
+WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862.
+
+TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the
+Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides:
+
+"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and
+consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired
+list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such
+officers as he may believe the good of the service requires to be thus
+placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of
+the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks cf
+Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be
+restored to the active list, and not otherwise."
+
+In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was
+nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of
+the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union
+in the expedition to the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida.
+
+Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond
+with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as
+an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a
+vote of thanks of Congress for his service and gallantry displayed in the
+capture since the 21st December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts of
+Georgia and Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound,
+Amelia Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville
+and Fernandina.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's division
+to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with great pain,
+understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you could know the
+full pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justify it, even
+beyond a mere acknowledgment that the commander-in-chief may order what he
+pleases.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+GIFT OF SOME RABBITS
+
+TO MICHAEL CROCK. 360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 2, 1862.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your
+present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862.
+
+The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of
+General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington until
+further orders from the department, to operate at or in the direction of
+Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may require; that the other
+Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to General McClellan as speedily
+as possible; that General McClellan commence his forward movements from
+his new base at once, and that such incidental modifications as the
+foregoing may render proper be also made. A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.
+
+WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862.
+
+GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN:
+
+Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that the
+forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, under
+your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now have
+over one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of General Wool's
+command. I think you better break the enemy's line from Yorktown to
+Warwick River at once. This will probably use time as advantageously as
+you can.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN, President
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
+
+WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN.
+
+MY DEAR SIR+--Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly
+sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much.
+
+Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and you
+knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in
+it certainly not without reluctance.
+
+After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men,
+without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the
+defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even to go
+to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, once designed for
+Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the line of Winchester and
+Strasburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper Potomac
+and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or would present when
+McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to
+turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order
+that Washington should, by the judgment of all the Commanders of corps, be
+left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that drove
+me to detain McDowell.
+
+I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks
+at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up and nothing
+substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to
+substitute something for it myself.
+
+And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line from
+Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, except
+what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 unorganized troops?
+This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade.
+
+There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you.
+When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 with you, I
+had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, taken as he said
+from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you and en route to you.
+You now say you will have but 85,000 when all enroute to you shall have
+reached you. How can this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for?
+
+As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely
+what a like number of your own would have to do if that command was away.
+I suppose the whole force which has gone forward to you is with you by
+this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a
+blow. By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you--that is, he
+will gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by
+reinforcements alone.
+
+And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike a
+blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remember
+I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field, instead
+of fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting and not surmounting
+a difficulty; that we would find the same enemy and the same or equal
+entrenchments at either place. The country will not fail to note--is
+noting now--that the present hesitation to move upon an entrenched enemy
+is but the story of Manassas repeated.
+
+I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in
+greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain
+you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can; but you
+must act.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: If the rigor of the confinement
+of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at Alton is endangering his life, or
+materially impairing his health, I wish it mitigated as far as it can be
+consistently with his safe detention.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+Please send above, by order of the President. JOHN HAY.
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES,
+
+APRIL 10, 1862.
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
+
+A Proclamation
+
+It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and
+naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and at the
+same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention
+and invasion.
+
+It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that at
+their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public worship
+which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have been
+received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our Heavenly
+Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then and there implore
+spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have been brought into
+affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war, and
+that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national counsels,
+to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of peace,
+harmony, and unity throughout our borders and hasten the establishment of
+fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth.
+
+In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
+United States to be affixed.
+
+Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, and of
+the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C.
+
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. April 16, 1862.
+
+FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The act
+entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to service or
+labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been approved and signed.
+
+I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to abolish
+slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the national
+capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there
+has never been in my mind any question on the subject except the one of
+expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If there be matters
+within and about this act which might have taken a course or shape more
+satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am
+gratified that the two principles of compensation and colonization are
+both recognized and practically applied in the act.
+
+In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be presented
+within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not thereafter"; and
+there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane or absent persons. I
+presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I recommend that it be
+supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
+
+WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:
+
+Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is
+evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of
+McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite the
+town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL
+
+
+A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 24, 1862.
+
+Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--The member of Congress from the district including Tiffin,
+O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. I believe I turned
+over a despatch to you from some persons there, asking a suspension, so
+as for them to be heard, or something of the sort. If nothing, or nothing
+amounting to anything, has been done, I think the suspension might now be
+suspended, and the commission go forward.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
+
+WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862.
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:
+
+Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint Captain
+Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please answer.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862.
+
+TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
+
+In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation to
+Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was arrested
+and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence which whether
+he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such proceedings to
+be had against him for the public safety. I deem it incompatible with the
+public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to General Stone, to make a more
+particular statement of the evidence.
+
+He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at the
+time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court martial
+and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without serious injury
+to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary delay;
+the charges and specifications will be furnished him in due season, and
+every facility for his defense will be afforded him by the War Department.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN,
+
+WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN
+
+EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:
+
+Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it
+argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done?
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
+
+WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee:
+
+I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General Schofield
+independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want of this their
+local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, so far, for fear of
+interfering with and embarrassing your operations. Please answer telling
+me whether anything, and what, I can do for them without injuriously
+interfering with you.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862
+
+GENTLEMEN:--I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical
+Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assurances
+of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, and loyal
+class of my fellow citizens in an important crisis which involves, in my
+judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties of our own dear land,
+but in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of mankind in many
+countries and through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world
+knows, how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on
+my advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all
+know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents have
+brought into employment to sustain a government against which there has
+been brought not one complaint of real injury committed against society
+at home or abroad. You all may recollect that in taking up the sword thus
+forced into our hands this government appealed to the prayers of the pious
+and the good, and declared that it placed its whole dependence on the
+favor of God. I now humbly and reverently, in your presence, reiterate the
+acknowledgment of that dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please
+the Divine Being who determines the destinies of nations, this shall
+remain a united people, and that they will, humbly seeking the divine
+guidance, make their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits
+to themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of
+mankind.
+
+
+
+
+TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH.
+
+FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862
+
+FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH.
+
+SIR:--Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a
+reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he
+again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River.
+
+If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend with
+the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying gunboats,
+send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at once. Please report
+your action on this to me at once. I shall be found either at General
+Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami.
+
+Your obedient servant,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN
+
+TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.
+
+FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862
+
+MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing part of
+a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of course, will
+have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a few words to you
+privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps organization not only
+on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals whom you had selected and
+assigned as generals of divisions, but also on the unanimous opinion of
+every military man I could get an opinion from, and every modern military
+book, yourself only excepted. Of course, I did not on my own judgment
+pretend to understand the subject. I now think it indispensable for you to
+know how your struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot
+entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one or
+two pets, and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have had
+no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes the commanders of these corps
+are, of course, the three highest officers with you; but I am constantly
+told that you have no consultation or communication with them; that you
+consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz John Porter, and
+perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints are true or just;
+but at all events, it is proper you should know of their existence. Do the
+commanders of corps disobey your orders in anything?
+
+When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you
+thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the
+Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that
+Senators and Representatives speak of me in their places without question,
+and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting letters to
+them for taking no greater liberty with them.
+
+But to return. Are you strong enough--are you strong enough even with my
+help--to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes
+all at once? This is a practical and very serious question to you?
+
+The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, and,
+of course, I only desire the good of the cause.
+
+Yours truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH,
+
+FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862
+
+FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH.
+
+MY DEAR SIR:--I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for the
+purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in supposing
+the movement made by you and therein reported was made in accordance with
+my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I avail myself of the
+occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all your conduct, so far as
+known to me, during my brief visit here.
+
+Yours very truly,
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+
+
+
+PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS.
+
+May 12, 1862.
+
+BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
+
+A Proclamation.
+
+Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight
+hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States,
+including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port
+Royal, in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the State of
+Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed
+under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and
+New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the blockade of the same
+ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of
+commerce:
+
+Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
+United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section
+of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, entitled "An act
+further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for
+other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of
+Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so far cease and determine,
+from and after the first day of June next, that commercial intercourse
+with those ports, except as to persons, things, and information contraband
+of war, may from that time be carried on, subject to the laws of the
+United States, and to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations
+which are prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this
+date, which is appended to this proclamation.
+
+In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
+United States to be affixed.
+
+Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year of
+our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence
+of the United States the eighty-sixth.
+
+
+A. LINCOLN.
+
+By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham
+Lincoln, Volume Five, by Abraham Lincoln
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS ***
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